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    <title>New Books in American Politics</title>
    <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com</link>
    <language>en</language>
    <copyright>New Books Network</copyright>
    <description>This podcast is a channel on the New Books Network. The New Books Network is an academic audio library dedicated to public education. In each episode you will hear scholars discuss their recently published research with another expert in their field.

Discover our 150+ channels and browse our 28,000+ episodes on our website: newbooksnetwork.com

Subscribe to our free weekly Substack newsletter to get informative, engaging content straight to your inbox: https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/

Follow us on Instagram and Bluesky to learn about more our latest interviews: @newbooksnetwork</description>
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      <title>New Books in American Politics</title>
      <link>https://newbooksnetwork.com</link>
    </image>
    <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
    <itunes:type>episodic</itunes:type>
    <itunes:subtitle>Interviews with scholars of American politics about their new books</itunes:subtitle>
    <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
    <itunes:summary>This podcast is a channel on the New Books Network. The New Books Network is an academic audio library dedicated to public education. In each episode you will hear scholars discuss their recently published research with another expert in their field.

Discover our 150+ channels and browse our 28,000+ episodes on our website: newbooksnetwork.com

Subscribe to our free weekly Substack newsletter to get informative, engaging content straight to your inbox: https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/

Follow us on Instagram and Bluesky to learn about more our latest interviews: @newbooksnetwork</itunes:summary>
    <content:encoded>
      <![CDATA[<p>This podcast is a channel on the New Books Network. The New Books Network is an academic audio library dedicated to public education. In each episode you will hear scholars discuss their recently published research with another expert in their field.</p>
<p>Discover our 150+ channels and browse our 28,000+ episodes on our website: <a href="http://newbooksnetwork.com"><u>newbooksnetwork.com</u></a></p>
<p>Subscribe to our free weekly Substack newsletter to get informative, engaging content straight to your inbox: <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/"><u>https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/</u></a></p>
<p>Follow us on Instagram and Bluesky to learn about more our latest interviews: @newbooksnetwork</p>
<p><br></p>]]>
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    <itunes:owner>
      <itunes:name>New Books Network</itunes:name>
      <itunes:email>marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com</itunes:email>
    </itunes:owner>
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    <itunes:category text="News">
      <itunes:category text="Politics"/>
    </itunes:category>
    <itunes:category text="Government">
    </itunes:category>
    <itunes:category text="Arts">
      <itunes:category text="Books"/>
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    <item>
      <title>The Crisis of American Political Economy: On the New Conservative Policy Agenda with Chris Griswold</title>
      <description>In this sixth episode of Season 5, I interview Mr. Chris Griswold. An alum of Wheaton College and Princeton Theological Seminary, he was formerly a senior advisor to then Senator Marco Rubio, and is currently the Policy Director for American Compass—a leading center-right public policy think-tank.

Recently, he contributed to the book, The New Conservatives (2025), an anthology edited by his colleague, Oren Cass, that re-articulates a conservative economic vision for the country. Drawing on it, we discuss the crisis of America’s political economy, from questions surrounding current AI, automation, and the end of free trade; political instability and populism; how economic policy can best serve American workers and families; and what makes us hopeful for the country’s future during its 250th anniversary.

Hosted by Ryan Shinkel, Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions. The transcript for this interview is available on our new Substack page, “Madison’s Footnotes.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this sixth episode of Season 5, I interview Mr. Chris Griswold. An alum of Wheaton College and Princeton Theological Seminary, he was formerly a senior advisor to then Senator Marco Rubio, and is currently the Policy Director for American Compass—a leading center-right public policy think-tank.

Recently, he contributed to the book, The New Conservatives (2025), an anthology edited by his colleague, Oren Cass, that re-articulates a conservative economic vision for the country. Drawing on it, we discuss the crisis of America’s political economy, from questions surrounding current AI, automation, and the end of free trade; political instability and populism; how economic policy can best serve American workers and families; and what makes us hopeful for the country’s future during its 250th anniversary.

Hosted by Ryan Shinkel, Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions. The transcript for this interview is available on our new Substack page, “Madison’s Footnotes.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this sixth episode of Season 5, I interview Mr. <a href="https://x.com/Chris_Griz">Chris Griswold</a>. An alum of Wheaton College and Princeton Theological Seminary, he was formerly a senior advisor to then Senator Marco Rubio, and is currently the Policy Director for <a href="https://americancompass.org/about/">American Compass</a>—a leading center-right public policy think-tank.</p>
<p>Recently, he contributed to the book, <a href="https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-New-Conservatives/Oren-Cass/9798895150504"><em>The New Conservatives</em></a> (2025), an anthology edited by his colleague, Oren Cass, that re-articulates a conservative economic vision for the country. Drawing on it, we discuss the crisis of America’s political economy, from questions surrounding current AI, automation, and the end of free trade; political instability and populism; how economic policy can best serve American workers and families; and what makes us hopeful for the country’s future during its 250th anniversary.</p>
<p>Hosted by Ryan Shinkel, <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton University’s <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/">James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</a>. The transcript for this interview is available on our new <a href="https://substack.com/@madisonsnotes">Substack page</a>, “Madison’s Footnotes.”</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
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    <item>
      <title>Ladder or Lottery? Gary Hoover on the Consequences of Broken Economic Promises</title>
      <description>Today I have the pleasure of speaking with Gary Hoover about his new book, Ladder or Lottery: Economic Promises and the Reality of Who Gets Ahead (University of California Press, 2026). Gary is Professor of Economics and Executive Director of the Murphy Institute at Tulane University. One of the most challenging aspects of life is that sometimes, despite our very best efforts, we still miss the mark. Life can feel like a lottery, where success comes down to luck or the privilege to have the resources to buy as many lottery tickets as possible. For some, life appears like a ladder. No matter where you start, all you need to do is climb to get to the top. These metaphors encapsulate the dilemmas explored by Gary in his important work, as he examines in a variety of case studies whether economic conditions look more like a ladder or more like a lottery. When enough people feel that the system is more like a lottery than a ladder, social order breaks down, protests erupt, and, on occasion, revolutions take place. To take on this weighty topic, I’m thrilled today to have Gary Hoover on the podcast.

Gary A. Hoover is Executive Director of the Murphy Institute, Professor of Economics, and Affiliate Professor of Law at Tulane University.

Caleb Zakarin is the CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I have the pleasure of speaking with Gary Hoover about his new book, Ladder or Lottery: Economic Promises and the Reality of Who Gets Ahead (University of California Press, 2026). Gary is Professor of Economics and Executive Director of the Murphy Institute at Tulane University. One of the most challenging aspects of life is that sometimes, despite our very best efforts, we still miss the mark. Life can feel like a lottery, where success comes down to luck or the privilege to have the resources to buy as many lottery tickets as possible. For some, life appears like a ladder. No matter where you start, all you need to do is climb to get to the top. These metaphors encapsulate the dilemmas explored by Gary in his important work, as he examines in a variety of case studies whether economic conditions look more like a ladder or more like a lottery. When enough people feel that the system is more like a lottery than a ladder, social order breaks down, protests erupt, and, on occasion, revolutions take place. To take on this weighty topic, I’m thrilled today to have Gary Hoover on the podcast.

Gary A. Hoover is Executive Director of the Murphy Institute, Professor of Economics, and Affiliate Professor of Law at Tulane University.

Caleb Zakarin is the CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I have the pleasure of speaking with Gary Hoover about his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520402621">Ladder or Lottery: Economic Promises and the Reality of Who Gets Ahead</a> (University of California Press, 2026). Gary is Professor of Economics and Executive Director of the Murphy Institute at Tulane University. One of the most challenging aspects of life is that sometimes, despite our very best efforts, we still miss the mark. Life can feel like a lottery, where success comes down to luck or the privilege to have the resources to buy as many lottery tickets as possible. For some, life appears like a ladder. No matter where you start, all you need to do is climb to get to the top. These metaphors encapsulate the dilemmas explored by Gary in his important work, as he examines in a variety of case studies whether economic conditions look more like a ladder or more like a lottery. When enough people feel that the system is more like a lottery than a ladder, social order breaks down, protests erupt, and, on occasion, revolutions take place. To take on this weighty topic, I’m thrilled today to have Gary Hoover on the podcast.</p>
<p>Gary A. Hoover is Executive Director of the Murphy Institute, Professor of Economics, and Affiliate Professor of Law at Tulane University.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4674</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Nathaniel Greenberg, "The Long War of Ideas: American Public Diplomacy in Arabic After 9/11" (Columbia UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>In the wake of the September 11 attacks, US officials identified the so-called battle for hearts and minds as the “second front” in the war on terror. A wave of funding flowed into public diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking to change views of the United States through Arabic-language communications—often while hiding the traces of American origins. To what extent did this vast propaganda apparatus sway Arab public opinion? Which ideas and actors shaped American public diplomacy in this period? What are the lessons for information strategy today?

The Long War of Ideas: American Public Diplomacy in Arabic After 9/11 (Columbia University Press, 2026) by Dr. Nathaniel Greenberg tells the story of American propaganda campaigns in the Middle East after 9/11, drawing on in-depth interviews with key players and previously classified documents. Dr. Greenberg shows how the United States tried to control perceptions of its response to 9/11 through news and entertainment, and reveals that Arab governments and unofficial actors were involved—knowingly or not—in distributing US propaganda. He explores the institutions, strategy, and rhetoric deployed in the war on terror, placing them in the context of American and Soviet influence campaigns during the Cold War. Greenberg argues that US government-backed broadcasting laid the groundwork for global information warfare, such as the rise of competing Russian and Chinese state media operations. Shedding light on the ideological underpinnings of American propaganda in Arabic after 9/11, The Long War of Ideas offers new insight into soft power in the twenty-first century.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 19 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the wake of the September 11 attacks, US officials identified the so-called battle for hearts and minds as the “second front” in the war on terror. A wave of funding flowed into public diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking to change views of the United States through Arabic-language communications—often while hiding the traces of American origins. To what extent did this vast propaganda apparatus sway Arab public opinion? Which ideas and actors shaped American public diplomacy in this period? What are the lessons for information strategy today?

The Long War of Ideas: American Public Diplomacy in Arabic After 9/11 (Columbia University Press, 2026) by Dr. Nathaniel Greenberg tells the story of American propaganda campaigns in the Middle East after 9/11, drawing on in-depth interviews with key players and previously classified documents. Dr. Greenberg shows how the United States tried to control perceptions of its response to 9/11 through news and entertainment, and reveals that Arab governments and unofficial actors were involved—knowingly or not—in distributing US propaganda. He explores the institutions, strategy, and rhetoric deployed in the war on terror, placing them in the context of American and Soviet influence campaigns during the Cold War. Greenberg argues that US government-backed broadcasting laid the groundwork for global information warfare, such as the rise of competing Russian and Chinese state media operations. Shedding light on the ideological underpinnings of American propaganda in Arabic after 9/11, The Long War of Ideas offers new insight into soft power in the twenty-first century.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the wake of the September 11 attacks, US officials identified the so-called battle for hearts and minds as the “second front” in the war on terror. A wave of funding flowed into public diplomacy in the Middle East, seeking to change views of the United States through Arabic-language communications—often while hiding the traces of American origins. To what extent did this vast propaganda apparatus sway Arab public opinion? Which ideas and actors shaped American public diplomacy in this period? What are the lessons for information strategy today?</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231215961">The Long War of Ideas: American Public Diplomacy in Arabic After 9/11</a> (Columbia University Press, 2026) by Dr. Nathaniel Greenberg tells the story of American propaganda campaigns in the Middle East after 9/11, drawing on in-depth interviews with key players and previously classified documents. Dr. Greenberg shows how the United States tried to control perceptions of its response to 9/11 through news and entertainment, and reveals that Arab governments and unofficial actors were involved—knowingly or not—in distributing US propaganda. He explores the institutions, strategy, and rhetoric deployed in the war on terror, placing them in the context of American and Soviet influence campaigns during the Cold War. Greenberg argues that US government-backed broadcasting laid the groundwork for global information warfare, such as the rise of competing Russian and Chinese state media operations. Shedding light on the ideological underpinnings of American propaganda in Arabic after 9/11, <em>The Long War of Ideas</em> offers new insight into soft power in the twenty-first century.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2918</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Victor Li, "Supreme Pressure: The Rejection of John J. Parker and the Birth of the Modern Supreme Court Confirmation Process" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2025)</title>
      <description>Supreme Pressure: The Rejection of John J. Parker and the Birth of the Modern Supreme Court Confirmation Process (Palgrave Macmillan, 2025)﻿ examines the 1930 Supreme Court nomination of John J. Parker, a turning point in American judicial politics. Alarmed by some of his past statements and opinions, labor and civil rights groups mounted a fierce campaign to block his confirmation. Not only was control of the Supreme Court hanging in the balance, but Parker's nomination symbolized a profound clash of ideologies, political agendas, economic doctrines, and interpretations of the Constitution. Their efforts sparked a dramatic Senate revolt, marking the first successful grassroots campaign to block a Supreme Court nominee.

By exploring the circumstances of Parker's rejection, this book traces how that battle laid the foundation for today's highly partisan and contentious confirmation process. The book also reintroduces Parker as a consequential but largely forgotten figure in American jurisprudence--one whose rulings helped shape the South's legal response to Brown v. Board of Education. Beyond the nomination fight, it delves into Parker's political campaigns, judicial opinions, and relationships with key public figures, charting his dramatic rise, humiliating defeat, and enduring influence.

Packed with intrigue, strategy, and the clash of competing ideologies, this is the story of how one nomination forever changed the rules of the game.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Supreme Pressure: The Rejection of John J. Parker and the Birth of the Modern Supreme Court Confirmation Process (Palgrave Macmillan, 2025)﻿ examines the 1930 Supreme Court nomination of John J. Parker, a turning point in American judicial politics. Alarmed by some of his past statements and opinions, labor and civil rights groups mounted a fierce campaign to block his confirmation. Not only was control of the Supreme Court hanging in the balance, but Parker's nomination symbolized a profound clash of ideologies, political agendas, economic doctrines, and interpretations of the Constitution. Their efforts sparked a dramatic Senate revolt, marking the first successful grassroots campaign to block a Supreme Court nominee.

By exploring the circumstances of Parker's rejection, this book traces how that battle laid the foundation for today's highly partisan and contentious confirmation process. The book also reintroduces Parker as a consequential but largely forgotten figure in American jurisprudence--one whose rulings helped shape the South's legal response to Brown v. Board of Education. Beyond the nomination fight, it delves into Parker's political campaigns, judicial opinions, and relationships with key public figures, charting his dramatic rise, humiliating defeat, and enduring influence.

Packed with intrigue, strategy, and the clash of competing ideologies, this is the story of how one nomination forever changed the rules of the game.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783032078636">Supreme Pressure: The Rejection of John J. Parker and the Birth of the Modern Supreme Court Confirmation Process </a>(Palgrave Macmillan, 2025)﻿ examines the 1930 Supreme Court nomination of John J. Parker, a turning point in American judicial politics. Alarmed by some of his past statements and opinions, labor and civil rights groups mounted a fierce campaign to block his confirmation. Not only was control of the Supreme Court hanging in the balance, but Parker's nomination symbolized a profound clash of ideologies, political agendas, economic doctrines, and interpretations of the Constitution. Their efforts sparked a dramatic Senate revolt, marking the first successful grassroots campaign to block a Supreme Court nominee.</p>
<p>By exploring the circumstances of Parker's rejection, this book traces how that battle laid the foundation for today's highly partisan and contentious confirmation process. The book also reintroduces Parker as a consequential but largely forgotten figure in American jurisprudence--one whose rulings helped shape the South's legal response to <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em>. Beyond the nomination fight, it delves into Parker's political campaigns, judicial opinions, and relationships with key public figures, charting his dramatic rise, humiliating defeat, and enduring influence.</p>
<p>Packed with intrigue, strategy, and the clash of competing ideologies, this is the story of how one nomination forever changed the rules of the game.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3271</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alisa Kessel, "Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Political theorist Alisa Kessel (University of Puget Sound) has an important and impressive new book, Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence. Kessel’s research grew out of her work on questions of consent and how consent is embedded within the social contract structure. Initially the plan for the research was to critique this concept of “rape culture” which had found its way into popular discourse as well as academic work and was somewhat unclear in terms of application and understanding. Kessel notes in the book and in our conversations that her thinking about the idea of rape culture owes a great deal to black feminists who had been writing about and discussing the underlying issue at the heart of rape culture, which is not just about violence against women, but more broadly about the political, societal, and cultural dimensions of domination, victimhood, and human value. Rape Fantasies develops this understanding and provides fascinating examples of this intersectional concept. One of the key claims of the book is that sexual violence is not accidental, it is not necessarily based on physical urges that just cannot be controlled; it is, instead, based in the dynamic of political domination thus making rape itself a political act. Part of the unexamined problem with rape is that it is built around an entitlement to dominate, which also makes the threat of sexual violence a political act. Rape Fantasies traces this idea through a number of different case studies that unpack the dimensions of this threat of sexual violence in a variety of circumstances and situations, tied, inevitably, to the duality of domination and subordination or victimization, which is also wrapped up with questions of who is deserving of protection and who is not as deserving.

Kessel explains that in examining sexual violence, what she found was multifaceted reflections and refractions, since the issue and the individual’s experience with sexual violence are neither simple nor linear. And the examples and case studies that make up the thrust of the book present this multidimensional nature of sexual violence. This multifaceted thinking about sexual violence also integrates an intersectional analysis, drawing on work from indigenous studies, feminist and women’s studies, feminist theory, black feminism, political theory and other connected schools of thought. The interrogation of rape and rape culture, particular in context of the political valence, “occurs across multiple axes of oppression, including white supremacist, heteropatriarchal, cisgender, settler colonial, and capitalist axes.”[1] The case study examples in Rape Fantasies include bathroom bills across the states, the idea of the frontier and modes of extraction, consent contracts and consent apps, and OnlyFans and intimacy on demand. Each example is deeply researched and unpacked, providing the reader with historical, legal, political, economic, cultural, and societal analyses of these complex areas of domination and entitlement.

Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence is an expansive undertaking, bringing together theoretical frameworks from different schools of thought and analysis, threaded with important case studies that help the reader think deeply about this concept and how it is operationalized in our daily lives. Even if we are not aware of these narratives, they surround us and shape so much of our thinking about how the world works. And why sexual violence remains so persistent.

Susan Liebell is Professor Emerita of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.

Lilly J. Goren is a Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, Wisconsin. 



[1] Alisa Kessel. Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence. Oxford University Press, 2025. p. 6.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political theorist Alisa Kessel (University of Puget Sound) has an important and impressive new book, Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence. Kessel’s research grew out of her work on questions of consent and how consent is embedded within the social contract structure. Initially the plan for the research was to critique this concept of “rape culture” which had found its way into popular discourse as well as academic work and was somewhat unclear in terms of application and understanding. Kessel notes in the book and in our conversations that her thinking about the idea of rape culture owes a great deal to black feminists who had been writing about and discussing the underlying issue at the heart of rape culture, which is not just about violence against women, but more broadly about the political, societal, and cultural dimensions of domination, victimhood, and human value. Rape Fantasies develops this understanding and provides fascinating examples of this intersectional concept. One of the key claims of the book is that sexual violence is not accidental, it is not necessarily based on physical urges that just cannot be controlled; it is, instead, based in the dynamic of political domination thus making rape itself a political act. Part of the unexamined problem with rape is that it is built around an entitlement to dominate, which also makes the threat of sexual violence a political act. Rape Fantasies traces this idea through a number of different case studies that unpack the dimensions of this threat of sexual violence in a variety of circumstances and situations, tied, inevitably, to the duality of domination and subordination or victimization, which is also wrapped up with questions of who is deserving of protection and who is not as deserving.

Kessel explains that in examining sexual violence, what she found was multifaceted reflections and refractions, since the issue and the individual’s experience with sexual violence are neither simple nor linear. And the examples and case studies that make up the thrust of the book present this multidimensional nature of sexual violence. This multifaceted thinking about sexual violence also integrates an intersectional analysis, drawing on work from indigenous studies, feminist and women’s studies, feminist theory, black feminism, political theory and other connected schools of thought. The interrogation of rape and rape culture, particular in context of the political valence, “occurs across multiple axes of oppression, including white supremacist, heteropatriarchal, cisgender, settler colonial, and capitalist axes.”[1] The case study examples in Rape Fantasies include bathroom bills across the states, the idea of the frontier and modes of extraction, consent contracts and consent apps, and OnlyFans and intimacy on demand. Each example is deeply researched and unpacked, providing the reader with historical, legal, political, economic, cultural, and societal analyses of these complex areas of domination and entitlement.

Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence is an expansive undertaking, bringing together theoretical frameworks from different schools of thought and analysis, threaded with important case studies that help the reader think deeply about this concept and how it is operationalized in our daily lives. Even if we are not aware of these narratives, they surround us and shape so much of our thinking about how the world works. And why sexual violence remains so persistent.

Susan Liebell is Professor Emerita of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.

Lilly J. Goren is a Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, Wisconsin. 



[1] Alisa Kessel. Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence. Oxford University Press, 2025. p. 6.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political theorist Alisa Kessel (University of Puget Sound) has an important and impressive new book<a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">, Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence</a>. Kessel’s research grew out of her work on questions of consent and how consent is embedded within the social contract structure. Initially the plan for the research was to critique this concept of “rape culture” which had found its way into popular discourse as well as academic work and was somewhat unclear in terms of application and understanding. Kessel notes in the book and in our conversations that her thinking about the idea of rape culture owes a great deal to black feminists who had been writing about and discussing the underlying issue at the heart of rape culture, which is not just about violence against women, but more broadly about the political, societal, and cultural dimensions of domination, victimhood, and human value. <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Rape Fantasies</a> develops this understanding and provides fascinating examples of this intersectional concept. One of the key claims of the book is that sexual violence is not accidental, it is not necessarily based on physical urges that just cannot be controlled; it is, instead, based in the dynamic of political domination thus making rape itself a political act. Part of the unexamined problem with rape is that it is built around an entitlement to dominate, which also makes the threat of sexual violence a political act. <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Rape Fantasies</a> traces this idea through a number of different case studies that unpack the dimensions of this threat of sexual violence in a variety of circumstances and situations, tied, inevitably, to the duality of domination and subordination or victimization, which is also wrapped up with questions of who is deserving of protection and who is not as deserving.</p>
<p>Kessel explains that in examining sexual violence, what she found was multifaceted reflections and refractions, since the issue and the individual’s experience with sexual violence are neither simple nor linear. And the examples and case studies that make up the thrust of the book present this multidimensional nature of sexual violence. This multifaceted thinking about sexual violence also integrates an intersectional analysis, drawing on work from indigenous studies, feminist and women’s studies, feminist theory, black feminism, political theory and other connected schools of thought. The interrogation of rape and rape culture, particular in context of the political valence, “occurs across multiple axes of oppression, including white supremacist, heteropatriarchal, cisgender, settler colonial, and capitalist axes.”<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/436613-rape-fantasies?site=default#_ftn1">[1]</a> The case study examples in <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Rape Fantasies</a> include bathroom bills across the states, the idea of the frontier and modes of extraction, consent contracts and consent apps, and <em>OnlyFans</em> and intimacy on demand. Each example is deeply researched and unpacked, providing the reader with historical, legal, political, economic, cultural, and societal analyses of these complex areas of domination and entitlement.</p>
<p><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence</a> is an expansive undertaking, bringing together theoretical frameworks from different schools of thought and analysis, threaded with important case studies that help the reader think deeply about this concept and how it is operationalized in our daily lives. Even if we are not aware of these narratives, they surround us and shape so much of our thinking about how the world works. And why sexual violence remains so persistent.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950">Susan Liebell </a><em>is Professor Emerita of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, Wisconsin. </em></p>
<p><br></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/436613-rape-fantasies?site=default#_ftnref1">[1]</a> Alisa Kessel. <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/rape-fantasies-9780197797822?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Rape Fantasies: Rape Culture and the Persistence of Sexual Violence</a>. Oxford University Press, 2025. p. 6.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4387</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Larry M. Bartels and Katherine J. Cramer, "The Politics of Social Change: From the Sixties to the Present Through the Eyes of a Generation" (U Chicago Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>Few time periods have been as defined by waves of monumental social change as the United States during the 1960s. Even today, almost sixty years later, the era is often depicted as a triumph of social progress. Yet, as Dr. Larry M. Bartels and Dr. Katherine J. Cramer show in The Politics of Social Change: From the Sixties to the Present Through the Eyes of a Generation (U Chicago Press, 2026), it was Americans’ diverse reactions to the milestone events of the time—from the welcoming, to the fiercely resistant, to the largely oblivious—that planted the seeds of our current political turmoil.

Their masterful analysis draws on a unique historical resource: the longest-running systematic tracking of individual Americans’ political attitudes and behavior ever attempted. The study began in 1965 when researchers interviewed hundreds of high school students across the country and then periodically reinterviewed them over the next three decades. Bartels and Cramer supplement this historical record with in-depth interviews with dozens of the original students, painting a detailed picture of the generation’s individual and collective political development. By tracing the responses of the Class of ’65 to major events of their political lifetimes—including the Civil Rights and Women’s Rights movements, the Vietnam War, the shifting role of religion, escalating economic inequality, immigration, and the rise of Donald Trump—Dr. Bartels and Dr. Cramer shed new light on the evolution of public opinion and the unsteady progress of American democracy.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Few time periods have been as defined by waves of monumental social change as the United States during the 1960s. Even today, almost sixty years later, the era is often depicted as a triumph of social progress. Yet, as Dr. Larry M. Bartels and Dr. Katherine J. Cramer show in The Politics of Social Change: From the Sixties to the Present Through the Eyes of a Generation (U Chicago Press, 2026), it was Americans’ diverse reactions to the milestone events of the time—from the welcoming, to the fiercely resistant, to the largely oblivious—that planted the seeds of our current political turmoil.

Their masterful analysis draws on a unique historical resource: the longest-running systematic tracking of individual Americans’ political attitudes and behavior ever attempted. The study began in 1965 when researchers interviewed hundreds of high school students across the country and then periodically reinterviewed them over the next three decades. Bartels and Cramer supplement this historical record with in-depth interviews with dozens of the original students, painting a detailed picture of the generation’s individual and collective political development. By tracing the responses of the Class of ’65 to major events of their political lifetimes—including the Civil Rights and Women’s Rights movements, the Vietnam War, the shifting role of religion, escalating economic inequality, immigration, and the rise of Donald Trump—Dr. Bartels and Dr. Cramer shed new light on the evolution of public opinion and the unsteady progress of American democracy.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Few time periods have been as defined by waves of monumental social change as the United States during the 1960s. Even today, almost sixty years later, the era is often depicted as a triumph of social progress. Yet, as Dr. Larry M. Bartels and Dr. Katherine J. Cramer show in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226845258"><em>The Politics of Social Change: From the Sixties to the Present Through the Eyes of a Generation</em> </a>(U Chicago Press, 2026), it was Americans’ diverse reactions to the milestone events of the time—from the welcoming, to the fiercely resistant, to the largely oblivious—that planted the seeds of our current political turmoil.</p>
<p>Their masterful analysis draws on a unique historical resource: the longest-running systematic tracking of individual Americans’ political attitudes and behavior ever attempted. The study began in 1965 when researchers interviewed hundreds of high school students across the country and then periodically reinterviewed them over the next three decades. Bartels and Cramer supplement this historical record with in-depth interviews with dozens of the original students, painting a detailed picture of the generation’s individual and collective political development. By tracing the responses of the Class of ’65 to major events of their political lifetimes—including the Civil Rights and Women’s Rights movements, the Vietnam War, the shifting role of religion, escalating economic inequality, immigration, and the rise of Donald Trump—Dr. Bartels and Dr. Cramer shed new light on the evolution of public opinion and the unsteady progress of American democracy.</p>
<p><br><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2931</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Lisa Siraganian, "The Problem of Personhood: Giving Rights to Trees, Corporations, and Robots" (Verso, 2026)</title>
      <description>Over the last twenty-five years, the concept of per-sonhood has become central to many contentious debates. Corporations have won free speech protections, as if they were individuals. The right to life or freedom has been claimed on behalf of fetuses, trees, and elephants. The fund of human rights is spilling over into the nonhuman.Lisa Siraganian’s The Problem of Personhood: Giving Rights to Trees, Corporations, and Robots (Verso, 2026) reveals the unsettling consequences of granting rights to imagined persons, such as Sophia the robot citizen or New Zealand’s Whanganui River. Synthesizing the political and phil­osophical debates on personhood and drawing on a varied cast of thinkers that includes Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt, and Dr. Seuss, Siraganian un­covers the disturbing impact of this contemporary development. Awarding rights to robots and rivers all too easily becomes a legal tool to turn people into capital. When robot Sophia is made a citizen, “she” is transformed into a subject in the law without the corre­sponding legal duties that protect us from her.At the root of this trend is the US Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling that grants First Amendment rights to corporations as if they were individuals. The result has not been the transformation of things into humans so much as humans into things, when animals and the environment would be better protected with reference to our humanity rather than to theirs.

Lisa Siraganian is the J. R. Herbert Boone Chair in Humanities and Professor in the Department of Comparative Thought and Literature at Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, Maryland, USA). Her work has won multiple awards and has been supported by fellowships from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the National Endowment of the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Siraganian has written award-winning scholarly monographs that bridge literary criticism, art criticism, and legal and philosophical scholarship. More recently, she was the Editor of the Norton Anthology of American Literature, 10th edition, Volume D (1914-1945) (2022).

Tim Wyman-McCarthy is a Lecturer in the discipline of Human Rights and Associate Director of Graduate Studies at the Institute for the Study of Human Rights and the Department of Sociology at Columbia University. He can be reached at tw2468@columbia.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the last twenty-five years, the concept of per-sonhood has become central to many contentious debates. Corporations have won free speech protections, as if they were individuals. The right to life or freedom has been claimed on behalf of fetuses, trees, and elephants. The fund of human rights is spilling over into the nonhuman.Lisa Siraganian’s The Problem of Personhood: Giving Rights to Trees, Corporations, and Robots (Verso, 2026) reveals the unsettling consequences of granting rights to imagined persons, such as Sophia the robot citizen or New Zealand’s Whanganui River. Synthesizing the political and phil­osophical debates on personhood and drawing on a varied cast of thinkers that includes Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt, and Dr. Seuss, Siraganian un­covers the disturbing impact of this contemporary development. Awarding rights to robots and rivers all too easily becomes a legal tool to turn people into capital. When robot Sophia is made a citizen, “she” is transformed into a subject in the law without the corre­sponding legal duties that protect us from her.At the root of this trend is the US Supreme Court’s Citizens United ruling that grants First Amendment rights to corporations as if they were individuals. The result has not been the transformation of things into humans so much as humans into things, when animals and the environment would be better protected with reference to our humanity rather than to theirs.

Lisa Siraganian is the J. R. Herbert Boone Chair in Humanities and Professor in the Department of Comparative Thought and Literature at Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, Maryland, USA). Her work has won multiple awards and has been supported by fellowships from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the National Endowment of the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Siraganian has written award-winning scholarly monographs that bridge literary criticism, art criticism, and legal and philosophical scholarship. More recently, she was the Editor of the Norton Anthology of American Literature, 10th edition, Volume D (1914-1945) (2022).

Tim Wyman-McCarthy is a Lecturer in the discipline of Human Rights and Associate Director of Graduate Studies at the Institute for the Study of Human Rights and the Department of Sociology at Columbia University. He can be reached at tw2468@columbia.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the last twenty-five years, the concept of per-sonhood has become central to many contentious debates. Corporations have won free speech protections, as if they were individuals. The right to life or freedom has been claimed on behalf of fetuses, trees, and elephants. The fund of human rights is spilling over into the nonhuman.<br>Lisa Siraganian’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781804293447">The Problem of Personhood: Giving Rights to Trees, Corporations, and Robots</a> (Verso, 2026) reveals the unsettling consequences of granting rights to imagined persons, such as Sophia the robot citizen or New Zealand’s Whanganui River. Synthesizing the political and phil­osophical debates on personhood and drawing on a varied cast of thinkers that includes Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt, and Dr. Seuss, Siraganian un­covers the disturbing impact of this contemporary development. Awarding rights to robots and rivers all too easily becomes a legal tool to turn people into capital. When robot Sophia is made a citizen, “she” is transformed into a subject in the law without the corre­sponding legal duties that protect us from her.<br>At the root of this trend is the US Supreme Court’s <em>Citizens United</em> ruling that grants First Amendment rights to corporations as if they were individuals. The result has not been the transformation of things into humans so much as humans into things, when animals and the environment would be better protected with reference to our humanity rather than to theirs.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.personhoodproblembook.com/"><em>Lisa Siraganian</em></a> <em>is the J. R. Herbert Boone Chair in Humanities and Professor in the Department of Comparative Thought and Literature at Johns Hopkins University (Baltimore, Maryland, USA). Her work has won multiple awards and has been supported by fellowships from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the National Endowment of the Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. Siraganian has written award-winning scholarly monographs that bridge literary criticism, art criticism, and legal and philosophical scholarship. More recently, she was the Editor of the </em>Norton Anthology of American Literature<em>, 10th edition, Volume D (1914-1945) (2022)</em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://humanrights.columbia.edu/directory/tim-wyman-mccarthy"><em>Tim Wyman-McCarthy</em></a><em> is a Lecturer in the discipline of Human Rights and Associate Director of Graduate Studies at the Institute for the Study of Human Rights and the Department of Sociology at Columbia University. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:tw2468@columbia.edu"><em>tw2468@columbia.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
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    <item>
      <title>Voices from a Century of Struggle: Writings of the Jim Crow Era</title>
      <description>Tuesday, April 7, 2026—Confronting disenfranchisement, legal segregation, and terrorist violence in the aftermath of the Civil War, Black Americans challenged white supremacy in word and deed in a prolonged struggle to create a better, more just nation.

Join Tyina L. Steptoe, editor of the new two-volume LOA edition of writings from the Jim Crow era, and historians Keisha N. Blain and Manisha Sinha for a conversation about courageous voices and revelatory firsthand documents that bring this crucial period to life and speak powerfully to the present.

Hosted by Max Rudin
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Tuesday, April 7, 2026—Confronting disenfranchisement, legal segregation, and terrorist violence in the aftermath of the Civil War, Black Americans challenged white supremacy in word and deed in a prolonged struggle to create a better, more just nation.

Join Tyina L. Steptoe, editor of the new two-volume LOA edition of writings from the Jim Crow era, and historians Keisha N. Blain and Manisha Sinha for a conversation about courageous voices and revelatory firsthand documents that bring this crucial period to life and speak powerfully to the present.

Hosted by Max Rudin
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Tuesday, April 7, 2026—Confronting disenfranchisement, legal segregation, and terrorist violence in the aftermath of the Civil War, Black Americans challenged white supremacy in word and deed in a prolonged struggle to create a better, more just nation.</p>
<p>Join Tyina L. Steptoe, editor of the <a href="https://www.loa.org/books/jim-crow-voices-from-a-century-of-struggle-1876-1976-boxed-set/?no_lightbox=1"><em>new two-volume LOA edition</em></a> of writings from the Jim Crow era, and historians Keisha N. Blain and Manisha Sinha for a conversation about courageous voices and revelatory firsthand documents that bring this crucial period to life and speak powerfully to the present.</p>
<p><em>Hosted by Max Rudin</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3663</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e3a8b7be-370a-11f1-bb05-ffdcc90a4897]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6261009295.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>David-James Gonzales, "Breaking Down the Walls of Segregation: Mexican American Grassroots Politics and Civil Rights in Orange County, California" (Oxford UP, 2025) </title>
      <description>On March 2, 1945, five Mexican American families and their Jewish American lawyer filed a class-action lawsuit against four school districts in Orange County, California, to end the segregation of ethnic Mexican children. In a shocking decision, the court ruled in favor of plaintiffs, setting a legal and historical precedent in Mendez, et al. v. Westminster School District of Orange County that shook the foundations of Jim Crow America and led to the end of de jure school segregation across the nation.

Breaking Down the Walls of Segregation: Mexican American Grassroots Politics and Civil Rights in Orange County, California (Oxford UP, 2025) tells the story of how ethnic Mexicans in a relatively unknown agricultural backwater built the unprecedented movement that led to this decision. Beginning in the 1880s, David-James Gonzales details the social and economic history of Orange County, explaining how citrus capitalists, seeking increased market share and profitability, established the walls of segregation to manage ethnic Mexican family labor. By the early 1930s, ethnic Mexicans were segregated into over fifty underserved colonias and barrios. Without training or support from national civil rights organizations, they mobilized against segregation and inequality beginning in the late 1920s. Ethnic Mexican grassroots organizations proliferated throughout the county, intent on engaging in civic affairs and ending anti-Mexican discrimination and segregation. This movement, comprised of immigrants, citizens, parents, children, emerging activists, and their non-Mexican allies, paved the way for the growth of LULAC and nationwide organizing. As an essential part of the "long civil rights movement," the ethnic Mexican struggle against segregation in Orange County illustrates how minoritized groups have historically pushed US social, economic, and political institutions to live up to the nation's founding ideals.

David-James Gonzales is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On March 2, 1945, five Mexican American families and their Jewish American lawyer filed a class-action lawsuit against four school districts in Orange County, California, to end the segregation of ethnic Mexican children. In a shocking decision, the court ruled in favor of plaintiffs, setting a legal and historical precedent in Mendez, et al. v. Westminster School District of Orange County that shook the foundations of Jim Crow America and led to the end of de jure school segregation across the nation.

Breaking Down the Walls of Segregation: Mexican American Grassroots Politics and Civil Rights in Orange County, California (Oxford UP, 2025) tells the story of how ethnic Mexicans in a relatively unknown agricultural backwater built the unprecedented movement that led to this decision. Beginning in the 1880s, David-James Gonzales details the social and economic history of Orange County, explaining how citrus capitalists, seeking increased market share and profitability, established the walls of segregation to manage ethnic Mexican family labor. By the early 1930s, ethnic Mexicans were segregated into over fifty underserved colonias and barrios. Without training or support from national civil rights organizations, they mobilized against segregation and inequality beginning in the late 1920s. Ethnic Mexican grassroots organizations proliferated throughout the county, intent on engaging in civic affairs and ending anti-Mexican discrimination and segregation. This movement, comprised of immigrants, citizens, parents, children, emerging activists, and their non-Mexican allies, paved the way for the growth of LULAC and nationwide organizing. As an essential part of the "long civil rights movement," the ethnic Mexican struggle against segregation in Orange County illustrates how minoritized groups have historically pushed US social, economic, and political institutions to live up to the nation's founding ideals.

David-James Gonzales is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On March 2, 1945, five Mexican American families and their Jewish American lawyer filed a class-action lawsuit against four school districts in Orange County, California, to end the segregation of ethnic Mexican children. In a shocking decision, the court ruled in favor of plaintiffs, setting a legal and historical precedent in <em>Mendez, et al. v. Westminster School District of Orange County</em> that shook the foundations of Jim Crow America and led to the end of de jure school segregation across the nation.<br></p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197839454">Breaking Down the Walls of Segregation: Mexican American Grassroots Politics and Civil Rights in Orange County, California</a> (Oxford UP, 2025) tells the story of how ethnic Mexicans in a relatively unknown agricultural backwater built the unprecedented movement that led to this decision. Beginning in the 1880s, David-James Gonzales details the social and economic history of Orange County, explaining how citrus capitalists, seeking increased market share and profitability, established the walls of segregation to manage ethnic Mexican family labor. By the early 1930s, ethnic Mexicans were segregated into over fifty underserved colonias and barrios. Without training or support from national civil rights organizations, they mobilized against segregation and inequality beginning in the late 1920s. Ethnic Mexican grassroots organizations proliferated throughout the county, intent on engaging in civic affairs and ending anti-Mexican discrimination and segregation. This movement, comprised of immigrants, citizens, parents, children, emerging activists, and their non-Mexican allies, paved the way for the growth of LULAC and nationwide organizing. As an essential part of the "long civil rights movement," the ethnic Mexican struggle against segregation in Orange County illustrates how minoritized groups have historically pushed US social, economic, and political institutions to live up to the nation's founding ideals.</p>
<p>David-James Gonzales is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3640</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c9cc5794-370d-11f1-ab94-073501ce2a9d]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jasper Bernes, "The Future of Revolution: Communist Prospects from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising" (Verso Books, 2025)</title>
      <description>How might a twenty-first-century revolution against class society succeed?

Communism comes from the future, but its hopes haunt our past. Reading revolutionary history from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising by the light of communist theory, from Marx to C. L. R. James, The Future of Revolution: ﻿﻿Communist Prospects from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising ﻿(Verso Books, 2025) illuminates the possibilities for overcoming class society in the twenty-first century.When Marx wrote that the Paris Commune of 1871 showed that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes,” he identified a principle that will remain true as long as capitalism and its class antagonism persist. Historical revolutions reveal essential features of our communist horizon, which would-be revolutionaries, then as now, must negotiate one way or another. In chapters that move from a critical history of the workers’ council to a reading of Marx’s theory of value as an inverted description of communism, Jasper Bernes synthesizes from a history of failure the key criteria for success. He defines for our present moment the urgent mission of the world proletariat.

Jasper Bernes lives in Oakland and teaches in the English Department at the University of California, Berkeley. A regular contributor to the Field Notes section of the Brooklyn Rail, he is the author of The Work of Art in the Age of Deindustrialization and two books of poetry, We Are Nothing and So Can You and Starsdown.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How might a twenty-first-century revolution against class society succeed?

Communism comes from the future, but its hopes haunt our past. Reading revolutionary history from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising by the light of communist theory, from Marx to C. L. R. James, The Future of Revolution: ﻿﻿Communist Prospects from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising ﻿(Verso Books, 2025) illuminates the possibilities for overcoming class society in the twenty-first century.When Marx wrote that the Paris Commune of 1871 showed that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes,” he identified a principle that will remain true as long as capitalism and its class antagonism persist. Historical revolutions reveal essential features of our communist horizon, which would-be revolutionaries, then as now, must negotiate one way or another. In chapters that move from a critical history of the workers’ council to a reading of Marx’s theory of value as an inverted description of communism, Jasper Bernes synthesizes from a history of failure the key criteria for success. He defines for our present moment the urgent mission of the world proletariat.

Jasper Bernes lives in Oakland and teaches in the English Department at the University of California, Berkeley. A regular contributor to the Field Notes section of the Brooklyn Rail, he is the author of The Work of Art in the Age of Deindustrialization and two books of poetry, We Are Nothing and So Can You and Starsdown.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How might a twenty-first-century revolution against class society succeed?</p>
<p>Communism comes from the future, but its hopes haunt our past. Reading revolutionary history from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising by the light of communist theory, from Marx to C. L. R. James, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788737531">The Future of Revolution: ﻿﻿Communist Prospects from the Paris Commune to the George Floyd Uprising </a><em>﻿</em>(Verso Books, 2025) illuminates the possibilities for overcoming class society in the twenty-first century.<br>When Marx wrote that the Paris Commune of 1871 showed that “the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes,” he identified a principle that will remain true as long as capitalism and its class antagonism persist. Historical revolutions reveal essential features of our communist horizon, which would-be revolutionaries, then as now, must negotiate one way or another. In chapters that move from a critical history of the workers’ council to a reading of Marx’s theory of value as an inverted description of communism, Jasper Bernes synthesizes from a history of failure the key criteria for success. He defines for our present moment the urgent mission of the world proletariat.</p>
<p>Jasper Bernes lives in Oakland and teaches in the English Department at the University of California, Berkeley. A regular contributor to the Field Notes section of the <em>Brooklyn Rail,</em> he is the author of <em>The Work of Art in the Age of Deindustrialization</em> and two books of poetry, <em>We Are Nothing and So Can You</em> and <em>Starsdown</em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">here</a>﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4794</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cfc545c6-34b9-11f1-8ba4-2308265b722a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7018370591.mp3?updated=1775809585" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>John Bechtold, "U.S. Militarism and the Terrain of Memory: Negotiating Dead Space" (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024)</title>
      <description>In U.S. Militarism and the Terrain of Memory: Negotiating Dead Space (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024), John Bechtold examines how the US military understands information and the media as a contested terrain. Focusing on the assaults on the Iraqi city of Fallujah in 2004, Bechtold shows the efforts the US military went through to make sure it was able maintain control over the battles’ narrative. This effort is more than public affairs and trying to shape how others understand the operations. Just like the military will fight over physical terrain, Bechtold argues that the military understands the information space and the news media as places of contestation that it must work to control. Using examples ranging from official memorialization efforts by the military to Luis Sinco’s photograph of James Blake Miller (the “Marlboro Marine”) to Gary Trudeau’s Doonesbury, this book shows how the assaults on Fallujah are remembered in US military history. Moreover, Bechtold shows how the military set the conditions for the Battle for Fallujah to remembered.

You can find a transcript of our interview here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In U.S. Militarism and the Terrain of Memory: Negotiating Dead Space (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024), John Bechtold examines how the US military understands information and the media as a contested terrain. Focusing on the assaults on the Iraqi city of Fallujah in 2004, Bechtold shows the efforts the US military went through to make sure it was able maintain control over the battles’ narrative. This effort is more than public affairs and trying to shape how others understand the operations. Just like the military will fight over physical terrain, Bechtold argues that the military understands the information space and the news media as places of contestation that it must work to control. Using examples ranging from official memorialization efforts by the military to Luis Sinco’s photograph of James Blake Miller (the “Marlboro Marine”) to Gary Trudeau’s Doonesbury, this book shows how the assaults on Fallujah are remembered in US military history. Moreover, Bechtold shows how the military set the conditions for the Battle for Fallujah to remembered.

You can find a transcript of our interview here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032693910"><em>U.S. Militarism and the Terrain of Memory: Negotiating Dead Space</em> </a>(Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024), John Bechtold examines how the US military understands information and the media as a contested terrain. Focusing on the assaults on the Iraqi city of Fallujah in 2004, Bechtold shows the efforts the US military went through to make sure it was able maintain control over the battles’ narrative. This effort is more than public affairs and trying to shape how others understand the operations. Just like the military will fight over physical terrain, Bechtold argues that the military understands the information space and the news media as places of contestation that it must work to control. Using examples ranging from official memorialization efforts by the military to Luis Sinco’s photograph of James Blake Miller (the “Marlboro Marine”) to Gary Trudeau’s Doonesbury, this book shows how the assaults on Fallujah are remembered in US military history. Moreover, Bechtold shows how the military set the conditions for the Battle for Fallujah to remembered.</p>
<p>You can find a <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1xeWiqSH4ySocntOk67oah3xlgGNicN6ea_Ogs3OHyzs/edit?usp=sharing">transcript of our interview here.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3741</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0466822e-34b8-11f1-a668-0fea53c67538]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2269063168.mp3?updated=1775810763" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic with Mia Bennett</title>
      <description>Nowhere is the dual threat of climate change and geopolitical contest felt more strongly than in the Arctic. Sea ice is declining rapidly, wildfires are burning, and permafrost is thawing. All the while, global interest is gathering apace as the region transforms from being a frozen desert into an international waterway. In this episode, Mia Bennett—co-author with Kalus Dodds of Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic ﻿(Yale UP, 2025)—discusses the state of the Arctic today, highlighting the twin dangers of climate change and geopolitical competition, as well as how the region is becoming a space for experimentation in everything from Indigenous governance to subsea technologies. Growing geopolitical competition is accompanying environmental disruption. Countries including Russia, China, and the United States are investing in the Arctic and consolidating their interests in strategic access, resource exploitation, and alliance-building. The consequences of this emerging Arctic Anthropocene are truly global, from rising sea levels due to melting glaciers to tensions between great powers determined to protect their territory and resources, and the well-being of Indigenous Peoples who have fought for centuries for rights and recognition. If you are to read one book to understand the Arctic today, from its history to global stakes, this is the one.

—

Mia Bennett is an associate professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Washington. She is a 2025-26 British Academy Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Outer Space Studies at University College London and a Fulbright Arctic Initiative scholar. As a political geographer with geospatial skills, she traces, maps, and critiques processes of Arctic frontier-making from the edges of settler-colonial states and orbits of space powers like China to the depths of Indigenous lands.

She is currently examining how the frontiers of the Arctic and outer space are intersecting through case studies involving the rise of Starlink satellite internet and the development of commercial spaceports and ground stations in places like Kodiak, Alaska and Svalbard, Norway. She has done fieldwork on bridges, both real and imagined, in the Russian Far East, on a new highway to the Arctic Ocean in Canada’s Northwest Territories, atop the melting Greenland Ice Sheet, and inside air-conditioned offices in Singapore.

Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic (Yale University Press 2025)

Cryopolitics (started by Mia)

A complete list of Mia’s publications on GoogleScholar.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nowhere is the dual threat of climate change and geopolitical contest felt more strongly than in the Arctic. Sea ice is declining rapidly, wildfires are burning, and permafrost is thawing. All the while, global interest is gathering apace as the region transforms from being a frozen desert into an international waterway. In this episode, Mia Bennett—co-author with Kalus Dodds of Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic ﻿(Yale UP, 2025)—discusses the state of the Arctic today, highlighting the twin dangers of climate change and geopolitical competition, as well as how the region is becoming a space for experimentation in everything from Indigenous governance to subsea technologies. Growing geopolitical competition is accompanying environmental disruption. Countries including Russia, China, and the United States are investing in the Arctic and consolidating their interests in strategic access, resource exploitation, and alliance-building. The consequences of this emerging Arctic Anthropocene are truly global, from rising sea levels due to melting glaciers to tensions between great powers determined to protect their territory and resources, and the well-being of Indigenous Peoples who have fought for centuries for rights and recognition. If you are to read one book to understand the Arctic today, from its history to global stakes, this is the one.

—

Mia Bennett is an associate professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Washington. She is a 2025-26 British Academy Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Outer Space Studies at University College London and a Fulbright Arctic Initiative scholar. As a political geographer with geospatial skills, she traces, maps, and critiques processes of Arctic frontier-making from the edges of settler-colonial states and orbits of space powers like China to the depths of Indigenous lands.

She is currently examining how the frontiers of the Arctic and outer space are intersecting through case studies involving the rise of Starlink satellite internet and the development of commercial spaceports and ground stations in places like Kodiak, Alaska and Svalbard, Norway. She has done fieldwork on bridges, both real and imagined, in the Russian Far East, on a new highway to the Arctic Ocean in Canada’s Northwest Territories, atop the melting Greenland Ice Sheet, and inside air-conditioned offices in Singapore.

Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic (Yale University Press 2025)

Cryopolitics (started by Mia)

A complete list of Mia’s publications on GoogleScholar.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nowhere is the dual threat of climate change and geopolitical contest felt more strongly than in the Arctic. Sea ice is declining rapidly, wildfires are burning, and permafrost is thawing. All the while, global interest is gathering apace as the region transforms from being a frozen desert into an international waterway. In this episode, Mia Bennett—co-author with Kalus Dodds of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300259995">Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic</a><em> </em>﻿(Yale UP, 2025)—discusses the state of the Arctic today, highlighting the twin dangers of climate change and geopolitical competition, as well as how the region is becoming a space for experimentation in everything from Indigenous governance to subsea technologies. Growing geopolitical competition is accompanying environmental disruption. Countries including Russia, China, and the United States are investing in the Arctic and consolidating their interests in strategic access, resource exploitation, and alliance-building. The consequences of this emerging Arctic Anthropocene are truly global, from rising sea levels due to melting glaciers to tensions between great powers determined to protect their territory and resources, and the well-being of Indigenous Peoples who have fought for centuries for rights and recognition. If you are to read one book to understand the Arctic today, from its history to global stakes, this is the one.</p>
<p><strong>—</strong></p>
<p><a href="https://www.cryopolitics.com/mia-bennett/">Mia Bennett</a> is an associate professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Washington. She is a 2025-26 British Academy Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Outer Space Studies at University College London and a Fulbright Arctic Initiative scholar. As a political geographer with geospatial skills, she traces, maps, and critiques processes of Arctic frontier-making from the edges of settler-colonial states and orbits of space powers like China to the depths of Indigenous lands.</p>
<p>She is currently examining how the frontiers of the Arctic and outer space are intersecting through case studies involving the rise of Starlink satellite internet and the development of commercial spaceports and ground stations in places like Kodiak, Alaska and Svalbard, Norway. She has done fieldwork on bridges, both real and imagined, in the Russian Far East, on a new highway to the Arctic Ocean in Canada’s Northwest Territories, atop the melting Greenland Ice Sheet, and inside air-conditioned offices in Singapore.</p>
<p><a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300259995/unfrozen/"><em>Unfrozen: The Fight for the Future of the Arctic</em></a> (Yale University Press 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.cryopolitics.com/">Cryopolitics</a> (started by Mia)</p>
<p>A complete list of Mia’s publications on <a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=XQS-vU4AAAAJ&amp;hl=en">GoogleScholar</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2592</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2f8e834e-33ea-11f1-9e73-eb0dd7ac30e0]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5600821206.mp3?updated=1775722193" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melissa Butcher, "The Trouble with Freedom: Love, Hate and America’s Future" (Manchester UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>As Melissa Butcher puts it in her book The Trouble with Freedom: Love, Hate and America’s Future (Manchester UP, 2026) when asked to rank the importance of freedom to them most Americans would put it as an 11 out of 10. So, what happens when the idea of freedom becomes not something that unites Americans but rather, through its different interpretations, ideals and priorities becomes something that polarises Americans? Based upon extensive fieldwork and interviews with Americans across the states, Butcher is able to explore not just the different conceptions of freedom of America across realms such as justice, COVID, the rural/urban divide and religion, but also gives us an insight into how Americans think about America and how, especially at the local level, there are areas of hope which confound the claims we hear at the national level.

In our conversation we discuss issues such as how she identified her places to visit and people to speak to, the daily experiences of crossing the US/Mexico border at El Paso, Texas, the important conversations that can come from speaking to people as people rather than labels and why, precisely, so many Americans bring up postmodernism at the same time that Universities no longer teach it.

Your host, Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 07 Apr 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As Melissa Butcher puts it in her book The Trouble with Freedom: Love, Hate and America’s Future (Manchester UP, 2026) when asked to rank the importance of freedom to them most Americans would put it as an 11 out of 10. So, what happens when the idea of freedom becomes not something that unites Americans but rather, through its different interpretations, ideals and priorities becomes something that polarises Americans? Based upon extensive fieldwork and interviews with Americans across the states, Butcher is able to explore not just the different conceptions of freedom of America across realms such as justice, COVID, the rural/urban divide and religion, but also gives us an insight into how Americans think about America and how, especially at the local level, there are areas of hope which confound the claims we hear at the national level.

In our conversation we discuss issues such as how she identified her places to visit and people to speak to, the daily experiences of crossing the US/Mexico border at El Paso, Texas, the important conversations that can come from speaking to people as people rather than labels and why, precisely, so many Americans bring up postmodernism at the same time that Universities no longer teach it.

Your host, Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As Melissa Butcher puts it in her book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781526185419">The Trouble with Freedom: Love, Hate and America’s Future</a> (Manchester UP, 2026) when asked to rank the importance of freedom to them most Americans would put it as an 11 out of 10. So, what happens when the idea of freedom becomes not something that unites Americans but rather, through its different interpretations, ideals and priorities becomes something that polarises Americans? Based upon extensive fieldwork and interviews with Americans across the states, Butcher is able to explore not just the different conceptions of freedom of America across realms such as justice, COVID, the rural/urban divide and religion, but also gives us an insight into how Americans think about America and how, especially at the local level, there are areas of hope which confound the claims we hear at the national level.</p>
<p>In our conversation we discuss issues such as how she identified her places to visit and people to speak to, the daily experiences of crossing the US/Mexico border at El Paso, Texas, the important conversations that can come from speaking to people as people rather than labels and why, precisely, so many Americans bring up postmodernism at the same time that Universities no longer teach it.</p>
<p>Your host, <a href="https://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/staff/mattdawson/">Matt Dawson</a> is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-75484-5">G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation</a> (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of <a href="https://anthempress.com/books/the-anthem-companion-to-henri-lefebvre-hb">The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre</a> (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4440</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a0c4f4b6-3184-11f1-8fea-9f6d3f294b3d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5559039707.mp3?updated=1775458441" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Ost, "Red Pill Politics: Demystifying Today's Far Right" (New Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>Around the globe, far-right political parties and movements are on the march, winning popular support, legislative seats, and presidencies--and stoking widespread fears of the revival of fascism. What to make of this terrifying drift? In this timely, deeply researched, and deftly argued examination of far-right politics today, the political scientist David Ost shows that to grasp the very real threat of resurgent fascism, we must look beyond the extreme examples of Nazi Germany and Mussolini's Italy lest we miss the growing strength--and the distinctly populist appeal--of today's far right. Instead, drawing on a wide range of compelling contemporary and historical examples, Ost shows that we must understand the current global movement as part of a new political category, which he calls "Red Pill Politics" in reference to the right-wing meme which purports to peel back the facade of liberal hegemony. While Red Pill Politics exhibits many features of classical fascism--racial exclusion, xenophobic fearmongering, enforcement of rigid gender roles--contemporary far-right parties have won power not through violence and mass repression, but through anti-elite, populist rhetoric and elections. For readers of Jason Stanley's How Fascism Works, Red Pill Politics: Demystifying Today's Far Right (New Press, 2026) draws on meticulous historical research and analysis of contemporary far-right politics to help us understand and fight one of today's most pressing political threats.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Around the globe, far-right political parties and movements are on the march, winning popular support, legislative seats, and presidencies--and stoking widespread fears of the revival of fascism. What to make of this terrifying drift? In this timely, deeply researched, and deftly argued examination of far-right politics today, the political scientist David Ost shows that to grasp the very real threat of resurgent fascism, we must look beyond the extreme examples of Nazi Germany and Mussolini's Italy lest we miss the growing strength--and the distinctly populist appeal--of today's far right. Instead, drawing on a wide range of compelling contemporary and historical examples, Ost shows that we must understand the current global movement as part of a new political category, which he calls "Red Pill Politics" in reference to the right-wing meme which purports to peel back the facade of liberal hegemony. While Red Pill Politics exhibits many features of classical fascism--racial exclusion, xenophobic fearmongering, enforcement of rigid gender roles--contemporary far-right parties have won power not through violence and mass repression, but through anti-elite, populist rhetoric and elections. For readers of Jason Stanley's How Fascism Works, Red Pill Politics: Demystifying Today's Far Right (New Press, 2026) draws on meticulous historical research and analysis of contemporary far-right politics to help us understand and fight one of today's most pressing political threats.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Around the globe, far-right political parties and movements are on the march, winning popular support, legislative seats, and presidencies--and stoking widespread fears of the revival of fascism. What to make of this terrifying drift? In this timely, deeply researched, and deftly argued examination of far-right politics today, the political scientist David Ost shows that to grasp the very real threat of resurgent fascism, we must look beyond the extreme examples of Nazi Germany and Mussolini's Italy lest we miss the growing strength--and the distinctly populist appeal--of today's far right. Instead, drawing on a wide range of compelling contemporary and historical examples, Ost shows that we must understand the current global movement as part of a new political category, which he calls "Red Pill Politics" in reference to the right-wing meme which purports to peel back the facade of liberal hegemony. While Red Pill Politics exhibits many features of classical fascism--racial exclusion, xenophobic fearmongering, enforcement of rigid gender roles--contemporary far-right parties have won power not through violence and mass repression, but through anti-elite, populist rhetoric and elections. For readers of Jason Stanley's How Fascism Works, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620978511">Red Pill Politics: Demystifying Today's Far Right</a> (New Press, 2026) draws on meticulous historical research and analysis of contemporary far-right politics to help us understand and fight one of today's most pressing political threats.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2367</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark Pennington, "Foucault and Liberal Political Economy: Power, Knowledge, and Freedom" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Foucault and Liberal Political Economy: Power, Knowledge, and Freedom by Mark Pennington

This highly original and innovative book is the first to comprehensively engage the ideas of the French social theorist and philosopher Michel Foucault from within the tradition of liberal political economy. Divided into two parts the book commences by demonstrating important commonalities between Foucault's ideas and those of a neglected 'post-modern' stream in liberal political and economic thought. These ideas draw on a social theory emphasising a culturally situated individualism; a philosophy of science highly critical of socio-economic 'scientism' and 'expert rule'; and an understanding of freedom as an open-ended process of 'self-creation' in the face of cultural power relations—a freedom threatened by alignments between state power and more decentred manifestations of power.Part two combines the tools of Foucault's critical social theory with those of a post-modern liberalism to problematise four separate though overlapping 'bio-political' or 'pastoral' dispositifs in contemporary liberal societies focused on social justice, public health, ecological sustainability, and law and order. Where the Foucauldian and the post-modern liberal approaches suggest that freedom requires a cultural and economic 'creative destruction' that destabilises existing modes of thought and ways of being, the pastoral dispositifs that seek to 'monitor and correct' multiple pattern anomalies are shown to stifle the space for that creative freedom.Though the book does not engage the question of whether Foucault himself moved towards endorsing liberal political economy, it throws considerable light on how key Foucauldian concerns may be addressed within the liberal tradition, and why Foucauldians may have reason to embrace a reconstituted or post-modern liberalism

Mark Pennington has been Professor of Political Economy and Public Policy in the Department of Political Economy, King's College, University of London, since 2012, and is currently Director of the Centre for the Study of Governance and Society. Prior to King's he taught for twelve years in the Department of Politics and International Studies at Queen Mary, University of London. He has a PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Foucault and Liberal Political Economy: Power, Knowledge, and Freedom by Mark Pennington

This highly original and innovative book is the first to comprehensively engage the ideas of the French social theorist and philosopher Michel Foucault from within the tradition of liberal political economy. Divided into two parts the book commences by demonstrating important commonalities between Foucault's ideas and those of a neglected 'post-modern' stream in liberal political and economic thought. These ideas draw on a social theory emphasising a culturally situated individualism; a philosophy of science highly critical of socio-economic 'scientism' and 'expert rule'; and an understanding of freedom as an open-ended process of 'self-creation' in the face of cultural power relations—a freedom threatened by alignments between state power and more decentred manifestations of power.Part two combines the tools of Foucault's critical social theory with those of a post-modern liberalism to problematise four separate though overlapping 'bio-political' or 'pastoral' dispositifs in contemporary liberal societies focused on social justice, public health, ecological sustainability, and law and order. Where the Foucauldian and the post-modern liberal approaches suggest that freedom requires a cultural and economic 'creative destruction' that destabilises existing modes of thought and ways of being, the pastoral dispositifs that seek to 'monitor and correct' multiple pattern anomalies are shown to stifle the space for that creative freedom.Though the book does not engage the question of whether Foucault himself moved towards endorsing liberal political economy, it throws considerable light on how key Foucauldian concerns may be addressed within the liberal tradition, and why Foucauldians may have reason to embrace a reconstituted or post-modern liberalism

Mark Pennington has been Professor of Political Economy and Public Policy in the Department of Political Economy, King's College, University of London, since 2012, and is currently Director of the Centre for the Study of Governance and Society. Prior to King's he taught for twelve years in the Department of Politics and International Studies at Queen Mary, University of London. He has a PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Foucault and Liberal Political Economy: Power, Knowledge, and Freedom by <strong>Mark Pennington</strong></p>
<p>This highly original and innovative book is the first to comprehensively engage the ideas of the French social theorist and philosopher Michel Foucault from <em>within</em> the tradition of liberal political economy. Divided into two parts the book commences by demonstrating important commonalities between Foucault's ideas and those of a neglected 'post-modern' stream in liberal political and economic thought. These ideas draw on a social theory emphasising a culturally situated individualism; a philosophy of science highly critical of socio-economic 'scientism' and 'expert rule'; and an understanding of freedom as an open-ended process of 'self-creation' in the face of cultural power relations—a freedom threatened by alignments between state power and more decentred manifestations of power.<br>Part two combines the tools of Foucault's critical social theory with those of a post-modern liberalism to problematise four separate though overlapping 'bio-political' or 'pastoral' <em>dispositifs</em> in contemporary liberal societies focused on social justice, public health, ecological sustainability, and law and order. Where the Foucauldian and the post-modern liberal approaches suggest that freedom requires a cultural and economic 'creative destruction' that destabilises existing modes of thought and ways of being, the pastoral <em>dispositifs</em> that seek to 'monitor and correct' multiple pattern anomalies are shown to stifle the space for that creative freedom.<br>Though the book does not engage the question of whether Foucault himself moved towards endorsing liberal political economy, it throws considerable light on how key Foucauldian concerns may be addressed within the liberal tradition, and why Foucauldians may have reason to embrace a reconstituted or post-modern liberalism</p>
<p>Mark Pennington has been Professor of Political Economy and Public Policy in the Department of Political Economy, King's College, University of London, since 2012, and is currently Director of the Centre for the Study of Governance and Society. Prior to King's he taught for twelve years in the Department of Politics and International Studies at Queen Mary, University of London. He has a PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3510</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9306220003.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Guariglia and Brian Hochman, "The Church Committee Report: Revelations from the Bombshell 1970s Investigation into the National Security State" (W. W. Norton &amp; Co, 2026)</title>
      <description>Fifty years ago, a government investigation led by US senator Frank Church uncovered some of the darkest state secrets of the twentieth century. The Church Committee confirmed the nation's worst fears about the unchecked power of its intelligence agencies: at the FBI, surveillance campaigns against civil rights leaders and clandestine attempts to disrupt antiwar protests; at the CIA, assassination plots against foreign heads of state, experiments with toxic substances and illegal drugs, and covert partnerships with the Mafia. The Church Committee's findings were so explosive that key members found themselves on the watch lists of the very government agencies they were investigating. Three witnesses who cooperated with the inquiry were murdered.

Amid the creep of digital surveillance and the upheavals of social protest, this accessible volume ﻿The Church Committee Report: Revelations from the Bombshell 1970s Investigation into the National Security State (W. W. Norton &amp; Co, 2026), containing the most harrowing revelations of the Church Committee investigation, sheds valuable light on some of today's most urgent concerns.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 29 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fifty years ago, a government investigation led by US senator Frank Church uncovered some of the darkest state secrets of the twentieth century. The Church Committee confirmed the nation's worst fears about the unchecked power of its intelligence agencies: at the FBI, surveillance campaigns against civil rights leaders and clandestine attempts to disrupt antiwar protests; at the CIA, assassination plots against foreign heads of state, experiments with toxic substances and illegal drugs, and covert partnerships with the Mafia. The Church Committee's findings were so explosive that key members found themselves on the watch lists of the very government agencies they were investigating. Three witnesses who cooperated with the inquiry were murdered.

Amid the creep of digital surveillance and the upheavals of social protest, this accessible volume ﻿The Church Committee Report: Revelations from the Bombshell 1970s Investigation into the National Security State (W. W. Norton &amp; Co, 2026), containing the most harrowing revelations of the Church Committee investigation, sheds valuable light on some of today's most urgent concerns.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Fifty years ago, a government investigation led by US senator Frank Church uncovered some of the darkest state secrets of the twentieth century. The Church Committee confirmed the nation's worst fears about the unchecked power of its intelligence agencies: at the FBI, surveillance campaigns against civil rights leaders and clandestine attempts to disrupt antiwar protests; at the CIA, assassination plots against foreign heads of state, experiments with toxic substances and illegal drugs, and covert partnerships with the Mafia. The Church Committee's findings were so explosive that key members found themselves on the watch lists of the very government agencies they were investigating. Three witnesses who cooperated with the inquiry were murdered.</p>
<p>Amid the creep of digital surveillance and the upheavals of social protest, this accessible volume ﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324089384">The Church Committee Report: Revelations from the Bombshell 1970s Investigation into the National Security State</a> (W. W. Norton &amp; Co, 2026), containing the most harrowing revelations of the Church Committee investigation, sheds valuable light on some of today's most urgent concerns.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2700</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[be740036-299d-11f1-858f-d7d15c9fb7cd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9266174566.mp3?updated=1774589471" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark Hlavacik, "Willing Warriors: A New History of the Education Culture Wars" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>How the rise of the culture wars afflicts the politics of education. 

On August 9, 2022, the Denton Independent School District held a meeting to address complaints about its libraries. Like so many districts in Texas and across the country, Denton had been responding to accusations that children had access to inappropriate books at school. During the public comment session, a local man stood up to the podium and read a sexually explicit passage from a book that he wanted removed from Denton’s school libraries. But beguiled by the prospect of securing a political win, he had confused the title of the lurid psychological thriller he read aloud with a young adult fiction series about mermaids. While his attempt to ban a book that was never in Denton’s school libraries in the first place received a few laughs, it also reflects a deeply serious and troubling culture of conflict that has taken over the politics of education and now divides people so completely as to make public education as a shared endeavor seem impossible. 

In Willing Warriors, Mark Hlavacik shows how the culture wars have redefined the politics of US schooling from the 1970s to the present through vivid accounts of public controversies featuring Allan Bloom, Oprah Winfrey, Lynne Cheney, Rush Limbaugh, Betsy DeVos, Nikole Hannah-Jones, and others. Beginning in the 1970s, Hlavacik shows, efforts at innovation in schooling have increasingly been met by attempts to discredit them through exposé. As the culture wars have accelerated and exploded, this cycle of innovation and exposé has embroiled public schools in increasingly heated debates. He explains the dynamics that make curriculum controversies so intractable and confronts the delicate question of whether raucous public arguments are bad for education. With clarity and insight, Hlavacik reveals why bitter contests between educational ideologies not only add another burden for the schools, but also for the people—the willing warriors—who devote their lives to fighting for their betterment.

﻿Mark Hlavacik is assistant professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at Texas A&amp;M University. He is the author of Assigning Blame: The Rhetoric of Education Reform.

﻿Laura Beth Kelly is an associate professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the rise of the culture wars afflicts the politics of education. 

On August 9, 2022, the Denton Independent School District held a meeting to address complaints about its libraries. Like so many districts in Texas and across the country, Denton had been responding to accusations that children had access to inappropriate books at school. During the public comment session, a local man stood up to the podium and read a sexually explicit passage from a book that he wanted removed from Denton’s school libraries. But beguiled by the prospect of securing a political win, he had confused the title of the lurid psychological thriller he read aloud with a young adult fiction series about mermaids. While his attempt to ban a book that was never in Denton’s school libraries in the first place received a few laughs, it also reflects a deeply serious and troubling culture of conflict that has taken over the politics of education and now divides people so completely as to make public education as a shared endeavor seem impossible. 

In Willing Warriors, Mark Hlavacik shows how the culture wars have redefined the politics of US schooling from the 1970s to the present through vivid accounts of public controversies featuring Allan Bloom, Oprah Winfrey, Lynne Cheney, Rush Limbaugh, Betsy DeVos, Nikole Hannah-Jones, and others. Beginning in the 1970s, Hlavacik shows, efforts at innovation in schooling have increasingly been met by attempts to discredit them through exposé. As the culture wars have accelerated and exploded, this cycle of innovation and exposé has embroiled public schools in increasingly heated debates. He explains the dynamics that make curriculum controversies so intractable and confronts the delicate question of whether raucous public arguments are bad for education. With clarity and insight, Hlavacik reveals why bitter contests between educational ideologies not only add another burden for the schools, but also for the people—the willing warriors—who devote their lives to fighting for their betterment.

﻿Mark Hlavacik is assistant professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at Texas A&amp;M University. He is the author of Assigning Blame: The Rhetoric of Education Reform.

﻿Laura Beth Kelly is an associate professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the rise of the culture wars afflicts the politics of education. </p>
<p>On August 9, 2022, the Denton Independent School District held a meeting to address complaints about its libraries. Like so many districts in Texas and across the country, Denton had been responding to accusations that children had access to inappropriate books at school. During the public comment session, a local man stood up to the podium and read a sexually explicit passage from a book that he wanted removed from Denton’s school libraries. But beguiled by the prospect of securing a political win, he had confused the title of the lurid psychological thriller he read aloud with a young adult fiction series about mermaids. While his attempt to ban a book that was never in Denton’s school libraries in the first place received a few laughs, it also reflects a deeply serious and troubling culture of conflict that has taken over the politics of education and now divides people so completely as to make public education as a shared endeavor seem impossible. </p>
<p>In Willing Warriors, Mark Hlavacik shows how the culture wars have redefined the politics of US schooling from the 1970s to the present through vivid accounts of public controversies featuring Allan Bloom, Oprah Winfrey, Lynne Cheney, Rush Limbaugh, Betsy DeVos, Nikole Hannah-Jones, and others. Beginning in the 1970s, Hlavacik shows, efforts at innovation in schooling have increasingly been met by attempts to discredit them through exposé. As the culture wars have accelerated and exploded, this cycle of innovation and exposé has embroiled public schools in increasingly heated debates. He explains the dynamics that make curriculum controversies so intractable and confronts the delicate question of whether raucous public arguments are bad for education. With clarity and insight, Hlavacik reveals why bitter contests between educational ideologies not only add another burden for the schools, but also for the people—the willing warriors—who devote their lives to fighting for their betterment.</p>
<p>﻿Mark Hlavacik is assistant professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at Texas A&amp;M University. He is the author of <em>Assigning Blame: The Rhetoric of Education Reform</em>.</p>
<p><em>﻿Laura Beth Kelly is an associate professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.﻿</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1757</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d948ad14-297d-11f1-b262-1babe80ecf38]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sarah James, "The Politics of Failed Policies" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The Politics of Failed Policies (Oxford UP, 2025) examines how the interplay of politics and data affects when failed policies get recognized. It shows how compelling data and analysis is an important political tool for highlighting failure. Importantly, the research demonstrates how data and analysis themselves are the products of political processes and reflections of those in power. Using case studies from education and juvenile criminal justice and tax policy, the book makes a theoretical contribution to the study of policymaking, state politics, and the role of knowledge and information in contemporary American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Politics of Failed Policies (Oxford UP, 2025) examines how the interplay of politics and data affects when failed policies get recognized. It shows how compelling data and analysis is an important political tool for highlighting failure. Importantly, the research demonstrates how data and analysis themselves are the products of political processes and reflections of those in power. Using case studies from education and juvenile criminal justice and tax policy, the book makes a theoretical contribution to the study of policymaking, state politics, and the role of knowledge and information in contemporary American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197813614">The Politics of Failed Policies</a> (Oxford UP, 2025) examines how the interplay of politics and data affects when failed policies get recognized. It shows how compelling data and analysis is an important political tool for highlighting failure. Importantly, the research demonstrates how data and analysis themselves are the products of political processes and reflections of those in power. Using case studies from education and juvenile criminal justice and tax policy, the book makes a theoretical contribution to the study of policymaking, state politics, and the role of knowledge and information in contemporary American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1694</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7f0e77fa-28df-11f1-b829-7f64956c762e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8720235480.mp3?updated=1774507765" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tom Wells, "The Kissinger Tapes: Inside His Secretly Recorded Phone Conversations" (Oxford UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>A richly detailed collection of transcripts of Henry Kissinger's secretly recorded phone conversations from his time in the Nixon administration that touch on every important issue of Kissinger's day and provide a sweeping view of his era.Henry Kissinger is unquestionably one of the most consequential foreign policy makers in American history. A remarkably influential academic during his long tenure at Harvard, Kissinger became Richard Nixon's National Security Advisor in 1969 and Secretary of State in 1973.Like Nixon, Kissinger left a trail of secretly recorded evidence in his wake. Kissinger began taping in 1969, two years before Nixon did in 1971, and he continued taping for over three years after Nixon's recording system was dismantled in 1973. In The Kissinger Tapes: Inside His Secretly Recorded Phone Conversations" ﻿(Oxford UP, 2026), Tom Wells draws on his expertise in the Nixon era to provide carefully selected, edited, and annotated transcripts of Kissinger's phone conversations, which chronologically highlight the most momentous crises and controversies of the era. They not only provide context and many revelations on Kissinger's role in numerous events but also throw his personality, character, and checkered record into sharp relief.The conversations cover a wide range of issues, including the Vietnam War, the India-Pakistan conflict, the opening to China, the Middle East, the Greek coup in Cyprus, the Nixon administration's illegal wiretapping, and the Watergate scandal. The transcripts reveal Kissinger's opinions and attitudes on important policy matters and his complex relationship with President Nixon, as well as the many battles he fought with other administration officials and his subtle manipulations of well-known journalists.A richly detailed collection of Kissinger's transcripts and commentary, this book provides a novel window into the Nixon administration and offers a genuinely unique perspective on one of the most important figures in modern American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A richly detailed collection of transcripts of Henry Kissinger's secretly recorded phone conversations from his time in the Nixon administration that touch on every important issue of Kissinger's day and provide a sweeping view of his era.Henry Kissinger is unquestionably one of the most consequential foreign policy makers in American history. A remarkably influential academic during his long tenure at Harvard, Kissinger became Richard Nixon's National Security Advisor in 1969 and Secretary of State in 1973.Like Nixon, Kissinger left a trail of secretly recorded evidence in his wake. Kissinger began taping in 1969, two years before Nixon did in 1971, and he continued taping for over three years after Nixon's recording system was dismantled in 1973. In The Kissinger Tapes: Inside His Secretly Recorded Phone Conversations" ﻿(Oxford UP, 2026), Tom Wells draws on his expertise in the Nixon era to provide carefully selected, edited, and annotated transcripts of Kissinger's phone conversations, which chronologically highlight the most momentous crises and controversies of the era. They not only provide context and many revelations on Kissinger's role in numerous events but also throw his personality, character, and checkered record into sharp relief.The conversations cover a wide range of issues, including the Vietnam War, the India-Pakistan conflict, the opening to China, the Middle East, the Greek coup in Cyprus, the Nixon administration's illegal wiretapping, and the Watergate scandal. The transcripts reveal Kissinger's opinions and attitudes on important policy matters and his complex relationship with President Nixon, as well as the many battles he fought with other administration officials and his subtle manipulations of well-known journalists.A richly detailed collection of Kissinger's transcripts and commentary, this book provides a novel window into the Nixon administration and offers a genuinely unique perspective on one of the most important figures in modern American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A richly detailed collection of transcripts of Henry Kissinger's secretly recorded phone conversations from his time in the Nixon administration that touch on every important issue of Kissinger's day and provide a sweeping view of his era.<br>Henry Kissinger is unquestionably one of the most consequential foreign policy makers in American history. A remarkably influential academic during his long tenure at Harvard, Kissinger became Richard Nixon's National Security Advisor in 1969 and Secretary of State in 1973.<br>Like Nixon, Kissinger left a trail of secretly recorded evidence in his wake. Kissinger began taping in 1969, two years before Nixon did in 1971, and he continued taping for over three years after Nixon's recording system was dismantled in 1973. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190933340">The Kissinger Tapes: Inside His Secretly Recorded Phone Conversations"</a><em> ﻿</em>(Oxford UP, 2026), Tom Wells draws on his expertise in the Nixon era to provide carefully selected, edited, and annotated transcripts of Kissinger's phone conversations, which chronologically highlight the most momentous crises and controversies of the era. They not only provide context and many revelations on Kissinger's role in numerous events but also throw his personality, character, and checkered record into sharp relief.<br>The conversations cover a wide range of issues, including the Vietnam War, the India-Pakistan conflict, the opening to China, the Middle East, the Greek coup in Cyprus, the Nixon administration's illegal wiretapping, and the Watergate scandal. The transcripts reveal Kissinger's opinions and attitudes on important policy matters and his complex relationship with President Nixon, as well as the many battles he fought with other administration officials and his subtle manipulations of well-known journalists.<br>A richly detailed collection of Kissinger's transcripts and commentary, this book provides a novel window into the Nixon administration and offers a genuinely unique perspective on one of the most important figures in modern American history.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2093</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Maya L. Kornberg, "Stuck: How Money, Media, and Violence Prevent Change in Congress" (JHU Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>Why fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—and what that reveals about American democracy. Congress, the central democratic institution in the United States, is hanging on by a thread. On January 6, 2021, a violent attack on the Capitol Building left five people dead, and threats and attacks against politicians are on the rise. In Stuck: How Money, Media, and Violence Prevent Change in Congress (JHU Press, 2026), Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change. The "Watergate babies" of 1974, the Contract with America conservatives of 1994, and the historic 2018 class fueled by backlash to Donald Trump all represent younger, more diverse, and less entrenched members who arrived in Washington energized and idealistic. Kornberg reveals the ways Congress has become increasingly inhospitable to change. Political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—Stuck offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, Stuck makes the case for how it could be saved.﻿

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Maya Kornberg is Senior Fellow and Manager in the Elections and Government program at the NYU Brennan Center for Justice. Her first book Inside Congressional Committees: Function and Dysfunction in the Legislative Process (Columbia University Press, 2023) was shortlisted for the 2025 WJM Mackenzie Book Prize.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—and what that reveals about American democracy. Congress, the central democratic institution in the United States, is hanging on by a thread. On January 6, 2021, a violent attack on the Capitol Building left five people dead, and threats and attacks against politicians are on the rise. In Stuck: How Money, Media, and Violence Prevent Change in Congress (JHU Press, 2026), Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change. The "Watergate babies" of 1974, the Contract with America conservatives of 1994, and the historic 2018 class fueled by backlash to Donald Trump all represent younger, more diverse, and less entrenched members who arrived in Washington energized and idealistic. Kornberg reveals the ways Congress has become increasingly inhospitable to change. Political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—Stuck offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, Stuck makes the case for how it could be saved.﻿

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Maya Kornberg is Senior Fellow and Manager in the Elections and Government program at the NYU Brennan Center for Justice. Her first book Inside Congressional Committees: Function and Dysfunction in the Legislative Process (Columbia University Press, 2023) was shortlisted for the 2025 WJM Mackenzie Book Prize.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—and what that reveals about American democracy. Congress, the central democratic institution in the United States, is hanging on by a thread. On January 6, 2021, a violent attack on the Capitol Building left five people dead, and threats and attacks against politicians are on the rise. In<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421454580"> Stuck: How Money, Media, and Violence Prevent Change in Congress</a> (JHU Press, 2026), Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change. The "Watergate babies" of 1974, the Contract with America conservatives of 1994, and the historic 2018 class fueled by backlash to Donald Trump all represent younger, more diverse, and less entrenched members who arrived in Washington energized and idealistic. Kornberg reveals the ways Congress has become increasingly inhospitable to change. Political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—Stuck offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, Stuck makes the case for how it could be saved.﻿<br></p>
<p>Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,<em>America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State </em>(Cambridge University Press, 2020).</p>
<p><br>Maya Kornberg is Senior Fellow and Manager in the Elections and Government program at the NYU Brennan Center for Justice. Her first book <em>Inside Congressional Committees: Function and Dysfunction in the Legislative Process</em> (Columbia University Press, 2023) was shortlisted for the 2025 WJM Mackenzie Book Prize.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2967</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>On Trump as a “World Historical Individual” with author John B. Judis</title>
      <description>The philosopher G.W.F. Hegel “viewed history as consisting of stages punctuated by times of upheaval,” the author John B. Judis wrote in a recent essay for NOTUS, and “assigned to what he called ‘world-historical individuals’ a special role in spurring the transition from one era to another.” Trump, Judis posited, “is exactly such an individual,” comparable in this respect to Alexander the Great, Caesar and Napoleon. In our conversation, we discuss this proposition—including the forces that brought Trump to this role and the bleak destiny that typically greets “world-historical individuals.” Judis is the author of a number of books, including The Populist Explosion (Columbia Global Reports, 2016).

John B. Judis is an author and American journalist, a contributing editor at Talking Points Memo, a former senior writer at the National Journal, and a former senior editor at The New Republic

Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. His companion Substack newsletter, America and Beyond,” offers commentary and insights on the podcast. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The philosopher G.W.F. Hegel “viewed history as consisting of stages punctuated by times of upheaval,” the author John B. Judis wrote in a recent essay for NOTUS, and “assigned to what he called ‘world-historical individuals’ a special role in spurring the transition from one era to another.” Trump, Judis posited, “is exactly such an individual,” comparable in this respect to Alexander the Great, Caesar and Napoleon. In our conversation, we discuss this proposition—including the forces that brought Trump to this role and the bleak destiny that typically greets “world-historical individuals.” Judis is the author of a number of books, including The Populist Explosion (Columbia Global Reports, 2016).

John B. Judis is an author and American journalist, a contributing editor at Talking Points Memo, a former senior writer at the National Journal, and a former senior editor at The New Republic

Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. His companion Substack newsletter, America and Beyond,” offers commentary and insights on the podcast. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The philosopher G.W.F. Hegel “viewed history as consisting of stages punctuated by times of upheaval,” the author John B. Judis wrote in a <a href="https://www.notus.org/perspectives/trump-as-alexander-the-great-a-theory-that-explains-iran-and-everything-else">recent essay for </a><a href="https://www.notus.org/perspectives/trump-as-alexander-the-great-a-theory-that-explains-iran-and-everything-else">NOTUS</a><em>, </em>and “assigned to what he called ‘world-historical individuals’ a special role in spurring the transition from one era to another.” Trump, Judis posited, “is exactly such an individual,” comparable in this respect to Alexander the Great, Caesar and Napoleon. In our conversation, we discuss this proposition—including the forces that brought Trump to this role and the bleak destiny that typically greets “world-historical individuals.” Judis is the author of a number of books, including <em>The Populist Explosion </em>(Columbia Global Reports, 2016).</p>
<p>John B. Judis is an author and American journalist, a contributing editor at Talking Points Memo, a former senior writer at the National Journal, and a former senior editor at The New Republic</p>
<p><em>Veteran journalist </em><em><strong>Paul Starobin </strong></em><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/">The Atlantic</a><em>. His companion Substack newsletter, </em><a href="https://pstarobin.substack.com/">America and Beyond,</a><em>” offers commentary and insights on the podcast. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/">Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</a><em> (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2077</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3648179307.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>David Bather Woods, "Arthur Schopenhauer: The Life and Thought of Philosophy's Greatest Pessimist" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Arthur Schopenhauer: The Life and Thought of Philosophy’s Greatest Pessimist by David Bather Woods

An engaging biography of one of the most influential Western philosophers and a thought-provoking exploration of how to live with Arthur Schopenhauer’s pessimism.Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) almost wasn’t one of the greatest philosophers of the nineteenth century. Born in the Free City of Danzig to a family of shipping merchants, he was destined for a life of imports and exports until his father died in a suspected suicide. After much deliberation, the young Schopenhauer invested his inheritance in himself and his philosophical vocation. But the long road to recognition was a difficult one, with Schopenhauer spending all but the last decade of his life in total obscurity. Yet his ideas and style went on to influence great thinkers, including Friedrich Nietzsche, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and Sigmund Freud, as well as artists such as the composer Richard Wagner and writers Marcel Proust, Thomas Mann, Samuel Beckett, and many more.A singular and remarkably influential thinker, Schopenhauer is usually described as an extreme pessimist. He questioned the purpose of existence in a world where pain and suffering are inescapable and happiness is all too brief. In this engaging philosophical biography, David Bather Woods reevaluates Schopenhauer’s pessimism in the context of his life experiences, revealing the philosopher’s relentless fascination with the world and making a case for his contemporary relevance. Bather Woods weaves together Schopenhauer’s ideas with the story of how he came to be, including such topics as love, loneliness, morality, politics, gender, sexuality, death, suicide, fame, and madness. In doing so, this book answers some of life’s most challenging questions about how to deal with pain and loss, and how to live with ourselves and each other.Despite his pessimistic outlook on human existence, Schopenhauer didn’t give up on life. Rather, he recognized that the question of how to live becomes even more pressing, and he worked to provide an answer. Bather Woods shows how Schopenhauer’s life informed his ideas and how they still resonate today.

David Bather Woods is associate professor of philosophy at the University of Warwick. He is coeditor with Timothy Stoll of The Schopenhauerian Mind. He has contributed chapters to The Proustian Mind, Schopenhauer’s Moral Philosophy, and The Palgrave Schopenhauer Handbook.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Arthur Schopenhauer: The Life and Thought of Philosophy’s Greatest Pessimist by David Bather Woods

An engaging biography of one of the most influential Western philosophers and a thought-provoking exploration of how to live with Arthur Schopenhauer’s pessimism.Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) almost wasn’t one of the greatest philosophers of the nineteenth century. Born in the Free City of Danzig to a family of shipping merchants, he was destined for a life of imports and exports until his father died in a suspected suicide. After much deliberation, the young Schopenhauer invested his inheritance in himself and his philosophical vocation. But the long road to recognition was a difficult one, with Schopenhauer spending all but the last decade of his life in total obscurity. Yet his ideas and style went on to influence great thinkers, including Friedrich Nietzsche, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and Sigmund Freud, as well as artists such as the composer Richard Wagner and writers Marcel Proust, Thomas Mann, Samuel Beckett, and many more.A singular and remarkably influential thinker, Schopenhauer is usually described as an extreme pessimist. He questioned the purpose of existence in a world where pain and suffering are inescapable and happiness is all too brief. In this engaging philosophical biography, David Bather Woods reevaluates Schopenhauer’s pessimism in the context of his life experiences, revealing the philosopher’s relentless fascination with the world and making a case for his contemporary relevance. Bather Woods weaves together Schopenhauer’s ideas with the story of how he came to be, including such topics as love, loneliness, morality, politics, gender, sexuality, death, suicide, fame, and madness. In doing so, this book answers some of life’s most challenging questions about how to deal with pain and loss, and how to live with ourselves and each other.Despite his pessimistic outlook on human existence, Schopenhauer didn’t give up on life. Rather, he recognized that the question of how to live becomes even more pressing, and he worked to provide an answer. Bather Woods shows how Schopenhauer’s life informed his ideas and how they still resonate today.

David Bather Woods is associate professor of philosophy at the University of Warwick. He is coeditor with Timothy Stoll of The Schopenhauerian Mind. He has contributed chapters to The Proustian Mind, Schopenhauer’s Moral Philosophy, and The Palgrave Schopenhauer Handbook.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Arthur Schopenhauer: The Life and Thought of Philosophy’s Greatest Pessimist by <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/author/B/D/au204596750.html">David Bather Woods</a></p>
<p><strong>An engaging biography of one of the most influential Western philosophers and a thought-provoking exploration of how to live with Arthur Schopenhauer’s pessimism.</strong><br>Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860) almost wasn’t one of the greatest philosophers of the nineteenth century. Born in the Free City of Danzig to a family of shipping merchants, he was destined for a life of imports and exports until his father died in a suspected suicide. After much deliberation, the young Schopenhauer invested his inheritance in himself and his philosophical vocation. But the long road to recognition was a difficult one, with Schopenhauer spending all but the last decade of his life in total obscurity. Yet his ideas and style went on to influence great thinkers, including Friedrich Nietzsche, Ludwig Wittgenstein, and Sigmund Freud, as well as artists such as the composer Richard Wagner and writers Marcel Proust, Thomas Mann, Samuel Beckett, and many more.<br>A singular and remarkably influential thinker, Schopenhauer is usually described as an extreme pessimist. He questioned the purpose of existence in a world where pain and suffering are inescapable and happiness is all too brief. In this engaging philosophical biography, David Bather Woods reevaluates Schopenhauer’s pessimism in the context of his life experiences, revealing the philosopher’s relentless fascination with the world and making a case for his contemporary relevance. Bather Woods weaves together Schopenhauer’s ideas with the story of how he came to be, including such topics as love, loneliness, morality, politics, gender, sexuality, death, suicide, fame, and madness. In doing so, this book answers some of life’s most challenging questions about how to deal with pain and loss, and how to live with ourselves and each other.<br>Despite his pessimistic outlook on human existence, Schopenhauer didn’t give up on life. Rather, he recognized that the question of <em>how to live</em> becomes even more pressing, and he worked to provide an answer. Bather Woods shows how Schopenhauer’s life informed his ideas and how they still resonate today.</p>
<p><strong>David Bather Woods</strong> is associate professor of philosophy at the University of Warwick. He is coeditor with Timothy Stoll of <em>The Schopenhauerian Mind</em>. He has contributed chapters to <em>The Proustian Mind</em>, <em>Schopenhauer’s Moral Philosophy</em>, and <em>The Palgrave Schopenhauer Handbook</em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4594</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Doug Crandell, "Twenty-Two Cents an Hour: Disability Rights and the Fight to End Subminimum Wages" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Twenty-Two Cents an Hour: ﻿﻿Disability Rights and the Fight to End Subminimum Wages ﻿(Cornell UP, 2022), Doug Crandell uncovers the harsh reality of people with disabilities in the United States who are forced to work in unethical conditions for subminimum wages with little or no opportunity to advocate for themselves, while wealthy CEOs grow even wealthier as a direct result. As recently as 2016, the United States Congress enacted bipartisan legislation which continued to allow workers with disabilities to legally be paid far lower than the federal minimum wage. Drawing on ongoing federal Department of Justice lawsuits, the horrifying story of Henry's Turkey Farm in Iowa, and more, Crandell shows the history of the policies that have led to these unjust outcomes, examines who benefits from this legislation, and asks important questions about the rise of a disability industrial complex. Exposing this complex—which is rooted in profit, lobbying, and playing on the emotions of workers' parents and families, as well as the public—Crandell challenges readers to reexamine how we treat some of our most vulnerable fellow citizens. Twenty-Two Cents an Hour forces the reader to face the reality of this exploitation, and builds the framework needed for reform.

Doug Crandell is Public Service Faculty at the Institute on Human Development and Disability at the University of Georgia. For more than thirty years he has worked in disability advocacy, specifically the intersection of employment, economic justice, and much-needed systems change. Doug Crandell is the author of several book and novels, inlcuding most recently "They're Calling You Home."

My co-producer for this episode is Shea Tripp, a graduate student in the Department of Communication, Journalism and Public Relations at Oakland University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Twenty-Two Cents an Hour: ﻿﻿Disability Rights and the Fight to End Subminimum Wages ﻿(Cornell UP, 2022), Doug Crandell uncovers the harsh reality of people with disabilities in the United States who are forced to work in unethical conditions for subminimum wages with little or no opportunity to advocate for themselves, while wealthy CEOs grow even wealthier as a direct result. As recently as 2016, the United States Congress enacted bipartisan legislation which continued to allow workers with disabilities to legally be paid far lower than the federal minimum wage. Drawing on ongoing federal Department of Justice lawsuits, the horrifying story of Henry's Turkey Farm in Iowa, and more, Crandell shows the history of the policies that have led to these unjust outcomes, examines who benefits from this legislation, and asks important questions about the rise of a disability industrial complex. Exposing this complex—which is rooted in profit, lobbying, and playing on the emotions of workers' parents and families, as well as the public—Crandell challenges readers to reexamine how we treat some of our most vulnerable fellow citizens. Twenty-Two Cents an Hour forces the reader to face the reality of this exploitation, and builds the framework needed for reform.

Doug Crandell is Public Service Faculty at the Institute on Human Development and Disability at the University of Georgia. For more than thirty years he has worked in disability advocacy, specifically the intersection of employment, economic justice, and much-needed systems change. Doug Crandell is the author of several book and novels, inlcuding most recently "They're Calling You Home."

My co-producer for this episode is Shea Tripp, a graduate student in the Department of Communication, Journalism and Public Relations at Oakland University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501763588">Twenty-Two Cents an Hour: ﻿﻿Disability Rights and the Fight to End Subminimum Wages</a><em> ﻿</em>(Cornell UP, 2022), Doug Crandell uncovers the harsh reality of people with disabilities in the United States who are forced to work in unethical conditions for subminimum wages with little or no opportunity to advocate for themselves, while wealthy CEOs grow even wealthier as a direct result. As recently as 2016, the United States Congress enacted bipartisan legislation which continued to allow workers with disabilities to legally be paid far lower than the federal minimum wage. Drawing on ongoing federal Department of Justice lawsuits, the horrifying story of Henry's Turkey Farm in Iowa, and more, Crandell shows the history of the policies that have led to these unjust outcomes, examines who benefits from this legislation, and asks important questions about the rise of a disability industrial complex. Exposing this complex—which is rooted in profit, lobbying, and playing on the emotions of workers' parents and families, as well as the public—Crandell challenges readers to reexamine how we treat some of our most vulnerable fellow citizens. Twenty-Two Cents an Hour forces the reader to face the reality of this exploitation, and builds the framework needed for reform.</p>
<p>Doug Crandell is Public Service Faculty at the Institute on Human Development and Disability at the University of Georgia. For more than thirty years he has worked in disability advocacy, specifically the intersection of employment, economic justice, and much-needed systems change. Doug Crandell is the author of several book and novels, inlcuding most recently "They're Calling You Home."</p>
<p>My co-producer for this episode is Shea Tripp, a graduate student in the Department of Communication, Journalism and Public Relations at Oakland University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3790</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3293821892.mp3?updated=1773898305" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sunmin Kim, "The Unruly Facts of Race: The Politics of Knowledge Production in the Early Twentieth-Century Immigration Debate" (U Chicago Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>What happens when theories of racial hierarchies interact with reality? How are they contested, refuted and changed in light of that encounter? What role do experts, most notably social scientists, play here? And, what can these historical encounters tell us about how we should think of race and migration today? These are the questions which animate Sunmin Kim’s The Unruly Facts of Race: The Politics of Knowledge Production in the Early Twentieth-Century Immigration Debate (U Chicago Press, 2026). Taking as his focus the Dillingham Commission, a US government investigation into migrant groups established in 1907, Kim shows how theories of racial essentialism, which increasing were moving across the, at the time blurry, boundary between biology and society were used and contested in a moment when prominent political figures were eager to separate out the valued, long-established migrants from Western and Central Europe from those coming from Eastern and Southern Europe who all, on the face of it, were ‘white’. In doing so ideas such as ethnicity and the possibility of assimilation come to be mobilised. In turn Japanese migrants on the Pacific coast were placed beyond the pale of this possibility of assimilation and continued to be excluded. As Kim shows, not only did the commission report introduce some new vocabulary for thinking of race, but also played a key role in the development of US immigration quotas and a form of racial liberalism. This perspective, while accepting the possibility of a diverse body politic, rested on an assumption of a ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ element, including the possibility that some of the latter simply could never be ‘American’.

In our discussion we discuss the formation and activity of the Dillingham Commission. This includes discussing a number of key figures, such as Franz Boas who measures skulls for the commission and in so doing uses the same tools of the eugenicists and positivists to undercut their racist claims and Yamato Ichihashi who, while vociferously making the case that Japanese migrants such as himself are the ideal ‘Americans’ ends up being an example of the ‘insurmountable difference’ placed in front of such groups. We end by discussing how Zora Neale Hurston, once Boas’s student, provides a different way of conceiving of race and its place in immigration debates.

Your host, Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happens when theories of racial hierarchies interact with reality? How are they contested, refuted and changed in light of that encounter? What role do experts, most notably social scientists, play here? And, what can these historical encounters tell us about how we should think of race and migration today? These are the questions which animate Sunmin Kim’s The Unruly Facts of Race: The Politics of Knowledge Production in the Early Twentieth-Century Immigration Debate (U Chicago Press, 2026). Taking as his focus the Dillingham Commission, a US government investigation into migrant groups established in 1907, Kim shows how theories of racial essentialism, which increasing were moving across the, at the time blurry, boundary between biology and society were used and contested in a moment when prominent political figures were eager to separate out the valued, long-established migrants from Western and Central Europe from those coming from Eastern and Southern Europe who all, on the face of it, were ‘white’. In doing so ideas such as ethnicity and the possibility of assimilation come to be mobilised. In turn Japanese migrants on the Pacific coast were placed beyond the pale of this possibility of assimilation and continued to be excluded. As Kim shows, not only did the commission report introduce some new vocabulary for thinking of race, but also played a key role in the development of US immigration quotas and a form of racial liberalism. This perspective, while accepting the possibility of a diverse body politic, rested on an assumption of a ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ element, including the possibility that some of the latter simply could never be ‘American’.

In our discussion we discuss the formation and activity of the Dillingham Commission. This includes discussing a number of key figures, such as Franz Boas who measures skulls for the commission and in so doing uses the same tools of the eugenicists and positivists to undercut their racist claims and Yamato Ichihashi who, while vociferously making the case that Japanese migrants such as himself are the ideal ‘Americans’ ends up being an example of the ‘insurmountable difference’ placed in front of such groups. We end by discussing how Zora Neale Hurston, once Boas’s student, provides a different way of conceiving of race and its place in immigration debates.

Your host, Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happens when theories of racial hierarchies interact with reality? How are they contested, refuted and changed in light of that encounter? What role do experts, most notably social scientists, play here? And, what can these historical encounters tell us about how we should think of race and migration today? These are the questions which animate Sunmin Kim’s <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/U/bo257660942.html">The Unruly Facts of Race: The Politics of Knowledge Production in the Early Twentieth-Century Immigration Debate</a> (U Chicago Press, 2026). Taking as his focus the Dillingham Commission, a US government investigation into migrant groups established in 1907, Kim shows how theories of racial essentialism, which increasing were moving across the, at the time blurry, boundary between biology and society were used and contested in a moment when prominent political figures were eager to separate out the valued, long-established migrants from Western and Central Europe from those coming from Eastern and Southern Europe who all, on the face of it, were ‘white’. In doing so ideas such as ethnicity and the possibility of assimilation come to be mobilised. In turn Japanese migrants on the Pacific coast were placed beyond the pale of this possibility of assimilation and continued to be excluded. As Kim shows, not only did the commission report introduce some new vocabulary for thinking of race, but also played a key role in the development of US immigration quotas and a form of racial liberalism. This perspective, while accepting the possibility of a diverse body politic, rested on an assumption of a ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ element, including the possibility that some of the latter simply could never be ‘American’.</p>
<p>In our discussion we discuss the formation and activity of the Dillingham Commission. This includes discussing a number of key figures, such as Franz Boas who measures skulls for the commission and in so doing uses the same tools of the eugenicists and positivists to undercut their racist claims and Yamato Ichihashi who, while vociferously making the case that Japanese migrants such as himself are the ideal ‘Americans’ ends up being an example of the ‘insurmountable difference’ placed in front of such groups. We end by discussing how Zora Neale Hurston, once Boas’s student, provides a different way of conceiving of race and its place in immigration debates.</p>
<p>Your host, <a href="https://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/staff/mattdawson/">Matt Dawson</a> is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow and the author of <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-031-75484-5">G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation</a> (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) and co-editor of <a href="https://anthempress.com/books/the-anthem-companion-to-henri-lefebvre-hb">The Anthem Companion to Henri Lefebvre</a> (2026, Anthem Press) along with other texts.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Our Age of War: A Discussion with Author Robert Pape</title>
      <description>Robert Pape, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, has been writing about war for decades, including in his book Bombing to Win: Air Power and Coercion in War (Cornell University Press, 1996). In our conversation, we step back from the immediate conflict in Iran to reflect on what can be called our Age of War. We are in an era of chronic political violence, including in the United States, Pape notes—what he views as a Hobbesian period in global history. And there is not necessarily, he says, an end in sight.

Robert A. Pape is Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago specializing in international security affairs.

Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robert Pape, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, has been writing about war for decades, including in his book Bombing to Win: Air Power and Coercion in War (Cornell University Press, 1996). In our conversation, we step back from the immediate conflict in Iran to reflect on what can be called our Age of War. We are in an era of chronic political violence, including in the United States, Pape notes—what he views as a Hobbesian period in global history. And there is not necessarily, he says, an end in sight.

Robert A. Pape is Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago specializing in international security affairs.

Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Robert Pape, a political scientist at the University of Chicago, has been writing about war for decades, including in his book <em>Bombing to Win: Air Power and Coercion in War </em>(Cornell University Press, 1996). In our conversation, we step back from the immediate conflict in Iran to reflect on what can be called our Age of War. We are in an era of chronic political violence, including in the United States, Pape notes—what he views as a Hobbesian period in global history. And there is not necessarily, he says, an end in sight.</p>
<p>Robert A. Pape is Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago specializing in international security affairs.</p>
<p>Veteran journalist <strong>Paul Starobin </strong>is a former Moscow bureau chief for <em>Business Week </em>and a former contributing editor of <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/">The Atlantic</a><em>. </em>He has written for <em>The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal </em>and many other publications<em>. </em>His most recent book is <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/">Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</a><em> </em>(Columbia Global Reports, 2024).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2579</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8a452e22-2199-11f1-83c5-93237d766ed8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8915543502.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>A.J. Bauer, "Making the Liberal Media: How Conservatives Built a Movement Against The Press" (Columbia UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>In Making the Liberal Media: How Conservatives Built a Movement Against The Press (Columbia UP, 2026), A.J. Bauer examines the history of the idea of a “liberal media bias.” Rather than trying to show whether or not “liberal media bias” is an accurate description, Bauer shows how this idea has been an animating force for conservative political activists and media figures. Bauer shows the lineage of “liberal media bias” criticism going back to early leaders in the modern conservative movement and press, as well as the conservative and right-wing grassroots. In addition to promoting this idea of media bias, these early conservative media pioneers taught their audiences how to be media critics themselves, a tradition that is still practiced today.

A.J. Bauer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Journalism and Creative Media at the University of Alabama.

You can find a transcript of the interview here.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Making the Liberal Media: How Conservatives Built a Movement Against The Press (Columbia UP, 2026), A.J. Bauer examines the history of the idea of a “liberal media bias.” Rather than trying to show whether or not “liberal media bias” is an accurate description, Bauer shows how this idea has been an animating force for conservative political activists and media figures. Bauer shows the lineage of “liberal media bias” criticism going back to early leaders in the modern conservative movement and press, as well as the conservative and right-wing grassroots. In addition to promoting this idea of media bias, these early conservative media pioneers taught their audiences how to be media critics themselves, a tradition that is still practiced today.

A.J. Bauer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Journalism and Creative Media at the University of Alabama.

You can find a transcript of the interview here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231218351"><em>Making the Liberal Media: How Conservatives Built a Movement Against The Press</em> </a>(Columbia UP, 2026), A.J. Bauer examines the history of the idea of a “liberal media bias.” Rather than trying to show whether or not “liberal media bias” is an accurate description, Bauer shows how this idea has been an animating force for conservative political activists and media figures. Bauer shows the lineage of “liberal media bias” criticism going back to early leaders in the modern conservative movement and press, as well as the conservative and right-wing grassroots. In addition to promoting this idea of media bias, these early conservative media pioneers taught their audiences <em>how</em> to be media critics themselves, a tradition that is still practiced today.<br></p>
<p>A.J. Bauer is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Journalism and Creative Media at the University of Alabama.</p>
<p>You can find a <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1BOXRJIvbhpQ6abhjQySsjLl250CGRvsF/edit?usp=drive_link&amp;ouid=113785768998406476000&amp;rtpof=true&amp;sd=true">transcript of the interview here.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4543</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d0e6b72c-21cd-11f1-a101-0fa6926fe1d9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2297599809.mp3?updated=1773730532" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Abe Walker, "Reassembling the UAW: Insurgency, Contention, and the Struggle for Unionism in the American South" (Temple UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>When Volkswagen’s Chattanooga Assembly Plant opened in 2012, the United Auto Workers were excited by the golden opportunity to organize in the anti-union South, where their efforts had been routinely thwarted. However, it took ten years and several attempts before the UAW was successful in unionizing the plant. Reassembling the UAW: Insurgency, Contention, and the Struggle for Unionism in the American South (Temple UP, 2026) explains why.

Dr. Abe Walker chronicles the organizing campaign from its origin in 2014 to the union’s breakthrough victory in 2024, illustrating what went wrong—and what went right—along the way. Walker provides a systematic analysis of the strategic challenges and tactical shifts, showing the patterns that persisted across three election cycles while highlighting their differences, from global-level alliances to local labor issues.

Reassembling the UAW also demonstrates how rebel rank-and-file workers ousted the old-guard leadership and transformed the UAW into a militant union to achieve results. Ultimately, Walker offers valuable lessons for organizational strategy, the power of collective action, and the future of the labor movement.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Volkswagen’s Chattanooga Assembly Plant opened in 2012, the United Auto Workers were excited by the golden opportunity to organize in the anti-union South, where their efforts had been routinely thwarted. However, it took ten years and several attempts before the UAW was successful in unionizing the plant. Reassembling the UAW: Insurgency, Contention, and the Struggle for Unionism in the American South (Temple UP, 2026) explains why.

Dr. Abe Walker chronicles the organizing campaign from its origin in 2014 to the union’s breakthrough victory in 2024, illustrating what went wrong—and what went right—along the way. Walker provides a systematic analysis of the strategic challenges and tactical shifts, showing the patterns that persisted across three election cycles while highlighting their differences, from global-level alliances to local labor issues.

Reassembling the UAW also demonstrates how rebel rank-and-file workers ousted the old-guard leadership and transformed the UAW into a militant union to achieve results. Ultimately, Walker offers valuable lessons for organizational strategy, the power of collective action, and the future of the labor movement.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Volkswagen’s Chattanooga Assembly Plant opened in 2012, the United Auto Workers were excited by the golden opportunity to organize in the anti-union South, where their efforts had been routinely thwarted. However, it took ten years and several attempts before the UAW was successful in unionizing the plant. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439926406"><em>Reassembling the UAW: Insurgency, Contention, and the Struggle for Unionism in the American South</em> </a>(Temple UP, 2026) explains why.</p>
<p>Dr. Abe Walker chronicles the organizing campaign from its origin in 2014 to the union’s breakthrough victory in 2024, illustrating what went wrong—and what went right—along the way. Walker provides a systematic analysis of the strategic challenges and tactical shifts, showing the patterns that persisted across three election cycles while highlighting their differences, from global-level alliances to local labor issues.</p>
<p><em>Reassembling the UAW</em> also demonstrates how rebel rank-and-file workers ousted the old-guard leadership and transformed the UAW into a militant union to achieve results. Ultimately, Walker offers valuable lessons for organizational strategy, the power of collective action, and the future of the labor movement.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3701</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Alec Ryrie, "The Age of Hitler and How We Will Survive It" (Reaktion, 2025)</title>
      <description>Examining everything from popular novels to politics, an investigation of persistent fascination with Nazis—and where it might take us.

We live in an age where Hitler and the Nazis dominate our cultural imagination, shaping values once defined by religion. Historian Alec Ryrie explores why society remains captivated by this struggle, from history and fiction to modern myths such as Star Wars and Harry Potter. He examines the costs of our Nazi obsession and questions what will come as our anti-Nazi moral consensus frays and both the Left and Right begin to move on. With a fresh take on modern history and pop culture, The Age of Hitler and How We Will Survive It ﻿(Reaktion, 2025) offers a thought-provoking look at the culture wars and our shifting political crises, challenging assumptions on both sides and asking what a new moral vision might look like.

Alec Ryrie is professor of the history of Christianity at Durham University and a fellow of the British Academy. His previous books include Unbelievers: An Emotional History of Doubt. He lives in rural County Durham.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here
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      <pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Examining everything from popular novels to politics, an investigation of persistent fascination with Nazis—and where it might take us.

We live in an age where Hitler and the Nazis dominate our cultural imagination, shaping values once defined by religion. Historian Alec Ryrie explores why society remains captivated by this struggle, from history and fiction to modern myths such as Star Wars and Harry Potter. He examines the costs of our Nazi obsession and questions what will come as our anti-Nazi moral consensus frays and both the Left and Right begin to move on. With a fresh take on modern history and pop culture, The Age of Hitler and How We Will Survive It ﻿(Reaktion, 2025) offers a thought-provoking look at the culture wars and our shifting political crises, challenging assumptions on both sides and asking what a new moral vision might look like.

Alec Ryrie is professor of the history of Christianity at Durham University and a fellow of the British Academy. His previous books include Unbelievers: An Emotional History of Doubt. He lives in rural County Durham.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Examining everything from popular novels to politics, an investigation of persistent fascination with Nazis—and where it might take us.</p>
<p>We live in an age where Hitler and the Nazis dominate our cultural imagination, shaping values once defined by religion. Historian Alec Ryrie explores why society remains captivated by this struggle, from history and fiction to modern myths such as <em>Star Wars</em> and <em>Harry Potter</em>. He examines the costs of our Nazi obsession and questions what will come as our anti-Nazi moral consensus frays and both the Left and Right begin to move on. With a fresh take on modern history and pop culture, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781836390824"><em>The Age of Hitler and How We Will Survive It</em> ﻿</a>(Reaktion, 2025) offers a thought-provoking look at the culture wars and our shifting political crises, challenging assumptions on both sides and asking what a new moral vision might look like.</p>
<p>Alec Ryrie is professor of the history of Christianity at Durham University and a fellow of the British Academy. His previous books include <em>Unbelievers: An Emotional History of Doubt</em>. He lives in rural County Durham.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3214</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Suzanne Mettler and Trevor E. Brown, "Rural Versus Urban: The Growing Divide That Threatens Democracy" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>How the urban-rural divide drives partisan polarization Why have Americans living in different places come to experience politics as a battle between “us” and “them”? In Rural Versus Urban: The Growing Divide That Threatens Democracy (Princeton UP, 2025) Suzanne Mettler and Trevor Brown argue that political polarization is not just about red states and blue states, or coastal elites who alienate those in fly-over country. Instead, polarization permeates every region and every state—and has become organized through a pernicious rural-urban division. Mettler and Brown explain the evolution of this gulf across five decades, charting political trends in both places. Drawing on data on individuals, communities, and members of Congress, as well as interviews with local party leaders and former elected officials, they show how the divide emerged and why it poses a threat to democracy. Until about thirty years ago, both political parties attracted support from rural and urban voters. But after place-based inequality grew due to deregulation and trade liberalization, white rural dwellers began to view urban people and Democrats as affluent elites out of touch with their needs. Politically active evangelical churches, antiabortion organizations, and gun groups helped deepen the divide, encouraging many of these rural residents to become staunch supporters of the GOP. Now, regional one-party rule in rural America gives Republicans a systematic edge for gaining control of crucial political institutions, including the Senate, House of Representatives, the Presidency, and even the Supreme Court. This is helping enable an extremist political party and pushing democracy to the brink. Mettler and Brown argue that the divide can be repaired—but only if the Democrats build their own robust local organizations and offer citizens a meaningful choice.

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Trevor Brown is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Johns Hopkins University. In Fall 2026, he will join the University of Oregon's Department of Political Science as Assistant Professor of Inequality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the urban-rural divide drives partisan polarization Why have Americans living in different places come to experience politics as a battle between “us” and “them”? In Rural Versus Urban: The Growing Divide That Threatens Democracy (Princeton UP, 2025) Suzanne Mettler and Trevor Brown argue that political polarization is not just about red states and blue states, or coastal elites who alienate those in fly-over country. Instead, polarization permeates every region and every state—and has become organized through a pernicious rural-urban division. Mettler and Brown explain the evolution of this gulf across five decades, charting political trends in both places. Drawing on data on individuals, communities, and members of Congress, as well as interviews with local party leaders and former elected officials, they show how the divide emerged and why it poses a threat to democracy. Until about thirty years ago, both political parties attracted support from rural and urban voters. But after place-based inequality grew due to deregulation and trade liberalization, white rural dwellers began to view urban people and Democrats as affluent elites out of touch with their needs. Politically active evangelical churches, antiabortion organizations, and gun groups helped deepen the divide, encouraging many of these rural residents to become staunch supporters of the GOP. Now, regional one-party rule in rural America gives Republicans a systematic edge for gaining control of crucial political institutions, including the Senate, House of Representatives, the Presidency, and even the Supreme Court. This is helping enable an extremist political party and pushing democracy to the brink. Mettler and Brown argue that the divide can be repaired—but only if the Democrats build their own robust local organizations and offer citizens a meaningful choice.

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Trevor Brown is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Johns Hopkins University. In Fall 2026, he will join the University of Oregon's Department of Political Science as Assistant Professor of Inequality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the urban-rural divide drives partisan polarization Why have Americans living in different places come to experience politics as a battle between “us” and “them”? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691264387">Rural Versus Urban: The Growing Divide That Threatens Democracy</a> (Princeton UP, 2025) Suzanne Mettler and Trevor Brown argue that political polarization is not just about red states and blue states, or coastal elites who alienate those in fly-over country. Instead, polarization permeates every region and every state—and has become organized through a pernicious rural-urban division. Mettler and Brown explain the evolution of this gulf across five decades, charting political trends in both places. Drawing on data on individuals, communities, and members of Congress, as well as interviews with local party leaders and former elected officials, they show how the divide emerged and why it poses a threat to democracy. Until about thirty years ago, both political parties attracted support from rural and urban voters. But after place-based inequality grew due to deregulation and trade liberalization, white rural dwellers began to view urban people and Democrats as affluent elites out of touch with their needs. Politically active evangelical churches, antiabortion organizations, and gun groups helped deepen the divide, encouraging many of these rural residents to become staunch supporters of the GOP. Now, regional one-party rule in rural America gives Republicans a systematic edge for gaining control of crucial political institutions, including the Senate, House of Representatives, the Presidency, and even the Supreme Court. This is helping enable an extremist political party and pushing democracy to the brink. Mettler and Brown argue that the divide can be repaired—but only if the Democrats build their own robust local organizations and offer citizens a meaningful choice.</p>
<p><br>Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,<em>America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State </em>(Cambridge University Press, 2020).</p>
<p>Trevor Brown is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Johns Hopkins University. In Fall 2026, he will join the University of Oregon's Department of Political Science as Assistant Professor of Inequality.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2401</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Pepper Culpepper and Taeku Lee, "Billionaire Backlash: The Age of Corporate Scandal and How it Could Save Democracy" (﻿Bloomsbury, 2026) ﻿</title>
      <description>Giant companies, launch rockets into space, control satellite communication and develop era-defining AI technologies. But they are also seen as promoting misinformation, undermining democracy and violating privacy. Big banks, reeling since the financial crisis of 2008, continue to be racked with major scandals. Drawing on examples such as the VW scandal in Germany, Cambridge Analytica and Samsung the authors of ﻿Billionaire Backlash: The Age of Corporate Scandal and How it Could Save Democracy (﻿Bloomsbury, 2026) ﻿show that these scandals are opportunities for real political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Giant companies, launch rockets into space, control satellite communication and develop era-defining AI technologies. But they are also seen as promoting misinformation, undermining democracy and violating privacy. Big banks, reeling since the financial crisis of 2008, continue to be racked with major scandals. Drawing on examples such as the VW scandal in Germany, Cambridge Analytica and Samsung the authors of ﻿Billionaire Backlash: The Age of Corporate Scandal and How it Could Save Democracy (﻿Bloomsbury, 2026) ﻿show that these scandals are opportunities for real political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Giant companies, launch rockets into space, control satellite communication and develop era-defining AI technologies. But they are also seen as promoting misinformation, undermining democracy and violating privacy. Big banks, reeling since the financial crisis of 2008, continue to be racked with major scandals. Drawing on examples such as the VW scandal in Germany, Cambridge Analytica and Samsung the authors of ﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781399424103">Billionaire Backlash: The Age of Corporate Scandal and How it Could Save Democracy</a> (﻿Bloomsbury, 2026) ﻿show that these scandals are opportunities for real political change.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4056</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[fb5bc8b0-1d06-11f1-bd7d-2f0d985dacf3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6666792836.mp3?updated=1773205152" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Moran et al., "Coercing Syria on Chemical Weapons" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In 2012, US President Barack Obama stated that the Syrian government’s use of chemical weapons on its population would cross a red line that would require the US government to reconsider its approach to the civil war then underway in Syria. Syria subsequently used such weapons, creating a policy dilemma for the United States about how to respond to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's violation of the red line.In Coercing Syria on Chemical Weapons (Oxford UP, 2025), Matthew Moran, Wyn Q. Bowen, and Jeffrey W. Knopf examine efforts by the United States, sometimes acting with France and the United Kingdom, to respond to Syria's possession and use of chemical weapons over the course of its civil war. In particular, they focus on US strategy during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, which relied heavily on coercion, including deterrent and compellent variants. As the authors show, policies directed at the ruling Assad regime in Syria attempted to deter chemical weapons attacks and to compel Syria to give up its chemical arsenal with mixed outcomes. Drawing on the existing literature on deterrence and coercive diplomacy to identify three propositions — concerning credibility, motivations, and assurances — the book explains the mixed record of coercive success and failure and examines how effective coercive strategies were at different points and why.Drawing on the most significant attempt in the post-Cold War era to deter the use of a weapon of mass destruction, this book offers theoretical and practical lessons for both security studies scholars and policymakers.

Our guest is Professor Jeff Knopf, a Professor at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey (MIIS), where he serves as chair of the M.A. program in Nonproliferation and Terrorism Studies.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2012, US President Barack Obama stated that the Syrian government’s use of chemical weapons on its population would cross a red line that would require the US government to reconsider its approach to the civil war then underway in Syria. Syria subsequently used such weapons, creating a policy dilemma for the United States about how to respond to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's violation of the red line.In Coercing Syria on Chemical Weapons (Oxford UP, 2025), Matthew Moran, Wyn Q. Bowen, and Jeffrey W. Knopf examine efforts by the United States, sometimes acting with France and the United Kingdom, to respond to Syria's possession and use of chemical weapons over the course of its civil war. In particular, they focus on US strategy during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, which relied heavily on coercion, including deterrent and compellent variants. As the authors show, policies directed at the ruling Assad regime in Syria attempted to deter chemical weapons attacks and to compel Syria to give up its chemical arsenal with mixed outcomes. Drawing on the existing literature on deterrence and coercive diplomacy to identify three propositions — concerning credibility, motivations, and assurances — the book explains the mixed record of coercive success and failure and examines how effective coercive strategies were at different points and why.Drawing on the most significant attempt in the post-Cold War era to deter the use of a weapon of mass destruction, this book offers theoretical and practical lessons for both security studies scholars and policymakers.

Our guest is Professor Jeff Knopf, a Professor at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey (MIIS), where he serves as chair of the M.A. program in Nonproliferation and Terrorism Studies.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2012, US President Barack Obama stated that the Syrian government’s use of chemical weapons on its population would cross a red line that would require the US government to reconsider its approach to the civil war then underway in Syria. Syria subsequently used such weapons, creating a policy dilemma for the United States about how to respond to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's violation of the red line.<br>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/coercing-syria-on-chemical-weapons-a-case-study-of-deterrence-and-coercive-diplomacy-professor-and-program-chair-in-nonproliferation-and-terrorism-stu/87e4b2e083905175?ean=9780197770382&amp;next=t">Coercing Syria on Chemical Weapons</a> (Oxford UP, 2025), Matthew Moran, Wyn Q. Bowen, and Jeffrey W. Knopf examine efforts by the United States, sometimes acting with France and the United Kingdom, to respond to Syria's possession and use of chemical weapons over the course of its civil war. In particular, they focus on US strategy during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump, which relied heavily on coercion, including deterrent and compellent variants. As the authors show, policies directed at the ruling Assad regime in Syria attempted to deter chemical weapons attacks and to compel Syria to give up its chemical arsenal with mixed outcomes. Drawing on the existing literature on deterrence and coercive diplomacy to identify three propositions — concerning credibility, motivations, and assurances — the book explains the mixed record of coercive success and failure and examines how effective coercive strategies were at different points and why.<br>Drawing on the most significant attempt in the post-Cold War era to deter the use of a weapon of mass destruction, this book offers theoretical and practical lessons for both security studies scholars and policymakers.</p>
<p>Our guest is Professor <a href="https://www.middlebury.edu/institute/people/jeff-knopf">Jeff Knopf</a>, a Professor at the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey (MIIS), where he serves as chair of the M.A. program in Nonproliferation and Terrorism Studies.</p>
<p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2261</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jessica Ann Levy, "Black Power, Inc.: Corporate America and the Rise of Multinational Empowerment Politics" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>﻿Black Power, Inc.: Corporate America and the Rise of Multinational Empowerment Politics, (U Pennsylvania Press, 2026), traces the rise of Black empowerment politics in the United States and Africa. On a cold January day in 1964, civil rights minister turned entrepreneur Rev. Leon Howard Sullivan declared to a group of supporters gathered to witness the launch of Sullivan’s latest venture, Opportunities Industrialization Centers, Inc., “The day has come when we must do more than protest—we must now also PREPARE and PRODUCE!” Occasionally linked with the movement for Black Power, Sullivan and others, including Coca-Cola vice president Carl Ware and Atlanta mayor Andrew Young, were in fact architects of Black empowerment—an intellectual and political movement that championed private enterprise as the key to Black people’s prosperity.Jessica Ann Levy traces Black empowerment’s rise in American politics—from early twentieth-century influences including Booker T. Washington and Marcus Garvey to the cities of postwar America into corporate boardrooms and government offices—and across the Atlantic Ocean to Africa. Civil rights leaders, Black entrepreneurs, white corporate executives, and government officials all championed Black empowerment as a means to address multiple crises in US cities and to blunt some of the more radical aspects of the Black Power movement. Black empowerment politics likewise found application overseas in various Cold War efforts to promote American-style free enterprise in Africa. This was especially the case in South Africa, where US corporate executives and government officials wielded Black empowerment politics to oppose apartheid and divestment.By the early twenty-first century, the idea that private enterprise, including small-scale entrepreneurs and large multinational corporations, should play a leading role in combating racial inequality and empowering Black and other marginalized people featured prominently in various policies and programs at the local, national, and international level. By tracing Black empowerment politics’ evolution, Black Power, Inc. explains its popularity, championed by leaders from Bill Clinton to Nelson Mandela, while also revealing its role in expanding US corporate power, locally and globally.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>﻿Black Power, Inc.: Corporate America and the Rise of Multinational Empowerment Politics, (U Pennsylvania Press, 2026), traces the rise of Black empowerment politics in the United States and Africa. On a cold January day in 1964, civil rights minister turned entrepreneur Rev. Leon Howard Sullivan declared to a group of supporters gathered to witness the launch of Sullivan’s latest venture, Opportunities Industrialization Centers, Inc., “The day has come when we must do more than protest—we must now also PREPARE and PRODUCE!” Occasionally linked with the movement for Black Power, Sullivan and others, including Coca-Cola vice president Carl Ware and Atlanta mayor Andrew Young, were in fact architects of Black empowerment—an intellectual and political movement that championed private enterprise as the key to Black people’s prosperity.Jessica Ann Levy traces Black empowerment’s rise in American politics—from early twentieth-century influences including Booker T. Washington and Marcus Garvey to the cities of postwar America into corporate boardrooms and government offices—and across the Atlantic Ocean to Africa. Civil rights leaders, Black entrepreneurs, white corporate executives, and government officials all championed Black empowerment as a means to address multiple crises in US cities and to blunt some of the more radical aspects of the Black Power movement. Black empowerment politics likewise found application overseas in various Cold War efforts to promote American-style free enterprise in Africa. This was especially the case in South Africa, where US corporate executives and government officials wielded Black empowerment politics to oppose apartheid and divestment.By the early twenty-first century, the idea that private enterprise, including small-scale entrepreneurs and large multinational corporations, should play a leading role in combating racial inequality and empowering Black and other marginalized people featured prominently in various policies and programs at the local, national, and international level. By tracing Black empowerment politics’ evolution, Black Power, Inc. explains its popularity, championed by leaders from Bill Clinton to Nelson Mandela, while also revealing its role in expanding US corporate power, locally and globally.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512828580">Black Power, Inc.: Corporate America and the Rise of Multinational Empowerment Politics</a><em>, </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2026), traces the rise of Black empowerment politics in the United States and Africa. <br>On a cold January day in 1964, civil rights minister turned entrepreneur Rev. Leon Howard Sullivan declared to a group of supporters gathered to witness the launch of Sullivan’s latest venture, Opportunities Industrialization Centers, Inc., “The day has come when we must do more than protest—we must now also PREPARE and PRODUCE!” Occasionally linked with the movement for Black Power, Sullivan and others, including Coca-Cola vice president Carl Ware and Atlanta mayor Andrew Young, were in fact architects of Black empowerment—an intellectual and political movement that championed private enterprise as the key to Black people’s prosperity.<br>Jessica Ann Levy traces Black empowerment’s rise in American politics—from early twentieth-century influences including Booker T. Washington and Marcus Garvey to the cities of postwar America into corporate boardrooms and government offices—and across the Atlantic Ocean to Africa. Civil rights leaders, Black entrepreneurs, white corporate executives, and government officials all championed Black empowerment as a means to address multiple crises in US cities and to blunt some of the more radical aspects of the Black Power movement. Black empowerment politics likewise found application overseas in various Cold War efforts to promote American-style free enterprise in Africa. This was especially the case in South Africa, where US corporate executives and government officials wielded Black empowerment politics to oppose apartheid and divestment.<br>By the early twenty-first century, the idea that private enterprise, including small-scale entrepreneurs and large multinational corporations, should play a leading role in combating racial inequality and empowering Black and other marginalized people featured prominently in various policies and programs at the local, national, and international level. By tracing Black empowerment politics’ evolution, Black Power, Inc. explains its popularity, championed by leaders from Bill Clinton to Nelson Mandela, while also revealing its role in expanding US corporate power, locally and globally.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3942</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Katelyn E. Stauffer, "The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the U.S." (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Katelyn Stauffer, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia, has an excellent new book focusing on how voters and citizens perceive the legitimacy and functionality of political institutions, especially when they think there are women elected to those institutions. The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the United States (Oxford UP, 2025) weaves together a number of different threads to reach some interesting conclusions about women in elected office and the trust that voters have in those elected offices and institutions. Stauffer starts the research trajectory with a framing around representation, and how the different kinds of representation within elected bodies connects to how voters think about those bodies themselves and whether they trust them and think they are effective. This opens the path to bring in the question of gender, and how voters’ or citizens’ perceptions of how many women are in legislative bodies also connects with how much trust those same citizens have in those representative bodies.

The Politics of Perception explores both accurate perceptions as well as misperceptions about governmental institutions, and this is also where the research is truly fascinating. Part of what the research indicates is that, perhaps unsurprisingly, the American public does not actually know a lot about politics or about how political institutions operate. At the same time, many citizens hold strong opinions or thoughts about politics, which generally are at odds with the lack of knowledge. This is also bound up with stereotypes that voters consider in terms of male and female elected officials and how they work within institutions. The Politics of Perception interrogates all of these misperceptions, unpacking the truth or reality versus the ideas that individuals hold about office holders and the political institutions in which those office holders work. Stauffer also discussed how she was able to build on a comparative politics approach, since parliamentary systems are, by their nature, collective institutions, and this approach helped to provide another theoretical framework for the analysis.

The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the U.S. is an important and useful book for many different scholars: those who study American government and politics; scholars of gender and politics, especially in the United States; comparative political scientists; and political theorists exploring issues of representation and democracy.

We discussed the Ghost Bookstore in Athens, Georgia as a bookseller that can order The Politics of Perception for readers in Georgia or elsewhere.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Katelyn Stauffer, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia, has an excellent new book focusing on how voters and citizens perceive the legitimacy and functionality of political institutions, especially when they think there are women elected to those institutions. The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the United States (Oxford UP, 2025) weaves together a number of different threads to reach some interesting conclusions about women in elected office and the trust that voters have in those elected offices and institutions. Stauffer starts the research trajectory with a framing around representation, and how the different kinds of representation within elected bodies connects to how voters think about those bodies themselves and whether they trust them and think they are effective. This opens the path to bring in the question of gender, and how voters’ or citizens’ perceptions of how many women are in legislative bodies also connects with how much trust those same citizens have in those representative bodies.

The Politics of Perception explores both accurate perceptions as well as misperceptions about governmental institutions, and this is also where the research is truly fascinating. Part of what the research indicates is that, perhaps unsurprisingly, the American public does not actually know a lot about politics or about how political institutions operate. At the same time, many citizens hold strong opinions or thoughts about politics, which generally are at odds with the lack of knowledge. This is also bound up with stereotypes that voters consider in terms of male and female elected officials and how they work within institutions. The Politics of Perception interrogates all of these misperceptions, unpacking the truth or reality versus the ideas that individuals hold about office holders and the political institutions in which those office holders work. Stauffer also discussed how she was able to build on a comparative politics approach, since parliamentary systems are, by their nature, collective institutions, and this approach helped to provide another theoretical framework for the analysis.

The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the U.S. is an important and useful book for many different scholars: those who study American government and politics; scholars of gender and politics, especially in the United States; comparative political scientists; and political theorists exploring issues of representation and democracy.

We discussed the Ghost Bookstore in Athens, Georgia as a bookseller that can order The Politics of Perception for readers in Georgia or elsewhere.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Katelyn Stauffer, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Georgia, has an excellent new book focusing on how voters and citizens perceive the legitimacy and functionality of political institutions, especially when they think there are women elected to those institutions. <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-perception-9780197811030?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>The Politics of Perception: How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the United States</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2025) weaves together a number of different threads to reach some interesting conclusions about women in elected office and the trust that voters have in those elected offices and institutions. Stauffer starts the research trajectory with a framing around representation, and how the different kinds of representation within elected bodies connects to how voters think about those bodies themselves and whether they trust them and think they are effective. This opens the path to bring in the question of gender, and how voters’ or citizens’ perceptions of how many women are in legislative bodies also connects with how much trust those same citizens have in those representative bodies.</p>
<p><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-perception-9780197811030?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>The Politics of Perception</em></a> explores both accurate perceptions as well as misperceptions about governmental institutions, and this is also where the research is truly fascinating. Part of what the research indicates is that, perhaps unsurprisingly, the American public does not actually know a lot about politics or about how political institutions operate. At the same time, many citizens hold strong opinions or thoughts about politics, which generally are at odds with the lack of knowledge. This is also bound up with stereotypes that voters consider in terms of male and female elected officials and how they work within institutions. <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-perception-9780197811030?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>The Politics of Perception</em></a> interrogates all of these misperceptions, unpacking the truth or reality versus the ideas that individuals hold about office holders and the political institutions in which those office holders work. Stauffer also discussed how she was able to build on a comparative politics approach, since parliamentary systems are, by their nature, collective institutions, and this approach helped to provide another theoretical framework for the analysis.</p>
<p><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-perception-9780197811030?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>The Politics of Perception</em>: <em>How Beliefs About Women’s Inclusion Shape Democratic Legitimacy in the U.S.</em></a> is an important and useful book for many different scholars: those who study American government and politics; scholars of gender and politics, especially in the United States; comparative political scientists; and political theorists exploring issues of representation and democracy.</p>
<p>We discussed the <a href="https://www.instagram.com/ghost.athens/">Ghost Bookstore</a> in Athens, Georgia as a bookseller that can order <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-politics-of-perception-9780197811030?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>The Politics of Perception</em></a> for readers in Georgia or elsewhere.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><u><em> Volume I: The Infinity Saga</em></u><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[378cc0b6-1c51-11f1-bdc9-7fc176124c49]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Wendy Brown, "States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>A sympathetic critique that attempts to free Left politics from its own snares, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton University Press, 2025) explores how woundedness became a basis for contemporary political identity. Without condemning identity politics, Wendy Brown carefully probes the varied historical forces generating them today and the ways these formative conditions constrain emancipatory desire. Along the way, she advances a novel feminist critical theory of liberalism and the liberal democratic state. She also develops an original theoretical practice that weaves together Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, Foucault, and cultural theories of gender and race to analyze contemporary political predicaments. In a new preface, Brown places States of Injury in political and intellectual context, including the rise of neoliberalism, and addresses the book’s renewed relevance in today’s political landscape.

Wendy Brown is the UPS Foundation Professor in the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study. Her books include Nihilistic Times, In the Ruins of Neoliberalism, and Undoing the Demos.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sympathetic critique that attempts to free Left politics from its own snares, States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity (Princeton University Press, 2025) explores how woundedness became a basis for contemporary political identity. Without condemning identity politics, Wendy Brown carefully probes the varied historical forces generating them today and the ways these formative conditions constrain emancipatory desire. Along the way, she advances a novel feminist critical theory of liberalism and the liberal democratic state. She also develops an original theoretical practice that weaves together Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, Foucault, and cultural theories of gender and race to analyze contemporary political predicaments. In a new preface, Brown places States of Injury in political and intellectual context, including the rise of neoliberalism, and addresses the book’s renewed relevance in today’s political landscape.

Wendy Brown is the UPS Foundation Professor in the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study. Her books include Nihilistic Times, In the Ruins of Neoliberalism, and Undoing the Demos.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sympathetic critique that attempts to free Left politics from its own snares, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691270609">States of Injury: Power and Freedom in Late Modernity</a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2025)<em> </em>explores how woundedness became a basis for contemporary political identity. Without condemning identity politics, Wendy Brown carefully probes the varied historical forces generating them today and the ways these formative conditions constrain emancipatory desire. Along the way, she advances a novel feminist critical theory of liberalism and the liberal democratic state. She also develops an original theoretical practice that weaves together Nietzsche, Marx, Weber, Foucault, and cultural theories of gender and race to analyze contemporary political predicaments. In a new preface, Brown places <em>States of Injury</em> in political and intellectual context, including the rise of neoliberalism, and addresses the book’s renewed relevance in today’s political landscape.</p>
<p><strong>Wendy Brown</strong> is the UPS Foundation Professor in the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study. Her books include <em>Nihilistic Times</em>, <em>In the Ruins of Neoliberalism</em>, and <em>Undoing the Demos.</em></p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2471</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[252f9688-1c14-11f1-90a7-6f10004a4902]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Understanding Iran Under Attack: A Discussion with Author Vali Nasr</title>
      <description>Eleven days into the attack on Iran by the United States and Israel, starting on Feb. 28, 2026, I speak with Vali Nasr, a renowned analyst of Iran. He’s the author of several books dealing with Iran, including most recently Iran’s Grand Strategy: A Political History (Princeton University Press, 2025). Nasr was born in Tehran in 1960 and is currently a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. In our talk, he discusses his surprise at the resilience the Iranian government has so far displayed in the war, as well as the high degree of advance planning the government performed in anticipation of the attack. Although many Iranians do not like the Islamic Republic, he told me, there is nevertheless a resurgent element of Iranian nationalism in Iranian society. The West, he believes, underestimates the cohesion of Iran.

Vali Nasr is the Majid Khadduri Professor of International Affairs and Middle East Studies at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies.

Paul Starobin is a former contributing editor of The Atlantic and a former Moscow bureau chief of Business Week. His companion Substack newsletter America and Beyond includes transcripts of podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eleven days into the attack on Iran by the United States and Israel, starting on Feb. 28, 2026, I speak with Vali Nasr, a renowned analyst of Iran. He’s the author of several books dealing with Iran, including most recently Iran’s Grand Strategy: A Political History (Princeton University Press, 2025). Nasr was born in Tehran in 1960 and is currently a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. In our talk, he discusses his surprise at the resilience the Iranian government has so far displayed in the war, as well as the high degree of advance planning the government performed in anticipation of the attack. Although many Iranians do not like the Islamic Republic, he told me, there is nevertheless a resurgent element of Iranian nationalism in Iranian society. The West, he believes, underestimates the cohesion of Iran.

Vali Nasr is the Majid Khadduri Professor of International Affairs and Middle East Studies at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies.

Paul Starobin is a former contributing editor of The Atlantic and a former Moscow bureau chief of Business Week. His companion Substack newsletter America and Beyond includes transcripts of podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Eleven days into the attack on Iran by the United States and Israel, starting on Feb. 28, 2026, I speak with Vali Nasr, a renowned analyst of Iran. He’s the author of several books dealing with Iran, including most recently <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691268927"><em>Iran’s Grand Strategy:</em> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691268927">A Political History</a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2025). Nasr was born in Tehran in 1960 and is currently a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. In our talk, he discusses his surprise at the resilience the Iranian government has so far displayed in the war, as well as the high degree of advance planning the government performed in anticipation of the attack. Although many Iranians do not like the Islamic Republic, he told me, there is nevertheless a resurgent element of Iranian nationalism in Iranian society. The West, he believes, underestimates the cohesion of Iran.</p>
<p>Vali Nasr is the Majid Khadduri Professor of International Affairs and Middle East Studies at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies.</p>
<p><em>Paul Starobin is a former contributing editor of The Atlantic and a former Moscow bureau chief of Business Week. His companion Substack newsletter </em><a href="https://pstarobin.substack.com/">America and Beyond</a><em> includes transcripts of podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2903</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6272707c-1cd9-11f1-a5e6-bb772c8e4c71]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2171987176.mp3?updated=1773185664" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stuck: How Money, Media and Violence Prevent Change in Congress</title>
      <description>Fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—what does that reveal about American democracy? In Stuck: How Money, Media and Violence Prevent Change in Congress, Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change.

Dr. Kornberg reveals how political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—Stuck offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics.

Dr. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, Stuck makes the case for how it could be saved.

A Neuroscientist's Guide to a Healthier, Happier Life

Our guest is: Dr. Maya Kornberg, who is a senior research fellow and manager in the Brennan Center’s Elections and Government Program. She’s taught political science at NYU, Georgetown and American University, worked on democratic governance issues at numerous institutions, and led research for a UNDP and IPU project examining civic engagement in the work of over 80 parliaments around the world. She is the author of Stuck.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is an academic writing coach and editor. She is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast.

Playlist for listeners:

Bears and Ballots

House of Diggs

The Fight To Save The Town

The End of White Politics

Understanding Disinformation

You Are Not American

The Vice-President's Black Wife

You Have More Influence Than You Think

We Refuse

Dear Miss Perkins

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 300+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—what does that reveal about American democracy? In Stuck: How Money, Media and Violence Prevent Change in Congress, Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change.

Dr. Kornberg reveals how political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—Stuck offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics.

Dr. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, Stuck makes the case for how it could be saved.

A Neuroscientist's Guide to a Healthier, Happier Life

Our guest is: Dr. Maya Kornberg, who is a senior research fellow and manager in the Brennan Center’s Elections and Government Program. She’s taught political science at NYU, Georgetown and American University, worked on democratic governance issues at numerous institutions, and led research for a UNDP and IPU project examining civic engagement in the work of over 80 parliaments around the world. She is the author of Stuck.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is an academic writing coach and editor. She is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast.

Playlist for listeners:

Bears and Ballots

House of Diggs

The Fight To Save The Town

The End of White Politics

Understanding Disinformation

You Are Not American

The Vice-President's Black Wife

You Have More Influence Than You Think

We Refuse

Dear Miss Perkins

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 300+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Fifty years of changemaking and reform haven't fixed Congress—what does that reveal about American democracy? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421454580"><em>Stuck:</em> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421454580">How Money, Media and Violence Prevent Change in Congress</a>, Maya Kornberg chronicles the efforts of congressional reformers over the last fifty years and documents the mounting forces that have kept their reforms from creating meaningful change.</p>
<p>Dr. Kornberg reveals how political violence, astronomical campaign costs, relentless fundraising demands, shrinking staff, and centralized party leadership all constrain the ability of new members to legislate and represent their constituents. Social media, while offering new platforms for political expression, has also heightened harassment and fed a performative culture that rewards spectacle over substance. Bolstered by dozens of interviews, congressional records, and the voices of lawmakers past and present—including Henry Waxman, Toby Moffett, Phil English, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and Lauren Underwood—<em>Stuck</em> offers a sobering portrait of a legislative body paralyzed by its own internal dynamics.</p>
<p>Dr. Kornberg outlines tangible reforms that could restore Congress's capacity to function and amplify the power of its newest members. At a time when Americans are losing faith in democracy's most representative institution, <em>Stuck </em>makes the case for how it could be saved.</p>
<p>A Neuroscientist's Guide to a Healthier, Happier Life</p>
<p>Our guest is: <a href="https://www.mayakornberg.com/">Dr. Maya Kornberg</a>, who is a senior research fellow and manager in the Brennan Center’s Elections and Government Program. She’s taught political science at NYU, Georgetown and American University, worked on democratic governance issues at numerous institutions, and led research for a UNDP and IPU project examining civic engagement in the work of over 80 parliaments around the world. She is the author of <em>Stuck</em>.</p>
<p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who is an academic writing coach and editor. She is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast.</p>
<p>Playlist for listeners:</p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/studying-the-pipeline-to-politics-for-women#entry:226734@1:url">Bears and Ballots</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/house-of-diggs-the-rise-and-fall-of-americas-most-consequential-black-congressman-charles-c-diggs-jr#entry:429183@1:url">House of Diggs</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-fight-to-save-the-town#entry:167629@1:url">The Fight To Save The Town</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-end-of-white-politics-how-to-heal-our-liberal-divide#entry:347905@1:url">The End of White Politics</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/understanding-disinformation#entry:373738@1:url">Understanding Disinformation</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/you-are-not-american#entry:413678@1:url">You Are Not American</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-vice-presidents-black-wife-the-untold-life-of-julia-chinn#entry:377076@1:url">The Vice-President's Black Wife</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/you-have-more-influence-than-you-think-how-we-underestimate-our-powers-of-persuasion-and-why-it-matters#entry:392613@1:url">You Have More Influence Than You Think</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/we-refuse-a-forceful-history-of-black-resistance#entry:351602@1:url">We Refuse</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/dear-miss-perkins-a-story-of-frances-perkinss-efforts-to-aid-refugees-from-nazi-germany#entry:369570@1:url">Dear Miss Perkins</a></p>
<p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 300+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And thank you for listening!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3294</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8f8d16d4-1b30-11f1-ad3d-fb4bf8d1aed9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4665297532.mp3?updated=1773003557" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Danielle Wiggins, "Black Excellence: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Black Liberalism" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>A provocative new history of modern black liberalism

Black Excellence: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Black Liberalism (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025) offers a provocative new history of modern black liberalism by situating the seemingly conservative tendencies of black elected officials in the post–civil rights era within neoliberal American politics and an enduring black liberal tradition.

In the 1970s and ’80s, cities across the country elected black mayors for the first time. Just as these officials gained political power, however, their cities felt the full brunt of white flight and deindustrialization. Tasked with governing cities in crisis, black political leaders responded in seemingly conservative ways to the social problems that austerity worsened. Nowhere was this response more evident than in Atlanta. In the nation’s preeminent black urban regime, black leaders such as mayors Maynard Jackson and Andrew Young employed the power of policing and the private sector to discipline black Atlantans, hoping they would equip vulnerable communities with the tools to manage the volatility of the era.

Danielle Wiggins shows that these punitive responses to the problems of crime, family instability, and unemployment were informed by black liberalism’s disciplinary impulse: an enduring tendency to reform behaviors believed to threaten black survival in a white supremacist nation. Forged in response to the violence of Jim Crow, the disciplinary impulse relied upon notions of pathology and its inverse, black excellence. Wiggins identifies several black liberal efforts to cultivate excellent black communities, families, and workers in the post–civil rights era, including community policing, corporate-sponsored family initiatives, and black entrepreneurship.

In embracing disciplinary strategies, however, black liberals often focused on behavior at the expense of addressing structural inequality. Consequently, their approaches dovetailed with those of the “New” Democrats, whose post–Great Society social policies were informed by urban black liberals. Black Excellence reveals thus how urban black liberals not only reshaped black politics but, as Democrats, also helped build the neoliberal Democratic Party.



Guest: Danielle Wiggins is an assistant professor of history at Georgetown University, where she teaches courses on U.S. and African American history since the 1960s. She is currently researching race and the politics of energy since the 1960s. Focusing on the 1970s energy crisis, her project will explore how black Americans thought about energy, consumption, growth, and sustainability in ways that alternately challenged, intersected with, and radically rethought mainstream energy discourses.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Mar 2026 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A provocative new history of modern black liberalism

Black Excellence: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Black Liberalism (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025) offers a provocative new history of modern black liberalism by situating the seemingly conservative tendencies of black elected officials in the post–civil rights era within neoliberal American politics and an enduring black liberal tradition.

In the 1970s and ’80s, cities across the country elected black mayors for the first time. Just as these officials gained political power, however, their cities felt the full brunt of white flight and deindustrialization. Tasked with governing cities in crisis, black political leaders responded in seemingly conservative ways to the social problems that austerity worsened. Nowhere was this response more evident than in Atlanta. In the nation’s preeminent black urban regime, black leaders such as mayors Maynard Jackson and Andrew Young employed the power of policing and the private sector to discipline black Atlantans, hoping they would equip vulnerable communities with the tools to manage the volatility of the era.

Danielle Wiggins shows that these punitive responses to the problems of crime, family instability, and unemployment were informed by black liberalism’s disciplinary impulse: an enduring tendency to reform behaviors believed to threaten black survival in a white supremacist nation. Forged in response to the violence of Jim Crow, the disciplinary impulse relied upon notions of pathology and its inverse, black excellence. Wiggins identifies several black liberal efforts to cultivate excellent black communities, families, and workers in the post–civil rights era, including community policing, corporate-sponsored family initiatives, and black entrepreneurship.

In embracing disciplinary strategies, however, black liberals often focused on behavior at the expense of addressing structural inequality. Consequently, their approaches dovetailed with those of the “New” Democrats, whose post–Great Society social policies were informed by urban black liberals. Black Excellence reveals thus how urban black liberals not only reshaped black politics but, as Democrats, also helped build the neoliberal Democratic Party.



Guest: Danielle Wiggins is an assistant professor of history at Georgetown University, where she teaches courses on U.S. and African American history since the 1960s. She is currently researching race and the politics of energy since the 1960s. Focusing on the 1970s energy crisis, her project will explore how black Americans thought about energy, consumption, growth, and sustainability in ways that alternately challenged, intersected with, and radically rethought mainstream energy discourses.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>A provocative new history of modern black liberalism</em></p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512827842">Black Excellence: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Black Liberalism</a> (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025) offers a provocative new history of modern black liberalism by situating the seemingly conservative tendencies of black elected officials in the post–civil rights era within neoliberal American politics and an enduring black liberal tradition.</p>
<p>In the 1970s and ’80s, cities across the country elected black mayors for the first time. Just as these officials gained political power, however, their cities felt the full brunt of white flight and deindustrialization. Tasked with governing cities in crisis, black political leaders responded in seemingly conservative ways to the social problems that austerity worsened. Nowhere was this response more evident than in Atlanta. In the nation’s preeminent black urban regime, black leaders such as mayors Maynard Jackson and Andrew Young employed the power of policing and the private sector to discipline black Atlantans, hoping they would equip vulnerable communities with the tools to manage the volatility of the era.</p>
<p>Danielle Wiggins shows that these punitive responses to the problems of crime, family instability, and unemployment were informed by black liberalism’s disciplinary impulse: an enduring tendency to reform behaviors believed to threaten black survival in a white supremacist nation. Forged in response to the violence of Jim Crow, the disciplinary impulse relied upon notions of pathology and its inverse, black excellence. Wiggins identifies several black liberal efforts to cultivate excellent black communities, families, and workers in the post–civil rights era, including community policing, corporate-sponsored family initiatives, and black entrepreneurship.</p>
<p>In embracing disciplinary strategies, however, black liberals often focused on behavior at the expense of addressing structural inequality. Consequently, their approaches dovetailed with those of the “New” Democrats, whose post–Great Society social policies were informed by urban black liberals. Black Excellence reveals thus how urban black liberals not only reshaped black politics but, as Democrats, also helped build the neoliberal Democratic Party.</p>
<p><br></p>
<p>Guest: Danielle Wiggins is an assistant professor of history at Georgetown University, where she teaches courses on U.S. and African American history since the 1960s. She is currently researching race and the politics of energy since the 1960s. Focusing on the 1970s energy crisis, her project will explore how black Americans thought about energy, consumption, growth, and sustainability in ways that alternately challenged, intersected with, and radically rethought mainstream energy discourses.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3779</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7656bad4-191a-11f1-b633-7f66788977af]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4227502690.mp3?updated=1772773863" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>The Cave and the Coalition: Philosophy, Populism, and the MAGA New Right</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI acting director Eli Karetny sits down with political theorist Laura Field to trace the intellectual currents shaping today’s right — from Straussian thought at the Claremont Institute to Catholic integralism, the manosphere, and Trump-era populism. Using Plato’s Allegory of the Cave as a touchstone, they interrogate how philosophical radicalism becomes political strategy, why some thinkers return to the “cave” with prudence while others return with authoritarian blueprints, and what these debates mean for American democracy. Tune in for a lively, theory-steeped conversation that bridges political philosophy and contemporary conservative politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI acting director Eli Karetny sits down with political theorist Laura Field to trace the intellectual currents shaping today’s right — from Straussian thought at the Claremont Institute to Catholic integralism, the manosphere, and Trump-era populism. Using Plato’s Allegory of the Cave as a touchstone, they interrogate how philosophical radicalism becomes political strategy, why some thinkers return to the “cave” with prudence while others return with authoritarian blueprints, and what these debates mean for American democracy. Tune in for a lively, theory-steeped conversation that bridges political philosophy and contemporary conservative politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI acting director Eli Karetny sits down with political theorist Laura Field to trace the intellectual currents shaping today’s right — from Straussian thought at the Claremont Institute to Catholic integralism, the manosphere, and Trump-era populism. Using Plato’s Allegory of the Cave as a touchstone, they interrogate how philosophical radicalism becomes political strategy, why some thinkers return to the “cave” with prudence while others return with authoritarian blueprints, and what these debates mean for American democracy. Tune in for a lively, theory-steeped conversation that bridges political philosophy and contemporary conservative politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3417</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[89e9262e-1864-11f1-b537-1b92e20ed388]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9766570609.mp3?updated=1772695965" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Amy Littlefield, "Killers of Roe: My Investigation Into the Mysterious Death of Abortion Rights" (Legacy Lit, 2026)</title>
      <description>In Killers of Roe: My Investigation Into the Mysterious Death of Abortion Rights (Legacy Lit, 2026) reporter Amy Littlefield investigates the secret killers and hidden motives behind the death of abortion rights. They are going to kill people, investigative reporter for The Nation Littlefield knew, when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. As a journalist covering abortion for more than a decade, she had already chronicled many near-death experiences caused by anti-abortion policy. After the anti-abortion movement's staggering defeat of Roe, she became fascinated with their victory and why they seemed so much better organized than the pro-choice movement. She set out to investigate the murderers of Roe. Killers of Roe chronicles Littlefield's journey into the unexplored corners of the most successful social movement of our time. As in every good murder mystery, the killers turn out to be the people you least suspect, like a disgraced former Congressman obsessed with offshore tax evasion and an unknown suburban bureaucrat who wrote America's most diabolical anti-abortion policy. She reports from a sweaty presidential tour bus in DC, a chaotic Michigan courtroom where a former fetus thief is on trial, and a Texas town that rejects an abortion travel ban. She encounters surprising characters who shed light on how we got to this moment of authoritarian rule: from the pro-choice superfans she meets at the Reagan library to the Senator who couldn't stop kissing every woman he met. Along the way, Amy draws upon the stories of women who have died from anti-abortion policies and on her own experience as a mother to reveal the life-and-death stakes of America's abortion wars. At once clever and poignant reportage, this abortion whodunnit uncovers the deeper story of how we lost Roe--and how we can win back so much more.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Killers of Roe: My Investigation Into the Mysterious Death of Abortion Rights (Legacy Lit, 2026) reporter Amy Littlefield investigates the secret killers and hidden motives behind the death of abortion rights. They are going to kill people, investigative reporter for The Nation Littlefield knew, when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. As a journalist covering abortion for more than a decade, she had already chronicled many near-death experiences caused by anti-abortion policy. After the anti-abortion movement's staggering defeat of Roe, she became fascinated with their victory and why they seemed so much better organized than the pro-choice movement. She set out to investigate the murderers of Roe. Killers of Roe chronicles Littlefield's journey into the unexplored corners of the most successful social movement of our time. As in every good murder mystery, the killers turn out to be the people you least suspect, like a disgraced former Congressman obsessed with offshore tax evasion and an unknown suburban bureaucrat who wrote America's most diabolical anti-abortion policy. She reports from a sweaty presidential tour bus in DC, a chaotic Michigan courtroom where a former fetus thief is on trial, and a Texas town that rejects an abortion travel ban. She encounters surprising characters who shed light on how we got to this moment of authoritarian rule: from the pro-choice superfans she meets at the Reagan library to the Senator who couldn't stop kissing every woman he met. Along the way, Amy draws upon the stories of women who have died from anti-abortion policies and on her own experience as a mother to reveal the life-and-death stakes of America's abortion wars. At once clever and poignant reportage, this abortion whodunnit uncovers the deeper story of how we lost Roe--and how we can win back so much more.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/amy-littlefield/killers-of-roe/9781538769041/">Killers of Roe: My Investigation Into the Mysterious Death of Abortion Rights</a><em> </em>(Legacy Lit, 2026) reporter <a href="https://www.amylittlefield.com/">Amy Littlefield</a> investigates the secret killers and hidden motives behind the death of abortion rights. They are going to kill people, investigative reporter for <em>The Nation </em>Littlefield knew, when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. As a journalist covering abortion for more than a decade, she had already chronicled many near-death experiences caused by anti-abortion policy. After the anti-abortion movement's staggering defeat of Roe, she became fascinated with their victory and why they seemed so much better organized than the pro-choice movement. She set out to investigate the murderers of Roe. <em>Killers of Roe </em>chronicles Littlefield's journey into the unexplored corners of the most successful social movement of our time. As in every good murder mystery, the killers turn out to be the people you least suspect, like a disgraced former Congressman obsessed with offshore tax evasion and an unknown suburban bureaucrat who wrote America's most diabolical anti-abortion policy. She reports from a sweaty presidential tour bus in DC, a chaotic Michigan courtroom where a former fetus thief is on trial, and a Texas town that rejects an abortion travel ban. She encounters surprising characters who shed light on how we got to this moment of authoritarian rule: from the pro-choice superfans she meets at the Reagan library to the Senator who couldn't stop kissing every woman he met. Along the way, Amy draws upon the stories of women who have died from anti-abortion policies and on her own experience as a mother to reveal the life-and-death stakes of America's abortion wars. At once clever and poignant reportage, this abortion whodunnit uncovers the deeper story of how we lost Roe--and how we can win back so much more.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3247</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[effd046a-178f-11f1-8e0a-1b1b93372991]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5703688326.mp3?updated=1772604294" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Suhay, "Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics" (Russell Sage Foundation, 2025)</title>
      <description>Our guest today is Elizabeth Suhay, the author of Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics. Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Dr. Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality.

Elizabeth (Liz) Suhay is an associate professor of government in the School of Public Affairs, American University, Washington, D.C. She specializes in the study of U.S. public opinion and political psychology and is a Sine Civic Life Faculty Fellow and Vice Director of the Science &amp; Policy certificate program. She has also co-edited three volumes including The Politics of Truth in Polarized America, with David Barker, The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion, with Bernard Grofman and Alex Trechsel, and "The Politics of Science" with James Druckman. She currently serves as Co-Editor-in-Chief of the journal Political Psychology and Editor of the Cambridge University Press Elements in Political Psychology series.

This is episode is co-produced by Nora Kalaj, a student in the Master of Arts in Communication at Oakland University.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Our guest today is Elizabeth Suhay, the author of Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics. Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Dr. Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality.

Elizabeth (Liz) Suhay is an associate professor of government in the School of Public Affairs, American University, Washington, D.C. She specializes in the study of U.S. public opinion and political psychology and is a Sine Civic Life Faculty Fellow and Vice Director of the Science &amp; Policy certificate program. She has also co-edited three volumes including The Politics of Truth in Polarized America, with David Barker, The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion, with Bernard Grofman and Alex Trechsel, and "The Politics of Science" with James Druckman. She currently serves as Co-Editor-in-Chief of the journal Political Psychology and Editor of the Cambridge University Press Elements in Political Psychology series.

This is episode is co-produced by Nora Kalaj, a student in the Master of Arts in Communication at Oakland University.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Our guest today is Elizabeth Suhay, the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780871548627">Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics</a><em>. </em>Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Dr. Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality.</p>
<p>Elizabeth (Liz) Suhay is an associate professor of government in the School of Public Affairs, American University, Washington, D.C. She specializes in the study of U.S. public opinion and political psychology and is a Sine Civic Life Faculty Fellow and Vice Director of the Science &amp; Policy certificate program. She has also co-edited three volumes including <em>The Politics of Truth in Polarized America</em>, with David Barker, <em>The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion</em>, with Bernard Grofman and Alex Trechsel, and "The Politics of Science" with James Druckman. She currently serves as Co-Editor-in-Chief of the journal <em>Political Psychology</em> and Editor of the Cambridge University Press <em>Elements in Political Psychology</em> series.</p>
<p>This is episode is co-produced by Nora Kalaj, a student in the Master of Arts in Communication at Oakland University.﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3214</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[db78ea52-16c9-11f1-9c98-03f4226d98c5]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8253061828.mp3?updated=1772519283" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Seth S. Tannenbaum, "Bleacher Seats and Luxury Suites: Democracy and Division at the Twentieth-Century Ballpark" (U Illinois Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>﻿Celebrated as a democratic space for all Americans, the major league ballpark in fact privileged the middle- and upper-class white male fan while tacitly marginalizing poor urban residents and people of color. Seth S. Tannenbaum examines how the game’s economically and socially stratified system reflected changing understandings of urban space, inclusion, and the body politic.

Major League Baseball owners and executives masked exclusion and division by touting the game’s accessibility and instituting few overtly discriminatory policies. Affluent white males enjoyed a comfortable, safe space that reinforced their status as the prototypical American citizen. At the same time, ballparks relocated in response to how these favored fans felt about cities. Tannenbaum traces this journey from the urban locales of the Polo Grounds and Yankee Stadium through the suburban-oriented Dodger Stadium and Houston Astrodome to the cloistered fantasy of city life offered by Camden Yards. As he shows, owners’ pursuit of greater profits incorporated existing barriers that helped shape the structure of modern parks.

A revealing social history, Bleacher Seats and Luxury Suites: Democracy and Division at the Twentieth-Century Ballpark (U Illinois Press, 2026) revises the persistent myth of the ballpark as an egalitarian melting pot.

Paul Knepper covered the New York Knicks for Bleacher Report. His first book was The Knicks of the Nineties: Ewing, Oakley, Starks and the Brawlers That Almost Won It All. His next book, Moses Malone: The Life of a Basketball Prophet, is now available. You can reach Paul at paulknepper@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @paulieknep.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>﻿Celebrated as a democratic space for all Americans, the major league ballpark in fact privileged the middle- and upper-class white male fan while tacitly marginalizing poor urban residents and people of color. Seth S. Tannenbaum examines how the game’s economically and socially stratified system reflected changing understandings of urban space, inclusion, and the body politic.

Major League Baseball owners and executives masked exclusion and division by touting the game’s accessibility and instituting few overtly discriminatory policies. Affluent white males enjoyed a comfortable, safe space that reinforced their status as the prototypical American citizen. At the same time, ballparks relocated in response to how these favored fans felt about cities. Tannenbaum traces this journey from the urban locales of the Polo Grounds and Yankee Stadium through the suburban-oriented Dodger Stadium and Houston Astrodome to the cloistered fantasy of city life offered by Camden Yards. As he shows, owners’ pursuit of greater profits incorporated existing barriers that helped shape the structure of modern parks.

A revealing social history, Bleacher Seats and Luxury Suites: Democracy and Division at the Twentieth-Century Ballpark (U Illinois Press, 2026) revises the persistent myth of the ballpark as an egalitarian melting pot.

Paul Knepper covered the New York Knicks for Bleacher Report. His first book was The Knicks of the Nineties: Ewing, Oakley, Starks and the Brawlers That Almost Won It All. His next book, Moses Malone: The Life of a Basketball Prophet, is now available. You can reach Paul at paulknepper@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @paulieknep.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>﻿Celebrated as a democratic space for all Americans, the major league ballpark in fact privileged the middle- and upper-class white male fan while tacitly marginalizing poor urban residents and people of color. Seth S. Tannenbaum examines how the game’s economically and socially stratified system reflected changing understandings of urban space, inclusion, and the body politic.</p>
<p>Major League Baseball owners and executives masked exclusion and division by touting the game’s accessibility and instituting few overtly discriminatory policies. Affluent white males enjoyed a comfortable, safe space that reinforced their status as the prototypical American citizen. At the same time, ballparks relocated in response to how these favored fans felt about cities. Tannenbaum traces this journey from the urban locales of the Polo Grounds and Yankee Stadium through the suburban-oriented Dodger Stadium and Houston Astrodome to the cloistered fantasy of city life offered by Camden Yards. As he shows, owners’ pursuit of greater profits incorporated existing barriers that helped shape the structure of modern parks.</p>
<p>A revealing social history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252089251">Bleacher Seats and Luxury Suites: Democracy and Division at the Twentieth-Century Ballpark</a><em> </em>(U Illinois Press, 2026) revises the persistent myth of the ballpark as an egalitarian melting pot.</p>
<p><em>Paul Knepper covered the New York Knicks for Bleacher Report. His first book was The Knicks of the Nineties: Ewing, Oakley, Starks and the Brawlers That Almost Won It All. His next book, Moses Malone: The Life of a Basketball Prophet, is now available. You can reach Paul at paulknepper@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @paulieknep.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cdc0646e-15fa-11f1-85d4-47632058b69b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4237253201.mp3?updated=1772430317" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Allison Carnegie and Richard Clark, "Global Governance Under Fire: How International Organizations Resist the Populist Wave" (Princeton UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>Populist leaders around the world increasingly reject international organizations, decrying them as constraints on state power and rallying followers against the “global elite” who run them. These institutions—painstakingly built through decades of negotiation and multilateral cooperation—are often seen as passive bystanders, unable or unwilling to push back. In Global Governance Under Fire: How International Organizations Resist the Populist Wave (Princeton UP, 2026) Allison Carnegie and Richard Clark challenge this view, arguing that international organizations are, in fact, strategic agents with the tools to resist populist pressures. Offering fresh theoretical insights and original empirical analysis, they investigate how these institutions fight back and how their defensive strategies are reshaping global governance.Using a multimethod approach that draws on novel data and qualitative evidence, Carnegie and Clark identify four key strategies that international organizations employ to both appease and sideline populists and their constituents. They find that while these strategies help fortify global governance against populist opposition, they may also produce unintended consequences, potentially eroding institutional legitimacy and fueling further resistance. A timely and compelling account, the book provides a crucial roadmap for understanding—and safeguarding—the global order.

Our guests are Professor Allison Carnegie, a professor of political science at Columbia University. and Professor Richard Clark, who is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 02 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Populist leaders around the world increasingly reject international organizations, decrying them as constraints on state power and rallying followers against the “global elite” who run them. These institutions—painstakingly built through decades of negotiation and multilateral cooperation—are often seen as passive bystanders, unable or unwilling to push back. In Global Governance Under Fire: How International Organizations Resist the Populist Wave (Princeton UP, 2026) Allison Carnegie and Richard Clark challenge this view, arguing that international organizations are, in fact, strategic agents with the tools to resist populist pressures. Offering fresh theoretical insights and original empirical analysis, they investigate how these institutions fight back and how their defensive strategies are reshaping global governance.Using a multimethod approach that draws on novel data and qualitative evidence, Carnegie and Clark identify four key strategies that international organizations employ to both appease and sideline populists and their constituents. They find that while these strategies help fortify global governance against populist opposition, they may also produce unintended consequences, potentially eroding institutional legitimacy and fueling further resistance. A timely and compelling account, the book provides a crucial roadmap for understanding—and safeguarding—the global order.

Our guests are Professor Allison Carnegie, a professor of political science at Columbia University. and Professor Richard Clark, who is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Populist leaders around the world increasingly reject international organizations, decrying them as constraints on state power and rallying followers against the “global elite” who run them. These institutions—painstakingly built through decades of negotiation and multilateral cooperation—are often seen as passive bystanders, unable or unwilling to push back. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691276205">Global Governance Under Fire: How International Organizations Resist the Populist Wave </a>(Princeton UP, 2026) Allison Carnegie and Richard Clark challenge this view, arguing that international organizations are, in fact, strategic agents with the tools to resist populist pressures. Offering fresh theoretical insights and original empirical analysis, they investigate how these institutions fight back and how their defensive strategies are reshaping global governance.<br>Using a multimethod approach that draws on novel data and qualitative evidence, Carnegie and Clark identify four key strategies that international organizations employ to both appease and sideline populists and their constituents. They find that while these strategies help fortify global governance against populist opposition, they may also produce unintended consequences, potentially eroding institutional legitimacy and fueling further resistance. A timely and compelling account, the book provides a crucial roadmap for understanding—and safeguarding—the global order.</p>
<p>Our guests are Professor <a href="https://www.allisonjcarnegie.com/">Allison Carnegie</a>, a professor of political science at Columbia University. and <a href="https://politicalscience.nd.edu/people/richard-clark/">Professor Richard Clark</a>, who is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame</p>
<p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1635</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b0e4aae6-15ee-11f1-842d-27f43db7625e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6793394331.mp3?updated=1772425278" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Aaron Donaghy, "The Second Cold War: Carter, Reagan, and the Politics of Foreign Policy" (Cambridge UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Towards the end of the Cold War, the last great struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union marked the end of détente, and escalated into the most dangerous phase of the conflict since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Aaron Donaghy examines the complex history of America's largest peacetime military buildup, which was in turn challenged by the largest peacetime peace movement. Focusing on the critical period between 1977 and 1985, Donaghy shows how domestic politics shaped dramatic foreign policy reversals by Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. These reversals, the book argues, were influenced by president's willingness to take risks, by their perception of credibility, and by the timing of their decision. 

Donaghy explains why the Cold War intensified so quickly and how - contrary to all expectations - US-Soviet relations were repaired. Drawing on recently declassified archival material, The Second Cold War: Carter, Reagan, and the Politics of Foreign Policy﻿ (Cambridge UP, 2021) traces how each administration evolved in response to crises and events at home and abroad. This compelling and controversial account challenges the accepted notion of how the end of the Cold War began.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Mar 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Towards the end of the Cold War, the last great struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union marked the end of détente, and escalated into the most dangerous phase of the conflict since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Aaron Donaghy examines the complex history of America's largest peacetime military buildup, which was in turn challenged by the largest peacetime peace movement. Focusing on the critical period between 1977 and 1985, Donaghy shows how domestic politics shaped dramatic foreign policy reversals by Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. These reversals, the book argues, were influenced by president's willingness to take risks, by their perception of credibility, and by the timing of their decision. 

Donaghy explains why the Cold War intensified so quickly and how - contrary to all expectations - US-Soviet relations were repaired. Drawing on recently declassified archival material, The Second Cold War: Carter, Reagan, and the Politics of Foreign Policy﻿ (Cambridge UP, 2021) traces how each administration evolved in response to crises and events at home and abroad. This compelling and controversial account challenges the accepted notion of how the end of the Cold War began.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Towards the end of the Cold War, the last great struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union marked the end of détente, and escalated into the most dangerous phase of the conflict since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Aaron Donaghy examines the complex history of America's largest peacetime military buildup, which was in turn challenged by the largest peacetime peace movement. Focusing on the critical period between 1977 and 1985, Donaghy shows how domestic politics shaped dramatic foreign policy reversals by Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. These reversals, the book argues, were influenced by president's willingness to take risks, by their perception of credibility, and by the timing of their decision. </p>
<p>Donaghy explains why the Cold War intensified so quickly and how - contrary to all expectations - US-Soviet relations were repaired. Drawing on recently declassified archival material,<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108937016"> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108838030">The Second Cold War: Carter, Reagan, and the Politics of Foreign Policy﻿</a> (Cambridge UP, 2021) traces how each administration evolved in response to crises and events at home and abroad. This compelling and controversial account challenges the accepted notion of how the end of the Cold War began.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3682</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Barbie Zelizer, "How the Cold War Broke the News: The Surprising Roots of Journalism's Decline" (Polity, 2025)</title>
      <description>Most of us would agree that American journalism has problems. Rushed reporting and thin coverage. Timidity in the face of adversity. Polarized perspectives and euphemistic language. Groupthink about complicated events.While much blame has been levelled at big tech, in How the Cold War Broke the News: The Surprising Roots of Journalism's Decline (Polity, 2025) Dr. Barbie Zelizer traces the decline of American journalism to the Cold War. She makes the bold claim that Cold War-era practices are to blame for the state of journalism today, undermining a once trusted media environment. This groundbreaking book shows how journalism's current problems can be traced back to customs developed over half a century ago and demonstrates how they've continued to upend journalism, journalists and the news ever since.

We all need a news environment that works. This book tells us why it doesn't and offers a plan to make it better. If our news is better, so is our democracy. And, if our democracy is better, we may be too.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Most of us would agree that American journalism has problems. Rushed reporting and thin coverage. Timidity in the face of adversity. Polarized perspectives and euphemistic language. Groupthink about complicated events.While much blame has been levelled at big tech, in How the Cold War Broke the News: The Surprising Roots of Journalism's Decline (Polity, 2025) Dr. Barbie Zelizer traces the decline of American journalism to the Cold War. She makes the bold claim that Cold War-era practices are to blame for the state of journalism today, undermining a once trusted media environment. This groundbreaking book shows how journalism's current problems can be traced back to customs developed over half a century ago and demonstrates how they've continued to upend journalism, journalists and the news ever since.

We all need a news environment that works. This book tells us why it doesn't and offers a plan to make it better. If our news is better, so is our democracy. And, if our democracy is better, we may be too.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Most of us would agree that American journalism has problems. Rushed reporting and thin coverage. Timidity in the face of adversity. Polarized perspectives and euphemistic language. Groupthink about complicated events.<br>While much blame has been levelled at big tech, in<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509566389"> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509566389">How the Cold War Broke the News: The Surprising Roots of Journalism's Decline</a> (Polity, 2025) Dr. Barbie Zelizer traces the decline of American journalism to the Cold War. She makes the bold claim that Cold War-era practices are to blame for the state of journalism today, undermining a once trusted media environment. This groundbreaking book shows how journalism's current problems can be traced back to customs developed over half a century ago and demonstrates how they've continued to upend journalism, journalists and the news ever since.</p>
<p>We all need a news environment that works. This book tells us why it doesn't and offers a plan to make it better. If our news is better, so is our democracy. And, if our democracy is better, we may be too.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2429</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9561422c-12db-11f1-876f-e3eae003b6a8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4404084615.mp3?updated=1772087179" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Cynthia Miller-Idriss, "Man Up: The New Misogyny and the Rise of Violent Extremism" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The revelatory and urgent story of how an explosion of misogyny is driving a surge of mass and far-right violence throughout the West--from an internationally recognized extremism expert and media commentator

What two things do most mass shooters, terrorists, or violent extremists have in common? Most of us know the first: they are almost always men or boys. But the second? They are almost always virulent misogynists, homophobes, or transphobes--even if they are also motivated by racism, antisemitism, or xenophobia. The antigovernment militiamen charged with plotting to kidnap and execute Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer used language saturated with misogyny, with one telling an FBI informant, "Just grab the bitch." The men who killed scores at Virginia Tech, the Pulse nightclub, and a Maryland newsroom all had prior reports of stalking, domestic violence, or harassment of women. And in dozens of other incidents--from North America to Norway to New Zealand--an increasing number of misogynist incel (involuntary celibate) and male supremacist attackers have explicitly targeted and killed women, blaming feminism or sexual frustration with women as motivation for their attacks.

Yet, despite all evidence, the bright red thread of misogyny running through these attacks is barely acknowledged by the media or even experts--and this failing leaves us powerless to stop the violence. In Man Up: The New Misogyny and the Rise of Violent Extremism (Princeton UP, 2025), Cynthia Miller-Idriss, a leading expert on extremism, addresses this crucial oversight head-on, revealing how an epidemic of misogyny--both online and off--and a patriarchal backlash are driving an exponential rise in mass and far-right violence. She also offers essential strategies that all of us--including parents, teachers, and counselors--can use to fight the rising tide of violence, beginning with recognizing the misogyny that pervades our everyday lives.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The revelatory and urgent story of how an explosion of misogyny is driving a surge of mass and far-right violence throughout the West--from an internationally recognized extremism expert and media commentator

What two things do most mass shooters, terrorists, or violent extremists have in common? Most of us know the first: they are almost always men or boys. But the second? They are almost always virulent misogynists, homophobes, or transphobes--even if they are also motivated by racism, antisemitism, or xenophobia. The antigovernment militiamen charged with plotting to kidnap and execute Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer used language saturated with misogyny, with one telling an FBI informant, "Just grab the bitch." The men who killed scores at Virginia Tech, the Pulse nightclub, and a Maryland newsroom all had prior reports of stalking, domestic violence, or harassment of women. And in dozens of other incidents--from North America to Norway to New Zealand--an increasing number of misogynist incel (involuntary celibate) and male supremacist attackers have explicitly targeted and killed women, blaming feminism or sexual frustration with women as motivation for their attacks.

Yet, despite all evidence, the bright red thread of misogyny running through these attacks is barely acknowledged by the media or even experts--and this failing leaves us powerless to stop the violence. In Man Up: The New Misogyny and the Rise of Violent Extremism (Princeton UP, 2025), Cynthia Miller-Idriss, a leading expert on extremism, addresses this crucial oversight head-on, revealing how an epidemic of misogyny--both online and off--and a patriarchal backlash are driving an exponential rise in mass and far-right violence. She also offers essential strategies that all of us--including parents, teachers, and counselors--can use to fight the rising tide of violence, beginning with recognizing the misogyny that pervades our everyday lives.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The revelatory and urgent story of how an explosion of misogyny is driving a surge of mass and far-right violence throughout the West--from an internationally recognized extremism expert and media commentator</p>
<p>What two things do most mass shooters, terrorists, or violent extremists have in common? Most of us know the first: they are almost always men or boys. But the second? They are almost always virulent misogynists, homophobes, or transphobes--even if they are also motivated by racism, antisemitism, or xenophobia. The antigovernment militiamen charged with plotting to kidnap and execute Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer used language saturated with misogyny, with one telling an FBI informant, "Just grab the bitch." The men who killed scores at Virginia Tech, the Pulse nightclub, and a Maryland newsroom all had prior reports of stalking, domestic violence, or harassment of women. And in dozens of other incidents--from North America to Norway to New Zealand--an increasing number of misogynist incel (involuntary celibate) and male supremacist attackers have explicitly targeted and killed women, blaming feminism or sexual frustration with women as motivation for their attacks.</p>
<p>Yet, despite all evidence, the bright red thread of misogyny running through these attacks is barely acknowledged by the media or even experts--and this failing leaves us powerless to stop the violence. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691257549">Man Up: The New Misogyny and the Rise of Violent Extremism</a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025), Cynthia Miller-Idriss, a leading expert on extremism, addresses this crucial oversight head-on, revealing how an epidemic of misogyny--both online and off--and a patriarchal backlash are driving an exponential rise in mass and far-right violence. She also offers essential strategies that all of us--including parents, teachers, and counselors--can use to fight the rising tide of violence, beginning with recognizing the misogyny that pervades our everyday lives.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2831</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b2f2f7aa-12d5-11f1-84bc-d7644ff20bb9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2779955194.mp3?updated=1772157414" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jamila Michener and Mallory E. Sorelle, "Uncivil Democracy: ﻿﻿How Access to Justice Shapes Political Power" ﻿(Princeton UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>Each year, as many as 250 million Americans face civil legal problems like eviction, debt collection, and substandard housing. These problems are disproportionately shouldered by racially and economically marginalized people, particularly women of color. Civil courts and legal aid organizations are supposed to protect their rights, yet more than 90 percent of low-income people receive inadequate or no legal assistance. Instead, access to justice is reserved for those who can afford its high price. For those who can’t, the repercussions can be devastating, from homelessness and loss of public benefits to broken families and diminished health. Uncivil Democracy: ﻿﻿How Access to Justice Shapes Political Power ﻿(Princeton UP, 2026) looks at the US civil justice system through the eyes of the people whose very citizenship is indelibly shaped by it. Jamila Michener and Mallory SoRelle show how civil legal problems, and the institutions meant to address them, greatly erode trust in the legal system among marginalized communities, undermining their broader sense of democratic citizenship and political standing. While legal representation offers vital protections, increased access to justice through an ever-growing supply of lawyers does not address the structural problems that generate demand for lawyers in the first place. Looking at cases involving unfair evictions and substandard housing, Michener and SoRelle demonstrate how community groups such as tenants’ unions can fill this justice gap and provide the means to build political power that transforms the conditions that create precarity. Drawing on eye-opening qualitative evidence and a wealth of historical and survey data, Uncivil Democracy explains why collective organizing holds the greatest promise for altering the systems that create civil legal problems and exercising the political power necessary for meaningful change.

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Jamila Michener is Professor of Government and Public Policy at Cornell University and inaugural director of the Center for Racial Justice and Equitable Futures. She is the author of the award-winning book,  Fragmented Democracy: Medicaid, Federalism, and Unequal Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2018).

Mallory SoRelle is the Tony and Teddie Brown Associate Professor of Public Policy at the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University. She is the author of Democracy Declined: The Failed Politics of Consumer Financial Protection (University of Chicago Press, 2020), based on her award-winning doctoral dissertation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Each year, as many as 250 million Americans face civil legal problems like eviction, debt collection, and substandard housing. These problems are disproportionately shouldered by racially and economically marginalized people, particularly women of color. Civil courts and legal aid organizations are supposed to protect their rights, yet more than 90 percent of low-income people receive inadequate or no legal assistance. Instead, access to justice is reserved for those who can afford its high price. For those who can’t, the repercussions can be devastating, from homelessness and loss of public benefits to broken families and diminished health. Uncivil Democracy: ﻿﻿How Access to Justice Shapes Political Power ﻿(Princeton UP, 2026) looks at the US civil justice system through the eyes of the people whose very citizenship is indelibly shaped by it. Jamila Michener and Mallory SoRelle show how civil legal problems, and the institutions meant to address them, greatly erode trust in the legal system among marginalized communities, undermining their broader sense of democratic citizenship and political standing. While legal representation offers vital protections, increased access to justice through an ever-growing supply of lawyers does not address the structural problems that generate demand for lawyers in the first place. Looking at cases involving unfair evictions and substandard housing, Michener and SoRelle demonstrate how community groups such as tenants’ unions can fill this justice gap and provide the means to build political power that transforms the conditions that create precarity. Drawing on eye-opening qualitative evidence and a wealth of historical and survey data, Uncivil Democracy explains why collective organizing holds the greatest promise for altering the systems that create civil legal problems and exercising the political power necessary for meaningful change.

Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).

Jamila Michener is Professor of Government and Public Policy at Cornell University and inaugural director of the Center for Racial Justice and Equitable Futures. She is the author of the award-winning book,  Fragmented Democracy: Medicaid, Federalism, and Unequal Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2018).

Mallory SoRelle is the Tony and Teddie Brown Associate Professor of Public Policy at the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University. She is the author of Democracy Declined: The Failed Politics of Consumer Financial Protection (University of Chicago Press, 2020), based on her award-winning doctoral dissertation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Each year, as many as 250 million Americans face civil legal problems like eviction, debt collection, and substandard housing. These problems are disproportionately shouldered by racially and economically marginalized people, particularly women of color. Civil courts and legal aid organizations are supposed to protect their rights, yet more than 90 percent of low-income people receive inadequate or no legal assistance. Instead, access to justice is reserved for those who can afford its high price. For those who can’t, the repercussions can be devastating, from homelessness and loss of public benefits to broken families and diminished health. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691264462">Uncivil Democracy: ﻿﻿How Access to Justice Shapes Political Power</a> ﻿(Princeton UP, 2026) looks at the US civil justice system through the eyes of the people whose very citizenship is indelibly shaped by it. Jamila Michener and Mallory SoRelle show how civil legal problems, and the institutions meant to address them, greatly erode trust in the legal system among marginalized communities, undermining their broader sense of democratic citizenship and political standing. While legal representation offers vital protections, increased access to justice through an ever-growing supply of lawyers does not address the structural problems that generate demand for lawyers in the first place. Looking at cases involving unfair evictions and substandard housing, Michener and SoRelle demonstrate how community groups such as tenants’ unions can fill this justice gap and provide the means to build political power that transforms the conditions that create precarity. Drawing on eye-opening qualitative evidence and a wealth of historical and survey data, Uncivil Democracy explains why collective organizing holds the greatest promise for altering the systems that create civil legal problems and exercising the political power necessary for meaningful change.</p>
<p>Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she specialises in the study of public policymaking and litigation in the US. A former British Academy Mid-Career Fellow, she is the author of the award-winning book,<em>America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State </em>(Cambridge University Press, 2020).</p>
<p>Jamila Michener is Professor of Government and Public Policy at Cornell University and inaugural director of the Center for Racial Justice and Equitable Futures. She is the author of the award-winning book,  <em>Fragmented Democracy: Medicaid, Federalism, and Unequal Politics</em> (Cambridge University Press, 2018).</p>
<p>Mallory SoRelle is the Tony and Teddie Brown Associate Professor of Public Policy at the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University. She is the author of <em>Democracy Declined: The Failed Politics of Consumer Financial Protection</em> (University of Chicago Press, 2020), based on her award-winning doctoral dissertation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3315</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f465595a-0e37-11f1-9587-5b732c58d7f0]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephen Stacks, "The Resounding Revolution: Freedom Song After 1968" (U Illinois Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>What happened to freedom singing after Martin Luther King, Jr.’s assassination? Stephen Stacks considers this question in The Resounding Revolution: Freedom Song After 1968 (U Illinois Press, 2025). He argues that the cultural myths around the Civil Rights Movement from 1954 to 1968, which are partially supported by the appeal of Freedom Songs, have hindered and inspired later activists as they grappled with the shadow of a simplistic and sanitized memory of what it takes to create political change. Stacks’s analysis shifts the focus of attention from genre—freedom song—to process and practice—freedom singing. In a wide-ranging book, he contemplates the role of nostalgia in political advocacy, investigates the work of one of the movement’s great singers, Bernice Johnson Reagon after 1968, and explains how the media and crucial musical figures shaped and sometimes complicated the collective memory of the Civil Rights movement and its music. The Resounding Revolution examines sixty years of Black music to challenge and reshape the entrenched story of the Civil Rights Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happened to freedom singing after Martin Luther King, Jr.’s assassination? Stephen Stacks considers this question in The Resounding Revolution: Freedom Song After 1968 (U Illinois Press, 2025). He argues that the cultural myths around the Civil Rights Movement from 1954 to 1968, which are partially supported by the appeal of Freedom Songs, have hindered and inspired later activists as they grappled with the shadow of a simplistic and sanitized memory of what it takes to create political change. Stacks’s analysis shifts the focus of attention from genre—freedom song—to process and practice—freedom singing. In a wide-ranging book, he contemplates the role of nostalgia in political advocacy, investigates the work of one of the movement’s great singers, Bernice Johnson Reagon after 1968, and explains how the media and crucial musical figures shaped and sometimes complicated the collective memory of the Civil Rights movement and its music. The Resounding Revolution examines sixty years of Black music to challenge and reshape the entrenched story of the Civil Rights Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happened to freedom singing after Martin Luther King, Jr.’s assassination? Stephen Stacks considers this question in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252088704">The Resounding Revolution: Freedom Song After 1968</a><em> </em>(U Illinois Press, 2025). He argues that the cultural myths around the Civil Rights Movement from 1954 to 1968, which are partially supported by the appeal of Freedom Songs, have hindered and inspired later activists as they grappled with the shadow of a simplistic and sanitized memory of what it takes to create political change. Stacks’s analysis shifts the focus of attention from genre—freedom song—to process and practice—freedom singing. In a wide-ranging book, he contemplates the role of nostalgia in political advocacy, investigates the work of one of the movement’s great singers, Bernice Johnson Reagon after 1968, and explains how the media and crucial musical figures shaped and sometimes complicated the collective memory of the Civil Rights movement and its music. <em>The Resounding Revolution </em>examines sixty years of Black music to challenge and reshape the entrenched story of the Civil Rights Movement.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4032</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0a8aa652-106f-11f1-92b8-cb5e53e139d7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7165125625.mp3?updated=1771820717" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark Thomas Edwards, "Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling A Preface to Morals (1929) and U.S. Foreign Policy (1943). His Public Opinion (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.
Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.
Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor (Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.
Mark Thomas Edwards is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Thomas Edwards</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling A Preface to Morals (1929) and U.S. Foreign Policy (1943). His Public Opinion (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.
Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.
Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor (Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.
Mark Thomas Edwards is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling <em>A Preface to Morals</em> (1929) and <em>U.S. Foreign Policy</em> (1943). His <em>Public Opinion</em> (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.</p><p>Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192895165"><em>Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.</p><p><strong>Mark Thomas Edwards</strong> is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3207</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7598806296.mp3?updated=1695331927" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas Zeitzoff, "No Option But Sabotage: The Radical Environmental Movement and the Climate Crisis" (Oxford UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>An authoritative history of the radical environmental movement in the United States, No Option But Sabotage explores how far activists are willing to go to defend the planet in the face of repression and the escalating climate crisis.

After 9/11, the radical environmental movement was considered the number one domestic terror threat by the U.S. government. But by the end of the decade the movement had largely gone silent. What happened? And given the threat from climate, why haven't more radical tactics re-emerged?

In No Option But Sabotage: The Radical Environmental Movement and the Climate Crisis (Oxford University Press, 2026), Thomas Zeitzoff traces the origins, rise, fall, and potential rise again of the movement. Using in-depth interviews with past and current activists, as well as experts, Zeitzoff covers the main factions and actors. These include: Earth First! and its early advocacy for "monkeywrenching;" the "Unabomber" Ted Kaczynski and his years-long anti-technology bombing campaign; the connections between animal liberation, punk, and the emergence of the Earth Liberation Front and its arson campaign; and more recent climate activists and their use of disruptive tactics. Along with providing a comprehensive overview of the movement and its various sub-movements that emerged over time, Zeitzoff also asks the bigger question-given the scope and threat from climate change why haven't activists escalated their tactics? Property destruction, sabotage, and even arson were once regular features of the movement in the 1990s and early 2000s--will activists use them again, or will they stick to non-violence? Will the threat of increasing state repression scare activists, or radicalize them?

Not just a history of a major extremist movement, this book tells the story of radical environmentalism and highlights how activists are confronting the dual threats of climate change and repression, and asking themselves how far they are willing to go to protect the planet.

Thomas Zeitzoff is a professor in the School of Public Affairs at American University. His research focuses on political violence, social media, and political psychology.

Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An authoritative history of the radical environmental movement in the United States, No Option But Sabotage explores how far activists are willing to go to defend the planet in the face of repression and the escalating climate crisis.

After 9/11, the radical environmental movement was considered the number one domestic terror threat by the U.S. government. But by the end of the decade the movement had largely gone silent. What happened? And given the threat from climate, why haven't more radical tactics re-emerged?

In No Option But Sabotage: The Radical Environmental Movement and the Climate Crisis (Oxford University Press, 2026), Thomas Zeitzoff traces the origins, rise, fall, and potential rise again of the movement. Using in-depth interviews with past and current activists, as well as experts, Zeitzoff covers the main factions and actors. These include: Earth First! and its early advocacy for "monkeywrenching;" the "Unabomber" Ted Kaczynski and his years-long anti-technology bombing campaign; the connections between animal liberation, punk, and the emergence of the Earth Liberation Front and its arson campaign; and more recent climate activists and their use of disruptive tactics. Along with providing a comprehensive overview of the movement and its various sub-movements that emerged over time, Zeitzoff also asks the bigger question-given the scope and threat from climate change why haven't activists escalated their tactics? Property destruction, sabotage, and even arson were once regular features of the movement in the 1990s and early 2000s--will activists use them again, or will they stick to non-violence? Will the threat of increasing state repression scare activists, or radicalize them?

Not just a history of a major extremist movement, this book tells the story of radical environmentalism and highlights how activists are confronting the dual threats of climate change and repression, and asking themselves how far they are willing to go to protect the planet.

Thomas Zeitzoff is a professor in the School of Public Affairs at American University. His research focuses on political violence, social media, and political psychology.

Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An authoritative history of the radical environmental movement in the United States, <em>No Option But Sabotage</em> explores how far activists are willing to go to defend the planet in the face of repression and the escalating climate crisis.</p>
<p>After 9/11, the radical environmental movement was considered the number one domestic terror threat by the U.S. government. But by the end of the decade the movement had largely gone silent. What happened? And given the threat from climate, why haven't more radical tactics re-emerged?</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197796849">No Option But Sabotage: The Radical Environmental Movement and the Climate Crisis</a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2026), Thomas Zeitzoff traces the origins, rise, fall, and potential rise again of the movement. Using in-depth interviews with past and current activists, as well as experts, Zeitzoff covers the main factions and actors. These include: Earth First! and its early advocacy for "monkeywrenching;" the "Unabomber" Ted Kaczynski and his years-long anti-technology bombing campaign; the connections between animal liberation, punk, and the emergence of the Earth Liberation Front and its arson campaign; and more recent climate activists and their use of disruptive tactics. Along with providing a comprehensive overview of the movement and its various sub-movements that emerged over time, Zeitzoff also asks the bigger question-given the scope and threat from climate change why haven't activists escalated their tactics? Property destruction, sabotage, and even arson were once regular features of the movement in the 1990s and early 2000s--will activists use them again, or will they stick to non-violence? Will the threat of increasing state repression scare activists, or radicalize them?</p>
<p>Not just a history of a major extremist movement, this book tells the story of radical environmentalism and highlights how activists are confronting the dual threats of climate change and repression, and asking themselves how far they are willing to go to protect the planet.</p>
<p>Thomas Zeitzoff is a professor in the School of Public Affairs at American University. His research focuses on political violence, social media, and political psychology.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3502</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0dfb66b8-0c42-11f1-af99-7794b4c154ed]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2994202267.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kenneth Lowande, "False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age

The University of Chicago Press, 2024

Kenneth Lowande

Political Scientist Kenneth Lowande (University of Michigan) has a new book, False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age, examining the ways in which presidents seem to be using their extraordinary powers (of the office itself) but are often holding back so as to avoid the full implementation of policies and ideas. This is an interesting thesis, since it takes apart the ways in which presidents operate, getting at not only the presentation of presidential power and the rhetoric used by presidents to illuminate their powers, but also where the full capacity of the Executive branch may not be put into action around issues, policies, or ideas. Lowande is assessing what is essentially symbolic, especially for the president, but is not substantive, even if it may seem that way.

This concept, this “false front”, comes out of the polarization within the American political system, and the difficulty that presidents also have in trying to accomplish policy shifts and changes. This is also in context of a Congress that has ceded significant power to the Executive and is generally less productive in terms of passing and implementing policy than it was in the past. This is then combined with the adjustments that presidents and presidential candidates have made in the way they approach the campaign and then their work while in office, since they are compelled to construct their own “brand” as a means to getting elected. Once in office, presidents then need to perform in some way that convinces the public that they are trying to execute what they promised while on the campaign trail. But the political climate makes those outcomes extraordinarily difficult. So, presidents have constructed this path where they publicly lean into policy areas, making public statements, having ceremonies and press releases, taking executive actions, or signing Executive Orders to illustrate their commitment and their activity, but when these policy areas are examined in some depth, it turns out that not much happened after all of this attention and apparent action.

Lowande notes, in our conversation, how once he had zeroed in on this presidential mode of operating it is very difficult not to see it. This becomes a kind of model of presidential behavior and strategic approaches. False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age essentially interrogates the founding basis for the American presidency, where Alexander Hamilton argued that the president is to be held accountable and responsible for the actions taken in the office itself. The media plays a role in this as well, since they report on the actions taken by the president—at least in terms of rhetoric, press releases, signing ceremonies, and executive actions—but there is no follow on analysis, for the most part, of the actual implementation of the policies and the plans. If there is no measurable outcome to distinguish how the policy solved the problem, or satisfied the demand for the policy, then the presidential action or rhetoric is disconnected from any particular policy or public good. This is also at odds with the reason for a democratic republic—where the demands of the voters are to be translated into real outcomes, not imaginary ones.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age

The University of Chicago Press, 2024

Kenneth Lowande

Political Scientist Kenneth Lowande (University of Michigan) has a new book, False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age, examining the ways in which presidents seem to be using their extraordinary powers (of the office itself) but are often holding back so as to avoid the full implementation of policies and ideas. This is an interesting thesis, since it takes apart the ways in which presidents operate, getting at not only the presentation of presidential power and the rhetoric used by presidents to illuminate their powers, but also where the full capacity of the Executive branch may not be put into action around issues, policies, or ideas. Lowande is assessing what is essentially symbolic, especially for the president, but is not substantive, even if it may seem that way.

This concept, this “false front”, comes out of the polarization within the American political system, and the difficulty that presidents also have in trying to accomplish policy shifts and changes. This is also in context of a Congress that has ceded significant power to the Executive and is generally less productive in terms of passing and implementing policy than it was in the past. This is then combined with the adjustments that presidents and presidential candidates have made in the way they approach the campaign and then their work while in office, since they are compelled to construct their own “brand” as a means to getting elected. Once in office, presidents then need to perform in some way that convinces the public that they are trying to execute what they promised while on the campaign trail. But the political climate makes those outcomes extraordinarily difficult. So, presidents have constructed this path where they publicly lean into policy areas, making public statements, having ceremonies and press releases, taking executive actions, or signing Executive Orders to illustrate their commitment and their activity, but when these policy areas are examined in some depth, it turns out that not much happened after all of this attention and apparent action.

Lowande notes, in our conversation, how once he had zeroed in on this presidential mode of operating it is very difficult not to see it. This becomes a kind of model of presidential behavior and strategic approaches. False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age essentially interrogates the founding basis for the American presidency, where Alexander Hamilton argued that the president is to be held accountable and responsible for the actions taken in the office itself. The media plays a role in this as well, since they report on the actions taken by the president—at least in terms of rhetoric, press releases, signing ceremonies, and executive actions—but there is no follow on analysis, for the most part, of the actual implementation of the policies and the plans. If there is no measurable outcome to distinguish how the policy solved the problem, or satisfied the demand for the policy, then the presidential action or rhetoric is disconnected from any particular policy or public good. This is also at odds with the reason for a democratic republic—where the demands of the voters are to be translated into real outcomes, not imaginary ones.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo238640940.html"><em>False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age</em></a></p>
<p>The University of Chicago Press, 2024</p>
<p>Kenneth Lowande</p>
<p>Political Scientist Kenneth Lowande (University of Michigan) has a new book, <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo238640940.html"><em>False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age</em></a>, examining the ways in which presidents <em><strong>seem</strong></em> to be using their extraordinary powers (of the office itself) but are often holding back so as to avoid the full implementation of policies and ideas. This is an interesting thesis, since it takes apart the ways in which presidents operate, getting at not only the presentation of presidential power and the rhetoric used by presidents to illuminate their powers, but also where the full capacity of the Executive branch may not be put into action around issues, policies, or ideas. Lowande is assessing what is essentially symbolic, especially for the president, but is not substantive, even if it may seem that way.</p>
<p>This concept, this “false front”, comes out of the polarization within the American political system, and the difficulty that presidents also have in trying to accomplish policy shifts and changes. This is also in context of a Congress that has ceded significant power to the Executive and is generally less productive in terms of passing and implementing policy than it was in the past. This is then combined with the adjustments that presidents and presidential candidates have made in the way they approach the campaign and then their work while in office, since they are compelled to construct their own “brand” as a means to getting elected. Once in office, presidents then need to perform in some way that convinces the public that they are trying to execute what they promised while on the campaign trail. But the political climate makes those outcomes extraordinarily difficult. So, presidents have constructed this path where they publicly lean into policy areas, making public statements, having ceremonies and press releases, taking executive actions, or signing Executive Orders to illustrate their commitment and their activity, but when these policy areas are examined in some depth, it turns out that not much happened after all of this attention and apparent action.</p>
<p>Lowande notes, in our conversation, how once he had zeroed in on this presidential mode of operating it is very difficult not to see it. This becomes a kind of model of presidential behavior and strategic approaches. <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo238640940.html"><em>False Front: The Failed Promise of Presidential Power in a Polarized Age</em></a> essentially interrogates the founding basis for the American presidency, where Alexander Hamilton argued that the president is to be held accountable and responsible for the actions taken in the office itself. The media plays a role in this as well, since they report on the actions taken by the president—at least in terms of rhetoric, press releases, signing ceremonies, and executive actions—but there is no follow on analysis, for the most part, of the actual implementation of the policies and the plans. If there is no measurable outcome to distinguish how the policy solved the problem, or satisfied the demand for the policy, then the presidential action or rhetoric is disconnected from any particular policy or public good. This is also at odds with the reason for a democratic republic—where the demands of the voters are to be translated into real outcomes, not imaginary ones.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2682</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Trump, the UN Charter, and the Strange Politics of International Law</title>
      <description>International law scholars are often among the sharpest critics of the Trump administration—but what if the usual story misses something essential? In this episode, RBI interim director Eli Karetny speaks with NYU international law professor Robert Howse about Trump’s complicated relationship with the UN Charter system, from Gaza to Venezuela and Iran. The conversation also turns to political theory: Leo Strauss’s reputation as a neoconservative godfather, the shadow of Carl Schmitt, and how today’s MAGA New Right recycles older anxieties about liberalism, virtue, and masculinity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>International law scholars are often among the sharpest critics of the Trump administration—but what if the usual story misses something essential? In this episode, RBI interim director Eli Karetny speaks with NYU international law professor Robert Howse about Trump’s complicated relationship with the UN Charter system, from Gaza to Venezuela and Iran. The conversation also turns to political theory: Leo Strauss’s reputation as a neoconservative godfather, the shadow of Carl Schmitt, and how today’s MAGA New Right recycles older anxieties about liberalism, virtue, and masculinity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>International law scholars are often among the sharpest critics of the Trump administration—but what if the usual story misses something essential? In this episode, RBI interim director Eli Karetny speaks with NYU international law professor Robert Howse about Trump’s complicated relationship with the UN Charter system, from Gaza to Venezuela and Iran. The conversation also turns to political theory: Leo Strauss’s reputation as a neoconservative godfather, the shadow of Carl Schmitt, and how today’s MAGA New Right recycles older anxieties about liberalism, virtue, and masculinity.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3858</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d413d644-0b04-11f1-90f3-93e41a6e379b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2794025230.mp3?updated=1771224900" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Cassandra Shepard, "Settler Colonialism is the Disaster: A Critique of New Orleans After Hurricane Katrina and During the COVID-19 Pandemic" (U Illinois Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>Settler Colonialism is the Disaster: A Critique of New Orleans After Hurricane Katrina and During the COVID-19 Pandemic ﻿(U Illinois Press, 2026) is the new book from Dr. Cassandra Shepard, Assistant Professor in the Department of African American and Diaspora Studies at Xavier University of Louisiana. Published with University of Illinois Press, this encompassing and engrossing book focuses on the crises that have engulfed New Orleans, including the disasters of colonialism, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and COVID-19, taking the reader through their causes and impacts on not only a broad level but through the everyday and often traumatic experiences of the residents of New Orleans. The analysis moves from the Lower Ninth Ward in New Orleans, to state-level post-disaster reconstruction contracts, to international forms of colonialism, and even encompasses Beyonce. This book, which is also includes poetry and a recommended playlist, is also very relevant to the current global moment.

Shepard analyses the overlapping and intersecting disasters that have affected New Orleans through ideas of disaster capitalism and settler colonialism, demonstrating how Black and Indigenous peoples have been deprived of critical resources. The reconstruction processes following, and during, these crises have often sought to exploit the authentic New Orleans culture and vibrancy to further the consolidation of power, profit, and privilege of white elites, to the detriment of Black and Indigenous peoples. Shepard’s book, Settler Colonialism is the Disaster, takes a multi-scalar view of settler colonialism and investigates how it has not only operated historically in New Orleans, but clearly demonstrates that it is a continual process that still determines reconstruction, relief, and other projects today. Shepard connects the ongoing violence and dispossession inherent in settler colonialism within New Orleans, expressed through structural responses to Hurricane Katrina and COVID-19, to other settler colonial projects around the world, such as in Canada, Israel, New Zealand, and Australia.

Cassandra Shepard’s new book is an exceptional, theoretically and empirically rich book that offers a new critique into ‘best practice’ reconstruction, which demands attention. Settler Colonialism is the Disaster offers an urgent, critical view of the political economy of reconstruction, aid, and government responses; a view which is crucial to take seriously in our world today, plagued as it is by crisis, war, and settler colonialism.

Elliot Dolan-Evans is a sessional lecturer in law at Monash University and RMIT. His research investigates the political economy of global capitalism, forms of international governance, and questions of war and peace. His first book, Making War Safe for Capitalism: The World Bank, IMF and the Conflict in Ukraine, is now out with Bristol University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 15 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Settler Colonialism is the Disaster: A Critique of New Orleans After Hurricane Katrina and During the COVID-19 Pandemic ﻿(U Illinois Press, 2026) is the new book from Dr. Cassandra Shepard, Assistant Professor in the Department of African American and Diaspora Studies at Xavier University of Louisiana. Published with University of Illinois Press, this encompassing and engrossing book focuses on the crises that have engulfed New Orleans, including the disasters of colonialism, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and COVID-19, taking the reader through their causes and impacts on not only a broad level but through the everyday and often traumatic experiences of the residents of New Orleans. The analysis moves from the Lower Ninth Ward in New Orleans, to state-level post-disaster reconstruction contracts, to international forms of colonialism, and even encompasses Beyonce. This book, which is also includes poetry and a recommended playlist, is also very relevant to the current global moment.

Shepard analyses the overlapping and intersecting disasters that have affected New Orleans through ideas of disaster capitalism and settler colonialism, demonstrating how Black and Indigenous peoples have been deprived of critical resources. The reconstruction processes following, and during, these crises have often sought to exploit the authentic New Orleans culture and vibrancy to further the consolidation of power, profit, and privilege of white elites, to the detriment of Black and Indigenous peoples. Shepard’s book, Settler Colonialism is the Disaster, takes a multi-scalar view of settler colonialism and investigates how it has not only operated historically in New Orleans, but clearly demonstrates that it is a continual process that still determines reconstruction, relief, and other projects today. Shepard connects the ongoing violence and dispossession inherent in settler colonialism within New Orleans, expressed through structural responses to Hurricane Katrina and COVID-19, to other settler colonial projects around the world, such as in Canada, Israel, New Zealand, and Australia.

Cassandra Shepard’s new book is an exceptional, theoretically and empirically rich book that offers a new critique into ‘best practice’ reconstruction, which demands attention. Settler Colonialism is the Disaster offers an urgent, critical view of the political economy of reconstruction, aid, and government responses; a view which is crucial to take seriously in our world today, plagued as it is by crisis, war, and settler colonialism.

Elliot Dolan-Evans is a sessional lecturer in law at Monash University and RMIT. His research investigates the political economy of global capitalism, forms of international governance, and questions of war and peace. His first book, Making War Safe for Capitalism: The World Bank, IMF and the Conflict in Ukraine, is now out with Bristol University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252089145">Settler Colonialism is the Disaster: A Critique of New Orleans After Hurricane Katrina and During the COVID-19 Pandemic</a> ﻿(U Illinois Press, 2026) is the new book from Dr. Cassandra Shepard, Assistant Professor in the Department of African American and Diaspora Studies at Xavier University of Louisiana. Published with University of Illinois Press, this encompassing and engrossing book focuses on the crises that have engulfed New Orleans, including the disasters of colonialism, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and COVID-19, taking the reader through their causes and impacts on not only a broad level but through the everyday and often traumatic experiences of the residents of New Orleans. The analysis moves from the Lower Ninth Ward in New Orleans, to state-level post-disaster reconstruction contracts, to international forms of colonialism, and even encompasses Beyonce. This book, which is also includes poetry and a recommended playlist, is also very relevant to the current global moment.</p>
<p>Shepard analyses the overlapping and intersecting disasters that have affected New Orleans through ideas of disaster capitalism and settler colonialism, demonstrating how Black and Indigenous peoples have been deprived of critical resources. The reconstruction processes following, and during, these crises have often sought to exploit the authentic New Orleans culture and vibrancy to further the consolidation of power, profit, and privilege of white elites, to the detriment of Black and Indigenous peoples. Shepard’s book, <em>Settler Colonialism is the Disaster</em>, takes a multi-scalar view of settler colonialism and investigates how it has not only operated historically in New Orleans, but clearly demonstrates that it is a continual process that still determines reconstruction, relief, and other projects today. Shepard connects the ongoing violence and dispossession inherent in settler colonialism within New Orleans, expressed through structural responses to Hurricane Katrina and COVID-19, to other settler colonial projects around the world, such as in Canada, Israel, New Zealand, and Australia.</p>
<p>Cassandra Shepard’s new book is an exceptional, theoretically and empirically rich book that offers a new critique into ‘best practice’ reconstruction, which demands attention. <em>Settler Colonialism is the Disaster </em>offers an urgent, critical view of the political economy of reconstruction, aid, and government responses; a view which is crucial to take seriously in our world today, plagued as it is by crisis, war, and settler colonialism.</p>
<p>Elliot Dolan-Evans is a sessional lecturer in law at Monash University and RMIT. His research investigates the political economy of global capitalism, forms of international governance, and questions of war and peace. His first book, <em>Making War Safe for Capitalism: The World Bank, IMF and the Conflict in Ukraine</em>, is now out with Bristol University Press.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2980</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Competing Visions for International Order</title>
      <description>Are we living in an era of competing international orders? A new book, entitled Competing Visions for International Order: Challenges for a Shared Direction in an Age of Global Contestation (Routledge, 2025) edited by Ville Sinkkonen, Veera Laine, Matti Puranen addresses the ultimate question.

In this episode of the Nordic Asia Podcast, Prof. Julie Yu-Wen Chen from the University of Helsinki talks to Ville Sinkkonen (Finnish Institute of International Affairs), Matti Puranen (Finnish National Defense University and University of Helsinki), and Bart Gaens (Finnish Institute of International Affairs and the International Centre for Defense and Security) about the ambition of this new book and several key takeaways concerning particularly the US, China, and India from this book.

The book’s analysis also offers normative prescriptions on how to avoid a tragic race to the bottom – a fragmented world of competing orders where states are unable to address shared global crises and challenges such as pandemics, cross-border crime, climate tragedies, and armed conflict. With this, it concludes by recognising the importance of agency as well as political imagination in navigating the crisis-ridden ordering moment of the international system.

This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in global order studies and governance, geopolitics, regional studies, foreign policy analysis as well as more broadly to international relations and security, political history, human geography, and policymakers.

Julie Yu-Wen Chen is Professor of Chinese Studies and Asian studies coordinator at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland).

The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the following academic partners: Asia Centre, University of Tartu (Estonia), Asian studies, University of Helsinki (Finland), Centre for Asian Studies, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania), Centre for East Asian Studies, University of Turku (Finland), Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University (Sweden) and Centre for South Asian Democracy, University of Oslo (Norway).

We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Are we living in an era of competing international orders? A new book, entitled Competing Visions for International Order: Challenges for a Shared Direction in an Age of Global Contestation (Routledge, 2025) edited by Ville Sinkkonen, Veera Laine, Matti Puranen addresses the ultimate question.

In this episode of the Nordic Asia Podcast, Prof. Julie Yu-Wen Chen from the University of Helsinki talks to Ville Sinkkonen (Finnish Institute of International Affairs), Matti Puranen (Finnish National Defense University and University of Helsinki), and Bart Gaens (Finnish Institute of International Affairs and the International Centre for Defense and Security) about the ambition of this new book and several key takeaways concerning particularly the US, China, and India from this book.

The book’s analysis also offers normative prescriptions on how to avoid a tragic race to the bottom – a fragmented world of competing orders where states are unable to address shared global crises and challenges such as pandemics, cross-border crime, climate tragedies, and armed conflict. With this, it concludes by recognising the importance of agency as well as political imagination in navigating the crisis-ridden ordering moment of the international system.

This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in global order studies and governance, geopolitics, regional studies, foreign policy analysis as well as more broadly to international relations and security, political history, human geography, and policymakers.

Julie Yu-Wen Chen is Professor of Chinese Studies and Asian studies coordinator at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland).

The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the following academic partners: Asia Centre, University of Tartu (Estonia), Asian studies, University of Helsinki (Finland), Centre for Asian Studies, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania), Centre for East Asian Studies, University of Turku (Finland), Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University (Sweden) and Centre for South Asian Democracy, University of Oslo (Norway).

We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Are we living in an era of competing international orders? A new book, entitled <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032912714">Competing Visions for International Order: Challenges for a Shared Direction in an Age of Global Contestation</a> (Routledge, 2025) edited by <a href="https://www.routledge.com/search?author=Ville%20Sinkkonen">Ville Sinkkonen</a>, <a href="https://www.routledge.com/search?author=Veera%20Laine">Veera Laine</a>, <a href="https://www.routledge.com/search?author=Matti%20Puranen">Matti Puranen</a> addresses the ultimate question.</p>
<p>In this episode of the Nordic Asia Podcast, Prof. Julie Yu-Wen Chen from the University of Helsinki talks to <a href="https://fiia.fi/henkilo/ville-sinkkonen">Ville Sinkkonen</a> (Finnish Institute of International Affairs), Matti Puranen (Finnish National Defense University and University of Helsinki), and <a href="https://fiia.fi/sv/person/bart-gaens">Bart Gaens</a> (Finnish Institute of International Affairs and the International Centre for Defense and Security) about the ambition of this new book and several key takeaways <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9781003562306/competing-visions-international-order-veera-laine-matti-puranen-ville-sinkkonen">concerning particularly the US, China, and India from this book</a>.</p>
<p>The book’s analysis also offers normative prescriptions on how to avoid a tragic race to the bottom – a fragmented world of competing orders where states are unable to address shared global crises and challenges such as pandemics, cross-border crime, climate tragedies, and armed conflict. With this, it concludes by recognising the importance of agency as well as political imagination in navigating the crisis-ridden ordering moment of the international system.</p>
<p>This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in global order studies and governance, geopolitics, regional studies, foreign policy analysis as well as more broadly to international relations and security, political history, human geography, and policymakers.</p>
<p>Julie Yu-Wen Chen is Professor of Chinese Studies and Asian studies coordinator at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland).</p>
<p>The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the following academic partners: Asia Centre, University of Tartu (Estonia), Asian studies, University of Helsinki (Finland), Centre for Asian Studies, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania), Centre for East Asian Studies, University of Turku (Finland), Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University (Sweden) and Centre for South Asian Democracy, University of Oslo (Norway).</p>
<p>We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1718</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Heather Ann Thompson, "Fear and Fury: The Reagan Eighties, the Bernie Goetz Shootings, and the Rebirth of White Rage" (Pantheon, 2026)</title>
      <description>In this masterful, groundbreaking work ﻿Fear and Fury: The Reagan Eighties, the Bernie Goetz Shootings, and the Rebirth of White Rage (Pantheon, 2026), Pulitzer Prize-winning author Heather Ann Thompson shines surprising new light on an infamous 1984 New York subway shooting that would unveil simmering racial resentments and would lead, in unexpected ways, to a fractured future and a new era of rage and violence.

On December 22, 1984, in a graffiti-covered New York City subway car, passengers looked on in horror as a white loner named Bernhard Goetz shot four Black teens, Darrell Cabey, Barry Allen, Troy Canty, and James Ramseur, at point-blank range. He then disappeared into a dark tunnel. After an intense manhunt, and his eventual surrender in New Hampshire, the man the tabloid media had dubbed the “Death Wish Vigilante” would become a celebrity and a hero to countless ordinary Americans who had been frustrated with the economic fallout of the Reagan 80s. Overnight, Goetz’s young victims would become villains.

Out of this dramatic moment would emerge an angry nation, in which Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post and later Fox News Network stoked the fear and the fury of a stunning number of Americans.

Drawing from never-before-seen archival materials, legal files, and more, Heather Ann Thompson narrates the Bernie Goetz Subway shootings and their decades-long reverberations, while deftly recovering the lives of the boys whom too many decided didn’t matter. Fear and Fury is the remarkable account and a searing indictment of a crucial turning point in American history.

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this masterful, groundbreaking work ﻿Fear and Fury: The Reagan Eighties, the Bernie Goetz Shootings, and the Rebirth of White Rage (Pantheon, 2026), Pulitzer Prize-winning author Heather Ann Thompson shines surprising new light on an infamous 1984 New York subway shooting that would unveil simmering racial resentments and would lead, in unexpected ways, to a fractured future and a new era of rage and violence.

On December 22, 1984, in a graffiti-covered New York City subway car, passengers looked on in horror as a white loner named Bernhard Goetz shot four Black teens, Darrell Cabey, Barry Allen, Troy Canty, and James Ramseur, at point-blank range. He then disappeared into a dark tunnel. After an intense manhunt, and his eventual surrender in New Hampshire, the man the tabloid media had dubbed the “Death Wish Vigilante” would become a celebrity and a hero to countless ordinary Americans who had been frustrated with the economic fallout of the Reagan 80s. Overnight, Goetz’s young victims would become villains.

Out of this dramatic moment would emerge an angry nation, in which Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post and later Fox News Network stoked the fear and the fury of a stunning number of Americans.

Drawing from never-before-seen archival materials, legal files, and more, Heather Ann Thompson narrates the Bernie Goetz Subway shootings and their decades-long reverberations, while deftly recovering the lives of the boys whom too many decided didn’t matter. Fear and Fury is the remarkable account and a searing indictment of a crucial turning point in American history.

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this masterful, groundbreaking work<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593702093"><em> ﻿Fear and Fury: The Reagan Eighties, the Bernie Goetz Shootings, and the Rebirth of White Rage</em></a> (Pantheon, 2026), Pulitzer Prize-winning author Heather Ann Thompson shines surprising new light on an infamous 1984 New York subway shooting that would unveil simmering racial resentments and would lead, in unexpected ways, to a fractured future and a new era of rage and violence.</p>
<p>On December 22, 1984, in a graffiti-covered New York City subway car, passengers looked on in horror as a white loner named Bernhard Goetz shot four Black teens, Darrell Cabey, Barry Allen, Troy Canty, and James Ramseur, at point-blank range. He then disappeared into a dark tunnel. After an intense manhunt, and his eventual surrender in New Hampshire, the man the tabloid media had dubbed the “Death Wish Vigilante” would become a celebrity and a hero to countless ordinary Americans who had been frustrated with the economic fallout of the Reagan 80s. Overnight, Goetz’s young victims would become villains.</p>
<p>Out of this dramatic moment would emerge an angry nation, in which Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post and later Fox News Network stoked the fear and the fury of a stunning number of Americans.</p>
<p>Drawing from never-before-seen archival materials, legal files, and more, Heather Ann Thompson narrates the Bernie Goetz Subway shootings and their decades-long reverberations, while deftly recovering the lives of the boys whom too many decided didn’t matter. <em>Fear and Fury</em> is the remarkable account and a searing indictment of a crucial turning point in American history.</p>
<p>Host: <a href="https://www.michaelstauch.com/">Michael Stauch</a> is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of <a href="https://www.pennpress.org/9781512827996/wildcat-of-the-streets/"><em>Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing</em></a>, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3416</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Laura K. Field, "Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Political Theorist Laura Field has written an insightful and detailed exploration of the people and the ideas that have shaped the second Trump Administration (and some contributed, as well, to the first Trump Administration.) While Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right (Princeton UP, 2025) is about quite a few scholars and academics, it is written like a propulsive page-turner of a book. And Field takes us through all the of the ins and outs of the individuals who have pursued a path to power and policy development, often from positions in the Ivory Tower. Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right is truly fascinating, since it is not simply about egg-headed academics writing up white papers or books, or simply about presidential advisors and the way they have worked to influence the president or put particular policies into place. Instead, Field interrogates the construction of the ideas that have come to dominate this New Right, seeking their genesis and how these ideas, which are divided into three distinct but overlapping intellectual camps, have made their way to the Trump Administration, through Trump himself, Vice President J.D. Vance, and so many of the advisors and cabinet members who surround Trump.

Field’s training in political theory, especially Straussian political theory, contributes to her understanding and analysis of the individuals at the heart of the story in Furious Minds—and how these particular academics think, but in particular how they think about politics and political projects. The substance of Furious Minds is focused on the past decade or so of engagement between these various schools of thought and the Trump Administration—both while in elected office as well as during the out of office interregnum. At the same time, Field traces the deep origins of some of these schools of thought through the longer conservative tradition in the United States. In our discussion, we explore the Claremonters, the Postliberals, and the National Conservatives. Each group is populated by well-educated (PhDs, published authors, etc.) individuals (mostly men) who are urging a concept of the common good, as they define it, on to the American people, through the Trump Administration’s rhetoric, policies, institutional dispositions, cultural approaches, and general demeanor. Field takes all of these thinkers and ideas seriously, making the case for understanding both the ideas themselves and their origins, while also critiquing much of this by exposing the more extremist bases behind these paths of thinking as well as the people who are purveying them.

Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right is a tour de force of the intellectual and political landscape that has brought us to the midst of the second Trump Administration and provides the reader with deep insight into the radical origins of the myths and concepts that are the backbone of the current Trump Administration and the current Republican Party.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She studied political theory at Kenyon College and Boston College. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Theorist Laura Field has written an insightful and detailed exploration of the people and the ideas that have shaped the second Trump Administration (and some contributed, as well, to the first Trump Administration.) While Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right (Princeton UP, 2025) is about quite a few scholars and academics, it is written like a propulsive page-turner of a book. And Field takes us through all the of the ins and outs of the individuals who have pursued a path to power and policy development, often from positions in the Ivory Tower. Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right is truly fascinating, since it is not simply about egg-headed academics writing up white papers or books, or simply about presidential advisors and the way they have worked to influence the president or put particular policies into place. Instead, Field interrogates the construction of the ideas that have come to dominate this New Right, seeking their genesis and how these ideas, which are divided into three distinct but overlapping intellectual camps, have made their way to the Trump Administration, through Trump himself, Vice President J.D. Vance, and so many of the advisors and cabinet members who surround Trump.

Field’s training in political theory, especially Straussian political theory, contributes to her understanding and analysis of the individuals at the heart of the story in Furious Minds—and how these particular academics think, but in particular how they think about politics and political projects. The substance of Furious Minds is focused on the past decade or so of engagement between these various schools of thought and the Trump Administration—both while in elected office as well as during the out of office interregnum. At the same time, Field traces the deep origins of some of these schools of thought through the longer conservative tradition in the United States. In our discussion, we explore the Claremonters, the Postliberals, and the National Conservatives. Each group is populated by well-educated (PhDs, published authors, etc.) individuals (mostly men) who are urging a concept of the common good, as they define it, on to the American people, through the Trump Administration’s rhetoric, policies, institutional dispositions, cultural approaches, and general demeanor. Field takes all of these thinkers and ideas seriously, making the case for understanding both the ideas themselves and their origins, while also critiquing much of this by exposing the more extremist bases behind these paths of thinking as well as the people who are purveying them.

Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right is a tour de force of the intellectual and political landscape that has brought us to the midst of the second Trump Administration and provides the reader with deep insight into the radical origins of the myths and concepts that are the backbone of the current Trump Administration and the current Republican Party.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She studied political theory at Kenyon College and Boston College. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Theorist Laura Field has written an insightful and detailed exploration of the people and the ideas that have shaped the second Trump Administration (and some contributed, as well, to the first Trump Administration.) While <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691255262"><em>Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2025) is about quite a few scholars and academics, it is written like a propulsive page-turner of a book. And Field takes us through all the of the ins and outs of the individuals who have pursued a path to power and policy development, often from positions in the Ivory Tower. <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691255262/furious-minds?srsltid=AfmBOorQo46qMGVFATZlC-lUoVhwCoXmgjRGlaQkJ47HUcVsNfF77RuR"><em>Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right</em></a> is truly fascinating, since it is not simply about egg-headed academics writing up white papers or books, or simply about presidential advisors and the way they have worked to influence the president or put particular policies into place. Instead, Field interrogates the construction of the ideas that have come to dominate this New Right, seeking their genesis and how these ideas, which are divided into three distinct but overlapping intellectual camps, have made their way to the Trump Administration, through Trump himself, Vice President J.D. Vance, and so many of the advisors and cabinet members who surround Trump.</p>
<p>Field’s training in political theory, especially Straussian political theory, contributes to her understanding and analysis of the individuals at the heart of the story in <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691255262/furious-minds?srsltid=AfmBOorQo46qMGVFATZlC-lUoVhwCoXmgjRGlaQkJ47HUcVsNfF77RuR"><em>Furious Minds</em></a>—and how these particular academics think, but in particular how they think about politics and political projects. The substance of <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691255262/furious-minds?srsltid=AfmBOorQo46qMGVFATZlC-lUoVhwCoXmgjRGlaQkJ47HUcVsNfF77RuR"><em>Furious Minds</em></a> is focused on the past decade or so of engagement between these various schools of thought and the Trump Administration—both while in elected office as well as during the out of office interregnum. At the same time, Field traces the deep origins of some of these schools of thought through the longer conservative tradition in the United States. In our discussion, we explore the Claremonters, the Postliberals, and the National Conservatives. Each group is populated by well-educated (PhDs, published authors, etc.) individuals (mostly men) who are urging a concept of the common good, as they define it, on to the American people, through the Trump Administration’s rhetoric, policies, institutional dispositions, cultural approaches, and general demeanor. Field takes all of these thinkers and ideas seriously, making the case for understanding both the ideas themselves and their origins, while also critiquing much of this by exposing the more extremist bases behind these paths of thinking as well as the people who are purveying them.</p>
<p><a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691255262/furious-minds?srsltid=AfmBOorQo46qMGVFATZlC-lUoVhwCoXmgjRGlaQkJ47HUcVsNfF77RuR"><em>Furious Minds: The Making of the MAGA New Right</em></a> is a tour de force of the intellectual and political landscape that has brought us to the midst of the second Trump Administration and provides the reader with deep insight into the radical origins of the myths and concepts that are the backbone of the current Trump Administration and the current Republican Party.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She studied political theory at Kenyon College and Boston College. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><u><em> Volume I: The Infinity Saga</em></u><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2595</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mark Stout, "World War I and the Foundations of American Intelligence" (UP of Kansas, 2023)</title>
      <description>Ask an American intelligence officer to tell you when the country started doing modern intelligence and you will probably hear something about the Office of Strategic Services in World War II or the National Security Act of 1947 and the formation of the Central Intelligence Agency. What you almost certainly will not hear is anything about World War I. 

In World War I and the Foundations of American Intelligence ﻿(UP of Kansas, 2023), Mark Stout establishes that, in fact, World War I led to the realization that intelligence was indispensable in both wartime and peacetime. After a lengthy gestation that started in the late nineteenth century, and included important episode like the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Punitive Expedition in Mexico, modern American intelligence emerged during World War I. The War was foundational in the establishment of a self-conscious profession of intelligence. Virtually everything that followed was maturation, reorganization, reinvigoration, or reinvention. 

World War I ushered in a period of rapid changes. Never again would the War Department be without an intelligence component. Never again would a senior American commander lead a force to war without intelligence personnel on their staff. Never again would the United States government be without a signals intelligence agency or aerial reconnaissance capability. Stout examines the breadth of American intelligence in the war, not just in France, not just at home, but around the world and across the army, navy, and State Department, and demonstrates how these far-flung efforts endured after the Armistice in 1918. For the first time, there came to be a group of intelligence practitioners who viewed themselves as different from other soldiers, sailors, and diplomats. Upon entering World War II, the United States had a solid foundation from which to expand to meet the needs of another global hot war and the Cold War that followed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ask an American intelligence officer to tell you when the country started doing modern intelligence and you will probably hear something about the Office of Strategic Services in World War II or the National Security Act of 1947 and the formation of the Central Intelligence Agency. What you almost certainly will not hear is anything about World War I. 

In World War I and the Foundations of American Intelligence ﻿(UP of Kansas, 2023), Mark Stout establishes that, in fact, World War I led to the realization that intelligence was indispensable in both wartime and peacetime. After a lengthy gestation that started in the late nineteenth century, and included important episode like the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Punitive Expedition in Mexico, modern American intelligence emerged during World War I. The War was foundational in the establishment of a self-conscious profession of intelligence. Virtually everything that followed was maturation, reorganization, reinvigoration, or reinvention. 

World War I ushered in a period of rapid changes. Never again would the War Department be without an intelligence component. Never again would a senior American commander lead a force to war without intelligence personnel on their staff. Never again would the United States government be without a signals intelligence agency or aerial reconnaissance capability. Stout examines the breadth of American intelligence in the war, not just in France, not just at home, but around the world and across the army, navy, and State Department, and demonstrates how these far-flung efforts endured after the Armistice in 1918. For the first time, there came to be a group of intelligence practitioners who viewed themselves as different from other soldiers, sailors, and diplomats. Upon entering World War II, the United States had a solid foundation from which to expand to meet the needs of another global hot war and the Cold War that followed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ask an American intelligence officer to tell you when the country started doing modern intelligence and you will probably hear something about the Office of Strategic Services in World War II or the National Security Act of 1947 and the formation of the Central Intelligence Agency. What you almost certainly will not hear is anything about World War I. </p>
<p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700635856">World War I and the Foundations of American Intelligence</a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700635856"> </a>﻿(UP of Kansas, 2023), Mark Stout establishes that, in fact, World War I led to the realization that intelligence was indispensable in both wartime and peacetime. After a lengthy gestation that started in the late nineteenth century, and included important episode like the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the Punitive Expedition in Mexico, modern American intelligence emerged during World War I. The War was foundational in the establishment of a self-conscious profession of intelligence. Virtually everything that followed was maturation, reorganization, reinvigoration, or reinvention. </p>
<p>World War I ushered in a period of rapid changes. Never again would the War Department be without an intelligence component. Never again would a senior American commander lead a force to war without intelligence personnel on their staff. Never again would the United States government be without a signals intelligence agency or aerial reconnaissance capability. Stout examines the breadth of American intelligence in the war, not just in France, not just at home, but around the world and across the army, navy, and State Department, and demonstrates how these far-flung efforts endured after the Armistice in 1918. For the first time, there came to be a group of intelligence practitioners who viewed themselves as different from other soldiers, sailors, and diplomats. Upon entering World War II, the United States had a solid foundation from which to expand to meet the needs of another global hot war and the Cold War that followed.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4341</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2294067073.mp3?updated=1770704336" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ron Hayduk, "Untangling the Political Roots of Immigration and Inequality in the United States" (Routledge, 2026)</title>
      <description>Untangling the Political Roots of Immigration and Inequality in the United States ﻿(Routledge, 2026) examines the causes, consequences, and politics of mass migration and growing inequality by investigating the case of the United States – the quintessential immigrant nation. While scholars, policy makers, and advocates have put forth a variety of explanations, many misdiagnose the causes and put forward remedies that treat symptoms. This book looks to the root causes of mass migration and intensifying inequality, arguing that they are two sides of the same coin resulting from rapacious forms of capitalist accumulation and imperialist interventionism. Developing a broadly left analytic framework grounded in elements of Marxist theory and political science, two periods are examined – 1870–1925 and 1970–2025 – when the proportion of immigrants in the US peaked at 15% of the total population, the US experienced steep inequality and political polarization, immigration and inequality became contentious political issues that generated sharp conflict, and immigrants and workers organized mass movements that advanced radical politics and transformative change. This book contains a wealth of information and elevates valuable lessons for scholars, policy makers, and organizers interested in understanding these trends and forging equitable and just solutions today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Untangling the Political Roots of Immigration and Inequality in the United States ﻿(Routledge, 2026) examines the causes, consequences, and politics of mass migration and growing inequality by investigating the case of the United States – the quintessential immigrant nation. While scholars, policy makers, and advocates have put forth a variety of explanations, many misdiagnose the causes and put forward remedies that treat symptoms. This book looks to the root causes of mass migration and intensifying inequality, arguing that they are two sides of the same coin resulting from rapacious forms of capitalist accumulation and imperialist interventionism. Developing a broadly left analytic framework grounded in elements of Marxist theory and political science, two periods are examined – 1870–1925 and 1970–2025 – when the proportion of immigrants in the US peaked at 15% of the total population, the US experienced steep inequality and political polarization, immigration and inequality became contentious political issues that generated sharp conflict, and immigrants and workers organized mass movements that advanced radical politics and transformative change. This book contains a wealth of information and elevates valuable lessons for scholars, policy makers, and organizers interested in understanding these trends and forging equitable and just solutions today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032811857">Untangling the Political Roots of Immigration and Inequality in the United States</a> ﻿(Routledge, 2026)<em> </em>examines the causes, consequences, and politics of mass migration and growing inequality by investigating the case of the United States – the quintessential immigrant nation. While scholars, policy makers, and advocates have put forth a variety of explanations, many misdiagnose the causes and put forward remedies that treat symptoms. This book looks to the root causes of mass migration and intensifying inequality, arguing that they are two sides of the same coin resulting from rapacious forms of capitalist accumulation and imperialist interventionism. Developing a broadly left analytic framework grounded in elements of Marxist theory and political science, two periods are examined – 1870–1925 and 1970–2025 – when the proportion of immigrants in the US peaked at 15% of the total population, the US experienced steep inequality and political polarization, immigration and inequality became contentious political issues that generated sharp conflict, and immigrants and workers organized mass movements that advanced radical politics and transformative change. This book contains a wealth of information and elevates valuable lessons for scholars, policy makers, and organizers interested in understanding these trends and forging equitable and just solutions today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1814</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[22291cae-058d-11f1-a8b2-0fac9e242e48]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6374720936.mp3?updated=1770624094" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Charles Alistair McCrary, "Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers (U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.
McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel The Confidence-Man, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history, McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.
This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.
Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Religion &amp; American Culture, and Religion. He also has written for popular outlets such as Religion &amp; Politics, The Revealer, and The New Republic, many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.
Read more by Charles McCrary:

"The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer,'" Religion &amp; Politics, Apr. 2022

"The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise," The New Republic, Apr. 2022

"The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates," The New Republic, Sept. 2021


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>236</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charles Alistair McCrary</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers (U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.
McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel The Confidence-Man, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history, McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.
This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.
Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Religion &amp; American Culture, and Religion. He also has written for popular outlets such as Religion &amp; Politics, The Revealer, and The New Republic, many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.
Read more by Charles McCrary:

"The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer,'" Religion &amp; Politics, Apr. 2022

"The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise," The New Republic, Apr. 2022

"The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates," The New Republic, Sept. 2021


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226817958"><em>Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.</p><p>McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel <em>The Confidence-Man</em>, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history<em>, </em>McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.</p><p>This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.</p><p>Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the <em>Journal of the American Academy of Religion</em>, <em>Religion &amp; American Culture</em>, and <em>Religion</em>. He also has written for popular outlets such as <em>Religion &amp; Politics</em>, <em>The Revealer</em>, and <em>The New Republic, </em>many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.</p><p>Read more by Charles McCrary:</p><ul>
<li>"<a href="https://religionandpolitics.org/2022/04/12/the-supreme-court-and-the-strange-politics-of-the-sincere-believer/">The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer</a>,'" <em>Religion &amp; Politics</em>, Apr. 2022</li>
<li>"<a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/165942/sincerely-held-religious-belief-law">The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise</a>," <em>The New Republic</em>, Apr. 2022</li>
<li>"<a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/163779/covid-anti-vaccine-religious-exemption">The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates</a>," <em>The New Republic</em>, Sept. 2021</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3315</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[696651d6-0204-11f1-bbd1-5b05a2df42a1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7095553548.mp3?updated=1650740117" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ashlyn Hand, "Prioritizing Faith: International Religious Freedom and U.S. Foreign Policy" (NYU Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 formally established the promotion of religious freedom as a U.S. foreign policy and national security priority. Tracing its origins and passage, Prioritizing Faith: International Religious Freedom and U.S. Foreign Policy (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Ashlyn Hand shows how the legislation was made possible by the convergence of growing evangelical and Jewish advocacy, the expanding international human rights movement, and a broader search for post–Cold War purpose. Yet implementation across administrations has been uneven, shaped by shifting geopolitical dynamics and internal institutional constraints.Relying on expert interviews and rich archival analysis, Dr. Hand traces how Clinton, Bush, and Obama each wove international religious freedom into their foreign policy visions while navigating competing priorities and evolving strategic interests. Through case studies in China, Vietnam, and Saudi Arabia, Dr. Hand reveals the inner workings and persistent challenges of American religious freedom policy on the global stage.Timely, insightful, and deeply researched, Prioritizing Faith offers an incisive assessment of the United States’ efforts to promote religious freedom abroad, highlighting the enduring tensions between normative aspirations and the complexities of foreign policy practice.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 formally established the promotion of religious freedom as a U.S. foreign policy and national security priority. Tracing its origins and passage, Prioritizing Faith: International Religious Freedom and U.S. Foreign Policy (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Ashlyn Hand shows how the legislation was made possible by the convergence of growing evangelical and Jewish advocacy, the expanding international human rights movement, and a broader search for post–Cold War purpose. Yet implementation across administrations has been uneven, shaped by shifting geopolitical dynamics and internal institutional constraints.Relying on expert interviews and rich archival analysis, Dr. Hand traces how Clinton, Bush, and Obama each wove international religious freedom into their foreign policy visions while navigating competing priorities and evolving strategic interests. Through case studies in China, Vietnam, and Saudi Arabia, Dr. Hand reveals the inner workings and persistent challenges of American religious freedom policy on the global stage.Timely, insightful, and deeply researched, Prioritizing Faith offers an incisive assessment of the United States’ efforts to promote religious freedom abroad, highlighting the enduring tensions between normative aspirations and the complexities of foreign policy practice.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 formally established the promotion of religious freedom as a U.S. foreign policy and national security priority. Tracing its origins and passage, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479838721">Prioritizing Faith: International Religious Freedom and U.S. Foreign Policy</a> (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Ashlyn Hand shows how the legislation was made possible by the convergence of growing evangelical and Jewish advocacy, the expanding international human rights movement, and a broader search for post–Cold War purpose. Yet implementation across administrations has been uneven, shaped by shifting geopolitical dynamics and internal institutional constraints.<br>Relying on expert interviews and rich archival analysis, Dr. Hand traces how Clinton, Bush, and Obama each wove international religious freedom into their foreign policy visions while navigating competing priorities and evolving strategic interests. Through case studies in China, Vietnam, and Saudi Arabia, Dr. Hand reveals the inner workings and persistent challenges of American religious freedom policy on the global stage.<br>Timely, insightful, and deeply researched, <em>Prioritizing Faith</em> offers an incisive assessment of the United States’ efforts to promote religious freedom abroad, highlighting the enduring tensions between normative aspirations and the complexities of foreign policy practice.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2600</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d5421f10-0318-11f1-bdec-2fedb1faa28d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4527967508.mp3?updated=1770354045" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Garrett Felber, "A Continuous Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Martin Sostre" (AK Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The first biography of the revolutionary political prisoner who laid the foundation for contemporary abolitionist struggles and Black anarchism.

A Continuous Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Martin Sostre (AK Press, 2025) is a political biography of one of the most important revolutionary figures of the twentieth century in the United States. Martin Sostre (1923–2015) was a Black Puerto Rican from East Harlem who became a politicized prisoner and jailhouse lawyer, winning cases in the early 1960s that helped secure the constitutional rights of incarcerated people. He opened one of the country’s first radical Black bookstores and was scapegoated and framed by police and the FBI following the Buffalo rebellion of 1967. He was sentenced by an all-white jury to thirty-one to forty-one years.

Throughout his nine-year imprisonment, Sostre transformed himself and the revolutionary movements he was a part of, eventually identifying as a revolutionary anarchist and laying the foundation for contemporary Black anarchism. During that time, he engaged in principled resistance to strip frisks for which he was beaten eleven times, raising awareness about the routinized sexual assault of imprisoned people. The decade-long Free Martin Sostre movement was one of the greatest and most improbable defense campaign victories of the Black Power era, alongside those to liberate Angela Davis and Huey Newton. Although Sostre receded from public view after his release in 1976, he lived another four decades of committed struggle as a tenant organizer and youth mentor in New York and New Jersey. Throughout his long life, Martin Sostre was a jailhouse lawyer, revolutionary bookseller, yogi, mentor and teacher, anti-rape organizer, housing justice activist, and original political thinker. The variety of strategies he used and terrains on which he struggled emphasize the necessity and possibility of multi-faceted and continuous struggle against all forms of oppression in pursuit of an egalitarian society founded on the principles of “maximum human freedom, spirituality, and love.”

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first biography of the revolutionary political prisoner who laid the foundation for contemporary abolitionist struggles and Black anarchism.

A Continuous Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Martin Sostre (AK Press, 2025) is a political biography of one of the most important revolutionary figures of the twentieth century in the United States. Martin Sostre (1923–2015) was a Black Puerto Rican from East Harlem who became a politicized prisoner and jailhouse lawyer, winning cases in the early 1960s that helped secure the constitutional rights of incarcerated people. He opened one of the country’s first radical Black bookstores and was scapegoated and framed by police and the FBI following the Buffalo rebellion of 1967. He was sentenced by an all-white jury to thirty-one to forty-one years.

Throughout his nine-year imprisonment, Sostre transformed himself and the revolutionary movements he was a part of, eventually identifying as a revolutionary anarchist and laying the foundation for contemporary Black anarchism. During that time, he engaged in principled resistance to strip frisks for which he was beaten eleven times, raising awareness about the routinized sexual assault of imprisoned people. The decade-long Free Martin Sostre movement was one of the greatest and most improbable defense campaign victories of the Black Power era, alongside those to liberate Angela Davis and Huey Newton. Although Sostre receded from public view after his release in 1976, he lived another four decades of committed struggle as a tenant organizer and youth mentor in New York and New Jersey. Throughout his long life, Martin Sostre was a jailhouse lawyer, revolutionary bookseller, yogi, mentor and teacher, anti-rape organizer, housing justice activist, and original political thinker. The variety of strategies he used and terrains on which he struggled emphasize the necessity and possibility of multi-faceted and continuous struggle against all forms of oppression in pursuit of an egalitarian society founded on the principles of “maximum human freedom, spirituality, and love.”

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>The first biography of the revolutionary political prisoner who laid the foundation for contemporary abolitionist struggles and Black anarchism.</em></p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781849355902"><em>A Continuous Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Martin Sostre</em></a> (AK Press, 2025) is a political biography of one of the most important revolutionary figures of the twentieth century in the United States. Martin Sostre (1923–2015) was a Black Puerto Rican from East Harlem who became a politicized prisoner and jailhouse lawyer, winning cases in the early 1960s that helped secure the constitutional rights of incarcerated people. He opened one of the country’s first radical Black bookstores and was scapegoated and framed by police and the FBI following the Buffalo rebellion of 1967. He was sentenced by an all-white jury to thirty-one to forty-one years.</p>
<p>Throughout his nine-year imprisonment, Sostre transformed himself and the revolutionary movements he was a part of, eventually identifying as a revolutionary anarchist and laying the foundation for contemporary Black anarchism. During that time, he engaged in principled resistance to strip frisks for which he was beaten eleven times, raising awareness about the routinized sexual assault of imprisoned people. The decade-long Free Martin Sostre movement was one of the greatest and most improbable defense campaign victories of the Black Power era, alongside those to liberate Angela Davis and Huey Newton. Although Sostre receded from public view after his release in 1976, he lived another four decades of committed struggle as a tenant organizer and youth mentor in New York and New Jersey. Throughout his long life, Martin Sostre was a jailhouse lawyer, revolutionary bookseller, yogi, mentor and teacher, anti-rape organizer, housing justice activist, and original political thinker. The variety of strategies he used and terrains on which he struggled emphasize the necessity and possibility of multi-faceted and continuous struggle against all forms of oppression in pursuit of an egalitarian society founded on the principles of “maximum human freedom, spirituality, and love.”</p>
<p>Host: <a href="https://www.michaelstauch.com/">Michael Stauch</a> is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of <a href="https://www.pennpress.org/9781512827996/wildcat-of-the-streets/"><em>Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing</em></a>, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3272</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dianna N. Watkins-Dickerson, "A Black Woman for President: Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris" (UP of Mississippi)</title>
      <description>Throughout US history, only three Black women—Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris—have given successfully recognized bids for the office of president of the United States. In A Black Woman for President: Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris(UP of Mississippi) author Dianna N. Watkins-Dickerson uses womanist rhetorical criticism to analyze the presidential announcement speeches of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, Ambassador Carol Moseley Braun, and then-Senator Kamala Harris. In close readings of each candidate’s speeches, Watkins-Dickerson defines womanist rhetorical theory and its efficacy for researching Black female voices in the field of communication in general, and the presidential announcement speeches of Black women, specifically.﻿

Beginning with Shirley Chisholm’s historic 1972 campaign as the first Black woman to run a viable campaign for the US presidency, the volume analyzes how Chisholm’s speech set a precedent for future generations of Black women in politics by boldly asserting her right to lead, despite the multiple barriers of race and gender. The study then moves to Carol Moseley Braun’s 2004 presidential announcement, exploring how Braun’s speech navigated the intersections of identity, representation, and political ambition during a time when Black women in the Senate were still a rarity. Finally, the analysis culminates with Kamala Harris’s 2020 presidential bid, focusing on how her rhetoric blended elements of Black feminist resistance and national unity in an era of heightened political and racial division.

The volume highlights the ways in which Chisholm, Braun, and Harris drew upon their lived experiences and cultural legacies to construct powerful, transformative narratives and argues that their speeches not only expanded the boundaries of political discourse but also reimagined the possibilities for leadership in America. Ultimately, this study provides a rich, interdisciplinary framework for understanding how Black women have reshaped the political landscape through the power of their words.

You can find Dianna N. Watkins Dickerson at her website, and on social platforms @drdwd.

Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout US history, only three Black women—Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris—have given successfully recognized bids for the office of president of the United States. In A Black Woman for President: Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris(UP of Mississippi) author Dianna N. Watkins-Dickerson uses womanist rhetorical criticism to analyze the presidential announcement speeches of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, Ambassador Carol Moseley Braun, and then-Senator Kamala Harris. In close readings of each candidate’s speeches, Watkins-Dickerson defines womanist rhetorical theory and its efficacy for researching Black female voices in the field of communication in general, and the presidential announcement speeches of Black women, specifically.﻿

Beginning with Shirley Chisholm’s historic 1972 campaign as the first Black woman to run a viable campaign for the US presidency, the volume analyzes how Chisholm’s speech set a precedent for future generations of Black women in politics by boldly asserting her right to lead, despite the multiple barriers of race and gender. The study then moves to Carol Moseley Braun’s 2004 presidential announcement, exploring how Braun’s speech navigated the intersections of identity, representation, and political ambition during a time when Black women in the Senate were still a rarity. Finally, the analysis culminates with Kamala Harris’s 2020 presidential bid, focusing on how her rhetoric blended elements of Black feminist resistance and national unity in an era of heightened political and racial division.

The volume highlights the ways in which Chisholm, Braun, and Harris drew upon their lived experiences and cultural legacies to construct powerful, transformative narratives and argues that their speeches not only expanded the boundaries of political discourse but also reimagined the possibilities for leadership in America. Ultimately, this study provides a rich, interdisciplinary framework for understanding how Black women have reshaped the political landscape through the power of their words.

You can find Dianna N. Watkins Dickerson at her website, and on social platforms @drdwd.

Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout US history, only three Black women—Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris—have given successfully recognized bids for the office of president of the United States. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496859389">A Black Woman for President: Shirley Chisholm, Carol Moseley Braun, and Kamala Harris</a>(UP of Mississippi) author Dianna N. Watkins-Dickerson uses womanist rhetorical criticism to analyze the presidential announcement speeches of Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, Ambassador Carol Moseley Braun, and then-Senator Kamala Harris. In close readings of each candidate’s speeches, Watkins-Dickerson defines womanist rhetorical theory and its efficacy for researching Black female voices in the field of communication in general, and the presidential announcement speeches of Black women, specifically.﻿</p>
<p>Beginning with Shirley Chisholm’s historic 1972 campaign as the first Black woman to run a viable campaign for the US presidency, the volume analyzes how Chisholm’s speech set a precedent for future generations of Black women in politics by boldly asserting her right to lead, despite the multiple barriers of race and gender. The study then moves to Carol Moseley Braun’s 2004 presidential announcement, exploring how Braun’s speech navigated the intersections of identity, representation, and political ambition during a time when Black women in the Senate were still a rarity. Finally, the analysis culminates with Kamala Harris’s 2020 presidential bid, focusing on how her rhetoric blended elements of Black feminist resistance and national unity in an era of heightened political and racial division.</p>
<p>The volume highlights the ways in which Chisholm, Braun, and Harris drew upon their lived experiences and cultural legacies to construct powerful, transformative narratives and argues that their speeches not only expanded the boundaries of political discourse but also reimagined the possibilities for leadership in America. Ultimately, this study provides a rich, interdisciplinary framework for understanding how Black women have reshaped the political landscape through the power of their words.</p>
<p>You can find Dianna N. Watkins Dickerson at her <a href="https://www.watkinsdickerson.com/">website</a>, and on social platforms @drdwd.</p>
<p>Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her <a href="https://sullivansummer.com/">website</a>, on <a href="https://www.instagram.com/thesullivansummer/">Instagram</a>, and on <a href="https://sullivansummer.substack.com/">Substack</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3648</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5889122716.mp3?updated=1770105199" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lisa Min et al. eds., "Redacted: Writing in the Negative Space of the State" (punctum books, 2024)</title>
      <description>When it comes to the political, acts of redaction, erasure, and blacking out sit in awkward tension with the myth of transparent governance, borderless access, and frictionless communication. But should there be more than this brute juxtaposition of truth and secrecy?

Redacted: Writing in the Negative Space of the State (punctum books, 2024) ﻿brings together essays, poems, artwork, and memes—a bricolage of media that conveys the experience of living in state-inflected worlds in flux. Critically and poetically engaging with redaction in politically charged contexts (from the United States and Denmark to Russia, China, and North Korea), the volume closely examines and turns loose this disquieting mark of state power, aiming to trouble the liberal imaginaries that configure the political as a left-right spectrum, as populism and nationalism versus global and transnational cosmopolitanism, as east versus west, authoritarianism versus democracy, good versus evil, or the state versus the people—age-old coordinates that no longer make sense. Because we know from the upheavals of the past decade that these relations are being reconfigured in novel, recursive, and unrecognizable ways, the consequences of which are perplexing and ever evolving.

This book takes up redaction as a vital form in this new political reality. Contributors both critically engage with statist redaction practices and also explore its alluring and ambivalent forms, as experimental practices that open up new dialogic possibilities in navigating and conveying the stakes of political encounters.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When it comes to the political, acts of redaction, erasure, and blacking out sit in awkward tension with the myth of transparent governance, borderless access, and frictionless communication. But should there be more than this brute juxtaposition of truth and secrecy?

Redacted: Writing in the Negative Space of the State (punctum books, 2024) ﻿brings together essays, poems, artwork, and memes—a bricolage of media that conveys the experience of living in state-inflected worlds in flux. Critically and poetically engaging with redaction in politically charged contexts (from the United States and Denmark to Russia, China, and North Korea), the volume closely examines and turns loose this disquieting mark of state power, aiming to trouble the liberal imaginaries that configure the political as a left-right spectrum, as populism and nationalism versus global and transnational cosmopolitanism, as east versus west, authoritarianism versus democracy, good versus evil, or the state versus the people—age-old coordinates that no longer make sense. Because we know from the upheavals of the past decade that these relations are being reconfigured in novel, recursive, and unrecognizable ways, the consequences of which are perplexing and ever evolving.

This book takes up redaction as a vital form in this new political reality. Contributors both critically engage with statist redaction practices and also explore its alluring and ambivalent forms, as experimental practices that open up new dialogic possibilities in navigating and conveying the stakes of political encounters.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When it comes to the political, acts of redaction, erasure, and blacking out sit in awkward tension with the myth of transparent governance, borderless access, and frictionless communication. But should there be more than this brute juxtaposition of truth and secrecy?</p>
<p><a href="https://punctumbooks.com/titles/redacted-writing-in-the-negative-space-of-the-state/">Redacted: Writing in the Negative Space of the State</a> (punctum books, 2024) ﻿brings together essays, poems, artwork, and memes—a bricolage of media that conveys the experience of living in state-inflected worlds in flux. Critically and poetically engaging with redaction in politically charged contexts (from the United States and Denmark to Russia, China, and North Korea), the volume closely examines and turns loose this disquieting mark of state power, aiming to trouble the liberal imaginaries that configure the political as a left-right spectrum, as populism and nationalism versus global and transnational cosmopolitanism, as east versus west, authoritarianism versus democracy, good versus evil, or the state versus the people—age-old coordinates that no longer make sense. Because we know from the upheavals of the past decade that these relations are being reconfigured in novel, recursive, and unrecognizable ways, the consequences of which are perplexing and ever evolving.</p>
<p>This book takes up redaction as a vital form in this new political reality. Contributors both critically engage with statist redaction practices and also explore its alluring and ambivalent forms, as experimental practices that open up new dialogic possibilities in navigating and conveying the stakes of political encounters.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5124</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Casiano, "Let Us Alone: The Origins of Baltimore's Police State" (U Illinois Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The racist roots of modern policing in Baltimore

By the early twentieth century, postbellum assaults on civil rights and the advent of Jim Crow expanded Baltimore’s law enforcement into a vast network designed to oppress Black people. Michael Casiano’s history charts the institutional consolidation of the city’s post–Civil War police state.

Authorities in Baltimore organized and established municipal power in distinct but connected sites that included jails, areas of political and social activism, public schools, street corners, courtrooms, and homes. Casiano analyzes policing in light of two parallel and inextricable realities of the city’s governance. First, policing evolved from an inefficient and vigilante-driven system into a modern and paramilitary endeavor focused on suppressing citizens and maximizing the power, wealth, and reach of capitalists. Second, decades of racial antagonism shaped Baltimore policing into an apparatus primarily oriented around subduing Black freedom.

A compelling urban history, Let Us Alone﻿: The Origins of Baltimore's Police State (U Illinois Press, 2025) uses voices from all levels of society to examine police power, incarceration, and the perils of being Black in post–Civil War Baltimore.

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Feb 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The racist roots of modern policing in Baltimore

By the early twentieth century, postbellum assaults on civil rights and the advent of Jim Crow expanded Baltimore’s law enforcement into a vast network designed to oppress Black people. Michael Casiano’s history charts the institutional consolidation of the city’s post–Civil War police state.

Authorities in Baltimore organized and established municipal power in distinct but connected sites that included jails, areas of political and social activism, public schools, street corners, courtrooms, and homes. Casiano analyzes policing in light of two parallel and inextricable realities of the city’s governance. First, policing evolved from an inefficient and vigilante-driven system into a modern and paramilitary endeavor focused on suppressing citizens and maximizing the power, wealth, and reach of capitalists. Second, decades of racial antagonism shaped Baltimore policing into an apparatus primarily oriented around subduing Black freedom.

A compelling urban history, Let Us Alone﻿: The Origins of Baltimore's Police State (U Illinois Press, 2025) uses voices from all levels of society to examine police power, incarceration, and the perils of being Black in post–Civil War Baltimore.

Host: Michael Stauch is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The racist roots of modern policing in Baltimore</p>
<p>By the early twentieth century, postbellum assaults on civil rights and the advent of Jim Crow expanded Baltimore’s law enforcement into a vast network designed to oppress Black people. Michael Casiano’s history charts the institutional consolidation of the city’s post–Civil War police state.</p>
<p>Authorities in Baltimore organized and established municipal power in distinct but connected sites that included jails, areas of political and social activism, public schools, street corners, courtrooms, and homes. Casiano analyzes policing in light of two parallel and inextricable realities of the city’s governance. First, policing evolved from an inefficient and vigilante-driven system into a modern and paramilitary endeavor focused on suppressing citizens and maximizing the power, wealth, and reach of capitalists. Second, decades of racial antagonism shaped Baltimore policing into an apparatus primarily oriented around subduing Black freedom.</p>
<p>A compelling urban history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252088889">Let Us Alone﻿: The Origins of Baltimore's Police State</a> (U Illinois Press, 2025) uses voices from all levels of society to examine police power, incarceration, and the perils of being Black in post–Civil War Baltimore.</p>
<p>Host: <a href="https://www.michaelstauch.com/">Michael Stauch</a> is an associate professor of history at the University of Toledo and the author of <a href="https://www.pennpress.org/9781512827996/wildcat-of-the-streets/"><em>Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing</em></a>, published by the University of Pennsylvania Press in 2025.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4815</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5475735540.mp3?updated=1769753118" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Blair Kelley, "Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class" (LIveright, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the white working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. 
In Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class (LIveright, 2023), Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.
Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.
Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, Black Folk celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” Black Folk looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.
Dr. Blair LM Kelley is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson from the University of North Carolina Press.
Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War, Duke University’s Behind the Veil oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 31 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>666</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Blair Kelley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the white working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. 
In Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class (LIveright, 2023), Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.
Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.
Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, Black Folk celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” Black Folk looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.
Dr. Blair LM Kelley is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson from the University of North Carolina Press.
Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War, Duke University’s Behind the Veil oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the <em>white </em>working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781631496554"><em>Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class</em> </a>(LIveright, 2023<em>), </em>Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.</p><p>Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.</p><p>Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, <em>Black Folk</em> celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” <em>Black Folk</em> looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.</p><p><a href="https://www.profblmkelley.com/">Dr. Blair LM Kelley</a> is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/right-to-ride-streetcar-boycotts-and-african-american-citizenship-in-the-era-of-plessy-v-ferguson-blair-l-m-kelley/10090103"><em>Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson</em></a> from the University of North Carolina Press.</p><p>Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/to-joy-my-freedom-southern-black-women-s-lives-and-labors-after-the-civil-war-tera-w-hunter/6726921?gclid=Cj0KCQjwwvilBhCFARIsADvYi7KdjrVy3RX86sASEF8xzlk8qYccLxCHgFIeAXN7FgDdJ_kt_oemwTkaAil4EALw_wcB"><em>To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War</em></a>, Duke University’s <a href="https://repository.duke.edu/dc/behindtheveil"><em>Behind the Veil</em></a> oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/there-s-always-work-at-the-post-office-african-american-postal-workers-and-the-fight-for-jobs-justice-and-equality-philip-f-rubio/10083852"><em>There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2701</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Betty Boyd Caroli, "A Slumless America: Mary K. Simkhovitch and the Dream of Affordable Housing" (Oxford UP, 2026)</title>
      <description>Betty Boyd Caroli's biography of Mary Kingsbury Simkhovitch is the first full-length work on a seminal figure in the settlement house movement, which spearheaded efforts to improve the life of immigrants and to counter urban squalor in cities around America in the early 19th century. Greenwich House, the community center Simkhovitch founded in 1902 in Greenwich Village, then a destination point for new immigrants to New York, quickly gained a reputation equal to that of Jane Addams's Hull House in Chicago, providing services in health, recreation, education, and the arts (which Greenwich House continues to do to this day). Simkhovitch became a tireless advocate of public housing and has been called by some "the mother of public housing." She played a central role in designing and administering the first public housing projects in America during the New Deal, in which she was an integral figure. The National Housing Conference, which she founded in 1931, continues to operate in our current "housing crisis" as among the most prominent advocates for safe, affordable housing. She co-wrote the National House Act of 1937, the first piece of legislation to establish the federal government's responsibility to help provide low-income families with housing.

A Slumless America: Mary K. Simkhovitch and the Dream of Affordable Housing (Oxford University Press, 2026) by Caroli, best-known for her work on presidential First Ladies, which has gone through multiple editions, will become the standard account of a truly remarkable life. Born in New England and educated in Boston and at the University of Berlin, Simkhovitch married a Russian intellectual seven years her junior who spoke no English and had no job prospects. Raising a family while working for her rapidly expanding set of causes, Simkhovitch was portrayed in a DC Comics series (also featuring Diana Prince) in the early 1940s as a "Wonder Woman of History" for her seeming ability to do it all: take on the full spectrum of urban ills while also raising and supporting her family. Her husband eventually joined the Columbia faculty and became a noted art collector, advising collectors such as J. P. Morgan, while she exposed the squalor of Downtown slums. The stress of trying to do it all took a heavy toll on Simkhovitch, but her lifelong, passionate advocacy of and contributions to housing reform continued unabated and remains both inspiring and relevant.

Betty Boyd Caroli is a graduate of Oberlin College and holds an MA in Mass Communication from Annenberg School of University of Pennsylvania, as well as a Ph.D. in American Civilization from New York University. She studied at the Università Per Stranieri in Perugia, Italy, and the Salzburg Seminar in Austria. A Fulbright in Italy led her to teach at the British College in Palermo, the English School in Rome, and two branches of City University of New York (Queens College and Kingsborough Community College).

Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Betty Boyd Caroli's biography of Mary Kingsbury Simkhovitch is the first full-length work on a seminal figure in the settlement house movement, which spearheaded efforts to improve the life of immigrants and to counter urban squalor in cities around America in the early 19th century. Greenwich House, the community center Simkhovitch founded in 1902 in Greenwich Village, then a destination point for new immigrants to New York, quickly gained a reputation equal to that of Jane Addams's Hull House in Chicago, providing services in health, recreation, education, and the arts (which Greenwich House continues to do to this day). Simkhovitch became a tireless advocate of public housing and has been called by some "the mother of public housing." She played a central role in designing and administering the first public housing projects in America during the New Deal, in which she was an integral figure. The National Housing Conference, which she founded in 1931, continues to operate in our current "housing crisis" as among the most prominent advocates for safe, affordable housing. She co-wrote the National House Act of 1937, the first piece of legislation to establish the federal government's responsibility to help provide low-income families with housing.

A Slumless America: Mary K. Simkhovitch and the Dream of Affordable Housing (Oxford University Press, 2026) by Caroli, best-known for her work on presidential First Ladies, which has gone through multiple editions, will become the standard account of a truly remarkable life. Born in New England and educated in Boston and at the University of Berlin, Simkhovitch married a Russian intellectual seven years her junior who spoke no English and had no job prospects. Raising a family while working for her rapidly expanding set of causes, Simkhovitch was portrayed in a DC Comics series (also featuring Diana Prince) in the early 1940s as a "Wonder Woman of History" for her seeming ability to do it all: take on the full spectrum of urban ills while also raising and supporting her family. Her husband eventually joined the Columbia faculty and became a noted art collector, advising collectors such as J. P. Morgan, while she exposed the squalor of Downtown slums. The stress of trying to do it all took a heavy toll on Simkhovitch, but her lifelong, passionate advocacy of and contributions to housing reform continued unabated and remains both inspiring and relevant.

Betty Boyd Caroli is a graduate of Oberlin College and holds an MA in Mass Communication from Annenberg School of University of Pennsylvania, as well as a Ph.D. in American Civilization from New York University. She studied at the Università Per Stranieri in Perugia, Italy, and the Salzburg Seminar in Austria. A Fulbright in Italy led her to teach at the British College in Palermo, the English School in Rome, and two branches of City University of New York (Queens College and Kingsborough Community College).

Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Betty Boyd Caroli's biography of Mary Kingsbury Simkhovitch is the first full-length work on a seminal figure in the settlement house movement, which spearheaded efforts to improve the life of immigrants and to counter urban squalor in cities around America in the early 19th century. Greenwich House, the community center Simkhovitch founded in 1902 in Greenwich Village, then a destination point for new immigrants to New York, quickly gained a reputation equal to that of Jane Addams's Hull House in Chicago, providing services in health, recreation, education, and the arts (which Greenwich House continues to do to this day). Simkhovitch became a tireless advocate of public housing and has been called by some "the mother of public housing." She played a central role in designing and administering the first public housing projects in America during the New Deal, in which she was an integral figure. The National Housing Conference, which she founded in 1931, continues to operate in our current "housing crisis" as among the most prominent advocates for safe, affordable housing. She co-wrote the National House Act of 1937, the first piece of legislation to establish the federal government's responsibility to help provide low-income families with housing.</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197793800">A Slumless America: Mary K. Simkhovitch and the Dream of Affordable Housing</a> (Oxford University Press, 2026) by Caroli, best-known for her work on presidential First Ladies, which has gone through multiple editions, will become the standard account of a truly remarkable life. Born in New England and educated in Boston and at the University of Berlin, Simkhovitch married a Russian intellectual seven years her junior who spoke no English and had no job prospects. Raising a family while working for her rapidly expanding set of causes, Simkhovitch was portrayed in a DC Comics series (also featuring Diana Prince) in the early 1940s as a "Wonder Woman of History" for her seeming ability to do it all: take on the full spectrum of urban ills while also raising and supporting her family. Her husband eventually joined the Columbia faculty and became a noted art collector, advising collectors such as J. P. Morgan, while she exposed the squalor of Downtown slums. The stress of trying to do it all took a heavy toll on Simkhovitch, but her lifelong, passionate advocacy of and contributions to housing reform continued unabated and remains both inspiring and relevant.</p>
<p>Betty Boyd Caroli is a graduate of Oberlin College and holds an MA in Mass Communication from Annenberg School of University of Pennsylvania, as well as a Ph.D. in American Civilization from New York University. She studied at the Università Per Stranieri in Perugia, Italy, and the Salzburg Seminar in Austria. A Fulbright in Italy led her to teach at the British College in Palermo, the English School in Rome, and two branches of City University of New York (Queens College and Kingsborough Community College).</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is CEO and Publisher of the New Books Network. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3573</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kimberley Johnson, "Dark Concrete: Black Power Urbanism and the American Metropolis" (Cornell UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Dark Concrete: Black Power Urbanism and the American Metropolis (Cornell UP, 2025) by Dr. Kimberley Johnson is about how the Black Power movement reshaped urban politics in the United States—from expectations to practices. Although the national and international dimensions of the Black Power movement are often focused on, Dr. Johnson looks at the movement at the local level, highlighting Newark and East Orange, New Jersey, and Oakland and East Palo Alto, California, and three policy areas: housing, education, and policing.

Dr. Johnson examines how Black Power Urbanism had its own local meanings as it was defined by local activists, neighborhood residents, parents, tenants, and others who sought to repair cities and particularly black neighborhoods that were shattered due to urban renewal and highway construction, as well as ongoing political and economic disinvestment. Dark Concrete depicts how local conditions influenced the emergence of the Black Power movement and, in turn, the ways in which these local movements reshaped urban politics, institutions, and place.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dark Concrete: Black Power Urbanism and the American Metropolis (Cornell UP, 2025) by Dr. Kimberley Johnson is about how the Black Power movement reshaped urban politics in the United States—from expectations to practices. Although the national and international dimensions of the Black Power movement are often focused on, Dr. Johnson looks at the movement at the local level, highlighting Newark and East Orange, New Jersey, and Oakland and East Palo Alto, California, and three policy areas: housing, education, and policing.

Dr. Johnson examines how Black Power Urbanism had its own local meanings as it was defined by local activists, neighborhood residents, parents, tenants, and others who sought to repair cities and particularly black neighborhoods that were shattered due to urban renewal and highway construction, as well as ongoing political and economic disinvestment. Dark Concrete depicts how local conditions influenced the emergence of the Black Power movement and, in turn, the ways in which these local movements reshaped urban politics, institutions, and place.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501781841">Dark Concrete: Black Power Urbanism and the American Metropolis</a> (Cornell UP, 2025) by Dr. Kimberley Johnson is about how the Black Power movement reshaped urban politics in the United States—from expectations to practices. Although the national and international dimensions of the Black Power movement are often focused on, Dr. Johnson looks at the movement at the local level, highlighting Newark and East Orange, New Jersey, and Oakland and East Palo Alto, California, and three policy areas: housing, education, and policing.</p>
<p>Dr. Johnson examines how Black Power Urbanism had its own local meanings as it was defined by local activists, neighborhood residents, parents, tenants, and others who sought to repair cities and particularly black neighborhoods that were shattered due to urban renewal and highway construction, as well as ongoing political and economic disinvestment. <em>Dark Concrete</em> depicts how local conditions influenced the emergence of the Black Power movement and, in turn, the ways in which these local movements reshaped urban politics, institutions, and place.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2980</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2c866a16-f828-11f0-8752-3b4d1e6476b7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1974988275.mp3?updated=1769151350" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Terence Keel, "The Coroner’s Silence: Death Records and the Hidden Victims of Police Violence" (Beacon Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Each year, police officers kill over 1,000 people they’ve sworn to protect and serve. While some cases, like George Floyd’s and Sandra Bland’s, capture national attention, most victims remain nameless, their stories untold. The Coroner’s Silence: Death Records and the Hidden Victims of Police Violence (Beacon Press, 2025) reveals a disturbing truth about these cases: coroners and other death investigators are often complicit in obscuring the violent circumstances of in-custody deaths.Through rigorous research—including critical records analysis, public health studies, and interviews with victims’ families—this book unmasks the systemic failures within forensic medicine. Terence Keel shows how incomplete autopsy reports, mishandled medical documents, and strategically lost evidence effectively shield law enforcement from accountability.The Coroner’s Silence uncovers how the current system of death investigation operates as a mechanism of institutional safeguarding. By highlighting the structural powerlessness of coroners and their disconnection from the communities most affected by police violence, Keel demonstrates how bureaucratic processes can render human suffering invisible.True accountability requires more than procedural reform. It demands a fundamental reimagining of how we investigate, document, and understand deaths at the hands of state institutions. The Coroner’s Silence is a crucial intervention that challenges us to confront the deeply ingrained mechanisms that perpetuate systemic violence.

You can Terrence Keel at his website.

Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Each year, police officers kill over 1,000 people they’ve sworn to protect and serve. While some cases, like George Floyd’s and Sandra Bland’s, capture national attention, most victims remain nameless, their stories untold. The Coroner’s Silence: Death Records and the Hidden Victims of Police Violence (Beacon Press, 2025) reveals a disturbing truth about these cases: coroners and other death investigators are often complicit in obscuring the violent circumstances of in-custody deaths.Through rigorous research—including critical records analysis, public health studies, and interviews with victims’ families—this book unmasks the systemic failures within forensic medicine. Terence Keel shows how incomplete autopsy reports, mishandled medical documents, and strategically lost evidence effectively shield law enforcement from accountability.The Coroner’s Silence uncovers how the current system of death investigation operates as a mechanism of institutional safeguarding. By highlighting the structural powerlessness of coroners and their disconnection from the communities most affected by police violence, Keel demonstrates how bureaucratic processes can render human suffering invisible.True accountability requires more than procedural reform. It demands a fundamental reimagining of how we investigate, document, and understand deaths at the hands of state institutions. The Coroner’s Silence is a crucial intervention that challenges us to confront the deeply ingrained mechanisms that perpetuate systemic violence.

You can Terrence Keel at his website.

Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her website, on Instagram, and on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Each year, police officers kill over 1,000 people they’ve sworn to protect and serve. While some cases, like George Floyd’s and Sandra Bland’s, capture national attention, most victims remain nameless, their stories untold. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807017517">The Coroner’s Silence: Death Records and the Hidden Victims of Police Violence</a><em> </em>(Beacon Press, 2025) reveals a disturbing truth about these cases: coroners and other death investigators are often complicit in obscuring the violent circumstances of in-custody deaths.<br>Through rigorous research—including critical records analysis, public health studies, and interviews with victims’ families—this book unmasks the systemic failures within forensic medicine. Terence Keel shows how incomplete autopsy reports, mishandled medical documents, and strategically lost evidence effectively shield law enforcement from accountability.<br><em>The Coroner’s Silence</em> uncovers how the current system of death investigation operates as a mechanism of institutional safeguarding. By highlighting the structural powerlessness of coroners and their disconnection from the communities most affected by police violence, Keel demonstrates how bureaucratic processes can render human suffering invisible.<br>True accountability requires more than procedural reform. It demands a fundamental reimagining of how we investigate, document, and understand deaths at the hands of state institutions. <em>The Coroner’s Silence</em> is a crucial intervention that challenges us to confront the deeply ingrained mechanisms that perpetuate systemic violence.</p>
<p>You can Terrence Keel at his <a href="https://www.terencekeel.com/">website</a>.</p>
<p>Find host, Sullivan Summer, at her <a href="https://sullivansummer.com/">website</a>, on <a href="https://www.instagram.com/thesullivansummer/">Instagram</a>, and on <a href="https://sullivansummer.substack.com/">Substack</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3440</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lauren D. Sawyer, "Growing Up Pure: White Girls, Queer Teens, and the Racial Foundations of Purity Culture" (NYU Press, 2025) </title>
      <description>Gaining mass popularity in the mid-1990s with the True Love Waits rally on the Washington Mall, purity culture began as an urge from evangelical conservatives for Christian adolescents to publicly commit to practicing abstinence until marriage. Throughout this decade and the next, millions of evangelical teenagers performed their commitment to sexual purity by signing pledges and wearing purity rings.

﻿Growing Up Pure: White Girls, Queer Teens, and the Racial Foundations of Purity Culture (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Lauren D. Sawyer examines the shaping of purity culture in the United States, looking specifically at the experiences of white youth. It shows that white girls and white queer youth were vulnerable to the purity movement, but that they were also complicit in its white supremacist oppressive structure. It makes the case that purity culture follows in the footsteps of other purity movements in the United States, and is very much tied to centuries of anti-Black racism and xenophobia in US social history, seeing white youth as in need of protection, usually from a racialized, sexualized other.While other works have focused on the ways in which purity culture has victimized young people, Dr. Sawyer argues that their perceived status as victims lets them too easily off the hook. White youth have been afforded the privilege of participating in purity culture’s harmful behaviors without being called to account. Closely reading adolescents’ stories of growing up in purity culture, she uncovers youth as agents, participants, and beneficiaries of its white supremacist framing, even as they were still vulnerable to its harmful teachings.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gaining mass popularity in the mid-1990s with the True Love Waits rally on the Washington Mall, purity culture began as an urge from evangelical conservatives for Christian adolescents to publicly commit to practicing abstinence until marriage. Throughout this decade and the next, millions of evangelical teenagers performed their commitment to sexual purity by signing pledges and wearing purity rings.

﻿Growing Up Pure: White Girls, Queer Teens, and the Racial Foundations of Purity Culture (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Lauren D. Sawyer examines the shaping of purity culture in the United States, looking specifically at the experiences of white youth. It shows that white girls and white queer youth were vulnerable to the purity movement, but that they were also complicit in its white supremacist oppressive structure. It makes the case that purity culture follows in the footsteps of other purity movements in the United States, and is very much tied to centuries of anti-Black racism and xenophobia in US social history, seeing white youth as in need of protection, usually from a racialized, sexualized other.While other works have focused on the ways in which purity culture has victimized young people, Dr. Sawyer argues that their perceived status as victims lets them too easily off the hook. White youth have been afforded the privilege of participating in purity culture’s harmful behaviors without being called to account. Closely reading adolescents’ stories of growing up in purity culture, she uncovers youth as agents, participants, and beneficiaries of its white supremacist framing, even as they were still vulnerable to its harmful teachings.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Gaining mass popularity in the mid-1990s with the True Love Waits rally on the Washington Mall, purity culture began as an urge from evangelical conservatives for Christian adolescents to publicly commit to practicing abstinence until marriage. Throughout this decade and the next, millions of evangelical teenagers performed their commitment to sexual purity by signing pledges and wearing purity rings.</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479838455">﻿Growing Up Pure: White Girls, Queer Teens, and the Racial Foundations of Purity Culture</a> (NYU Press, 2025) by Dr. Lauren D. Sawyer examines the shaping of purity culture in the United States, looking specifically at the experiences of white youth. It shows that white girls and white queer youth were vulnerable to the purity movement, but that they were also complicit in its white supremacist oppressive structure. It makes the case that purity culture follows in the footsteps of other purity movements in the United States, and is very much tied to centuries of anti-Black racism and xenophobia in US social history, seeing white youth as in need of protection, usually from a racialized, sexualized other.<br>While other works have focused on the ways in which purity culture has victimized young people, Dr. Sawyer argues that their perceived status as victims lets them too easily off the hook. White youth have been afforded the privilege of participating in purity culture’s harmful behaviors without being called to account. Closely reading adolescents’ stories of growing up in purity culture, she uncovers youth as agents, participants, and beneficiaries of its white supremacist framing, even as they were still vulnerable to its harmful teachings.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2645</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard A. Falk and Hans von Sponeck, "Liberating the United Nations: Realism with Hope" (Stanford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The United Nations (UN) has always loomed large in international conflicts, but today accepted wisdom declares that the organization has lost its way. Liberating The United Nations: Realism with Hope (Stanford UP, 2024) is a thorough review of its founding and history that tracks critical junctures that obscured or diverted the path to a powerful and just UN that abides by international law. Based on the extensive expertise of two former UN-insiders, Richard Falk and Hans von Sponeck, the book goes beyond critique and diagnosis, proposing ways to achieve a more effective and legitimate UN. The historical sweep of the book offers a uniquely broad perspective on how the UN has evolved from the time of its establishment, and how that evolution reflects, and was defined by, world politics. The book explores these themes through the specific cases of intervention in Palestine, Iraq, and Syria. Liberating The United Nations hopes to reinvigorate the original vision of the UN by asserting its place in a world of amplifying chauvinistic nationalism. Falk and von Sponeck argue for how important the UN has become, and could be, in aiding with the transnational and global challenges of the present and future, including pandemics, environmental crises, and mass migration.

Richard Falk is Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University.

Hans von Sponeck is a former United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and served as UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq from 1998 to 2000.

Lucas Tse is Examination Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United Nations (UN) has always loomed large in international conflicts, but today accepted wisdom declares that the organization has lost its way. Liberating The United Nations: Realism with Hope (Stanford UP, 2024) is a thorough review of its founding and history that tracks critical junctures that obscured or diverted the path to a powerful and just UN that abides by international law. Based on the extensive expertise of two former UN-insiders, Richard Falk and Hans von Sponeck, the book goes beyond critique and diagnosis, proposing ways to achieve a more effective and legitimate UN. The historical sweep of the book offers a uniquely broad perspective on how the UN has evolved from the time of its establishment, and how that evolution reflects, and was defined by, world politics. The book explores these themes through the specific cases of intervention in Palestine, Iraq, and Syria. Liberating The United Nations hopes to reinvigorate the original vision of the UN by asserting its place in a world of amplifying chauvinistic nationalism. Falk and von Sponeck argue for how important the UN has become, and could be, in aiding with the transnational and global challenges of the present and future, including pandemics, environmental crises, and mass migration.

Richard Falk is Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University.

Hans von Sponeck is a former United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and served as UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq from 1998 to 2000.

Lucas Tse is Examination Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United Nations (UN) has always loomed large in international conflicts, but today accepted wisdom declares that the organization has lost its way. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503639140">Liberating The United Nations: Realism with Hope</a> (Stanford UP, 2024) is a thorough review of its founding and history that tracks critical junctures that obscured or diverted the path to a powerful and just UN that abides by international law. Based on the extensive expertise of two former UN-insiders, Richard Falk and Hans von Sponeck, the book goes beyond critique and diagnosis, proposing ways to achieve a more effective and legitimate UN. The historical sweep of the book offers a uniquely broad perspective on how the UN has evolved from the time of its establishment, and how that evolution reflects, and was defined by, world politics. The book explores these themes through the specific cases of intervention in Palestine, Iraq, and Syria. <em>Liberating The United Nations</em> hopes to reinvigorate the original vision of the UN by asserting its place in a world of amplifying chauvinistic nationalism. Falk and von Sponeck argue for how important the UN has become, and could be, in aiding with the transnational and global challenges of the present and future, including pandemics, environmental crises, and mass migration.</p>
<p>Richard Falk is Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University.</p>
<p>Hans von Sponeck is a former United Nations Assistant Secretary-General and served as UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq from 1998 to 2000.</p>
<p>Lucas Tse is Examination Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4710</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Emilie Connolly, "Vested Interests: Trusteeship and Native Dispossession in the United States" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>From the earliest days of its founding, the United States set its sights on Native territory. Amid better-known “Indian wars,” the federal government quietly built an empire by treaty, offering payments to Native peoples for their land. Routinely inadequate, these payments were nonetheless pivotal because federal officials chose not to deliver them as a lump sum. Instead, the government kept the bulk of payments owed to Native nations under its own control as a trustee, and made access to future installments contingent on Native compliance. In Vested Interests: Trusteeship and Native Dispossession in the United States (Princeton UP, 2025), Dr. Emilie Connolly describes how a system of “fiduciary colonialism” seized a continent from its original inhabitants—and, ironically, furnished Native peoples with financial resources that sustained their nations.Connolly documents two centuries of dispossession in the guise of fiduciary benevolence. Acting as both dispossessor and trustee, the federal government invested Native wealth in state bonds that financed banks, canals, and other infrastructural projects that enabled the country to expand further westward. Meanwhile, Native peoples protected the money they did receive for future generations, investing it in their own institutions and mounting legal challenges to hold their trustees accountable. Still, federal trusteeship placed tight constraints on Native economies with the aim of containing Native power, forcing nations to endure through sheer resilience and ingenuity. By chronicling the long history of Native land dispossession through financial paternalism, Vested Interests reveals the unequal dividends of colonialism in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the earliest days of its founding, the United States set its sights on Native territory. Amid better-known “Indian wars,” the federal government quietly built an empire by treaty, offering payments to Native peoples for their land. Routinely inadequate, these payments were nonetheless pivotal because federal officials chose not to deliver them as a lump sum. Instead, the government kept the bulk of payments owed to Native nations under its own control as a trustee, and made access to future installments contingent on Native compliance. In Vested Interests: Trusteeship and Native Dispossession in the United States (Princeton UP, 2025), Dr. Emilie Connolly describes how a system of “fiduciary colonialism” seized a continent from its original inhabitants—and, ironically, furnished Native peoples with financial resources that sustained their nations.Connolly documents two centuries of dispossession in the guise of fiduciary benevolence. Acting as both dispossessor and trustee, the federal government invested Native wealth in state bonds that financed banks, canals, and other infrastructural projects that enabled the country to expand further westward. Meanwhile, Native peoples protected the money they did receive for future generations, investing it in their own institutions and mounting legal challenges to hold their trustees accountable. Still, federal trusteeship placed tight constraints on Native economies with the aim of containing Native power, forcing nations to endure through sheer resilience and ingenuity. By chronicling the long history of Native land dispossession through financial paternalism, Vested Interests reveals the unequal dividends of colonialism in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the earliest days of its founding, the United States set its sights on Native territory. Amid better-known “Indian wars,” the federal government quietly built an empire by treaty, offering payments to Native peoples for their land. Routinely inadequate, these payments were nonetheless pivotal because federal officials chose not to deliver them as a lump sum. Instead, the government kept the bulk of payments owed to Native nations under its own control as a trustee, and made access to future installments contingent on Native compliance. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691240121">Vested Interests: Trusteeship and Native Dispossession in the United States</a> (Princeton UP, 2025), Dr. Emilie Connolly describes how a system of “fiduciary colonialism” seized a continent from its original inhabitants—and, ironically, furnished Native peoples with financial resources that sustained their nations.<br>Connolly documents two centuries of dispossession in the guise of fiduciary benevolence. Acting as both dispossessor and trustee, the federal government invested Native wealth in state bonds that financed banks, canals, and other infrastructural projects that enabled the country to expand further westward. Meanwhile, Native peoples protected the money they did receive for future generations, investing it in their own institutions and mounting legal challenges to hold their trustees accountable. Still, federal trusteeship placed tight constraints on Native economies with the aim of containing Native power, forcing nations to endure through sheer resilience and ingenuity. By chronicling the long history of Native land dispossession through financial paternalism, <em>Vested Interests</em> reveals the unequal dividends of colonialism in the United States.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3009</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Burstein, "Being Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History" (Bloomsbury, 2026)</title>
      <description>﻿The deepest dive yet into the heart and soul, secret affairs, unexplored alliances, and bitter feuds of a generally worshipped, intermittently reviled American icon.

﻿Perhaps no founding father is as mysterious as Thomas Jefferson. The author of the Declaration of Independence was both a gifted wordsmith and a bundle of nerves. His superior knowledge of the human heart is captured in the impassioned appeal he brought to the Declaration. But as a champion of the common man who lived a life of privilege on a mountaintop plantation of his own design, he has eluded biographers who have sought to make sense of his inner life. In Being Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History (Bloomsbury, 2026), acclaimed Jefferson scholar Andrew Burstein peels away layers of obfuscation, taking us past the veneer of the animated letter-writer to describe a confused lover and a misguided humanist, too timid to embrace antislavery.Jefferson was a soft-spoken man who recoiled from direct conflict, yet a master puppeteer in politics. Whenever he left Monticello, where he could control his environment, he suffered debilitating headaches that plagued him for decades, until he finally retired from public life. So, what did it feel like to be Thomas Jefferson? Burstein explains the decision to take as his mistress Sally Hemings, the enslaved half-sister of his late wife, who bore him six children, none of whom he acknowledged. Presenting a society that encouraged separation between public and private, appearance and essence, Burstein paints a dramatic picture of early American culture and brings us closer to Jefferson's life and thought than ever before.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>﻿The deepest dive yet into the heart and soul, secret affairs, unexplored alliances, and bitter feuds of a generally worshipped, intermittently reviled American icon.

﻿Perhaps no founding father is as mysterious as Thomas Jefferson. The author of the Declaration of Independence was both a gifted wordsmith and a bundle of nerves. His superior knowledge of the human heart is captured in the impassioned appeal he brought to the Declaration. But as a champion of the common man who lived a life of privilege on a mountaintop plantation of his own design, he has eluded biographers who have sought to make sense of his inner life. In Being Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History (Bloomsbury, 2026), acclaimed Jefferson scholar Andrew Burstein peels away layers of obfuscation, taking us past the veneer of the animated letter-writer to describe a confused lover and a misguided humanist, too timid to embrace antislavery.Jefferson was a soft-spoken man who recoiled from direct conflict, yet a master puppeteer in politics. Whenever he left Monticello, where he could control his environment, he suffered debilitating headaches that plagued him for decades, until he finally retired from public life. So, what did it feel like to be Thomas Jefferson? Burstein explains the decision to take as his mistress Sally Hemings, the enslaved half-sister of his late wife, who bore him six children, none of whom he acknowledged. Presenting a society that encouraged separation between public and private, appearance and essence, Burstein paints a dramatic picture of early American culture and brings us closer to Jefferson's life and thought than ever before.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>﻿The deepest dive yet into the heart and soul, secret affairs, unexplored alliances, and bitter feuds of a generally worshipped, intermittently reviled American icon.</p>
<p>﻿Perhaps no founding father is as mysterious as Thomas Jefferson. The author of the Declaration of Independence was both a gifted wordsmith and a bundle of nerves. His superior knowledge of the human heart is captured in the impassioned appeal he brought to the Declaration. But as a champion of the common man who lived a life of privilege on a mountaintop plantation of his own design, he has eluded biographers who have sought to make sense of his inner life. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781639737680">Being Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History</a> (Bloomsbury, 2026), acclaimed Jefferson scholar Andrew Burstein peels away layers of obfuscation, taking us past the veneer of the animated letter-writer to describe a confused lover and a misguided humanist, too timid to embrace antislavery.<br>Jefferson was a soft-spoken man who recoiled from direct conflict, yet a master puppeteer in politics. Whenever he left Monticello, where he could control his environment, he suffered debilitating headaches that plagued him for decades, until he finally retired from public life. So, what did it<em> feel like</em> to be Thomas Jefferson? Burstein explains the decision to take as his mistress Sally Hemings, the enslaved half-sister of his late wife, who bore him six children, none of whom he acknowledged. Presenting a society that encouraged separation between public and private, appearance and essence, Burstein paints a dramatic picture of early American culture and brings us closer to Jefferson's life and thought than ever before.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3298</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Yunus Emre Ozigci, "NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity" (Vernon Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity (Vernon Press, 2026) a forthcoming 2026 book by Yunus Emre Ozigci, offers a deep analysis of NATO's identity and role, suggesting it's stuck in bureaucratic inertia despite modern crises, aiming to redefine its purpose through exploring shared identity and transformation, particularly in the context of Russia's actions. This scholarly work uses intersubjectivity to understand how NATO's internal dynamics and external relations, especially concerning the Ukraine conflict, shape its meaning beyond mere military power, potentially moving beyond traditional IR theories to explore collective identity and systemic challenges.

﻿﻿In NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity (2026), Ozigci treats NATO as an intersubjective phenomenon rather than an objective entity. To him, NATO “does not exist objectively” but rather appears “meaningfully through intersubjective recognition.” His skillful integration of philosophical innovations from such thinkers as Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger, and Jean-Paul Sartre supports his deep insights into Kenneth Waltz's structural interpretations of the balance of power, John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism, and Robert Keohane's complex interdependence and invites readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This work reminds us that NATO’s real strength does not necessarily come from being the most efficient military structure in the world, promoting those who excel at following orders, but rather from its ingenuity, resourcefulness, and unity of purpose. His study provides a rare synthesis of diplomatic experience and philosophical depth, inviting readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This is an original, meticulously argued, and intellectually stimulating contribution to both NATO studies and the philosophy of international relations.

Piotr Pietrzak, Ph.D. -- ﻿In Statu Nascendi Think Tank﻿

Yunus Emre Ozigci holds a PhD degree in Political Sciences from the Université catholique de Louvain. He graduated from the Galatasaray University (International relations) and completed his MA studies at the University of Ankara (International relations). His research interests and publications cover the IR theory and phenomenology. Since 2000, he has been working as a diplomat in the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served, besides various departments of the Ministry, in Algeria, Belgium, Switzerland and Russia. Currently, he is the First Counsellor of the Turkish Embassy in Nairobi and Deputy Permanent Representative to UNON (UNEP and UN-Habitat). ORCID: 0000-0003-3388-7149

Please note: This publication is a personal work. It does not reflect the official views of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity (Vernon Press, 2026) a forthcoming 2026 book by Yunus Emre Ozigci, offers a deep analysis of NATO's identity and role, suggesting it's stuck in bureaucratic inertia despite modern crises, aiming to redefine its purpose through exploring shared identity and transformation, particularly in the context of Russia's actions. This scholarly work uses intersubjectivity to understand how NATO's internal dynamics and external relations, especially concerning the Ukraine conflict, shape its meaning beyond mere military power, potentially moving beyond traditional IR theories to explore collective identity and systemic challenges.

﻿﻿In NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity (2026), Ozigci treats NATO as an intersubjective phenomenon rather than an objective entity. To him, NATO “does not exist objectively” but rather appears “meaningfully through intersubjective recognition.” His skillful integration of philosophical innovations from such thinkers as Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger, and Jean-Paul Sartre supports his deep insights into Kenneth Waltz's structural interpretations of the balance of power, John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism, and Robert Keohane's complex interdependence and invites readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This work reminds us that NATO’s real strength does not necessarily come from being the most efficient military structure in the world, promoting those who excel at following orders, but rather from its ingenuity, resourcefulness, and unity of purpose. His study provides a rare synthesis of diplomatic experience and philosophical depth, inviting readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This is an original, meticulously argued, and intellectually stimulating contribution to both NATO studies and the philosophy of international relations.

Piotr Pietrzak, Ph.D. -- ﻿In Statu Nascendi Think Tank﻿

Yunus Emre Ozigci holds a PhD degree in Political Sciences from the Université catholique de Louvain. He graduated from the Galatasaray University (International relations) and completed his MA studies at the University of Ankara (International relations). His research interests and publications cover the IR theory and phenomenology. Since 2000, he has been working as a diplomat in the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served, besides various departments of the Ministry, in Algeria, Belgium, Switzerland and Russia. Currently, he is the First Counsellor of the Turkish Embassy in Nairobi and Deputy Permanent Representative to UNON (UNEP and UN-Habitat). ORCID: 0000-0003-3388-7149

Please note: This publication is a personal work. It does not reflect the official views of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://vernonpress.com/book/2483?srsltid=AfmBOopRvQ2yJLuwJAYPlqfexOKFzolsSllLpqMmUbbVHATsLWBIIPX_">NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity (</a>Vernon Press, 2026) a forthcoming 2026 book by Yunus Emre Ozigci, offers a deep analysis of NATO's identity and role, suggesting it's stuck in bureaucratic inertia despite modern crises, aiming to redefine its purpose through exploring shared identity and transformation, particularly in the context of Russia's actions. This scholarly work uses intersubjectivity to understand how NATO's internal dynamics and external relations, especially concerning the Ukraine conflict, shape its meaning beyond mere military power, potentially moving beyond traditional IR theories to explore collective identity and systemic challenges.</p>
<p>﻿﻿In<em> NATO’s Meaning and Existence: Within the Interstate Intersubjectivity </em>(2026), Ozigci treats NATO as an intersubjective phenomenon rather than an objective entity. To him, NATO “does not exist objectively” but rather appears “meaningfully through intersubjective recognition.” His skillful integration of philosophical innovations from such thinkers as Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger, and Jean-Paul Sartre supports his deep insights into Kenneth Waltz's structural interpretations of the balance of power, John Mearsheimer’s offensive realism, and Robert Keohane's complex interdependence and invites readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This work reminds us that NATO’s real strength does not necessarily come from being the most efficient military structure in the world, promoting those who excel at following orders, but rather from its ingenuity, resourcefulness, and unity of purpose. His study provides a rare synthesis of diplomatic experience and philosophical depth, inviting readers to reconsider how alliances exist beyond the surface of policy and power. This is an original, meticulously argued, and intellectually stimulating contribution to both NATO studies and the philosophy of international relations.</p>
<p>Piotr Pietrzak, Ph.D. --<strong> </strong>﻿In Statu Nascendi Think Tank﻿</p>
<p>Yunus Emre Ozigci holds a PhD degree in Political Sciences from the Université catholique de Louvain. He graduated from the Galatasaray University (International relations) and completed his MA studies at the University of Ankara (International relations). His research interests and publications cover the IR theory and phenomenology. Since 2000, he has been working as a diplomat in the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served, besides various departments of the Ministry, in Algeria, Belgium, Switzerland and Russia. Currently, he is the First Counsellor of the Turkish Embassy in Nairobi and Deputy Permanent Representative to UNON (UNEP and UN-Habitat). ORCID: 0000-0003-3388-7149</p>
<p>Please note: This publication is a personal work. It does not reflect the official views of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4986</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3510594143.mp3?updated=1768879134" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A. Mechele Dickerson, "The Middle-Class New Deal: Restoring Upward Mobility and the American Dream" (U California Press, 2026)</title>
      <description>An expansive policy blueprint for meaningfully expanding the middle class for the first time in a century The US middle class was a product of state and federal policies enacted in the wake of the Great Depression. But since the 1980s, lawmakers have undermined what they once built, shredding the social safety net and instituting laws that virtually guarantee downward mobility for all but the most privileged. How can we restore what has been lost? Rigorous and highly readable, The Middle-Class New Deal: Restoring Upward Mobility and the American Dream (U California Press, 2026) breaks down the policies that have decimated working families and proposes reforms to reverse this trend. As Mechele Dickerson shows, part of the problem is that politicians disingenuously conflate the middle class with the "White lower rich." Such propaganda hides how state and federal lawmakers consistently favor education, labor, housing, and consumer-credit laws that erode the bank accounts of lower- and middle-income people--especially those who are not White and don't have college degrees. Weaving together the latest research with the personal stories of Americans struggling to make ends meet, Dickerson provides a clarion call for political leaders to enact a bold agenda like the one that created the middle class almost a century ago.

A. Mechele Dickerson is the Arthur L. Moller Chair in Bankruptcy and Practice and University Distinguished Teaching Professor at University of Texas School of Law. Professor Dickerson is a nationally recognized scholar on financial vulnerability, consumer debt, housing affordability, and racial and economic disparities. She regularly teaches Remedies and Federal Civil Procedure at the School of Law, has taught a class on civil procedural disputes that arose between the two Trump presidencies, and has taught numerous cross-listed interdisciplinary graduate-level courses on the American middle-class and the COVID pandemic. She is also the author of Homeownership and America's Financial Underclass: Flawed Premises, Broken Promises, New Prescriptions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 17 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An expansive policy blueprint for meaningfully expanding the middle class for the first time in a century The US middle class was a product of state and federal policies enacted in the wake of the Great Depression. But since the 1980s, lawmakers have undermined what they once built, shredding the social safety net and instituting laws that virtually guarantee downward mobility for all but the most privileged. How can we restore what has been lost? Rigorous and highly readable, The Middle-Class New Deal: Restoring Upward Mobility and the American Dream (U California Press, 2026) breaks down the policies that have decimated working families and proposes reforms to reverse this trend. As Mechele Dickerson shows, part of the problem is that politicians disingenuously conflate the middle class with the "White lower rich." Such propaganda hides how state and federal lawmakers consistently favor education, labor, housing, and consumer-credit laws that erode the bank accounts of lower- and middle-income people--especially those who are not White and don't have college degrees. Weaving together the latest research with the personal stories of Americans struggling to make ends meet, Dickerson provides a clarion call for political leaders to enact a bold agenda like the one that created the middle class almost a century ago.

A. Mechele Dickerson is the Arthur L. Moller Chair in Bankruptcy and Practice and University Distinguished Teaching Professor at University of Texas School of Law. Professor Dickerson is a nationally recognized scholar on financial vulnerability, consumer debt, housing affordability, and racial and economic disparities. She regularly teaches Remedies and Federal Civil Procedure at the School of Law, has taught a class on civil procedural disputes that arose between the two Trump presidencies, and has taught numerous cross-listed interdisciplinary graduate-level courses on the American middle-class and the COVID pandemic. She is also the author of Homeownership and America's Financial Underclass: Flawed Premises, Broken Promises, New Prescriptions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An expansive policy blueprint for meaningfully expanding the middle class for the first time in a century The US middle class was a product of state and federal policies enacted in the wake of the Great Depression. But since the 1980s, lawmakers have undermined what they once built, shredding the social safety net and instituting laws that virtually guarantee downward mobility for all but the most privileged. How can we restore what has been lost? Rigorous and highly readable, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520423398">The Middle-Class New Deal: Restoring Upward Mobility and the American Dream</a> (U California Press, 2026) breaks down the policies that have decimated working families and proposes reforms to reverse this trend. As Mechele Dickerson shows, part of the problem is that politicians disingenuously conflate the middle class with the "White lower rich." Such propaganda hides how state and federal lawmakers consistently favor education, labor, housing, and consumer-credit laws that erode the bank accounts of lower- and middle-income people--especially those who are not White and don't have college degrees. Weaving together the latest research with the personal stories of Americans struggling to make ends meet, Dickerson provides a clarion call for political leaders to enact a bold agenda like the one that created the middle class almost a century ago.</p>
<p>A. Mechele Dickerson is the Arthur L. Moller Chair in Bankruptcy and Practice and University Distinguished Teaching Professor at University of Texas School of Law. Professor Dickerson is a nationally recognized scholar on financial vulnerability, consumer debt, housing affordability, and racial and economic disparities. She regularly teaches Remedies and Federal Civil Procedure at the School of Law, has taught a class on civil procedural disputes that arose between the two Trump presidencies, and has taught numerous cross-listed interdisciplinary graduate-level courses on the American middle-class and the COVID pandemic. She is also the author of <em>Homeownership and America's Financial Underclass: Flawed Premises, Broken Promises, New Prescriptions</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3354</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Zeke Hernandez, "The Truth About Immigration: ﻿﻿Why Successful Societies Welcome Newcomers" (St. Martin's Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Immigration is one of the most controversial topics in the United States―and everywhere else. Pundits, politicians, and the public usually depict immigrants either as villains who pose a threat to our economy, culture, and safety, or as victims―needy outsiders whom we must help, at our own cost if necessary. But the data clearly debunk both narratives. From jobs, investment, and innovation to cultural vitality and national security, more immigration has an overwhelmingly positive impact on everything that makes a society successful.In The Truth About Immigration: ﻿﻿Why Successful Societies Welcome Newcomers (St. Martin's Press, 2024), Wharton professor Zeke Hernandez draws from nearly twenty years of research to answer all the big questions about immigration. He combines moving personal stories with rigorous research to offer an accessible, apolitical, and evidence-based look at how newcomers affect our local communities and our nation. You’ll learn about the overlooked impact of immigrants on investment and job creation; realize how much we take for granted the novel technologies, products, and businesses newcomers create; get the facts straight about perennial concerns like jobs, crime, and undocumented immigrants; and gain new perspectives on misunderstood issues such as the border, taxes, and assimilation.Hernandez turns fear into hope by proving that immigrants are essential for economically prosperous and socially vibrant nations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Immigration is one of the most controversial topics in the United States―and everywhere else. Pundits, politicians, and the public usually depict immigrants either as villains who pose a threat to our economy, culture, and safety, or as victims―needy outsiders whom we must help, at our own cost if necessary. But the data clearly debunk both narratives. From jobs, investment, and innovation to cultural vitality and national security, more immigration has an overwhelmingly positive impact on everything that makes a society successful.In The Truth About Immigration: ﻿﻿Why Successful Societies Welcome Newcomers (St. Martin's Press, 2024), Wharton professor Zeke Hernandez draws from nearly twenty years of research to answer all the big questions about immigration. He combines moving personal stories with rigorous research to offer an accessible, apolitical, and evidence-based look at how newcomers affect our local communities and our nation. You’ll learn about the overlooked impact of immigrants on investment and job creation; realize how much we take for granted the novel technologies, products, and businesses newcomers create; get the facts straight about perennial concerns like jobs, crime, and undocumented immigrants; and gain new perspectives on misunderstood issues such as the border, taxes, and assimilation.Hernandez turns fear into hope by proving that immigrants are essential for economically prosperous and socially vibrant nations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Immigration is one of the most controversial topics in the United States―and everywhere else. Pundits, politicians, and the public usually depict immigrants either as villains who pose a threat to our economy, culture, and safety, or as victims―needy outsiders whom we must help, at our own cost if necessary. But the data clearly debunk both narratives. From jobs, investment, and innovation to cultural vitality and national security, more immigration has an overwhelmingly positive impact on everything that makes a society successful.<br>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250288240"><em>The Truth About Immigration: ﻿﻿Why Successful Societies Welcome Newcomers</em> </a>(St. Martin's Press, 2024), Wharton professor Zeke Hernandez draws from nearly twenty years of research to answer all the big questions about immigration. He combines moving personal stories with rigorous research to offer an accessible, apolitical, and evidence-based look at how newcomers affect our local communities and our nation. You’ll learn about the overlooked impact of immigrants on investment and job creation; realize how much we take for granted the novel technologies, products, and businesses newcomers create; get the facts straight about perennial concerns like jobs, crime, and undocumented immigrants; and gain new perspectives on misunderstood issues such as the border, taxes, and assimilation.<br>Hernandez turns fear into hope by proving that immigrants are essential for economically prosperous and socially vibrant nations.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3602</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael J. Illuzzi, "Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age" (UP of Kansas, 2025)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Michael Illuzzi has a fascinating new book on peoplehood in the United States, focusing on different political actors at different crucial points in American history, and how the “story” of American peoplehood has been told. This idea of “peoplehood” is not necessarily new, since it brings with it a connection to the country where one is a citizen. But for the United States, this concept has been defined and redefined over more than 250 years and often connects back to the promise of the Declaration of Independence, where the commitment to equality was articulated, but has never been fully recognized or achieved. Part of what Illuzzi is doing in Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age is explaining, through a number of case studies, the difference between what are called “mending stories” and “bleaching stories”—those narratives that design a country that is more inclusive, that explain the past but also work towards mending earlier injustices, in contrast to those narratives that choose to erase historical injustices and inequalities and, in the process, also define the American fabric as exclusionary. This framework, drawing out these different approaches to narratives about American peoplehood, is vitally important as we find ourselves at this particular inflection point, with daily debates and armed conflicts over who is and isn’t allowed to be considered an American.

The case studies at the heart of Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age include the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln, Mayor Samual Jones (of Toledo) and the integration of immigrants at the turn of the century, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, Martin Luther King Jr’s coalition building beyond the Civil Rights Movement, Black Panther Leader Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition in Chicago in the 1960s, and finally the Poor People’s Campaign led by Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William Barber II. In each case, Illuzzi examines different kinds of opposition to more authoritarian, more divisive, or more oppressive approaches, in the speeches and in the coalitions that are being built by those leading towards mending narratives. Part of the analysis is also about how political coalitions are expanded—especially in ways that may be unexpected, when common issues (like poverty, or police brutality, or healthcare access) transcend ethnic, racial, or even political boundaries and groupings.

This is a beautifully written discussion of the idea of the United States, and the ways in which politics, race, ethnicity, and class are all woven together within the broader fabric of a country “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” Mending A Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age is particularly important in helping us to think about and possibly act on “from many, one” in the age of divisive populism and discrimination.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Michael Illuzzi has a fascinating new book on peoplehood in the United States, focusing on different political actors at different crucial points in American history, and how the “story” of American peoplehood has been told. This idea of “peoplehood” is not necessarily new, since it brings with it a connection to the country where one is a citizen. But for the United States, this concept has been defined and redefined over more than 250 years and often connects back to the promise of the Declaration of Independence, where the commitment to equality was articulated, but has never been fully recognized or achieved. Part of what Illuzzi is doing in Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age is explaining, through a number of case studies, the difference between what are called “mending stories” and “bleaching stories”—those narratives that design a country that is more inclusive, that explain the past but also work towards mending earlier injustices, in contrast to those narratives that choose to erase historical injustices and inequalities and, in the process, also define the American fabric as exclusionary. This framework, drawing out these different approaches to narratives about American peoplehood, is vitally important as we find ourselves at this particular inflection point, with daily debates and armed conflicts over who is and isn’t allowed to be considered an American.

The case studies at the heart of Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age include the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln, Mayor Samual Jones (of Toledo) and the integration of immigrants at the turn of the century, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, Martin Luther King Jr’s coalition building beyond the Civil Rights Movement, Black Panther Leader Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition in Chicago in the 1960s, and finally the Poor People’s Campaign led by Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William Barber II. In each case, Illuzzi examines different kinds of opposition to more authoritarian, more divisive, or more oppressive approaches, in the speeches and in the coalitions that are being built by those leading towards mending narratives. Part of the analysis is also about how political coalitions are expanded—especially in ways that may be unexpected, when common issues (like poverty, or police brutality, or healthcare access) transcend ethnic, racial, or even political boundaries and groupings.

This is a beautifully written discussion of the idea of the United States, and the ways in which politics, race, ethnicity, and class are all woven together within the broader fabric of a country “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” Mending A Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age is particularly important in helping us to think about and possibly act on “from many, one” in the age of divisive populism and discrimination.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Michael Illuzzi has a fascinating new book on peoplehood in the United States, focusing on different political actors at different crucial points in American history, and how the “story” of American peoplehood has been told. This idea of “peoplehood” is not necessarily new, since it brings with it a connection to the country where one is a citizen. But for the United States, this concept has been defined and redefined over more than 250 years and often connects back to the promise of the <em>Declaration of Independence</em>, where the commitment to equality was articulated, but has never been fully recognized or achieved. Part of what Illuzzi is doing in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700640638">Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age</a><em> </em>is explaining, through a number of case studies, the difference between what are called “mending stories” and “bleaching stories”—those narratives that design a country that is more inclusive, that explain the past but also work towards mending earlier injustices, in contrast to those narratives that choose to erase historical injustices and inequalities and, in the process, also define the American fabric as exclusionary. This framework, drawing out these different approaches to narratives about American peoplehood, is vitally important as we find ourselves at this particular inflection point, with daily debates and armed conflicts over who is and isn’t allowed to be considered an American.</p>
<p>The case studies at the heart of <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640638/">Mending the Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age</a> include the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln, Mayor Samual Jones (of Toledo) and the integration of immigrants at the turn of the century, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, Martin Luther King Jr’s coalition building beyond the Civil Rights Movement, Black Panther Leader Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition in Chicago in the 1960s, and finally the Poor People’s Campaign led by Rev. Dr. Liz Theoharis and Rev. Dr. William Barber II. In each case, Illuzzi examines different kinds of opposition to more authoritarian, more divisive, or more oppressive approaches, in the speeches and in the coalitions that are being built by those leading towards mending narratives. Part of the analysis is also about how political coalitions are expanded—especially in ways that may be unexpected, when common issues (like poverty, or police brutality, or healthcare access) transcend ethnic, racial, or even political boundaries and groupings.</p>
<p>This is a beautifully written discussion of the <em>idea</em> of the United States, and the ways in which politics, race, ethnicity, and class are all woven together within the broader fabric of a country “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640638/">Mending A Nation: Reclaiming We The People in a Populist Age</a> is particularly important in helping us to think about and possibly act on “from many, one” in the age of divisive populism and discrimination.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><u><em> Volume I: The Infinity Saga</em></u><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), and of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2528</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jose Eos Trinidad, "Subtle Webs:  How Local Organizations Shape US Education" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In Subtle Webs: How Local Organizations Shape US Education (Oxford UP, 2025), Jose Eos Trinidad reveals how organizations outside schools have created an invisible infrastructure not only to affect local school districts but also to shape US education. He illustrates this by providing a behind-the-scenes look at how local organizations in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City have transformed data and worked with high schools to address the problem of students dropping out. The book argues that changes in a decentralized system happen less through top-down policy mandates or bottom-up social movements, and more through “outside-in” initiatives of networked organizations spread across various local systems. By detailing change across multiple levels and across multiple locations, Trinidad uncovers new ways to think about educational transformation, policy reform, and organizational change.

João Souto-Maior (website: here) is a postdoc at Stanford University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Subtle Webs: How Local Organizations Shape US Education (Oxford UP, 2025), Jose Eos Trinidad reveals how organizations outside schools have created an invisible infrastructure not only to affect local school districts but also to shape US education. He illustrates this by providing a behind-the-scenes look at how local organizations in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City have transformed data and worked with high schools to address the problem of students dropping out. The book argues that changes in a decentralized system happen less through top-down policy mandates or bottom-up social movements, and more through “outside-in” initiatives of networked organizations spread across various local systems. By detailing change across multiple levels and across multiple locations, Trinidad uncovers new ways to think about educational transformation, policy reform, and organizational change.

João Souto-Maior (website: here) is a postdoc at Stanford University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197786093">Subtle Webs: How Local Organizations Shape US Education</a> (Oxford UP, 2025), Jose Eos Trinidad reveals how organizations outside schools have created an invisible infrastructure not only to affect local school districts but also to shape US education. He illustrates this by providing a behind-the-scenes look at how local organizations in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City have transformed data and worked with high schools to address the problem of students dropping out. The book argues that changes in a decentralized system happen less through top-down policy mandates or bottom-up social movements, and more through “outside-in” initiatives of networked organizations spread across various local systems. By detailing change across multiple levels and across multiple locations, Trinidad uncovers new ways to think about educational transformation, policy reform, and organizational change.</p>
<p>João Souto-Maior (website: <a href="https://joaosoutomaior.github.io/">here</a>) is a postdoc at Stanford University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3262</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Steven J. Brady, "Less Than Victory: American Catholics and the Vietnam War" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The first book of its kind, Less Than Victory: American Catholics and the Vietnam War (Cambridge UP, 2025) by Dr. Steven J. Brady explores both the impact the Vietnam War had on American Catholics, and the impact of the nation's largest religious group upon its most controversial war. Through the 1960s, Roman Catholics made up one-quarter of the population, and were deeply involved in all aspects of war. In this book, Dr. Brady argues that American Catholics introduced the moral, as opposed to the prudential, argument about the war earlier and more comprehensively than other groups. The Catholic debate on morality was three cornered: some saw the war as inherently immoral, others as morally obligatory, while others focused on the morality of the means – napalm, torture, and free-fire zones – that the US and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam were employing. These debates presaged greater Catholic involvement in war and peace issues, provoking a shift away from traditional ideas of a just war across American Catholic thinking and dialogue.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first book of its kind, Less Than Victory: American Catholics and the Vietnam War (Cambridge UP, 2025) by Dr. Steven J. Brady explores both the impact the Vietnam War had on American Catholics, and the impact of the nation's largest religious group upon its most controversial war. Through the 1960s, Roman Catholics made up one-quarter of the population, and were deeply involved in all aspects of war. In this book, Dr. Brady argues that American Catholics introduced the moral, as opposed to the prudential, argument about the war earlier and more comprehensively than other groups. The Catholic debate on morality was three cornered: some saw the war as inherently immoral, others as morally obligatory, while others focused on the morality of the means – napalm, torture, and free-fire zones – that the US and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam were employing. These debates presaged greater Catholic involvement in war and peace issues, provoking a shift away from traditional ideas of a just war across American Catholic thinking and dialogue.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first book of its kind, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009627078">Less Than Victory: American Catholics and the Vietnam War</a> (Cambridge UP, 2025) by Dr. Steven J. Brady explores both the impact the Vietnam War had on American Catholics, and the impact of the nation's largest religious group upon its most controversial war. Through the 1960s, Roman Catholics made up one-quarter of the population, and were deeply involved in all aspects of war. In this book, Dr. Brady argues that American Catholics introduced the moral, as opposed to the prudential, argument about the war earlier and more comprehensively than other groups. The Catholic debate on morality was three cornered: some saw the war as inherently immoral, others as morally obligatory, while others focused on the morality of the means – napalm, torture, and free-fire zones – that the US and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam were employing. These debates presaged greater Catholic involvement in war and peace issues, provoking a shift away from traditional ideas of a just war across American Catholic thinking and dialogue.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3374</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephen Skowronek, "The Adaptability Paradox: Political Inclusion and Constitutional Resilience" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Has American democracy outstripped its constitutional accommodations? Faith in the resilience and adaptability of the US Constitution rests on a long history of finding new ways to make the system work. In The Adaptability Paradox: Political Inclusion and Constitutional Resilience (University of Chicago Press, 2025), political scientist Stephen Skowronek examines the rearrangements that regenerated the American government in the past and brings that experience to bear on our current predicament. He shows how a constitution framed in writing some 230 years ago can run into serious difficulties directly related to its long and impressive history of adaptation. Skowronek connects questions about the Constitution’s adaptability to the challenges of democratization. For most of American history, serial rearrangements of constitutional relationships widened the government’s purview as a national democracy without giving either nationalism or democracy free rein. Skowronek argues that the politics of adaptation shifted fundamentally with the “Rights Revolution” of the 1960s and `70s when American national democracy approached the inclusion of all its citizens on equal footing. Since then, power and authority have been reconfigured in ways that have steadily magnified conflicts over the essentials of good order. Conservatives aim to dismantle a Constitution that progressives are intent on building upon, and the consensus necessary for a constitutional democracy to function effectively has all but evaporated. No longer a socially bound framework for national action, the Constitution has become an abstract matrix of possibilities, a disembodied opportunity structure open to starkly different, mutually unacceptable futures. Rather than being liberated by this unbound Constitution, the American people now appear entrapped by it. Is it possible that the development of American democracy has exhausted the adaptive capacities of the Constitution? A timely reminder that constitutional democracies do not survive on faith alone, The Adaptability Paradox is a sober appraisal of the unfamiliar ground on which we now tread.

Professor Stephen Skowronek is Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political Science and Professor in the Institution for Social and Policy Studies at Yale University. He is the author of many books on American Political Development, the presidency, and the administrative state.

Dr Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Has American democracy outstripped its constitutional accommodations? Faith in the resilience and adaptability of the US Constitution rests on a long history of finding new ways to make the system work. In The Adaptability Paradox: Political Inclusion and Constitutional Resilience (University of Chicago Press, 2025), political scientist Stephen Skowronek examines the rearrangements that regenerated the American government in the past and brings that experience to bear on our current predicament. He shows how a constitution framed in writing some 230 years ago can run into serious difficulties directly related to its long and impressive history of adaptation. Skowronek connects questions about the Constitution’s adaptability to the challenges of democratization. For most of American history, serial rearrangements of constitutional relationships widened the government’s purview as a national democracy without giving either nationalism or democracy free rein. Skowronek argues that the politics of adaptation shifted fundamentally with the “Rights Revolution” of the 1960s and `70s when American national democracy approached the inclusion of all its citizens on equal footing. Since then, power and authority have been reconfigured in ways that have steadily magnified conflicts over the essentials of good order. Conservatives aim to dismantle a Constitution that progressives are intent on building upon, and the consensus necessary for a constitutional democracy to function effectively has all but evaporated. No longer a socially bound framework for national action, the Constitution has become an abstract matrix of possibilities, a disembodied opportunity structure open to starkly different, mutually unacceptable futures. Rather than being liberated by this unbound Constitution, the American people now appear entrapped by it. Is it possible that the development of American democracy has exhausted the adaptive capacities of the Constitution? A timely reminder that constitutional democracies do not survive on faith alone, The Adaptability Paradox is a sober appraisal of the unfamiliar ground on which we now tread.

Professor Stephen Skowronek is Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political Science and Professor in the Institution for Social and Policy Studies at Yale University. He is the author of many books on American Political Development, the presidency, and the administrative state.

Dr Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Has American democracy outstripped its constitutional accommodations? Faith in the resilience and adaptability of the US Constitution rests on a long history of finding new ways to make the system work. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226844862">The Adaptability Paradox: Political Inclusion and Constitutional Resilience</a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2025), political scientist Stephen Skowronek examines the rearrangements that regenerated the American government in the past and brings that experience to bear on our current predicament. He shows how a constitution framed in writing some 230 years ago can run into serious difficulties directly related to its long and impressive history of adaptation. Skowronek connects questions about the Constitution’s adaptability to the challenges of democratization. For most of American history, serial rearrangements of constitutional relationships widened the government’s purview as a national democracy without giving either nationalism or democracy free rein. Skowronek argues that the politics of adaptation shifted fundamentally with the “Rights Revolution” of the 1960s and `70s when American national democracy approached the inclusion of all its citizens on equal footing. Since then, power and authority have been reconfigured in ways that have steadily magnified conflicts over the essentials of good order. Conservatives aim to dismantle a Constitution that progressives are intent on building upon, and the consensus necessary for a constitutional democracy to function effectively has all but evaporated. No longer a socially bound framework for national action, the Constitution has become an abstract matrix of possibilities, a disembodied opportunity structure open to starkly different, mutually unacceptable futures. Rather than being liberated by this unbound Constitution, the American people now appear entrapped by it. Is it possible that the development of American democracy has exhausted the adaptive capacities of the Constitution? A timely reminder that constitutional democracies do not survive on faith alone, The Adaptability Paradox is a sober appraisal of the unfamiliar ground on which we now tread.</p>
<p>Professor Stephen Skowronek is Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political Science and Professor in the Institution for Social and Policy Studies at Yale University. He is the author of many books on American Political Development, the presidency, and the administrative state.</p>
<p>Dr Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020)</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2424</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Mary E. Stuckey, "Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are" (UP of Kansas, 2025)</title>
      <description>Mary E. Stuckey, the Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Communication Arts &amp; Sciences at Pennsylvania State University, has a brilliant new book that dives into the question of who we are as Americans, a theme that Stuckey has long researched and considered in much of her work (Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity, University Press of Kansas, 2004; For the Enjoyment of the People: The Creation of National Identity in American Public Lands, University Press of Kansas, 2023), but she traces this idea of American identity through Thomas Jefferson, the 3rd President of the United States, key author of the Declaration of Independence, architect, and enslaver. Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are is an exploration not so much of Thomas Jefferson the person, but Thomas Jefferson as he has become iconic within the American imagination and what that position explains about not only Jefferson himself, but also what it says about the United States at any particular period in the course of American history.

Stuckey traces the symbolic and iconic Jefferson in a number of distinct areas, each of which communicate different presentations or representations of Jefferson himself but also how we, as citizens, consume the idea of Jefferson. All of these are avenues to understand American national identity. As a scholar of presidential rhetoric, Stuckey begins the research by exploring how other presidents have used Jefferson in their speeches and their rhetoric, finding that the vast majority of presidents have referenced Jefferson in some form or in some way to legitimize their own policies. Many presidents have integrated Jefferson’s own words (and he wrote many, many words over a long life, especially for the time) as a way to authorize what they were doing while in office. Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are then traces the many memorials and monuments that integrate Jefferson in some capacity. But this section is split into two pieces, one that specifically focuses on the Jefferson-centric presentations, and the other part that integrates Jefferson with other Founders or other presidents (like Mt. Rushmore). Stuckey makes clear the key dimension around the building of these kinds of memorials and monuments: they are as much about the people choosing to build them and how they are to look and exist as they are about the individual, in this case Jefferson, being honored within them. The next section of Remembering Jefferson examines Jefferson in popular culture, particularly in televisual and cinematic popular culture. And while Jefferson is, again, in many places, he comes across in fascinating ways in these renderings, since his relationship to slavery—that he had over 500 enslaved individuals over his lifetime, that a number of those who were enslaved were also his children—is often portrayed as incidental and as a kind of footnote. Jefferson is often hazy and romantic in these narratives. The final section of the book assesses Jefferson within children’s literature, since this is also a realm where Jefferson is taking on a civic teaching, and the presentation is about communicating a kind of citizenship to young people.

Mary Stuckey has produced an important reading of the United States by reading Thomas Jefferson in all the places and spaces where he turns up. Remembering Jefferson: Who He was, Who We Are is a delight to read, and discusses the complex ideas of national identity, enslavement, race, power, citizenship, and civic virtue.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mary E. Stuckey, the Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Communication Arts &amp; Sciences at Pennsylvania State University, has a brilliant new book that dives into the question of who we are as Americans, a theme that Stuckey has long researched and considered in much of her work (Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity, University Press of Kansas, 2004; For the Enjoyment of the People: The Creation of National Identity in American Public Lands, University Press of Kansas, 2023), but she traces this idea of American identity through Thomas Jefferson, the 3rd President of the United States, key author of the Declaration of Independence, architect, and enslaver. Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are is an exploration not so much of Thomas Jefferson the person, but Thomas Jefferson as he has become iconic within the American imagination and what that position explains about not only Jefferson himself, but also what it says about the United States at any particular period in the course of American history.

Stuckey traces the symbolic and iconic Jefferson in a number of distinct areas, each of which communicate different presentations or representations of Jefferson himself but also how we, as citizens, consume the idea of Jefferson. All of these are avenues to understand American national identity. As a scholar of presidential rhetoric, Stuckey begins the research by exploring how other presidents have used Jefferson in their speeches and their rhetoric, finding that the vast majority of presidents have referenced Jefferson in some form or in some way to legitimize their own policies. Many presidents have integrated Jefferson’s own words (and he wrote many, many words over a long life, especially for the time) as a way to authorize what they were doing while in office. Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are then traces the many memorials and monuments that integrate Jefferson in some capacity. But this section is split into two pieces, one that specifically focuses on the Jefferson-centric presentations, and the other part that integrates Jefferson with other Founders or other presidents (like Mt. Rushmore). Stuckey makes clear the key dimension around the building of these kinds of memorials and monuments: they are as much about the people choosing to build them and how they are to look and exist as they are about the individual, in this case Jefferson, being honored within them. The next section of Remembering Jefferson examines Jefferson in popular culture, particularly in televisual and cinematic popular culture. And while Jefferson is, again, in many places, he comes across in fascinating ways in these renderings, since his relationship to slavery—that he had over 500 enslaved individuals over his lifetime, that a number of those who were enslaved were also his children—is often portrayed as incidental and as a kind of footnote. Jefferson is often hazy and romantic in these narratives. The final section of the book assesses Jefferson within children’s literature, since this is also a realm where Jefferson is taking on a civic teaching, and the presentation is about communicating a kind of citizenship to young people.

Mary Stuckey has produced an important reading of the United States by reading Thomas Jefferson in all the places and spaces where he turns up. Remembering Jefferson: Who He was, Who We Are is a delight to read, and discusses the complex ideas of national identity, enslavement, race, power, citizenship, and civic virtue.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mary E. Stuckey, the Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Communication Arts &amp; Sciences at Pennsylvania State University, has a brilliant new book that dives into the question of who we are as Americans, a theme that Stuckey has long researched and considered in much of her work (<a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700635207/">Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity</a><em>, </em>University Press of Kansas, 2004; <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700634798/">For the Enjoyment of the People: The Creation of National Identity in American Public Lands</a><em>, </em>University Press of Kansas, 2023), but she traces this idea of American identity through Thomas Jefferson, the 3rd President of the United States, key author of the <em>Declaration of Independence</em>, architect, and enslaver. <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700639991/">Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are</a> is an exploration not so much of Thomas Jefferson the person, but Thomas Jefferson as he has become iconic within the American imagination and what that position explains about not only Jefferson himself, but also what it says about the United States at any particular period in the course of American history.</p>
<p>Stuckey traces the symbolic and iconic Jefferson in a number of distinct areas, each of which communicate different presentations or representations of Jefferson himself but also how we, as citizens, consume the idea of Jefferson. All of these are avenues to understand American national identity. As a scholar of presidential rhetoric, Stuckey begins the research by exploring how other presidents have used Jefferson in their speeches and their rhetoric, finding that the vast majority of presidents have referenced Jefferson in some form or in some way to legitimize their own policies. Many presidents have integrated Jefferson’s own words (and he wrote many, many words over a long life, especially for the time) as a way to authorize what they were doing while in office. <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700639991/">Remembering Jefferson: Who He Was, Who We Are</a> then traces the many memorials and monuments that integrate Jefferson in some capacity. But this section is split into two pieces, one that specifically focuses on the Jefferson-centric presentations, and the other part that integrates Jefferson with other Founders or other presidents (like Mt. Rushmore). Stuckey makes clear the key dimension around the building of these kinds of memorials and monuments: they are as much about the people choosing to build them and how they are to look and exist as they are about the individual, in this case Jefferson, being honored within them. The next section of <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700639991/">Remembering Jefferson</a><em> </em>examines Jefferson in popular culture, particularly in televisual and cinematic popular culture. And while Jefferson is, again, in many places, he comes across in fascinating ways in these renderings, since his relationship to slavery—that he had over 500 enslaved individuals over his lifetime, that a number of those who were enslaved were also his children—is often portrayed as incidental and as a kind of footnote. Jefferson is often hazy and romantic in these narratives. The final section of the book assesses Jefferson within children’s literature, since this is also a realm where Jefferson is taking on a civic teaching, and the presentation is about communicating a kind of citizenship to young people.</p>
<p>Mary Stuckey has produced an important reading of the United States by reading Thomas Jefferson in all the places and spaces where he turns up. <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700639991/">Remembering Jefferson: Who He was, Who We Are</a> is a delight to read, and discusses the complex ideas of national identity, enslavement, race, power, citizenship, and civic virtue.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2519</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Davis, "A Biography of a Mountain: The Making and Meaning of Mount Rushmore" (St. Martin's Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Mount Rushmore is something of an American Rorschach test. Some look at the monument and see American patriotic ideals carved into a mountainside. Others see only the rank hypocrisy of American presidents blasted into an Indigenous sacred site. In A Biography of a Mountain: The Making and Meaning of Mount Rushmore, writer and journalist Matthew Davis explores the complexities, moral grey areas, and fascinating history of this most iconic American memorial. In detailing the mountain's pre-carving past, the genesis of the memorial, the life and times of its tumultuous sculptor, and the mountain's continued relevance to the present day, Davis explores the complex history of the mountain behind the faces. In doing so, he shows how even when a message is sculpted  sixty feet tall, there is nuance to be found in its history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mount Rushmore is something of an American Rorschach test. Some look at the monument and see American patriotic ideals carved into a mountainside. Others see only the rank hypocrisy of American presidents blasted into an Indigenous sacred site. In A Biography of a Mountain: The Making and Meaning of Mount Rushmore, writer and journalist Matthew Davis explores the complexities, moral grey areas, and fascinating history of this most iconic American memorial. In detailing the mountain's pre-carving past, the genesis of the memorial, the life and times of its tumultuous sculptor, and the mountain's continued relevance to the present day, Davis explores the complex history of the mountain behind the faces. In doing so, he shows how even when a message is sculpted  sixty feet tall, there is nuance to be found in its history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mount Rushmore is something of an American Rorschach test. Some look at the monument and see American patriotic ideals carved into a mountainside. Others see only the rank hypocrisy of American presidents blasted into an Indigenous sacred site. In <em>A Biography of a Mountain: The Making and Meaning of Mount Rushmore</em>, writer and journalist Matthew Davis explores the complexities, moral grey areas, and fascinating history of this most iconic American memorial. In detailing the mountain's pre-carving past, the genesis of the memorial, the life and times of its tumultuous sculptor, and the mountain's continued relevance to the present day, Davis explores the complex history of the mountain behind the faces. In doing so, he shows how even when a message is sculpted  sixty feet tall, there is nuance to be found in its history.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3965</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[acd2f8c8-e811-11f0-b30d-b36a5d0cba5b]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>What happens when liberalism stops feeling like a victory and starts feeling like an exhaustion?</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI Director (acting) Eli Karetny speaks with philosopher Alexandre Lefebvre about liberalism not merely as a political doctrine, but as a lived way of life.

Against the backdrop of rising populism, nationalism, and post-liberal regimes, Lefebvre revisits the liberal tradition—from Locke and Mill to Rawls and Berlin—to argue that liberalism has always contained a moral and existential core. Drawing on John Rawls’s early work and Pierre Hadot’s idea of philosophy as spiritual exercise, the conversation explores freedom and generosity as liberal virtues, the tension between neutrality and perfectionism, and why liberal societies struggle to defend themselves against more overt visions of the good life.

Moving between political theory, international order, nationalism, and spirituality, Karetny and Lefebvre ask whether liberalism can still offer meaning without becoming imperial, moralistic, or coercive—and what liberals stand to lose if they fail to recognize the depth of their own commitments.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>179</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI Director (acting) Eli Karetny speaks with philosopher Alexandre Lefebvre about liberalism not merely as a political doctrine, but as a lived way of life.

Against the backdrop of rising populism, nationalism, and post-liberal regimes, Lefebvre revisits the liberal tradition—from Locke and Mill to Rawls and Berlin—to argue that liberalism has always contained a moral and existential core. Drawing on John Rawls’s early work and Pierre Hadot’s idea of philosophy as spiritual exercise, the conversation explores freedom and generosity as liberal virtues, the tension between neutrality and perfectionism, and why liberal societies struggle to defend themselves against more overt visions of the good life.

Moving between political theory, international order, nationalism, and spirituality, Karetny and Lefebvre ask whether liberalism can still offer meaning without becoming imperial, moralistic, or coercive—and what liberals stand to lose if they fail to recognize the depth of their own commitments.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>International Horizons</em>, RBI Director (acting) Eli Karetny speaks with philosopher <strong>Alexandre Lefebvre</strong> about liberalism not merely as a political doctrine, but as a lived way of life.</p>
<p>Against the backdrop of rising populism, nationalism, and post-liberal regimes, Lefebvre revisits the liberal tradition—from Locke and Mill to Rawls and Berlin—to argue that liberalism has always contained a moral and existential core. Drawing on John Rawls’s early work and Pierre Hadot’s idea of philosophy as spiritual exercise, the conversation explores freedom and generosity as liberal virtues, the tension between neutrality and perfectionism, and why liberal societies struggle to defend themselves against more overt visions of the good life.</p>
<p>Moving between political theory, international order, nationalism, and spirituality, Karetny and Lefebvre ask whether liberalism can still offer meaning without becoming imperial, moralistic, or coercive—and what liberals stand to lose if they fail to recognize the depth of their own commitments.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5132</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James Greenwood-Reeves, "Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. 
This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. 
Dr James Greenwood-Reeves is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag
﻿Jane Richards is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 04 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>198</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James Greenwood-Reeves</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. 
This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. 
Dr James Greenwood-Reeves is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag
﻿Jane Richards is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032226934"><em>Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States</em></a> (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. </p><p>This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. </p><p><a href="https://essl.leeds.ac.uk/law/staff/2132/dr-james-greenwood-reeves">Dr James Greenwood-Reeves</a> is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://twitter.com/janerichardshk?lang=en"><em>Jane Richards</em></a><em> is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4463</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mary M. Burke, "Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In this interview, she discusses her book, Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History (Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.
Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.
Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 03 Jan 2026 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mary M. Burke</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this interview, she discusses her book, Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History (Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.
Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.
Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this interview, she discusses her book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192859730"><em>Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.</p><p>Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.</p><p><em>Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2600</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Philip A. Wallach, "Why Congress" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. Why Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. 
The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.
Philip A. Wallach is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>662</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Philip A. Wallach</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. Why Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. 
The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.
Philip A. Wallach is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197657874"><em>Why Congress</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. </p><p>The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.</p><p><strong>Philip A. Wallach</strong> is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2977</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Porwancher, "American Maccabee: Theodore Roosevelt and the Jews" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>A scion of the Protestant elite, Theodore Roosevelt was an unlikely ally of the waves of impoverished Jewish newcomers who crowded the docks at Ellis Island. Yet from his earliest years he forged ties with Jews never before witnessed in a president. American Maccabee traces Roosevelt’s deep connection with the Jewish people at every step of his dazzling ascent. But it also reveals a man of contradictions whose checkered approach to Jewish issues was no less conflicted than the nation he led.As a rising political figure in New York, Roosevelt barnstormed the Lower East Side, giving speeches to packed halls of Jewish immigrants. He rallied for reform of the sweatshops where Jewish laborers toiled for pitiful wages in perilous conditions. And Roosevelt repeatedly venerated the heroism of the Maccabee warriors, upholding those storied rebels as a model for the American Jewish community. Yet little could have prepared him for the blood-soaked persecution of Eastern European Jews that brought a deluge of refugees to American shores during his presidency. Andrew Porwancher uncovers the vexing challenges for Roosevelt as he confronted Jewish suffering abroad and antisemitic xenophobia at home.Drawing on new archival research to paint a richly nuanced portrait of an iconic figure, American Maccabee chronicles the complicated relationship between the leader of a youthful nation and the people of an ancient faith.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>704</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A scion of the Protestant elite, Theodore Roosevelt was an unlikely ally of the waves of impoverished Jewish newcomers who crowded the docks at Ellis Island. Yet from his earliest years he forged ties with Jews never before witnessed in a president. American Maccabee traces Roosevelt’s deep connection with the Jewish people at every step of his dazzling ascent. But it also reveals a man of contradictions whose checkered approach to Jewish issues was no less conflicted than the nation he led.As a rising political figure in New York, Roosevelt barnstormed the Lower East Side, giving speeches to packed halls of Jewish immigrants. He rallied for reform of the sweatshops where Jewish laborers toiled for pitiful wages in perilous conditions. And Roosevelt repeatedly venerated the heroism of the Maccabee warriors, upholding those storied rebels as a model for the American Jewish community. Yet little could have prepared him for the blood-soaked persecution of Eastern European Jews that brought a deluge of refugees to American shores during his presidency. Andrew Porwancher uncovers the vexing challenges for Roosevelt as he confronted Jewish suffering abroad and antisemitic xenophobia at home.Drawing on new archival research to paint a richly nuanced portrait of an iconic figure, American Maccabee chronicles the complicated relationship between the leader of a youthful nation and the people of an ancient faith.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A scion of the Protestant elite, Theodore Roosevelt was an unlikely ally of the waves of impoverished Jewish newcomers who crowded the docks at Ellis Island. Yet from his earliest years he forged ties with Jews never before witnessed in a president. <em>American Maccabee</em> traces Roosevelt’s deep connection with the Jewish people at every step of his dazzling ascent. But it also reveals a man of contradictions whose checkered approach to Jewish issues was no less conflicted than the nation he led.<br>As a rising political figure in New York, Roosevelt barnstormed the Lower East Side, giving speeches to packed halls of Jewish immigrants. He rallied for reform of the sweatshops where Jewish laborers toiled for pitiful wages in perilous conditions. And Roosevelt repeatedly venerated the heroism of the Maccabee warriors, upholding those storied rebels as a model for the American Jewish community. Yet little could have prepared him for the blood-soaked persecution of Eastern European Jews that brought a deluge of refugees to American shores during his presidency. Andrew Porwancher uncovers the vexing challenges for Roosevelt as he confronted Jewish suffering abroad and antisemitic xenophobia at home.<br>Drawing on new archival research to paint a richly nuanced portrait of an iconic figure, <em>American Maccabee</em> chronicles the complicated relationship between the leader of a youthful nation and the people of an ancient faith.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1831</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jack Z. Bratich, "On Microfascism: Gender, War, and Death" (Common Notions, 2022)</title>
      <description>In On Microfascism: Gender, War, and Death (Common Notions, 2022) Dr. Jack Z. Bratich explores the cultural elements in American society that support fascism. Microfascism appears in many aspects of culture engaging consumers to think of others and their own self in ways that extend fascism into everyday life while constantly adapting to cultural and political change. Beyond the cultural aspects of microfascism, Bratich also explores how it organizes seemingly unrelated groups who, at times, work together for specific actions aimed at furthering fascist political goals. By looking at the specifically gendered formations of microfascism, Bratich shows the misogyny at the core of the larger fascist project that is geared to “eliminate” those needed to fulfill the “restoration” of some past glory. On Microfascism combines insights from fascism studies and cultural studies scholarship with contemporary examples from current events and popular culture to show the microfascism embedded in American society, already primed for violence. But even though this microfascism can be found throughout American culture and politics, Brartich argues that it is fragile and can be countered with micro-antifascism. Due to the misogyny at the core of fascism and microfascism, political and cultural movements grounded in feminism are the places to most effectively perform micro-antifascism.

Jack Z. Bratich is a Professor of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University.

You can find his work at Researchgate.

You can find a transcript of our conversation here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In On Microfascism: Gender, War, and Death (Common Notions, 2022) Dr. Jack Z. Bratich explores the cultural elements in American society that support fascism. Microfascism appears in many aspects of culture engaging consumers to think of others and their own self in ways that extend fascism into everyday life while constantly adapting to cultural and political change. Beyond the cultural aspects of microfascism, Bratich also explores how it organizes seemingly unrelated groups who, at times, work together for specific actions aimed at furthering fascist political goals. By looking at the specifically gendered formations of microfascism, Bratich shows the misogyny at the core of the larger fascist project that is geared to “eliminate” those needed to fulfill the “restoration” of some past glory. On Microfascism combines insights from fascism studies and cultural studies scholarship with contemporary examples from current events and popular culture to show the microfascism embedded in American society, already primed for violence. But even though this microfascism can be found throughout American culture and politics, Brartich argues that it is fragile and can be countered with micro-antifascism. Due to the misogyny at the core of fascism and microfascism, political and cultural movements grounded in feminism are the places to most effectively perform micro-antifascism.

Jack Z. Bratich is a Professor of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University.

You can find his work at Researchgate.

You can find a transcript of our conversation here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781942173496">On Microfascism: Gender, War, and Death</a> (Common Notions, 2022) Dr. Jack Z. Bratich explores the cultural elements in American society that support fascism. Microfascism appears in many aspects of culture engaging consumers to think of others and their own self in ways that extend fascism into everyday life while constantly adapting to cultural and political change. Beyond the cultural aspects of microfascism, Bratich also explores how it organizes seemingly unrelated groups who, at times, work together for specific actions aimed at furthering fascist political goals. By looking at the specifically gendered formations of microfascism, Bratich shows the misogyny at the core of the larger fascist project that is geared to “eliminate” those needed to fulfill the “restoration” of some past glory. <em>On Microfascism</em> combines insights from fascism studies and cultural studies scholarship with contemporary examples from current events and popular culture to show the microfascism embedded in American society, already primed for violence. But even though this microfascism can be found throughout American culture and politics, Brartich argues that it is fragile and can be countered with micro-antifascism. Due to the misogyny at the core of fascism and microfascism, political and cultural movements grounded in feminism are the places to most effectively perform micro-antifascism.</p>
<p>Jack Z. Bratich is a Professor of Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University.</p>
<p>You can find <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Jack-Bratich">his work at Researchgate</a>.</p>
<p>You can find a <a href="https://medium.com/@john_armenta/on-microfascism-7cbc7eeee6f6?postPublishedType=initial">transcript of our conversation here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3945</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Paul Kelly, "Against Postliberalism: Why ‘Family, Faith and Flag’ is a Dead End for the Left" (Polity, 2025)</title>
      <description>Post-liberalism is all the rage on the American right, finding a common cause between legal theorists like Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen and rising political stars like J.D. Vance, the serving vice president.

In the UK, on the other hand, the movement has been pioneered by left-wing thinkers seeking to return lost working-class voters to the Labour Party and return the party itself to its non-urban, communitarian and patriotic roots.

In Against Post-Liberalism: Why ‘Family, Faith and Flag’ is a Dead End for the Left (Polity, 2025), Paul Kelly explores this post-liberal strain and concludes that it offers "capitalism without social mobility".

"Liberalism is not everything but it’s not supposed to be," he writes. "It doesn't give an account of the meaning of life or the point of the universe. What it does offer is a way of negotiating social change and, hopefully, of ensuring that the burdens of that change fall reasonably equitably on everyone across generations. It looks to the future. It does not lock us into some nostalgia for a world gone by or frustrate our engagement with a future of necessary change".

Paul Kelly is Professor of Political Theory at the London School of Economics.

Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at 242.news.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Post-liberalism is all the rage on the American right, finding a common cause between legal theorists like Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen and rising political stars like J.D. Vance, the serving vice president.

In the UK, on the other hand, the movement has been pioneered by left-wing thinkers seeking to return lost working-class voters to the Labour Party and return the party itself to its non-urban, communitarian and patriotic roots.

In Against Post-Liberalism: Why ‘Family, Faith and Flag’ is a Dead End for the Left (Polity, 2025), Paul Kelly explores this post-liberal strain and concludes that it offers "capitalism without social mobility".

"Liberalism is not everything but it’s not supposed to be," he writes. "It doesn't give an account of the meaning of life or the point of the universe. What it does offer is a way of negotiating social change and, hopefully, of ensuring that the burdens of that change fall reasonably equitably on everyone across generations. It looks to the future. It does not lock us into some nostalgia for a world gone by or frustrate our engagement with a future of necessary change".

Paul Kelly is Professor of Political Theory at the London School of Economics.

Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at 242.news.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Post-liberalism is all the rage on the American right, finding a common cause between legal theorists like Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen and rising political stars like J.D. Vance, the serving vice president.</p>
<p>In the UK, on the other hand, the movement has been pioneered by left-wing thinkers seeking to return lost working-class voters to the Labour Party and return the party itself to its non-urban, communitarian and patriotic roots.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509552450">Against Post-Liberalism: Why ‘Family, Faith and Flag’ is a Dead End for the Left</a> (Polity, 2025), Paul Kelly explores this post-liberal strain and concludes that it offers "capitalism without social mobility".</p>
<p>"Liberalism is not everything but it’s not supposed to be," he writes. "It doesn't give an account of the meaning of life or the point of the universe. What it does offer is a way of negotiating social change and, hopefully, of ensuring that the burdens of that change fall reasonably equitably on everyone across generations. It looks to the future. It does not lock us into some nostalgia for a world gone by or frustrate our engagement with a future of necessary change".</p>
<p>Paul Kelly is Professor of Political Theory at the London School of Economics.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at <a href="http://www.242.news/">242.news</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2420</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Suhay, "Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics" (Russell Sage Foundation, 2025)</title>
      <description>Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Politics, however, are an overlooked contributor to confidence, or lack of confidence, in the American Dream. In Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics (﻿Russell Sage Foundation, 2025), political scientist Elizabeth Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. Democratic Party leaders have increasingly questioned the fairness of the American economy, and, in effect, have called into question whether the American Dream is “real.” Republican Party leaders, by contrast, have consistently defended the fairness of the economy and the American Dream. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality. Suhay finds that both Democrats and Republicans tend to adhere to their party’s economic narratives when identifying the causes of inequality between rich and poor, White and Black and Latino Americans, and men and women. Democrats and liberals often attribute inequality between these groups to societal causes, such as lack of access to education and jobs or discrimination. Republicans and conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to blame individuals and lower income groups for their difficulties. However, Americans’ beliefs are less polarized when they consider socioeconomic inequalities rarely debated by politicians. For example, when asking Republicans and Democrats about the roots of rural-urban and White-Asian inequality, there is no clear unequal opportunity-individual responsibility partisan divide. Suhay argues that the availability of partisan “scripts” helps to explain differences in the public’s views on inequality between groups that have been politicized. These beliefs appear to bolster support for the two parties’ policy agendas among party supporters, driving a wedge between Democrats and Republicans in support for redistributive economic policy as well as the political candidates who support or oppose redistribution. Debating the American Dream provides fascinating insights into politics’ role in Americans’ beliefs and attitudes concerning inequality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Politics, however, are an overlooked contributor to confidence, or lack of confidence, in the American Dream. In Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics (﻿Russell Sage Foundation, 2025), political scientist Elizabeth Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. Democratic Party leaders have increasingly questioned the fairness of the American economy, and, in effect, have called into question whether the American Dream is “real.” Republican Party leaders, by contrast, have consistently defended the fairness of the economy and the American Dream. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality. Suhay finds that both Democrats and Republicans tend to adhere to their party’s economic narratives when identifying the causes of inequality between rich and poor, White and Black and Latino Americans, and men and women. Democrats and liberals often attribute inequality between these groups to societal causes, such as lack of access to education and jobs or discrimination. Republicans and conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to blame individuals and lower income groups for their difficulties. However, Americans’ beliefs are less polarized when they consider socioeconomic inequalities rarely debated by politicians. For example, when asking Republicans and Democrats about the roots of rural-urban and White-Asian inequality, there is no clear unequal opportunity-individual responsibility partisan divide. Suhay argues that the availability of partisan “scripts” helps to explain differences in the public’s views on inequality between groups that have been politicized. These beliefs appear to bolster support for the two parties’ policy agendas among party supporters, driving a wedge between Democrats and Republicans in support for redistributive economic policy as well as the political candidates who support or oppose redistribution. Debating the American Dream provides fascinating insights into politics’ role in Americans’ beliefs and attitudes concerning inequality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Faith in the American Dream—the idea that anyone who works hard can achieve success—has waned in the 21st century. Decreases in economic mobility, increases in the wealth gap, and other economic shifts have undoubtedly influenced this decline. Politics, however, are an overlooked contributor to confidence, or lack of confidence, in the American Dream. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781610449380">Debating the American Dream: How Explanations for Inequality Polarize Politics</a> (﻿Russell Sage Foundation, 2025), political scientist Elizabeth Suhay investigates how politics and political identity are intertwined with beliefs about the American Dream and the causes of inequality. Drawing on public opinion surveys spanning more than four decades, Suhay finds that Americans’ belief in the American Dream is strongly related to their political party affiliation. Democratic Party leaders have increasingly questioned the fairness of the American economy, and, in effect, have called into question whether the American Dream is “real.” Republican Party leaders, by contrast, have consistently defended the fairness of the economy and the American Dream. While it is true that Americans have become more skeptical of the American Dream overall, Suhay finds this skepticism is concentrated among Democratic members of the public. Despite the increasingly working-class make-up of the Republican coalition, most Republican members of the public continue to believe the American Dream is reality. Suhay finds that both Democrats and Republicans tend to adhere to their party’s economic narratives when identifying the causes of inequality between rich and poor, White and Black and Latino Americans, and men and women. Democrats and liberals often attribute inequality between these groups to societal causes, such as lack of access to education and jobs or discrimination. Republicans and conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to blame individuals and lower income groups for their difficulties. However, Americans’ beliefs are less polarized when they consider socioeconomic inequalities rarely debated by politicians. For example, when asking Republicans and Democrats about the roots of rural-urban and White-Asian inequality, there is no clear unequal opportunity-individual responsibility partisan divide. Suhay argues that the availability of partisan “scripts” helps to explain differences in the public’s views on inequality between groups that have been politicized. These beliefs appear to bolster support for the two parties’ policy agendas among party supporters, driving a wedge between Democrats and Republicans in support for redistributive economic policy as well as the political candidates who support or oppose redistribution. Debating the American Dream provides fascinating insights into politics’ role in Americans’ beliefs and attitudes concerning inequality.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1875</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeff Roche, "The Conservative Frontier: Texas and the Origins of the New Right" (U Texas Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>American conservatism as we know it today is a West Texas export, argues College of Wooster professor Jeff Roche in The Conservative Frontier: Texas and the Origins of the New Right (U Texas Press, 2025). Tracing the roots of the state's conservative movement back to the giant cattle ranches and tycoons of the nineteenth century, Roche argues that you cannot separate the local and historical conditions in the West (and in West Texas specifically) from the "cowboy conservatism" of Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan. Full of fascinating characters and the kind of tall tales you only find in the Lone Star State, The Conservative Frontier makes a compelling case for Texas politics eventually becoming national politics by the mid to late 20th century. No matter where you are in the United States today, the political weight of Texas creates a gravity that has proven impossible for American politics to emerge from.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>194</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American conservatism as we know it today is a West Texas export, argues College of Wooster professor Jeff Roche in The Conservative Frontier: Texas and the Origins of the New Right (U Texas Press, 2025). Tracing the roots of the state's conservative movement back to the giant cattle ranches and tycoons of the nineteenth century, Roche argues that you cannot separate the local and historical conditions in the West (and in West Texas specifically) from the "cowboy conservatism" of Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan. Full of fascinating characters and the kind of tall tales you only find in the Lone Star State, The Conservative Frontier makes a compelling case for Texas politics eventually becoming national politics by the mid to late 20th century. No matter where you are in the United States today, the political weight of Texas creates a gravity that has proven impossible for American politics to emerge from.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>American conservatism as we know it today is a West Texas export, argues College of Wooster professor Jeff Roche in <em>The Conservative Frontier: Texas and the Origins of the New Right</em> (U Texas Press, 2025). Tracing the roots of the state's conservative movement back to the giant cattle ranches and tycoons of the nineteenth century, Roche argues that you cannot separate the local and historical conditions in the West (and in West Texas specifically) from the "cowboy conservatism" of Barry Goldwater and Ronald Reagan. Full of fascinating characters and the kind of tall tales you only find in the Lone Star State, <em>The Conservative Frontier</em> makes a compelling case for Texas politics eventually becoming national politics by the mid to late 20th century. No matter where you are in the United States today, the political weight of Texas creates a gravity that has proven impossible for American politics to emerge from.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4852</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[028bc840-dab5-11f0-b2dc-3b8a166678ef]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1654977518.mp3?updated=1765913955" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matt Sleat, "Post-Liberalism" (Polity, 2025)</title>
      <description>Liberalism may feel as though it has been around forever - as the "dominant ideology of the modern west" - but not even its advocates and detractors can agree what it is. Political sophisticates ask whether it is classical-, social-, ordo- or neo-liberal while American main street associates it with socialism.

﻿Yet a new generation of "post-liberal" thinkers know liberalism well enough to want to give it upi or, in most cases, go back to a time - real or imagined - before it took hold.In the US, these political philosophers are mostly Catholic conservatives. In the UK, with one prominent exception, they are largely left-wing Anglicans. In both countries, they tend to be religious and yearn for pre-globalisation communitarian, familial and patriotic certainties. 

"Where liberals believe political authority is derived from individuals consenting to be ruled, for post-liberals it comes from serving the common good," writes Matt Sleat in Post-Liberalism (Polity, 2025). His book explores the ideas of the likes of Chad Pecknold, Gladden Pappin, Sohrab Ahmari and post-liberalism's two standout thinkers: Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen.Matt Sleat is Reader in Political Theory at the University of Sheffield.*The author's book recommendations were Power and Powerlessness: The Liberalism of Fear in the Twenty First Century by Edward Hall (OUP Oxford, 2025) and Global Discord: Values and Power in a Fractured World Order by Paul Tucker (Princeton University Press, 2022). Click here to see the full reading list.Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at 242.news.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Liberalism may feel as though it has been around forever - as the "dominant ideology of the modern west" - but not even its advocates and detractors can agree what it is. Political sophisticates ask whether it is classical-, social-, ordo- or neo-liberal while American main street associates it with socialism.

﻿Yet a new generation of "post-liberal" thinkers know liberalism well enough to want to give it upi or, in most cases, go back to a time - real or imagined - before it took hold.In the US, these political philosophers are mostly Catholic conservatives. In the UK, with one prominent exception, they are largely left-wing Anglicans. In both countries, they tend to be religious and yearn for pre-globalisation communitarian, familial and patriotic certainties. 

"Where liberals believe political authority is derived from individuals consenting to be ruled, for post-liberals it comes from serving the common good," writes Matt Sleat in Post-Liberalism (Polity, 2025). His book explores the ideas of the likes of Chad Pecknold, Gladden Pappin, Sohrab Ahmari and post-liberalism's two standout thinkers: Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen.Matt Sleat is Reader in Political Theory at the University of Sheffield.*The author's book recommendations were Power and Powerlessness: The Liberalism of Fear in the Twenty First Century by Edward Hall (OUP Oxford, 2025) and Global Discord: Values and Power in a Fractured World Order by Paul Tucker (Princeton University Press, 2022). Click here to see the full reading list.Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at 242.news.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Liberalism may feel as though it has been around forever - as the "dominant ideology of the modern west" - but not even its advocates and detractors can agree what it is. Political sophisticates ask whether it is classical-, social-, ordo- or neo-liberal while American main street associates it with socialism.</p>
<p>﻿Yet a new generation of "post-liberal" thinkers know liberalism well enough to want to give it upi or, in most cases, go back to a time - real or imagined - before it took hold.<br>In the US, these political philosophers are mostly Catholic conservatives. In the UK, with one prominent exception, they are largely left-wing Anglicans. In both countries, they tend to be religious and yearn for pre-globalisation communitarian, familial and patriotic certainties. </p>
<p>"Where liberals believe political authority is derived from individuals consenting to be ruled, for post-liberals it comes from serving the common good," writes Matt Sleat in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509562206"><em>Post-Liberalism</em></a> (Polity, 2025). His book explores the ideas of the likes of Chad Pecknold, Gladden Pappin, Sohrab Ahmari and post-liberalism's two standout thinkers: Adrian Vermeule and Patrick Deneen.<br>Matt Sleat is Reader in Political Theory at the University of Sheffield.<br>*The author's book recommendations were <em>Power and Powerlessness: The Liberalism of Fear in the Twenty First Century </em>by Edward Hall (OUP Oxford, 2025) and <em>Global Discord: Values and Power in a Fractured World Order</em> by Paul Tucker (Princeton University Press, 2022). Click <a href="https://the242readinglist.tiiny.site/">here</a> to see the full reading list.<a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones"><br>Tim Gwynn Jones</a> is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who writes and podcasts at <a href="https://twentyfourtwo.substack.com/">242.news</a>.<br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2533</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James A. Jacobs and James R. Jacobs, "Preserving Government Information: Past, Present, and Future" (Freegovinfo Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>We're pleased to welcome James A. Jacobs and James R. Jacobs, authors of Preserving Government Information: Past, Present, and Future (FreeGovInfo Press, 2025), to the New Books Network.

In this book, Jacobs and Jacobs introduce the different US federal institutions tasked with managing and preserving government information in a range of media formats from paper to digital. They examine how preservation practices of the past affect the preservation of digitally published government information today, analyze publishing and preservation data to characterize the current gaps in preservation, and look to the future by charting a path to a distributed Digital  Preservation Infrastructure for government information while explaining key concepts in digital preservation along the way.

Your host is Dr. Adam Kriesberg, Associate Professor at the Simmons University School of Library and Information Science.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We're pleased to welcome James A. Jacobs and James R. Jacobs, authors of Preserving Government Information: Past, Present, and Future (FreeGovInfo Press, 2025), to the New Books Network.

In this book, Jacobs and Jacobs introduce the different US federal institutions tasked with managing and preserving government information in a range of media formats from paper to digital. They examine how preservation practices of the past affect the preservation of digitally published government information today, analyze publishing and preservation data to characterize the current gaps in preservation, and look to the future by charting a path to a distributed Digital  Preservation Infrastructure for government information while explaining key concepts in digital preservation along the way.

Your host is Dr. Adam Kriesberg, Associate Professor at the Simmons University School of Library and Information Science.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We're pleased to welcome <em>James A. Jacobs and James R. Jacobs</em>, authors of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798218669317">Preserving Government Information: Past, Present, and Future</a><em> </em>(FreeGovInfo Press, 2025), to the New Books Network.<br></p>
<p>In this book, Jacobs and Jacobs introduce the different US federal institutions tasked with managing and preserving government information in a range of media formats from paper to digital. They examine how preservation practices of the past affect the preservation of digitally published government information today, analyze publishing and preservation data to characterize the current gaps in preservation, and look to the future by charting a path to a distributed Digital  Preservation Infrastructure for government information while explaining key concepts in digital preservation along the way.</p>
<p>Your host is Dr. Adam Kriesberg, Associate Professor at the Simmons University School of Library and Information Science.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4058</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>161 One Battle After Another: A West Newton Cinema Discussion with Peter Coviello and Ethan Warren (JP)</title>
      <description>One Battle After Another, the spirited and controversial Oscar contender from Paul Thomas Anderson, premiered in September. That opening weekend featured a "Behind the Screen" premiere at the storied West Newton cinema.

Why "behind"? Because Marisa Pagano and J.B. Sloan of the West Newton Cinema Foundation) invited RTB to oversee a fascinating post-mortem between authors of recent books about "PTA" and about Thomas Pynchon, whose scintillating 1990 novel Vineland inspired the film. If inspired does not seem the right word, the exact relationship between the two was one of many things examined by Ethan Warren (The Cinema of Paul Thomas Anderson: American Apocrypha, Columbia University Press, 2023)and Pete Coviello (Vineland Reread) pored over in some detail in what follows, a very unusual live Recall This Book conversation.

Pete situates the inspirational novel as a pivot point ("funniest novel you've ever read") for Thomas Pynchon, a consolidation of the counter-insurgency ("drugs, sacrament of the 60's, Evil of the 80's) state from the post-1960's into the complacency of the Reagan era. Ethan, who defends practically everything PTA movie but Hard Eight (1996; despite John's affection for it) points out the significance of non-white characters, and applauds his "alarming" decision to confront white supremacy in its clarity and also the over-the-topness of the Christmas Adventurer's Club.

Pete, who wishes that the film could be as funny as the novel, emphasizes that earlier Pynchon novels were founded on conspiratorial pushback against Manichean structures. By 1990, though, he no longer rejects the solidarity that the left might bring to bear against the fascist power of the Right. God bless the unrepudiated armed insurgents, says Pete. Camaraderie and solidarity define the essence of both book and film. Although Ethan, more skeptical of the politics of the novel, reminds us that they all lose; at the end of the day, he sees the film's overt message as less appealing than its visual energy.

Audience questions, topping off the event, delve into the past and the world of Pynchon's commitments, in often surprising ways. The conversation wraps by celebrating a more than cameo by Tisha Sloan, who happens to be West Newton organizer J.B.'s sister!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One Battle After Another, the spirited and controversial Oscar contender from Paul Thomas Anderson, premiered in September. That opening weekend featured a "Behind the Screen" premiere at the storied West Newton cinema.

Why "behind"? Because Marisa Pagano and J.B. Sloan of the West Newton Cinema Foundation) invited RTB to oversee a fascinating post-mortem between authors of recent books about "PTA" and about Thomas Pynchon, whose scintillating 1990 novel Vineland inspired the film. If inspired does not seem the right word, the exact relationship between the two was one of many things examined by Ethan Warren (The Cinema of Paul Thomas Anderson: American Apocrypha, Columbia University Press, 2023)and Pete Coviello (Vineland Reread) pored over in some detail in what follows, a very unusual live Recall This Book conversation.

Pete situates the inspirational novel as a pivot point ("funniest novel you've ever read") for Thomas Pynchon, a consolidation of the counter-insurgency ("drugs, sacrament of the 60's, Evil of the 80's) state from the post-1960's into the complacency of the Reagan era. Ethan, who defends practically everything PTA movie but Hard Eight (1996; despite John's affection for it) points out the significance of non-white characters, and applauds his "alarming" decision to confront white supremacy in its clarity and also the over-the-topness of the Christmas Adventurer's Club.

Pete, who wishes that the film could be as funny as the novel, emphasizes that earlier Pynchon novels were founded on conspiratorial pushback against Manichean structures. By 1990, though, he no longer rejects the solidarity that the left might bring to bear against the fascist power of the Right. God bless the unrepudiated armed insurgents, says Pete. Camaraderie and solidarity define the essence of both book and film. Although Ethan, more skeptical of the politics of the novel, reminds us that they all lose; at the end of the day, he sees the film's overt message as less appealing than its visual energy.

Audience questions, topping off the event, delve into the past and the world of Pynchon's commitments, in often surprising ways. The conversation wraps by celebrating a more than cameo by Tisha Sloan, who happens to be West Newton organizer J.B.'s sister!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Battle_After_Another"><em>One Battle After Another</em></a><em>, </em>the spirited and controversial Oscar contender from Paul Thomas Anderson, premiered in September. That opening weekend featured a <a href="https://www.westnewtoncinema.com/movie/one-battle-after-another-film-premiere-and-recall">"Behind the Screen" premiere at the storied West Newton cinema</a>.</p>
<p>Why "behind"? Because Marisa Pagano and J.B. Sloan of the <a href="https://wncfoundation.org/leadership/">West Newton Cinema Foundation</a>) invited RTB to oversee a fascinating post-mortem between authors of recent books about "PTA" and about Thomas Pynchon, whose scintillating 1990 novel <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vineland"><em>Vineland </em></a>inspired the film. If inspired does not seem the right word, the exact relationship between the two was one of many things examined by Ethan Warren (<em>The </em><a href="https://cup.columbia.edu/book/the-cinema-of-paul-thomas-anderson/9780231204590/"><em>Cinema of Paul Thomas Anderson: American Apocrypha</em>,</a> Columbia University Press, 2023)and <a href="https://engl.uic.edu/profiles/coviello-peter/">Pete Coviello</a> (<a href="https://cup.columbia.edu/book/vineland-reread/9780231185219/"><em>Vineland Reread</em></a>) pored over in some detail in what follows, a very unusual <em>live </em>Recall This Book conversation.</p>
<p>Pete situates the inspirational novel as a pivot point ("funniest novel you've ever read") for Thomas Pynchon, a consolidation of the counter-insurgency ("drugs, sacrament of the 60's, Evil of the 80's) state from the post-1960's into the complacency of the Reagan era. Ethan, who defends practically everything PTA movie but <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hard_Eight_(film)"><em>Hard Eight </em></a>(1996; despite John's affection for it) points out the significance of non-white characters, and applauds his "alarming" decision to confront white supremacy in its clarity and also the over-the-topness of the Christmas Adventurer's Club.</p>
<p>Pete, who wishes that the film could be as funny as the novel, emphasizes that earlier Pynchon novels were founded on conspiratorial pushback against Manichean structures. By 1990, though, he no longer rejects the solidarity that the left might bring to bear against the fascist power of the Right. God bless the unrepudiated armed insurgents, says Pete. Camaraderie and solidarity define the essence of both book and film. Although Ethan, more skeptical of the politics of the novel, reminds us that they all lose; at the end of the day, he sees the film's overt message as less appealing than its visual energy.</p>
<p>Audience questions, topping off the event, delve into the past and the world of Pynchon's commitments, in often surprising ways. The conversation wraps by celebrating a more than cameo by <a href="https://www.imdb.com/name/nm16559929/">Tisha Sloan</a>, who happens to be West Newton organizer J.B.'s sister!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2033</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Brooke Barbier, "King Hancock: The Radical Influence of a Moderate Founding Father" (Harvard UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>King Hancock: The Radical Influence of a Moderate Founding Father (Harvard UP, 2023) is a rollicking portrait of the paradoxical patriot, whose measured pragmatism helped make American independence a reality.

Americans are surprisingly more familiar with his famous signature than with the man himself. In this spirited account of John Hancock's life, Brooke Barbier depicts a patriot of fascinating contradictions--a child of enormous privilege who would nevertheless become a voice of the common folk; a pillar of society uncomfortable with radicalism who yet was crucial to independence. About two-fifths of the American population held neutral or ambivalent views about the Revolution, and Hancock spoke for them and to them, bringing them along.

Orphaned young, Hancock was raised by his merchant uncle, whose business and vast wealth he inherited--including household slaves, whom Hancock later freed. By his early thirties, he was one of New England's most prominent politicians, earning a place on Britain's most-wanted list and the derisive nickname King Hancock. While he eventually joined the revolution against England, his ever moderate--and moderating--disposition would prove an asset after 1776. Barbier shows Hancock appealing to southerners and northerners, Federalists and Anti-Federalists. He was a famously steadying force as president of the fractious Second Continental Congress. He parlayed with French military officials, strengthening a key alliance with his hospitable diplomacy. As governor of Massachusetts, Hancock convinced its delegates to vote for the federal Constitution and calmed the fallout from the shocking Shays's Rebellion.

An insightful study of leadership in the revolutionary era, King Hancock traces a moment when passion was on the side of compromise and accommodation proved the basis of profound social and political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Dec 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>King Hancock: The Radical Influence of a Moderate Founding Father (Harvard UP, 2023) is a rollicking portrait of the paradoxical patriot, whose measured pragmatism helped make American independence a reality.

Americans are surprisingly more familiar with his famous signature than with the man himself. In this spirited account of John Hancock's life, Brooke Barbier depicts a patriot of fascinating contradictions--a child of enormous privilege who would nevertheless become a voice of the common folk; a pillar of society uncomfortable with radicalism who yet was crucial to independence. About two-fifths of the American population held neutral or ambivalent views about the Revolution, and Hancock spoke for them and to them, bringing them along.

Orphaned young, Hancock was raised by his merchant uncle, whose business and vast wealth he inherited--including household slaves, whom Hancock later freed. By his early thirties, he was one of New England's most prominent politicians, earning a place on Britain's most-wanted list and the derisive nickname King Hancock. While he eventually joined the revolution against England, his ever moderate--and moderating--disposition would prove an asset after 1776. Barbier shows Hancock appealing to southerners and northerners, Federalists and Anti-Federalists. He was a famously steadying force as president of the fractious Second Continental Congress. He parlayed with French military officials, strengthening a key alliance with his hospitable diplomacy. As governor of Massachusetts, Hancock convinced its delegates to vote for the federal Constitution and calmed the fallout from the shocking Shays's Rebellion.

An insightful study of leadership in the revolutionary era, King Hancock traces a moment when passion was on the side of compromise and accommodation proved the basis of profound social and political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674271777">King Hancock: The Radical Influence of a Moderate Founding Father </a>(Harvard UP, 2023) is a rollicking portrait of the paradoxical patriot, whose measured pragmatism helped make American independence a reality.</p>
<p>Americans are surprisingly more familiar with his famous signature than with the man himself. In this spirited account of John Hancock's life, Brooke Barbier depicts a patriot of fascinating contradictions--a child of enormous privilege who would nevertheless become a voice of the common folk; a pillar of society uncomfortable with radicalism who yet was crucial to independence. About two-fifths of the American population held neutral or ambivalent views about the Revolution, and Hancock spoke for them and to them, bringing them along.</p>
<p>Orphaned young, Hancock was raised by his merchant uncle, whose business and vast wealth he inherited--including household slaves, whom Hancock later freed. By his early thirties, he was one of New England's most prominent politicians, earning a place on Britain's most-wanted list and the derisive nickname King Hancock. While he eventually joined the revolution against England, his ever moderate--and moderating--disposition would prove an asset after 1776. Barbier shows Hancock appealing to southerners and northerners, Federalists and Anti-Federalists. He was a famously steadying force as president of the fractious Second Continental Congress. He parlayed with French military officials, strengthening a key alliance with his hospitable diplomacy. As governor of Massachusetts, Hancock convinced its delegates to vote for the federal Constitution and calmed the fallout from the shocking Shays's Rebellion.</p>
<p>An insightful study of leadership in the revolutionary era, <em>King Hancock</em> traces a moment when passion was on the side of compromise and accommodation proved the basis of profound social and political change.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Yoram Hazony, "Conservatism: A Rediscovery" (Regnery Publishing, 2022)</title>
      <description>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.
These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022).
It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.
For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.
To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.
This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.
This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.
He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.
Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 29 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>158</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Yoram Hazony</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.
These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022).
It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.
For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.
To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.
This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.
This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.
He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.
Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.</p><p>These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684511099"><em>Conservatism: A Rediscovery</em></a> (Regnery Publishing, 2022).</p><p>It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.</p><p>For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.</p><p>To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.</p><p>This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.</p><p>This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.</p><p>He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.</p><p>Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4163</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Eig, "King: A Life" (FSG, 2023)</title>
      <description>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's King: A Life (FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. King reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.
In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.
Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.
 Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>238</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Eig</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's King: A Life (FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. King reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.
In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.
Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.
 Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374279295"><em>King: A Life</em></a><em> </em>(FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. <em>King </em>reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.</p><p>In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.</p><p>Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.</p><p><em> Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2362</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Philip Rocco, "Counting Like a State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 US Census" (UP Kansas, 2025)</title>
      <description>Marquette University Political Scientist Phil Rocco has a new book focusing on the 2020 U.S. Census and how the states, localities, and federal government all worked – at times well, at times not quite as well – to conduct the census. This is a fascinating exploration of federalism at work in the American system, with some states putting in place extensive mechanisms to help with the census, which is a national responsibility. Other states did far less; and the national government, which is constitutionally required to execute a census every ten years, approached the census with some controversial requirements, with the federal courts having to make decisions as to the constitutional validity of some of those requirements. Counting Like a State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census (UP Kansas, 2025) explores this particular census as a kind of case study. The 2020 census was tricky on a number of fronts, not the least because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and because of the Trump Administration’s approach to the census itself. Rocco goes through the various approaches to the census as a national undertaking, searching for understandings of how the process actually worked and where there were positive and negative engagements with the process.

As a scholar of federalism, data science, and public policy, Rocco was intrigued by what he found in terms of cooperation on the state level, especially in places like California. The research also highlights various levels of mistrust of government entities and institutions, which makes the census process more difficult and potentially inaccurate because individuals are skeptical about completing the census forms. Because the census is required by law and regulation, it has a number of statutory deadlines, and in 2020, the Covid pandemic shattered the expected and legally compelled timeline for the reporting of results. This is another important aspect of this particular census that Rocco examines in order to assess how states and the national government tried to manage a rather unique process in 2020.

Counting Like A State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census examines not only the 2020 census but also sketches out the history of the census process in the United States so as to provide context for the most recent census and the processes that were implemented across the board. This is a very interesting exploration of how the federal government works, especially in context of federalism and unanticipated constraints.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Marquette University Political Scientist Phil Rocco has a new book focusing on the 2020 U.S. Census and how the states, localities, and federal government all worked – at times well, at times not quite as well – to conduct the census. This is a fascinating exploration of federalism at work in the American system, with some states putting in place extensive mechanisms to help with the census, which is a national responsibility. Other states did far less; and the national government, which is constitutionally required to execute a census every ten years, approached the census with some controversial requirements, with the federal courts having to make decisions as to the constitutional validity of some of those requirements. Counting Like a State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census (UP Kansas, 2025) explores this particular census as a kind of case study. The 2020 census was tricky on a number of fronts, not the least because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and because of the Trump Administration’s approach to the census itself. Rocco goes through the various approaches to the census as a national undertaking, searching for understandings of how the process actually worked and where there were positive and negative engagements with the process.

As a scholar of federalism, data science, and public policy, Rocco was intrigued by what he found in terms of cooperation on the state level, especially in places like California. The research also highlights various levels of mistrust of government entities and institutions, which makes the census process more difficult and potentially inaccurate because individuals are skeptical about completing the census forms. Because the census is required by law and regulation, it has a number of statutory deadlines, and in 2020, the Covid pandemic shattered the expected and legally compelled timeline for the reporting of results. This is another important aspect of this particular census that Rocco examines in order to assess how states and the national government tried to manage a rather unique process in 2020.

Counting Like A State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census examines not only the 2020 census but also sketches out the history of the census process in the United States so as to provide context for the most recent census and the processes that were implemented across the board. This is a very interesting exploration of how the federal government works, especially in context of federalism and unanticipated constraints.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Marquette University Political Scientist Phil Rocco has a new book focusing on the 2020 U.S. Census and how the states, localities, and federal government all worked – at times well, at times not quite as well – to conduct the census. This is a fascinating exploration of federalism at work in the American system, with some states putting in place extensive mechanisms to help with the census, which is a national responsibility. Other states did far less; and the national government, which is constitutionally required to execute a census every ten years, approached the census with some controversial requirements, with the federal courts having to make decisions as to the constitutional validity of some of those requirements. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700639687">Counting Like a State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census</a> (UP Kansas, 2025) explores this particular census as a kind of case study. The 2020 census was tricky on a number of fronts, not the least because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and because of the Trump Administration’s approach to the census itself. Rocco goes through the various approaches to the census as a national undertaking, searching for understandings of how the process actually worked and where there were positive and negative engagements with the process.</p>
<p>As a scholar of federalism, data science, and public policy, Rocco was intrigued by what he found in terms of cooperation on the state level, especially in places like California. The research also highlights various levels of mistrust of government entities and institutions, which makes the census process more difficult and potentially inaccurate because individuals are skeptical about completing the census forms. Because the census is required by law and regulation, it has a number of statutory deadlines, and in 2020, the Covid pandemic shattered the expected and legally compelled timeline for the reporting of results. This is another important aspect of this particular census that Rocco examines in order to assess how states and the national government tried to manage a rather unique process in 2020.</p>
<p><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700639687/">Counting Like A State: How Intergovernmental Partnerships Shaped the 2020 U.S. Census</a> examines not only the 2020 census but also sketches out the history of the census process in the United States so as to provide context for the most recent census and the processes that were implemented across the board. This is a very interesting exploration of how the federal government works, especially in context of federalism and unanticipated constraints.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of</em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"> The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga</a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3220</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c26fa3c2-c9dd-11f0-b78e-13e6940b190b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9103281536.mp3?updated=1764061881" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Jim Cullen, "1980: America's Pivotal Year" (Rutgers UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.
1980: America's Pivotal Year (Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.
Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation, Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters, and From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 23 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>196</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jim Cullen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.
1980: America's Pivotal Year (Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.
Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation, Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters, and From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978831179"><em>1980: America's Pivotal Year</em></a><em> </em>(Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.</p><p>Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including <em>The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation</em>, <em>Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters</em>, and <em>From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. </em>He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.</p><p><em>Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2504</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c8cc75f2-c7b1-11f0-9b51-43a50d362eaf]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3604160772.mp3?updated=1663614111" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>John Bodnar, "Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11" (UNC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>September 11th, 2001 marked the beginning of the so-called war on terror, but the attacks of that day also re-ignited battles over the nature of American patriotism. In Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11 (UNC Press, 2021), Professor John Bodnar argues that the nature of patriotism as being war-based or empathetic divided the nation as much as the responses to the 9/11 attacks. Using a variety of public media and private correspondence, Dr. Bodnar explores the different ways Americans tried to understand and remember 9/11, their disagreements over government responses to it, and how patriotism itself was also part of the debate. Dr. Bodnar shows how people on all the various sides to national security debates used patriotism as a motivating factor for their positions. Divided by Terrorshows how patriotism and how it is to be practiced was contested and fought over as much as the policies that it inspired.

Dr. Bodnar is a Distinguished Emeritus Professor in the Department of History at Indiana University. He is the author of 8 academic books in addition to numerous journal articles.

You can find a transcript here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 22 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>September 11th, 2001 marked the beginning of the so-called war on terror, but the attacks of that day also re-ignited battles over the nature of American patriotism. In Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11 (UNC Press, 2021), Professor John Bodnar argues that the nature of patriotism as being war-based or empathetic divided the nation as much as the responses to the 9/11 attacks. Using a variety of public media and private correspondence, Dr. Bodnar explores the different ways Americans tried to understand and remember 9/11, their disagreements over government responses to it, and how patriotism itself was also part of the debate. Dr. Bodnar shows how people on all the various sides to national security debates used patriotism as a motivating factor for their positions. Divided by Terrorshows how patriotism and how it is to be practiced was contested and fought over as much as the policies that it inspired.

Dr. Bodnar is a Distinguished Emeritus Professor in the Department of History at Indiana University. He is the author of 8 academic books in addition to numerous journal articles.

You can find a transcript here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>September 11th, 2001 marked the beginning of the so-called war on terror, but the attacks of that day also re-ignited battles over the nature of American patriotism. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469662626"><em>Divided by Terror: American Patriotism after 9/11</em> </a>(UNC Press, 2021), Professor John Bodnar argues that the nature of patriotism as being war-based or empathetic divided the nation as much as the responses to the 9/11 attacks. Using a variety of public media and private correspondence, Dr. Bodnar explores the different ways Americans tried to understand and remember 9/11, their disagreements over government responses to it, and how patriotism itself was also part of the debate. Dr. Bodnar shows how people on all the various sides to national security debates used patriotism as a motivating factor for their positions. <em>Divided by Terror</em>shows how patriotism and how it is to be practiced was contested and fought over as much as the policies that it inspired.</p>
<p>Dr. Bodnar is a Distinguished Emeritus Professor in the Department of History at Indiana University. He is the author of 8 academic books in addition to numerous journal articles.</p>
<p><a href="https://medium.com/@john_armenta/the-patriots-debate-interview-with-john-bodnar-de4b74961fe6?postPublishedType=initial">You can find a transcript here.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4086</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[364bf1a8-c6a3-11f0-948a-2f582317ae3f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7243315875.mp3?updated=1763706729" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>David Chanoff, "Anthony Benezet: Quaker, Abolitionist, Anti-Racist" (U Georgia Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Wilberforce, Clarkson, Wesley. Britain’s great abolitionist activist Granville Sharp. Each of these consequential figures of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world were galvanized by the moral power of a modest Quaker teacher who never ventured more than a few miles from his home in Philadelphia: Anthony Benezet. While Benezet was buried in an unmarked grave, his fingerprints are all over the extinction of the Atlantic slave trade and the gathering strength of America’s own burgeoning abolitionist movement. He was a figure of global importance, “a saint,” Garry Wills called him, a great bearer to the rest of the world of the American ideals (no matter how compromised) of equality and liberty.Anthony Benezet lived, by chance, at the nexus of radical Christianity and revolutionary democracy, and he fused the power of those two streams of morality in a way that changed lives and challenged political institutions so compellingly that the world became a different place because of him. But for all the magnitude of Benezet’s impact, he is largely unknown outside scholars of the period. He does not exist in any meaningful way in the widely read histories and biographies that define and amplify America’s historical consciousness.In Anthony Benezet: Quaker, Abolitionist, Anti-Racist (U Georgia Press, 2025), preeminent biographer Dr. David Chanoff tells Benezet’s story—who he was, what he did, how he did it, and why it was that William Penn’s “Holy Experiment” of Pennsylvania provided the matrix for the historic transformation the abolitionist educator brought about. Indeed, Dr. Chanoff carves out a place for this forgotten American hero as a pioneering figure among those who launched American ideals onto the world stage.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 22 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Wilberforce, Clarkson, Wesley. Britain’s great abolitionist activist Granville Sharp. Each of these consequential figures of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world were galvanized by the moral power of a modest Quaker teacher who never ventured more than a few miles from his home in Philadelphia: Anthony Benezet. While Benezet was buried in an unmarked grave, his fingerprints are all over the extinction of the Atlantic slave trade and the gathering strength of America’s own burgeoning abolitionist movement. He was a figure of global importance, “a saint,” Garry Wills called him, a great bearer to the rest of the world of the American ideals (no matter how compromised) of equality and liberty.Anthony Benezet lived, by chance, at the nexus of radical Christianity and revolutionary democracy, and he fused the power of those two streams of morality in a way that changed lives and challenged political institutions so compellingly that the world became a different place because of him. But for all the magnitude of Benezet’s impact, he is largely unknown outside scholars of the period. He does not exist in any meaningful way in the widely read histories and biographies that define and amplify America’s historical consciousness.In Anthony Benezet: Quaker, Abolitionist, Anti-Racist (U Georgia Press, 2025), preeminent biographer Dr. David Chanoff tells Benezet’s story—who he was, what he did, how he did it, and why it was that William Penn’s “Holy Experiment” of Pennsylvania provided the matrix for the historic transformation the abolitionist educator brought about. Indeed, Dr. Chanoff carves out a place for this forgotten American hero as a pioneering figure among those who launched American ideals onto the world stage.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Wilberforce, Clarkson, Wesley. Britain’s great abolitionist activist Granville Sharp. Each of these consequential figures of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world were galvanized by the moral power of a modest Quaker teacher who never ventured more than a few miles from his home in Philadelphia: Anthony Benezet. While Benezet was buried in an unmarked grave, his fingerprints are all over the extinction of the Atlantic slave trade and the gathering strength of America’s own burgeoning abolitionist movement. He was a figure of global importance, “a saint,” Garry Wills called him, a great bearer to the rest of the world of the American ideals (no matter how compromised) of equality and liberty.<br>Anthony Benezet lived, by chance, at the nexus of radical Christianity and revolutionary democracy, and he fused the power of those two streams of morality in a way that changed lives and challenged political institutions so compellingly that the world became a different place because of him. But for all the magnitude of Benezet’s impact, he is largely unknown outside scholars of the period. He does not exist in any meaningful way in the widely read histories and biographies that define and amplify America’s historical consciousness.<br>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820374253">Anthony Benezet: Quaker, Abolitionist, Anti-Racist</a> (U Georgia Press, 2025), preeminent biographer Dr. David Chanoff tells Benezet’s story—who he was, what he did, how he did it, and why it was that William Penn’s “Holy Experiment” of Pennsylvania provided the matrix for the historic transformation the abolitionist educator brought about. Indeed, Dr. Chanoff carves out a place for this forgotten American hero as a pioneering figure among those who launched American ideals onto the world stage.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2810</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[56cec504-c5e5-11f0-a534-cb02219c16a6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9054515667.mp3?updated=1763625044" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Can America Still Lead? Foreign Policy in an Age of Division with Joel Rubin</title>
      <description>What happens when America loses its foreign-policy playbook? RBI acting director Eli Karetny talks with veteran diplomat and policy strategist Joel Rubin about the vacuum of strategic vision shaping U.S. decisions from Venezuela to Ukraine to Gaza. Rubin pulls back the curtain on factional battles inside both parties, the dangers of politicizing diplomacy, and why rebuilding a bipartisan foreign-policy consensus may be critical for American leadership in a volatile world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happens when America loses its foreign-policy playbook? RBI acting director Eli Karetny talks with veteran diplomat and policy strategist Joel Rubin about the vacuum of strategic vision shaping U.S. decisions from Venezuela to Ukraine to Gaza. Rubin pulls back the curtain on factional battles inside both parties, the dangers of politicizing diplomacy, and why rebuilding a bipartisan foreign-policy consensus may be critical for American leadership in a volatile world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happens when America loses its foreign-policy playbook? RBI acting director Eli Karetny talks with veteran diplomat and policy strategist Joel Rubin about the vacuum of strategic vision shaping U.S. decisions from Venezuela to Ukraine to Gaza. Rubin pulls back the curtain on factional battles inside both parties, the dangers of politicizing diplomacy, and why rebuilding a bipartisan foreign-policy consensus may be critical for American leadership in a volatile world.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3655</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[59e17f86-c5b1-11f0-bbf9-ef3aa2f81afd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5414235422.mp3?updated=1763602783" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Margaret Grace Myers, "The Fight for Sex Ed: The Century-Long Battle Between Truth and Doctrine" (Beacon Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The US has some of the highest rates of STIs and teen pregnancies in the industrialized world. A comprehensive sex education curriculum—which teaches facts on contraception, prophylactics, consent, and STIs—has been available since the 90s. Yet the majority of states require that sex education stress abstinence, and 22 states do not require sex ed in public schools at all.

In The Fight for Sex Ed: The Century-Long Battle Between Truth and Doctrine (Beacon Press, 2025), writer, advocate, and historian Margaret Grace Myers shows us how we got here. While the earliest calls for sex ed came from a coalition of religious leaders and doctors at the turn of the century who sought to control the prevalence of STIs, the advent of antibiotics and modern condoms meant that abstinence was no longer good public health policy. The religious right, however, continued to frame it as such, using its impressive machinery to replace scientific facts with conservative Christian values.

Because sex ed is not mandated at the federal level, these battles have played out locally throughout the decades: through rigged school boards, administrative oustings, court cases, unjust firings, scare tactics, and threats. Myers also shows how the religious right has worked to narrow the discourse around sex ed, often dictating the terms of debate almost entirely.

What we teach young people has serious ramifications for reproductive justice, LGBTQ+ rights, gender equality, and public health. Sex education lies at the intersection of these hugely important cultural forces, yet it has been largely invisible. This book illuminates its potential—and its power.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The US has some of the highest rates of STIs and teen pregnancies in the industrialized world. A comprehensive sex education curriculum—which teaches facts on contraception, prophylactics, consent, and STIs—has been available since the 90s. Yet the majority of states require that sex education stress abstinence, and 22 states do not require sex ed in public schools at all.

In The Fight for Sex Ed: The Century-Long Battle Between Truth and Doctrine (Beacon Press, 2025), writer, advocate, and historian Margaret Grace Myers shows us how we got here. While the earliest calls for sex ed came from a coalition of religious leaders and doctors at the turn of the century who sought to control the prevalence of STIs, the advent of antibiotics and modern condoms meant that abstinence was no longer good public health policy. The religious right, however, continued to frame it as such, using its impressive machinery to replace scientific facts with conservative Christian values.

Because sex ed is not mandated at the federal level, these battles have played out locally throughout the decades: through rigged school boards, administrative oustings, court cases, unjust firings, scare tactics, and threats. Myers also shows how the religious right has worked to narrow the discourse around sex ed, often dictating the terms of debate almost entirely.

What we teach young people has serious ramifications for reproductive justice, LGBTQ+ rights, gender equality, and public health. Sex education lies at the intersection of these hugely important cultural forces, yet it has been largely invisible. This book illuminates its potential—and its power.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The US has some of the highest rates of STIs and teen pregnancies in the industrialized world. A comprehensive sex education curriculum—which teaches facts on contraception, prophylactics, consent, and STIs—has been available since the 90s. Yet the majority of states require that sex education stress abstinence, and 22 states do not require sex ed in public schools at all.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807008065"><em>The Fight for Sex Ed: The Century-Long Battle Between Truth and Doctrine</em> </a>(Beacon Press, 2025), writer, advocate, and historian Margaret Grace Myers shows us how we got here. While the earliest calls for sex ed came from a coalition of religious leaders and doctors at the turn of the century who sought to control the prevalence of STIs, the advent of antibiotics and modern condoms meant that abstinence was no longer good public health policy. The religious right, however, continued to frame it as such, using its impressive machinery to replace scientific facts with conservative Christian values.</p>
<p>Because sex ed is not mandated at the federal level, these battles have played out locally throughout the decades: through rigged school boards, administrative oustings, court cases, unjust firings, scare tactics, and threats. Myers also shows how the religious right has worked to narrow the discourse around sex ed, often dictating the terms of debate almost entirely.</p>
<p>What we teach young people has serious ramifications for reproductive justice, LGBTQ+ rights, gender equality, and public health. Sex education lies at the intersection of these hugely important cultural forces, yet it has been largely invisible. This book illuminates its potential—and its power.</p>
<p><br><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2348</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Simon Appleford, "Drawing Liberalism: Herblock's Political Cartoons in Postwar America" ﻿(U Virginia Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Drawing Liberalism: Herblock's Political Cartoons in Postwar America ﻿(U Virginia Press, 2023) is the first book-length critical examination of the political and social impact of the political cartoonist Herbert Block--popularly known as Herblock. Working for the Washington Post, Herblock played a central role in shaping, propagandizing, and defending the ideals of postwar liberalism, a normative set of values and assumptions that dominated American politics and culture after World War II.

Best remembered for his unrelenting opposition to and skewering cartoons of Joseph McCarthy and Richard Nixon, Herblock introduced the term "McCarthyism" into the American political lexicon. With its unstinting and unapologetic support for the liberal agenda, across a career spanning over fifty years at the Post, Herblock's work affords a unique lens through which to interpret and understand the shifts and contours of twentieth-century American political culture, from the postwar period through the civil rights era into the Nixon presidency.﻿﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Drawing Liberalism: Herblock's Political Cartoons in Postwar America ﻿(U Virginia Press, 2023) is the first book-length critical examination of the political and social impact of the political cartoonist Herbert Block--popularly known as Herblock. Working for the Washington Post, Herblock played a central role in shaping, propagandizing, and defending the ideals of postwar liberalism, a normative set of values and assumptions that dominated American politics and culture after World War II.

Best remembered for his unrelenting opposition to and skewering cartoons of Joseph McCarthy and Richard Nixon, Herblock introduced the term "McCarthyism" into the American political lexicon. With its unstinting and unapologetic support for the liberal agenda, across a career spanning over fifty years at the Post, Herblock's work affords a unique lens through which to interpret and understand the shifts and contours of twentieth-century American political culture, from the postwar period through the civil rights era into the Nixon presidency.﻿﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813948881">Drawing Liberalism: Herblock's Political Cartoons in Postwar America</a><em> </em>﻿(U Virginia Press, 2023) is the first book-length critical examination of the political and social impact of the political cartoonist Herbert Block--popularly known as Herblock. Working for the <em>Washington Post</em>, Herblock played a central role in shaping, propagandizing, and defending the ideals of postwar liberalism, a normative set of values and assumptions that dominated American politics and culture after World War II.</p>
<p>Best remembered for his unrelenting opposition to and skewering cartoons of Joseph McCarthy and Richard Nixon, Herblock introduced the term "McCarthyism" into the American political lexicon. With its unstinting and unapologetic support for the liberal agenda, across a career spanning over fifty years at the <em>Post</em>, Herblock's work affords a unique lens through which to interpret and understand the shifts and contours of twentieth-century American political culture, from the postwar period through the civil rights era into the Nixon presidency.﻿﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3404</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d920774c-c5ad-11f0-b2bc-1b3e711e8e1a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9767410339.mp3?updated=1763602072" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Buccola, "One Man’s Freedom: Goldwater, King, and the Struggle Over an American Ideal" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>From the acclaimed author of The Fire Is upon Us, the dramatic untold story of Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr.'s decade-long clash over the meaning of freedom--and how their conflicting visions still divide American politics

In the mid-1950s, Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr. emerged as the leaders of two diametrically opposed freedom movements that changed the course of American history--and still divide American politics. King mobilized civil rights activists under the banner of "freedom now," insisting that true freedom would not be realized until all people--regardless of race--were empowered politically, economically, and socially. Goldwater rallied conservatives to the cause of "extremism in defense of liberty," advocating radical individualism. In One Man's Freedom, Nicholas Buccola tells the compelling story of Goldwater and King's dramatic decade-long debate over the meaning of an all-important American ideal.

Part dual biography, part history, One Man's Freedom﻿: Goldwater, King, and the Struggle Over an American Ideal (Princeton UP, 2025)  traces the actions and words of Goldwater and King over a crucial and eventful decade, from their dizzying rise through 1964, which ended with Goldwater's landslide defeat in the presidential election and King's Nobel Peace Prize. The book chronicles why Goldwater and King, who never met in person, came to view each other as perhaps the greatest threat to freedom in America. It explains how their ideas of freedom could be so vastly different, yet both so deeply rooted in American history and their times. And it shows how their disagreement continues to shape and explain politics today, when the bitter divisions between Republicans and Democrats often come down to the question of what kind of freedom Americans want--the one defined by Goldwater or by King?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the acclaimed author of The Fire Is upon Us, the dramatic untold story of Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr.'s decade-long clash over the meaning of freedom--and how their conflicting visions still divide American politics

In the mid-1950s, Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr. emerged as the leaders of two diametrically opposed freedom movements that changed the course of American history--and still divide American politics. King mobilized civil rights activists under the banner of "freedom now," insisting that true freedom would not be realized until all people--regardless of race--were empowered politically, economically, and socially. Goldwater rallied conservatives to the cause of "extremism in defense of liberty," advocating radical individualism. In One Man's Freedom, Nicholas Buccola tells the compelling story of Goldwater and King's dramatic decade-long debate over the meaning of an all-important American ideal.

Part dual biography, part history, One Man's Freedom﻿: Goldwater, King, and the Struggle Over an American Ideal (Princeton UP, 2025)  traces the actions and words of Goldwater and King over a crucial and eventful decade, from their dizzying rise through 1964, which ended with Goldwater's landslide defeat in the presidential election and King's Nobel Peace Prize. The book chronicles why Goldwater and King, who never met in person, came to view each other as perhaps the greatest threat to freedom in America. It explains how their ideas of freedom could be so vastly different, yet both so deeply rooted in American history and their times. And it shows how their disagreement continues to shape and explain politics today, when the bitter divisions between Republicans and Democrats often come down to the question of what kind of freedom Americans want--the one defined by Goldwater or by King?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the acclaimed author of <em>The Fire Is upon Us</em>, the dramatic untold story of Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr.'s decade-long clash over the meaning of freedom--and how their conflicting visions still divide American politics</p>
<p>In the mid-1950s, Barry Goldwater and Martin Luther King Jr. emerged as the leaders of two diametrically opposed freedom movements that changed the course of American history--and still divide American politics. King mobilized civil rights activists under the banner of "freedom now," insisting that true freedom would not be realized until all people--regardless of race--were empowered politically, economically, and socially. Goldwater rallied conservatives to the cause of "extremism in defense of liberty," advocating radical individualism. In <em>One Man's Freedom</em>, Nicholas Buccola tells the compelling story of Goldwater and King's dramatic decade-long debate over the meaning of an all-important American ideal.</p>
<p>Part dual biography, part history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691230306">One Man's Freedom﻿: Goldwater, King, and the Struggle Over an American Ideal</a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025)  traces the actions and words of Goldwater and King over a crucial and eventful decade, from their dizzying rise through 1964, which ended with Goldwater's landslide defeat in the presidential election and King's Nobel Peace Prize. The book chronicles why Goldwater and King, who never met in person, came to view each other as perhaps the greatest threat to freedom in America. It explains how their ideas of freedom could be so vastly different, yet both so deeply rooted in American history and their times. And it shows how their disagreement continues to shape and explain politics today, when the bitter divisions between Republicans and Democrats often come down to the question of what kind of freedom Americans want--the one defined by Goldwater or by King?</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4540</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3307562006.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Emily Winderman, "Back-Alley Abortion: A Rhetorical History (JHU Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>How did three words come to carry the weight of America's abortion debates? In Back-Alley Abortion: A Rhetorical History (JHU Press, 2025), Dr. Emily Winderman examines how this phrase shaped American reproductive politics and health care standards across generations. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book traces the unexpected origins of this rhetoric in urban reform movements, showing how early associations of alleys with sanitation, morality, and criminality created lasting impressions that would later influence abortion discourse.

Dr. Winderman demonstrates how "back-alley abortion" was always more than just descriptive language—it has shaped perceptions of medical legitimacy and clinical spaces. The book reveals how this phrase emerged from racialized and gendered intersections of urban planning, public health, and social reform movements before becoming a rhetoric that anticipated pre–Roe v. Wade criminalized medical encounters. After Roe, back-alley abortion molded public memory through high-profile cases and later became a weaponized tool of anti-abortion activists to restrict access under the guise of sanitary clinical care.

From nineteenth-century urban reformers to contemporary Supreme Court decisions, this study illuminates how three words came to carry the weight of America's most contentious health care debate. In our post-Dobbs era, as states grapple with new restrictions on reproductive rights, understanding the complex history and rhetorical power of "back-alley abortion" has never been more crucial. Drawing on rhetorical theory, reproductive justice theory, and the history of medicine, Back-Alley Abortion offers vital insights into how rhetoric shapes our understanding of medical legitimacy, clinical standards, and health care justice in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did three words come to carry the weight of America's abortion debates? In Back-Alley Abortion: A Rhetorical History (JHU Press, 2025), Dr. Emily Winderman examines how this phrase shaped American reproductive politics and health care standards across generations. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book traces the unexpected origins of this rhetoric in urban reform movements, showing how early associations of alleys with sanitation, morality, and criminality created lasting impressions that would later influence abortion discourse.

Dr. Winderman demonstrates how "back-alley abortion" was always more than just descriptive language—it has shaped perceptions of medical legitimacy and clinical spaces. The book reveals how this phrase emerged from racialized and gendered intersections of urban planning, public health, and social reform movements before becoming a rhetoric that anticipated pre–Roe v. Wade criminalized medical encounters. After Roe, back-alley abortion molded public memory through high-profile cases and later became a weaponized tool of anti-abortion activists to restrict access under the guise of sanitary clinical care.

From nineteenth-century urban reformers to contemporary Supreme Court decisions, this study illuminates how three words came to carry the weight of America's most contentious health care debate. In our post-Dobbs era, as states grapple with new restrictions on reproductive rights, understanding the complex history and rhetorical power of "back-alley abortion" has never been more crucial. Drawing on rhetorical theory, reproductive justice theory, and the history of medicine, Back-Alley Abortion offers vital insights into how rhetoric shapes our understanding of medical legitimacy, clinical standards, and health care justice in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did three words come to carry the weight of America's abortion debates? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421452296">Back-Alley Abortion: A Rhetorical History</a> (JHU Press, 2025), Dr. Emily Winderman examines how this phrase shaped American reproductive politics and health care standards across generations. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book traces the unexpected origins of this rhetoric in urban reform movements, showing how early associations of alleys with sanitation, morality, and criminality created lasting impressions that would later influence abortion discourse.</p>
<p>Dr. Winderman demonstrates how "back-alley abortion" was always more than just descriptive language—it has shaped perceptions of medical legitimacy and clinical spaces. The book reveals how this phrase emerged from racialized and gendered intersections of urban planning, public health, and social reform movements before becoming a rhetoric that anticipated pre–Roe v. Wade criminalized medical encounters. After Roe, back-alley abortion molded public memory through high-profile cases and later became a weaponized tool of anti-abortion activists to restrict access under the guise of sanitary clinical care.</p>
<p>From nineteenth-century urban reformers to contemporary Supreme Court decisions, this study illuminates how three words came to carry the weight of America's most contentious health care debate. In our post-Dobbs era, as states grapple with new restrictions on reproductive rights, understanding the complex history and rhetorical power of "back-alley abortion" has never been more crucial. Drawing on rhetorical theory, reproductive justice theory, and the history of medicine, <em>Back-Alley Abortion</em> offers vital insights into how rhetoric shapes our understanding of medical legitimacy, clinical standards, and health care justice in the United States.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1977</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d5f7e992-c45e-11f0-bc4b-c7afe9a0e879]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5972756334.mp3?updated=1763457434" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On Democracy and Bullshit with Hélène Landemore</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Hélène Landemore, Professor of Political Science at Yale University, about Democracy and Bullshit, with a special focus on her 2020 book, Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century (Princeton University Press, 2020).

Bullshit is a feature of both democracies and dictatorships alike, but it takes different forms. In democracies, while citizens enjoy the freedom of speech and the right to vote, a range of forces often conspire to limit their real power in favor of competing elites. The political and economic elite’s toolkit includes the art of bullshit—the persuasive use of language without regard for truth. Whether meritocratic or populist, elites alike have mastered this form of manipulation, amplified by modern tools of dissemination and authority.

To help us understand the challenges that bullshit poses to democratic citizens, I’m pleased to welcome Hélène Landemore.

Hélène Landemore is a professor of political science at Yale University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/472e7ea8-c321-11f0-9718-3797e0c44462/image/ea2a49c4e9c23e97f5c24000b77ee81a.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Hélène Landemore, Professor of Political Science at Yale University, about Democracy and Bullshit, with a special focus on her 2020 book, Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century (Princeton University Press, 2020).

Bullshit is a feature of both democracies and dictatorships alike, but it takes different forms. In democracies, while citizens enjoy the freedom of speech and the right to vote, a range of forces often conspire to limit their real power in favor of competing elites. The political and economic elite’s toolkit includes the art of bullshit—the persuasive use of language without regard for truth. Whether meritocratic or populist, elites alike have mastered this form of manipulation, amplified by modern tools of dissemination and authority.

To help us understand the challenges that bullshit poses to democratic citizens, I’m pleased to welcome Hélène Landemore.

Hélène Landemore is a professor of political science at Yale University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Hélène Landemore, Professor of Political Science at Yale University, about <em>Democracy and Bullshit,</em> with a special focus on her 2020 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691181998">Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century</a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2020)<em>.</em></p>
<p>Bullshit is a feature of both democracies and dictatorships alike, but it takes different forms. In democracies, while citizens enjoy the freedom of speech and the right to vote, a range of forces often conspire to limit their real power in favor of competing elites. The political and economic elite’s toolkit includes the art of bullshit—the persuasive use of language without regard for truth. Whether meritocratic or populist, elites alike have mastered this form of manipulation, amplified by modern tools of dissemination and authority.</p>
<p>To help us understand the challenges that bullshit poses to democratic citizens, I’m pleased to welcome Hélène Landemore.<br></p>
<p>Hélène Landemore is a professor of political science at Yale University.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3975</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[472e7ea8-c321-11f0-9718-3797e0c44462]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3866773126.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Philip Nash, "Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>Philip Nash's book Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman (Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.
Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”
Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.
Victoria Phillips is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Philip Nash</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Philip Nash's book Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman (Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.
Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”
Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.
Victoria Phillips is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Philip Nash's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367407339"><em>Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.</p><p>Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”</p><p>Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.</p><p><a href="https://www.victoria-phillips.global/"><em>Victoria Phillips</em></a><em> is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8544600163.mp3?updated=1660654843" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lucy Caplan, "Dreaming in Ensemble: How Black Artists Transformed American Opera" (Harvard UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Recently, musicologists and others have started writing about Black participation in opera. Lucy Caplan’s Dreaming in Ensemble: How Black Artists Transformed American Opera (Harvard UP, 2025) is a major new publication on this topic. Caplan examines what she calls a Black operatic counterculture in the US dating from the performance of H. Lawrence Freeman’s first opera, The Martyr, in 1893 until the 1950s. Rather than centering her analysis on opera as a symbol of uplift or on the ways that the operatic establishment excluded Black participation, Caplan thinks about how opera was part of a project of self-fashioning in Black communities. She argues that opera could be one way to answer the question, in the words of Black librettist Karen Chilton, “How do we become ourselves?” Focusing on institutions and networks, while also not ignoring influential figures, Caplan delves into the rich history of Black opera through numerous points of entry. This is not a strictly chronological retelling of a few, already well-known operatic “firsts.” Instead, Caplan writes about everything from critics to short-lived opera companies, from celebrities to supernumeraries, and recreates this previously untold complex and multifaceted operatic legacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Recently, musicologists and others have started writing about Black participation in opera. Lucy Caplan’s Dreaming in Ensemble: How Black Artists Transformed American Opera (Harvard UP, 2025) is a major new publication on this topic. Caplan examines what she calls a Black operatic counterculture in the US dating from the performance of H. Lawrence Freeman’s first opera, The Martyr, in 1893 until the 1950s. Rather than centering her analysis on opera as a symbol of uplift or on the ways that the operatic establishment excluded Black participation, Caplan thinks about how opera was part of a project of self-fashioning in Black communities. She argues that opera could be one way to answer the question, in the words of Black librettist Karen Chilton, “How do we become ourselves?” Focusing on institutions and networks, while also not ignoring influential figures, Caplan delves into the rich history of Black opera through numerous points of entry. This is not a strictly chronological retelling of a few, already well-known operatic “firsts.” Instead, Caplan writes about everything from critics to short-lived opera companies, from celebrities to supernumeraries, and recreates this previously untold complex and multifaceted operatic legacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Recently, musicologists and others have started writing about Black participation in opera. Lucy Caplan’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674268517">Dreaming in Ensemble: How Black Artists Transformed American Opera</a><em> </em>(Harvard UP, 2025) is a major new publication on this topic. Caplan examines what she calls a Black operatic counterculture in the US dating from the performance of H. Lawrence Freeman’s first opera, <em>The Martyr</em>, in 1893 until the 1950s. Rather than centering her analysis on opera as a symbol of uplift or on the ways that the operatic establishment excluded Black participation, Caplan thinks about how opera was part of a project of self-fashioning in Black communities. She argues that opera could be one way to answer the question, in the words of Black librettist Karen Chilton, “How do we become ourselves?” Focusing on institutions and networks, while also not ignoring influential figures, Caplan delves into the rich history of Black opera through numerous points of entry. This is not a strictly chronological retelling of a few, already well-known operatic “firsts.” Instead, Caplan writes about everything from critics to short-lived opera companies, from celebrities to supernumeraries, and recreates this previously untold complex and multifaceted operatic legacy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3599</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bc3d2210-c062-11f0-8a90-b7c7ab5654ad]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9743039150.mp3?updated=1763019171" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Miranda S. Spivack, "Backroom Deals in Our Backyards: How Government Secrecy Harms Our Communities and the Local Heroes Fighting Back" (The New Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Winner of the Studs and Ida Terkel Prize

A groundbreaking look at how ordinary people are fighting back against their local and state governments to keep their communities safe, by an award-winning journalist﻿﻿

Most Americans are likely to encounter the effects of government malfeasance or neglect close to home—from their governors, mayors, town councils, school boards, police, and prosecutors. In fact, deals shrouded in darkness are regularly made at the state and local levels, often the result of closed-door discussions between governments and industry without any scrutiny whatsoever from the public. Too often, as this groundbreaking new work of investigative reporting reveals, residents are intentionally kept on the outside, struggling to get information about significant issues affecting their communities—from car crashes and dirty drinking water, to failing safety gear—until the backroom deals are done and it’s too late to challenge them.

A work of riveting narrative nonfiction based on years of original reporting, Backroom Deals in Our Backyards: How Government Secrecy Harms Our Communities and the Local Heroes Fighting Back (The New Press, 2025) tells the story of five “accidental activists”—people from across the United States who started questioning why their local and state governments didn’t protect them from issues facing their communities and why there was a frightening lack of transparency surrounding the way these issues were resolved. The secret deals, lies, and corruption they uncover shake their faith in government but move them to action.

For readers of Chain of Title and Superman’s Not Coming, Spivack’s revealing take on a hidden dimension of American politics will outrage and educate anyone who cares about the forces shaping their own communities.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Winner of the Studs and Ida Terkel Prize

A groundbreaking look at how ordinary people are fighting back against their local and state governments to keep their communities safe, by an award-winning journalist﻿﻿

Most Americans are likely to encounter the effects of government malfeasance or neglect close to home—from their governors, mayors, town councils, school boards, police, and prosecutors. In fact, deals shrouded in darkness are regularly made at the state and local levels, often the result of closed-door discussions between governments and industry without any scrutiny whatsoever from the public. Too often, as this groundbreaking new work of investigative reporting reveals, residents are intentionally kept on the outside, struggling to get information about significant issues affecting their communities—from car crashes and dirty drinking water, to failing safety gear—until the backroom deals are done and it’s too late to challenge them.

A work of riveting narrative nonfiction based on years of original reporting, Backroom Deals in Our Backyards: How Government Secrecy Harms Our Communities and the Local Heroes Fighting Back (The New Press, 2025) tells the story of five “accidental activists”—people from across the United States who started questioning why their local and state governments didn’t protect them from issues facing their communities and why there was a frightening lack of transparency surrounding the way these issues were resolved. The secret deals, lies, and corruption they uncover shake their faith in government but move them to action.

For readers of Chain of Title and Superman’s Not Coming, Spivack’s revealing take on a hidden dimension of American politics will outrage and educate anyone who cares about the forces shaping their own communities.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Winner of the Studs and Ida Terkel Prize</p>
<p>A groundbreaking look at how ordinary people are fighting back against their local and state governments to keep their communities safe, by an award-winning journalist﻿﻿</p>
<p>Most Americans are likely to encounter the effects of government malfeasance or neglect close to home—from their governors, mayors, town councils, school boards, police, and prosecutors. In fact, deals shrouded in darkness are regularly made at the state and local levels, often the result of closed-door discussions between governments and industry without any scrutiny whatsoever from the public. Too often, as this groundbreaking new work of investigative reporting reveals, residents are intentionally kept on the outside, struggling to get information about significant issues affecting their communities—from car crashes and dirty drinking water, to failing safety gear—until the backroom deals are done and it’s too late to challenge them.</p>
<p>A work of riveting narrative nonfiction based on years of original reporting, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620979341">Backroom Deals in Our Backyards: How Government Secrecy Harms Our Communities and the Local Heroes Fighting Back</a><em> </em>(The New Press, 2025) tells the story of five “accidental activists”—people from across the United States who started questioning why their local and state governments didn’t protect them from issues facing their communities and why there was a frightening lack of transparency surrounding the way these issues were resolved. The secret deals, lies, and corruption they uncover shake their faith in government but move them to action.</p>
<p>For readers of <em>Chain of Title</em> and <em>Superman’s Not Coming</em>, Spivack’s revealing take on a hidden dimension of American politics will outrage and educate anyone who cares about the forces shaping their own communities.﻿<br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2692</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David T. Beito, "FDR: A New Political Life" (Open Universe, 2025)</title>
      <description>David Beito's new book brings to bear the latest historical scholarship to shed light on the life and achievements of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Professor Beito traces the irresistible political rise of Roosevelt, a scion of inherited wealth who never posed as a man of the people but was always perceived as a genial aristocrat. As well as eyebrow-raising disclosures on FDR's private life, Beito's narrative brings out Roosevelt's ruthless opportunism, and his susceptibility to all the prejudicial views fashionable at the time, on race, sex, nationalism, and economics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 07 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>222</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>David Beito's new book brings to bear the latest historical scholarship to shed light on the life and achievements of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Professor Beito traces the irresistible political rise of Roosevelt, a scion of inherited wealth who never posed as a man of the people but was always perceived as a genial aristocrat. As well as eyebrow-raising disclosures on FDR's private life, Beito's narrative brings out Roosevelt's ruthless opportunism, and his susceptibility to all the prejudicial views fashionable at the time, on race, sex, nationalism, and economics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>David Beito's new book brings to bear the latest historical scholarship to shed light on the life and achievements of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Professor Beito traces the irresistible political rise of Roosevelt, a scion of inherited wealth who never posed as a man of the people but was always perceived as a genial aristocrat. As well as eyebrow-raising disclosures on FDR's private life, Beito's narrative brings out Roosevelt's ruthless opportunism, and his susceptibility to all the prejudicial views fashionable at the time, on race, sex, nationalism, and economics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1944</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[da40a5e0-bb3d-11f0-a520-63edfe502717]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6910644176.mp3?updated=1762454038" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Diane T. Feldman, "Borrowed Land, Stolen Labor, and the Holy Spirit: The Struggle for Power and Equality in Holmes County, Mississippi" (UP of Mississippi, 2025)</title>
      <description>Borrowed Land, Stolen Labor, and the Holy Spirit: The Struggle for Power and Equality in Holmes County, Mississippi (UP Mississippi, 2025) chronicles the profound history of a low-income county that became a pivotal site for Delta organizing during the civil rights movement. Landowning African American farmers, who enjoyed more economic independence than sharecroppers, emerged as the grassroots leaders of the movement.

The volume begins with the county’s Native American heritage, moving through the periods of removal, land sales to speculators, the rapid increase of enslaved labor in the nineteenth century, and early African American political engagement during Reconstruction. Author Diane T. Feldman explores how African Americans fostered cooperative landownership efforts in the 1880s and 1920s, alongside the development of schools and churches, particularly the Church of God in Christ, a denomination founded in Holmes County. The fight for voting rights started with African American farmers in the 1950s and gained momentum with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s. Their struggle to desegregate schools culminated in the landmark Supreme Court case Alexander v. Holmes, which abolished dual school systems in the South.

The final chapters cover the past sixty years and current initiatives to restore food production in the Mississippi Delta. Enriched with recent and historic photographs, this volume serves as a microhistory of a single county, illuminating broader themes prevalent throughout Mississippi and the rural South.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>72</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Borrowed Land, Stolen Labor, and the Holy Spirit: The Struggle for Power and Equality in Holmes County, Mississippi (UP Mississippi, 2025) chronicles the profound history of a low-income county that became a pivotal site for Delta organizing during the civil rights movement. Landowning African American farmers, who enjoyed more economic independence than sharecroppers, emerged as the grassroots leaders of the movement.

The volume begins with the county’s Native American heritage, moving through the periods of removal, land sales to speculators, the rapid increase of enslaved labor in the nineteenth century, and early African American political engagement during Reconstruction. Author Diane T. Feldman explores how African Americans fostered cooperative landownership efforts in the 1880s and 1920s, alongside the development of schools and churches, particularly the Church of God in Christ, a denomination founded in Holmes County. The fight for voting rights started with African American farmers in the 1950s and gained momentum with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s. Their struggle to desegregate schools culminated in the landmark Supreme Court case Alexander v. Holmes, which abolished dual school systems in the South.

The final chapters cover the past sixty years and current initiatives to restore food production in the Mississippi Delta. Enriched with recent and historic photographs, this volume serves as a microhistory of a single county, illuminating broader themes prevalent throughout Mississippi and the rural South.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496857460">Borrowed Land, Stolen Labor, and the Holy Spirit: The Struggle for Power and Equality in Holmes County, Mississippi</a><em> </em>(UP Mississippi, 2025) chronicles the profound history of a low-income county that became a pivotal site for Delta organizing during the civil rights movement. Landowning African American farmers, who enjoyed more economic independence than sharecroppers, emerged as the grassroots leaders of the movement.</p>
<p>The volume begins with the county’s Native American heritage, moving through the periods of removal, land sales to speculators, the rapid increase of enslaved labor in the nineteenth century, and early African American political engagement during Reconstruction. Author Diane T. Feldman explores how African Americans fostered cooperative landownership efforts in the 1880s and 1920s, alongside the development of schools and churches, particularly the Church of God in Christ, a denomination founded in Holmes County. The fight for voting rights started with African American farmers in the 1950s and gained momentum with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the 1960s. Their struggle to desegregate schools culminated in the landmark Supreme Court case <em>Alexander v. Holmes</em>, which abolished dual school systems in the South.</p>
<p>The final chapters cover the past sixty years and current initiatives to restore food production in the Mississippi Delta. Enriched with recent and historic photographs, this volume serves as a microhistory of a single county, illuminating broader themes prevalent throughout Mississippi and the rural South.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3909</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>House of Diggs: The Rise and Fall of America’s Most Consequential Black Congressman, Charles C. Diggs Jr.</title>
      <description>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922–1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan’s first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till’s killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s.

Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs’s rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Dr. Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Dr. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson—two of Diggs’s better-known Black contemporaries. Vividly written and deeply researched, House of Diggs is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, House of Diggs restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.

Our guest is: Dr. Marion Orr, who is the inaugural Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Political Science and Urban Studies at Brown University. He specializes in urban politics, race and ethnic politics, and African-American politics.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who produces the Academic Life podcast. She is a dissertation and grad student coach, and a developmental editor for humanities scholars at all stages of their careers. She writes the Academic Life Newsletter at ChristinaGessler.Substack.Com.

Playlist for listeners:

The End of White Politics

The Vice-President's Black Wife

No Common Ground

The Social Constructions of Race

Smithsonian American Women

The First and Last King of Haiti

Of Bears and Ballots

Never Caught

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And get free bonus content HERE.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922–1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan’s first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till’s killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s.

Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs’s rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Dr. Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Dr. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson—two of Diggs’s better-known Black contemporaries. Vividly written and deeply researched, House of Diggs is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, House of Diggs restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.

Our guest is: Dr. Marion Orr, who is the inaugural Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Political Science and Urban Studies at Brown University. He specializes in urban politics, race and ethnic politics, and African-American politics.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who produces the Academic Life podcast. She is a dissertation and grad student coach, and a developmental editor for humanities scholars at all stages of their careers. She writes the Academic Life Newsletter at ChristinaGessler.Substack.Com.

Playlist for listeners:

The End of White Politics

The Vice-President's Black Wife

No Common Ground

The Social Constructions of Race

Smithsonian American Women

The First and Last King of Haiti

Of Bears and Ballots

Never Caught

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And get free bonus content HERE.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922–1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan’s first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till’s killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s.</p>
<p>Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs’s rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Dr. Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Dr. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson—two of Diggs’s better-known Black contemporaries. Vividly written and deeply researched, <em>House of Diggs</em> is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, <em>House of Diggs</em> restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.</p>
<p>Our guest is: Dr. Marion Orr, who is the inaugural Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and Professor of Political Science and Urban Studies at Brown University. He specializes in urban politics, race and ethnic politics, and African-American politics.</p>
<p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who produces the Academic Life podcast. She is a dissertation and grad student coach, and a developmental editor for humanities scholars at all stages of their careers. She writes the Academic Life Newsletter at <a href="https://christinagessler.substack.com/">ChristinaGessler.Substack.Com.</a></p>
<p>Playlist for listeners:</p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-end-of-white-politics-how-to-heal-our-liberal-divide#entry:347905@1:url">The End of White Politics</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-vice-presidents-black-wife-the-untold-life-of-julia-chinn#entry:377076@1:url">The Vice-President's Black Wife</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/no-common-ground#entry:392015@1:url">No Common Ground</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-social-constructions-of-race-a-discussion-with-brigette-fielder#entry:71281@1:url">The Social Constructions of Race</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/considering-museum-work-a-conversation-with-curators-from-the-smithsonian#entry:140933@1:url">Smithsonian American Women</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/he-first-and-last-king-of-haiti-the-rise-and-fall-of-henry-christophe#entry:372054@1:url">The First and Last King of Haiti</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/studying-the-pipeline-to-politics-for-women#entry:226734@1:url">Of Bears and Ballots</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/reclaiming-lost-voices-and-recovering-history-a-discussion-with-erica-armstrong-dunbar#entry:71808@1:url">Never Caught</a></p>
<p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And get free bonus content <a href="https://christinagessler.substack.com/">HERE.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3313</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5904568814.mp3?updated=1762297269" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jack B. Greenberg and John A. Dearborn, "Congressional Expectations of Presidential Self-Restraint" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Jack Greenberg (Yale University) and John Dearborn (Vanderbilt University) have a new book that focuses on the idea of presidential self-restraint and the ways in which the U.S. Congress has tried to design Executive positions with an eye towards making real this dimension of presidential norms. The concept of presidential self-restraint is a component of how the president uses his/her executive powers: that the president has a certain expanse of power and chooses, based on a variety of reasons or outcomes, to husband some of that power, or restrain its use. Because presidential self-restraint is particularly hard to divine, especially in how presidents think about the execution of their powers, Greenberg and Dearborn turned to congressional considerations that essentially take into account this idea. Congress has spent quite a lot of time over the past fifty years (since Watergate) in designing appointed positions within the Executive branch in such a way as to flesh out a kind of restraint on the president’s part. In so doing, Congress has attempted different means to insulate individuals/positions from potential abuse by a president.

Congressional Expectations of Presidential Self-Restraint integrates a number of case studies of congressional action on presidential appointments to examine this push and pull between the legislative and executive branches. As the issue of self-restraint has become more pressing, Greenberg and Dearborn sketch out three foundational shifts that provides the framework for the way that Congress has tried to insulate executive positions, and the ways in which Congress has acknowledged the tension around depending on presidential self-restraint. The issues of political polarization, especially as demonstrated by congressional co-partisans with the president, the Supreme Court’s growing commitment to constitutional formalism and unilateralism in the Executive, and Congress’s unwillingness to defend its own powers and assert those powers all contribute to this conundrum of a reliance on presidential self-restraint that is often caught up in an expansion of the use of executive powers. The case studies provided demonstrate this conundrum and help us to see just how Congress tried to structure self-restraint into a number of different appointments and how presidents have tried to work around those constraints, some more successfully than others.

This is a brief but complex analysis of the current dynamic between the president and Article II powers, the U.S. Congress’s evaporating powers, and the Supreme Court’s complicit role in fortifying an expansive understanding of presidential power.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>787</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Jack Greenberg (Yale University) and John Dearborn (Vanderbilt University) have a new book that focuses on the idea of presidential self-restraint and the ways in which the U.S. Congress has tried to design Executive positions with an eye towards making real this dimension of presidential norms. The concept of presidential self-restraint is a component of how the president uses his/her executive powers: that the president has a certain expanse of power and chooses, based on a variety of reasons or outcomes, to husband some of that power, or restrain its use. Because presidential self-restraint is particularly hard to divine, especially in how presidents think about the execution of their powers, Greenberg and Dearborn turned to congressional considerations that essentially take into account this idea. Congress has spent quite a lot of time over the past fifty years (since Watergate) in designing appointed positions within the Executive branch in such a way as to flesh out a kind of restraint on the president’s part. In so doing, Congress has attempted different means to insulate individuals/positions from potential abuse by a president.

Congressional Expectations of Presidential Self-Restraint integrates a number of case studies of congressional action on presidential appointments to examine this push and pull between the legislative and executive branches. As the issue of self-restraint has become more pressing, Greenberg and Dearborn sketch out three foundational shifts that provides the framework for the way that Congress has tried to insulate executive positions, and the ways in which Congress has acknowledged the tension around depending on presidential self-restraint. The issues of political polarization, especially as demonstrated by congressional co-partisans with the president, the Supreme Court’s growing commitment to constitutional formalism and unilateralism in the Executive, and Congress’s unwillingness to defend its own powers and assert those powers all contribute to this conundrum of a reliance on presidential self-restraint that is often caught up in an expansion of the use of executive powers. The case studies provided demonstrate this conundrum and help us to see just how Congress tried to structure self-restraint into a number of different appointments and how presidents have tried to work around those constraints, some more successfully than others.

This is a brief but complex analysis of the current dynamic between the president and Article II powers, the U.S. Congress’s evaporating powers, and the Supreme Court’s complicit role in fortifying an expansive understanding of presidential power.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Saga (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Jack Greenberg (Yale University) and John Dearborn (Vanderbilt University) have a new book that focuses on the idea of presidential self-restraint and the ways in which the U.S. Congress has tried to design Executive positions with an eye towards making real this dimension of presidential norms. The concept of presidential self-restraint is a component of how the president uses his/her executive powers: that the president has a certain expanse of power and chooses, based on a variety of reasons or outcomes, to husband some of that power, or restrain its use. Because presidential self-restraint is particularly hard to divine, especially in how presidents think about the execution of their powers, Greenberg and Dearborn turned to congressional considerations that essentially take into account this idea. Congress has spent quite a lot of time over the past fifty years (since Watergate) in designing appointed positions within the Executive branch in such a way as to flesh out a kind of restraint on the president’s part. In so doing, Congress has attempted different means to insulate individuals/positions from potential abuse by a president.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/us/universitypress/subjects/politics-international-relations/american-government-politics-and-policy/congressional-expectations-presidential-self-restraint?format=PB">Congressional Expectations of Presidential Self-Restraint</a> integrates a number of case studies of congressional action on presidential appointments to examine this push and pull between the legislative and executive branches. As the issue of self-restraint has become more pressing, Greenberg and Dearborn sketch out three foundational shifts that provides the framework for the way that Congress has tried to insulate executive positions, and the ways in which Congress has acknowledged the tension around depending on presidential self-restraint. The issues of political polarization, especially as demonstrated by congressional co-partisans with the president, the Supreme Court’s growing commitment to constitutional formalism and unilateralism in the Executive, and Congress’s unwillingness to defend its own powers and assert those powers all contribute to this conundrum of a reliance on presidential self-restraint that is often caught up in an expansion of the use of executive powers. The case studies provided demonstrate this conundrum and help us to see just how Congress tried to structure self-restraint into a number of different appointments and how presidents have tried to work around those constraints, some more successfully than others.</p>
<p>This is a brief but complex analysis of the current dynamic between the president and Article II powers, the U.S. Congress’s evaporating powers, and the Supreme Court’s complicit role in fortifying an expansive understanding of presidential power.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/">The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</a><u><em> Volume I: The Infinity Saga</em></u><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022) and </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/">The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume II: Into the Multiverse</a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2025) as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a82e139c-b9c3-11f0-a436-a3be0239178c]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carol Mason, "From the Clinics to the Capitol: How Opposing Abortion Became Insurrectionary" (U California Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Antiabortion stories, images, and policies have primed Americans to embrace attitudes and politics once deemed extreme. Abroad, US antiabortion tactics, personnel, and funds have contributed to a global rise of the Right.From the Clinics to the Capitol: How Opposing Abortion Became Insurrectionary (University of California Press, 2025) is a scholar’s story of why and how abortion foes join other militants in waging war against the federal government. Reflecting on her thirty years of analyzing the intersections of race, reproduction, and right-wing movements, Carol Mason examines primary antiabortion sources that influenced political currents of the last fifty years. From Cold War conspiracism and apocalyptic fundamentalism to anti-statist terrorism, Tea Party populism, and MAGA insurrection, opposing abortion has come to imperil democracy worldwide.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Antiabortion stories, images, and policies have primed Americans to embrace attitudes and politics once deemed extreme. Abroad, US antiabortion tactics, personnel, and funds have contributed to a global rise of the Right.From the Clinics to the Capitol: How Opposing Abortion Became Insurrectionary (University of California Press, 2025) is a scholar’s story of why and how abortion foes join other militants in waging war against the federal government. Reflecting on her thirty years of analyzing the intersections of race, reproduction, and right-wing movements, Carol Mason examines primary antiabortion sources that influenced political currents of the last fifty years. From Cold War conspiracism and apocalyptic fundamentalism to anti-statist terrorism, Tea Party populism, and MAGA insurrection, opposing abortion has come to imperil democracy worldwide.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Antiabortion stories, images, and policies have primed Americans to embrace attitudes and politics once deemed extreme. Abroad, US antiabortion tactics, personnel, and funds have contributed to a global rise of the Right.<br><em>From the Clinics to the Capitol: How Opposing Abortion Became Insurrectionary </em>(University of California Press, 2025) is a scholar’s story of why and how abortion foes join other militants in waging war against the federal government. Reflecting on her thirty years of analyzing the intersections of race, reproduction, and right-wing movements, Carol Mason examines primary antiabortion sources that influenced political currents of the last fifty years. From Cold War conspiracism and apocalyptic fundamentalism to anti-statist terrorism, Tea Party populism, and MAGA insurrection, opposing abortion has come to imperil democracy worldwide.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7026ca30-b9a9-11f0-9113-9fb4f0a7b58d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2828977601.mp3?updated=1762280531" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Linda Upham-Bornstein, "'Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender': Taxpayers’ Associations, Pocketbook Politics, and the Law during the Great Depression" (Temple UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>During the Great Depression, the proliferation of local taxpayers’ associations was dramatic and unprecedented. The justly concerned members of these organizations examined the operations of state, city, and county governments, then pressed local officials for operational and fiscal reforms. These associations aimed to reduce the cost of state and local governments to make operations more efficient and less expensive.

"Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender": Taxpayers’ Associations, Pocketbook Politics, and the Law during the Great Depression (Temple UP, 2023) by Dr. Linda Upham-Bornstein presents a comprehensive overview of these grassroots taxpayers’ leagues beginning in the 1860s and shows how they evolved during their heyday in the 1930s. Dr. Upham-Bornstein chronicles the ways these taxpayers associations organized as well as the tools they used—constructive economy, political efforts, tax strikes, and tax revolt through litigation—to achieve their objectives.

Taxpayer activity was a direct consequence of—and a response to—the economic crisis of the Great Depression and the expansion of the size and scope of government. “Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender” connects collective tax resistance in the 1930s to the populist tradition in American politics and to other broad impulses in American political and legal history.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 02 Nov 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>During the Great Depression, the proliferation of local taxpayers’ associations was dramatic and unprecedented. The justly concerned members of these organizations examined the operations of state, city, and county governments, then pressed local officials for operational and fiscal reforms. These associations aimed to reduce the cost of state and local governments to make operations more efficient and less expensive.

"Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender": Taxpayers’ Associations, Pocketbook Politics, and the Law during the Great Depression (Temple UP, 2023) by Dr. Linda Upham-Bornstein presents a comprehensive overview of these grassroots taxpayers’ leagues beginning in the 1860s and shows how they evolved during their heyday in the 1930s. Dr. Upham-Bornstein chronicles the ways these taxpayers associations organized as well as the tools they used—constructive economy, political efforts, tax strikes, and tax revolt through litigation—to achieve their objectives.

Taxpayer activity was a direct consequence of—and a response to—the economic crisis of the Great Depression and the expansion of the size and scope of government. “Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender” connects collective tax resistance in the 1930s to the populist tradition in American politics and to other broad impulses in American political and legal history.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>During the Great Depression, the proliferation of local taxpayers’ associations was dramatic and unprecedented. The justly concerned members of these organizations examined the operations of state, city, and county governments, then pressed local officials for operational and fiscal reforms. These associations aimed to reduce the cost of state and local governments to make operations more efficient and less expensive.</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439923740">"Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender": Taxpayers’ Associations, Pocketbook Politics, and the Law during the Great Depression</a> (Temple UP, 2023) by Dr. Linda Upham-Bornstein presents a comprehensive overview of these grassroots taxpayers’ leagues beginning in the 1860s and shows how they evolved during their heyday in the 1930s. Dr. Upham-Bornstein chronicles the ways these taxpayers associations organized as well as the tools they used—constructive economy, political efforts, tax strikes, and tax revolt through litigation—to achieve their objectives.</p>
<p>Taxpayer activity was a direct consequence of—and a response to—the economic crisis of the Great Depression and the expansion of the size and scope of government. <em>“Mr. Taxpayer versus Mr. Tax Spender”</em> connects collective tax resistance in the 1930s to the populist tradition in American politics and to other broad impulses in American political and legal history.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2745</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e657a57e-b604-11f0-aa25-470aef21ecf2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8429374367.mp3?updated=1761879510" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rachel Myrick, "Polarization and International Politics: How Extreme Partisanship Threatens Global Stability" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Polarization is a defining feature of politics in the United States and many other democracies. Yet although there is much research focusing on the effects of polarization on domestic politics, little is known about how polarization influences international cooperation and conflict. Democracies are thought to have advantages over nondemocratic nations in international relations, including the ability to keep foreign policy stable across time, credibly signal information to adversaries, and maintain commitments to allies. Does domestic polarization affect these “democratic advantages”? These are the questions that Rachel Myrick tackles in her new book, “Polarization and International Politics: How Extreme Partisanship Threatens Global Stability” (Princeton UP, 2025)

In this timely book, Myrick argues that polarization reshapes the nature of constraints on democratic leaders, which in turn erodes the advantages democracies have in foreign affairs. Drawing on a range of evidence, including cross-national analyses, observational and experimental public opinion research, descriptive data on the behavior of politicians, and interviews with policymakers, Myrick develops metrics that explain the effect of extreme polarization on international politics and traces the pathways by which polarization undermines each of the democratic advantages.

Turning to the case of contemporary US foreign policy, Myrick shows that as its political leaders become less responsive to the public and less accountable to political opposition, the United States loses both reliability as an ally and credibility as an adversary. Myrick’s account links the effects of polarization on democratic governance to theories of international relations, integrating work across the fields of international relations, comparative politics, and American politics to explore how patterns of domestic polarization shape the international system.

Our guest is Rachel Myrick, the Douglas &amp; Ellen Lowey Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Nov 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Polarization is a defining feature of politics in the United States and many other democracies. Yet although there is much research focusing on the effects of polarization on domestic politics, little is known about how polarization influences international cooperation and conflict. Democracies are thought to have advantages over nondemocratic nations in international relations, including the ability to keep foreign policy stable across time, credibly signal information to adversaries, and maintain commitments to allies. Does domestic polarization affect these “democratic advantages”? These are the questions that Rachel Myrick tackles in her new book, “Polarization and International Politics: How Extreme Partisanship Threatens Global Stability” (Princeton UP, 2025)

In this timely book, Myrick argues that polarization reshapes the nature of constraints on democratic leaders, which in turn erodes the advantages democracies have in foreign affairs. Drawing on a range of evidence, including cross-national analyses, observational and experimental public opinion research, descriptive data on the behavior of politicians, and interviews with policymakers, Myrick develops metrics that explain the effect of extreme polarization on international politics and traces the pathways by which polarization undermines each of the democratic advantages.

Turning to the case of contemporary US foreign policy, Myrick shows that as its political leaders become less responsive to the public and less accountable to political opposition, the United States loses both reliability as an ally and credibility as an adversary. Myrick’s account links the effects of polarization on democratic governance to theories of international relations, integrating work across the fields of international relations, comparative politics, and American politics to explore how patterns of domestic polarization shape the international system.

Our guest is Rachel Myrick, the Douglas &amp; Ellen Lowey Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Polarization is a defining feature of politics in the United States and many other democracies. Yet although there is much research focusing on the effects of polarization on domestic politics, little is known about how polarization influences international cooperation and conflict. Democracies are thought to have advantages over nondemocratic nations in international relations, including the ability to keep foreign policy stable across time, credibly signal information to adversaries, and maintain commitments to allies. Does domestic polarization affect these “democratic advantages”? These are the questions that Rachel Myrick tackles in her new book, “<a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/polarization-and-international-politics-how-extreme-partisanship-threatens-global-stability-rachel-myrick/b74a28fb69a763b8?ean=9780691274621&amp;next=t">Polarization and International Politics: How Extreme Partisanship Threatens Global Stability</a>” (Princeton UP, 2025)</p>
<p>In this timely book, Myrick argues that polarization reshapes the nature of constraints on democratic leaders, which in turn erodes the advantages democracies have in foreign affairs. Drawing on a range of evidence, including cross-national analyses, observational and experimental public opinion research, descriptive data on the behavior of politicians, and interviews with policymakers, Myrick develops metrics that explain the effect of extreme polarization on international politics and traces the pathways by which polarization undermines each of the democratic advantages.</p>
<p>Turning to the case of contemporary US foreign policy, Myrick shows that as its political leaders become less responsive to the public and less accountable to political opposition, the United States loses both reliability as an ally and credibility as an adversary. Myrick’s account links the effects of polarization on democratic governance to theories of international relations, integrating work across the fields of international relations, comparative politics, and American politics to explore how patterns of domestic polarization shape the international system.</p>
<p>Our guest is <a href="https://www.rachelmyrick.com/">Rachel Myrick</a>, the Douglas &amp; Ellen Lowey Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University.</p>
<p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1552</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f2340242-b565-11f0-a26a-c3916bd2b01b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7634032346.mp3?updated=1761810932" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rob Wells, "The Insider: How the Kiplinger Newsletter Bridged Washington and Wall Street" (U Massachusetts Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>When Willard M. Kiplinger launched the groundbreaking Kiplinger Washington Letter in 1923, he left the sidelines of traditional journalism to strike out on his own. With a specialized knowledge of finance and close connections to top Washington officials, Kiplinger was uniquely positioned to tell deeper truths about the intersections between government and business. With careful reporting and insider access, he delivered perceptive analysis and forecasts of business, economic, and political news to busy business executives, and the newsletter's readership grew exponentially over the coming decades. More than just a pioneering business journalist, Kiplinger emerged as a quiet but powerful link between the worlds of Presidents Hoover and Roosevelt, and used his Letter to play a little-known but influential role in the New Deal. Part journalism history, part biography, and part democratic chronicle, The Insider: How the Kiplinger Newsletter Bridged Washington and Wall Street (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) offers a well-written and deeply researched portrayal of how Kiplinger not only developed a widely read newsletter that launched a business publishing empire but also how he forged a new role for the journalist as political actor."

Rob Wells is is visiting associate professor at the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland.

Kavya Sarathy is a Linguistics student at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and a Marketing Intern for the University of Massachusetts Press. She is currently a political Staff Writer at The Massachusetts Daily Collegian.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Willard M. Kiplinger launched the groundbreaking Kiplinger Washington Letter in 1923, he left the sidelines of traditional journalism to strike out on his own. With a specialized knowledge of finance and close connections to top Washington officials, Kiplinger was uniquely positioned to tell deeper truths about the intersections between government and business. With careful reporting and insider access, he delivered perceptive analysis and forecasts of business, economic, and political news to busy business executives, and the newsletter's readership grew exponentially over the coming decades. More than just a pioneering business journalist, Kiplinger emerged as a quiet but powerful link between the worlds of Presidents Hoover and Roosevelt, and used his Letter to play a little-known but influential role in the New Deal. Part journalism history, part biography, and part democratic chronicle, The Insider: How the Kiplinger Newsletter Bridged Washington and Wall Street (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) offers a well-written and deeply researched portrayal of how Kiplinger not only developed a widely read newsletter that launched a business publishing empire but also how he forged a new role for the journalist as political actor."

Rob Wells is is visiting associate professor at the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland.

Kavya Sarathy is a Linguistics student at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and a Marketing Intern for the University of Massachusetts Press. She is currently a political Staff Writer at The Massachusetts Daily Collegian.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Willard M. Kiplinger launched the groundbreaking Kiplinger Washington Letter in 1923, he left the sidelines of traditional journalism to strike out on his own. With a specialized knowledge of finance and close connections to top Washington officials, Kiplinger was uniquely positioned to tell deeper truths about the intersections between government and business. With careful reporting and insider access, he delivered perceptive analysis and forecasts of business, economic, and political news to busy business executives, and the newsletter's readership grew exponentially over the coming decades. More than just a pioneering business journalist, Kiplinger emerged as a quiet but powerful link between the worlds of Presidents Hoover and Roosevelt, and used his Letter to play a little-known but influential role in the New Deal. Part journalism history, part biography, and part democratic chronicle, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625347039">The Insider: How the Kiplinger Newsletter Bridged Washington and Wall Street</a> (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) offers a well-written and deeply researched portrayal of how Kiplinger not only developed a widely read newsletter that launched a business publishing empire but also how he forged a new role for the journalist as political actor."</p>
<p>Rob Wells is is visiting associate professor at the Philip Merrill College of Journalism at the University of Maryland.</p>
<p><em>Kavya Sarathy is a Linguistics student at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and a Marketing Intern for the University of Massachusetts Press. She is currently a political Staff Writer at The Massachusetts Daily Collegian.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1407</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5b800c6c-b513-11f0-8a23-bf70d3b23c1d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2709161485.mp3?updated=1761775809" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Diane Ravitch, "An Education: How I Changed My Mind About Schools and Almost Everything Else" (Columbia UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>For many years, Diane Ravitch was among the country’s leading conservative thinkers on education. The cure for what ailed the school system was clear, she believed: high-stakes standardized testing, national standards, accountability, competition, charters, and vouchers. Then Ravitch saw what happened when these ideas were put into practice and recanted her long-held views. The problem was not bad teachers or failing schools, as conservatives claimed, but poverty. She denounced privatization as a hoax that did not help students and that harmed the public school system. She urged action to address the root causes of inequality. In An Education: How I Changed My Mind About Schools and Almost Everything Else (Columbia UP, 2025) this passionate and timely memoir of her life’s work as a historian and advocate, Ravitch traces her ideological evolution. She recounts her personal and intellectual journey: her childhood in Houston, her years among the New York intelligentsia, her service in government, and her leftward turn. Ravitch shares how she came to hold conservative views and why she eventually abandoned them, exploring her switch from championing standards-based curriculum and standardized testing to arguing for greater investment in professional teachers and in public schools. Bringing together candid reflections with decades of research on education, Ravitch makes a powerful case for becoming, as she calls herself, “an activist on behalf of public schools.”

Diane Ravitch is a historian of education and a prominent commentator about education and politics. Her many books include Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools (2013); The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education (2010); and The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973 (1974). Ravitch was assistant secretary of education under President George H. W. Bush and served on the national testing board during the Clinton administration. She is cofounder and president of the Network for Public Education
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For many years, Diane Ravitch was among the country’s leading conservative thinkers on education. The cure for what ailed the school system was clear, she believed: high-stakes standardized testing, national standards, accountability, competition, charters, and vouchers. Then Ravitch saw what happened when these ideas were put into practice and recanted her long-held views. The problem was not bad teachers or failing schools, as conservatives claimed, but poverty. She denounced privatization as a hoax that did not help students and that harmed the public school system. She urged action to address the root causes of inequality. In An Education: How I Changed My Mind About Schools and Almost Everything Else (Columbia UP, 2025) this passionate and timely memoir of her life’s work as a historian and advocate, Ravitch traces her ideological evolution. She recounts her personal and intellectual journey: her childhood in Houston, her years among the New York intelligentsia, her service in government, and her leftward turn. Ravitch shares how she came to hold conservative views and why she eventually abandoned them, exploring her switch from championing standards-based curriculum and standardized testing to arguing for greater investment in professional teachers and in public schools. Bringing together candid reflections with decades of research on education, Ravitch makes a powerful case for becoming, as she calls herself, “an activist on behalf of public schools.”

Diane Ravitch is a historian of education and a prominent commentator about education and politics. Her many books include Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools (2013); The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education (2010); and The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973 (1974). Ravitch was assistant secretary of education under President George H. W. Bush and served on the national testing board during the Clinton administration. She is cofounder and president of the Network for Public Education
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For many years, Diane Ravitch was among the country’s leading conservative thinkers on education. The cure for what ailed the school system was clear, she believed: high-stakes standardized testing, national standards, accountability, competition, charters, and vouchers. Then Ravitch saw what happened when these ideas were put into practice and recanted her long-held views. The problem was not bad teachers or failing schools, as conservatives claimed, but poverty. She denounced privatization as a hoax that did not help students and that harmed the public school system. She urged action to address the root causes of inequality. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231563161">An Education: How I Changed My Mind About Schools and Almost Everything Else</a> (Columbia UP, 2025) this passionate and timely memoir of her life’s work as a historian and advocate, Ravitch traces her ideological evolution. She recounts her personal and intellectual journey: her childhood in Houston, her years among the New York intelligentsia, her service in government, and her leftward turn. Ravitch shares how she came to hold conservative views and why she eventually abandoned them, exploring her switch from championing standards-based curriculum and standardized testing to arguing for greater investment in professional teachers and in public schools. Bringing together candid reflections with decades of research on education, Ravitch makes a powerful case for becoming, as she calls herself, “an activist on behalf of public schools.”</p>
<p>Diane Ravitch is a historian of education and a prominent commentator about education and politics. Her many books include <em>Reign of Error: The Hoax of the Privatization Movement and the Danger to America’s Public Schools (2013)</em>; <em>The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education (2010)</em>; and <em>The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973 (1974</em>). Ravitch was assistant secretary of education under President George H. W. Bush and served on the national testing board during the Clinton administration. She is cofounder and president of the Network for Public Education</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Democratic Dialogues: Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries</title>
      <description>A podcast from Cornell University’s Brooks School of Public Policy Center on Global Democracy

About the Podcast

Each week, co-hosts Rachel Beatty Riedl and Esam Boraey bring together leading scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to explore the challenges and possibilities facing democracy around the world. Produced by Cornell’s Center on Global Democracy, Democratic Dialogues bridges academic research with real-world debates — from democratic backsliding and authoritarian resurgence to civic resistance, renewal, and reform. We look at new books, groundbreaking articles, and the ideas reshaping how we understand and practice democracy today.

Listen on YouTube, NBN, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Episode 1

Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries

This week, we feature an episode with Kenneth Roberts, Jennifer McCoy, and Murat Somer, joining co-hosts Rachel Riedl and Esam Boraey to discuss their collaborative article, “Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries,” recently published in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

Together, they unpack how democracies don’t collapse overnight, but instead erode through different pathways — from executive aggrandizement to elite collusion — and how societies can resist or even partially recover. The conversation examines how these dynamics unfold in contexts as varied as Latin America, Turkey, Hungary, and the United States, and what practical lessons citizens and policymakers can draw today. This is an essential conversation for understanding how democracies falter, and how collective action, civic mobilization, and institutional renewal can push them back from the brink.

Books, Links, &amp; Articles


  “Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (2025)

  
Jennifer McCoy &amp; Murat Somer, Pernicious Polarization and Its Global Impact

  
Kenneth Roberts, Populism, Political Mobilization, and the Latin American Left

  
Rachel Beatty Riedl, Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Institutions in Africa


Upcoming Episodes

Our next episode features Susan C. Stokes (University of Chicago) discussing her book The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies. Stay tuned for an in-depth conversation on why democratic leaders sometimes turn against the institutions that empower them — and what can be done to safeguard democracy in an era of uncertainty.

Subscribe and follow us on YouTube and social media for new releases every month.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/b751e4a8-b364-11f0-97c5-430c7bcf86d8/image/5c2830b69912313f375a47794b1a4527.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A podcast from Cornell University’s Brooks School of Public Policy Center on Global Democracy

About the Podcast

Each week, co-hosts Rachel Beatty Riedl and Esam Boraey bring together leading scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to explore the challenges and possibilities facing democracy around the world. Produced by Cornell’s Center on Global Democracy, Democratic Dialogues bridges academic research with real-world debates — from democratic backsliding and authoritarian resurgence to civic resistance, renewal, and reform. We look at new books, groundbreaking articles, and the ideas reshaping how we understand and practice democracy today.

Listen on YouTube, NBN, or wherever you get your podcasts.

Episode 1

Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries

This week, we feature an episode with Kenneth Roberts, Jennifer McCoy, and Murat Somer, joining co-hosts Rachel Riedl and Esam Boraey to discuss their collaborative article, “Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries,” recently published in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

Together, they unpack how democracies don’t collapse overnight, but instead erode through different pathways — from executive aggrandizement to elite collusion — and how societies can resist or even partially recover. The conversation examines how these dynamics unfold in contexts as varied as Latin America, Turkey, Hungary, and the United States, and what practical lessons citizens and policymakers can draw today. This is an essential conversation for understanding how democracies falter, and how collective action, civic mobilization, and institutional renewal can push them back from the brink.

Books, Links, &amp; Articles


  “Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (2025)

  
Jennifer McCoy &amp; Murat Somer, Pernicious Polarization and Its Global Impact

  
Kenneth Roberts, Populism, Political Mobilization, and the Latin American Left

  
Rachel Beatty Riedl, Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Institutions in Africa


Upcoming Episodes

Our next episode features Susan C. Stokes (University of Chicago) discussing her book The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies. Stay tuned for an in-depth conversation on why democratic leaders sometimes turn against the institutions that empower them — and what can be done to safeguard democracy in an era of uncertainty.

Subscribe and follow us on YouTube and social media for new releases every month.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>A podcast from Cornell University’s Brooks School of Public Policy Center on Global Democracy</em></p>
<p><u><strong>About the Podcast</strong></u></p>
<p>Each week, co-hosts Rachel Beatty Riedl and Esam Boraey bring together leading scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to explore the challenges and possibilities facing democracy around the world. Produced by Cornell’s Center on Global Democracy, Democratic Dialogues bridges academic research with real-world debates — from democratic backsliding and authoritarian resurgence to civic resistance, renewal, and reform. We look at new books, groundbreaking articles, and the ideas reshaping how we understand and practice democracy today.</p>
<p><u><em>Listen on YouTube, NBN, or wherever you get your podcasts.</em></u></p>
<p><u><em><strong>Episode 1</strong></em></u></p>
<p><strong>Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries</strong></p>
<p>This week, we feature an episode with Kenneth Roberts, Jennifer McCoy, and Murat Somer, joining co-hosts Rachel Riedl and Esam Boraey to discuss their collaborative article, “Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries,” recently published in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.</p>
<p>Together, they unpack how democracies don’t collapse overnight, but instead erode through different pathways — from executive aggrandizement to elite collusion — and how societies can resist or even partially recover. The conversation examines how these dynamics unfold in contexts as varied as Latin America, Turkey, Hungary, and the United States, and what practical lessons citizens and policymakers can draw today. This is an essential conversation for understanding how democracies falter, and how collective action, civic mobilization, and institutional renewal can push them back from the brink.</p>
<p><u><strong>Books, Links, &amp; Articles</strong></u></p>
<ul>
  <li>“<a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00027162251319909">Pathways of Democratic Backsliding, Resistance, and (Partial) Recoveries</a>,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (2025)</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/people/jennifer-mccoy?lang=en">Jennifer McCoy</a> &amp; <a href="https://www.ozyegin.edu.tr/en/faculty/muratsomer">Murat Somer</a>, Pernicious Polarization and Its Global Impact</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://government.cornell.edu/kenneth-roberts">Kenneth Roberts</a>, Populism, Political Mobilization, and the Latin American Left</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://government.cornell.edu/rachel-beatty-riedl">Rachel Beatty Riedl</a>, Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Institutions in Africa</li>
</ul>
<p><u><strong>Upcoming Episodes</strong></u></p>
<p>Our next episode features Susan C. Stokes (University of Chicago) discussing her book The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies. Stay tuned for an in-depth conversation on why democratic leaders sometimes turn against the institutions that empower them — and what can be done to safeguard democracy in an era of uncertainty.</p>
<p><u><em>Subscribe and follow us on YouTube and social media for new releases every month</em></u>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2529</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Patrick Parr, "Malcolm Before X" (U Massachusetts Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Drawing upon interviews, correspondence, and nearly 2000 pages of never-before-used prison records, Malcolm Before X is the definitive examination of the prison years of civil rights icon Malcolm X. The book was a Kirkus Nonfiction Book of the Year for 2024, a Spectator best book of the year, and a finalist for the 2025 ASALH book prize.

In February 1946, when 20-year-old Malcolm Little was sentenced to eight to ten years in a maximum-security prison, he was a petty criminal and street hustler in Boston. By the time he was paroled in August 1952, he had transformed into a voracious reader, joined the Black Muslims, and was poised to become Malcolm X, one of the most prominent and important intellectuals of the civil rights era. While scholars and commentators have exhaustively detailed, analyzed, and debated Malcolm X’s post-prison life, they have not explored these six and a half transformative years in any depth.

Paying particular attention to his time in prison, Patrick Parr’s Malcolm Before X provides a comprehensive and groundbreaking examination of the first twenty-seven years of Malcolm X’s life (1925–1965). Parr traces Malcolm’s African lineage, explores his complicated childhood in the Midwest, and follows him as he moves east to live with his sister Ella in Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood, where he is convicted of burglary and sentenced.

Parr utilizes a trove of previously overlooked documents that include prison files and prison newspapers to immerse the reader into the unique cultures—at times brutal and at times instructional—of Charlestown State Prison, the Concord Reformatory, and the Norfolk Prison Colony. It was at these institutions that Malcolm devoured books, composed poetry, boxed, debated, and joined the Nation of Islam, changing the course of his life and setting the stage for a decade of antiracist activism that would fundamentally reshape American culture.

In this meticulously researched and beautifully written biography, the inspiring story of how Malcolm Little became Malcolm X is finally told.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Drawing upon interviews, correspondence, and nearly 2000 pages of never-before-used prison records, Malcolm Before X is the definitive examination of the prison years of civil rights icon Malcolm X. The book was a Kirkus Nonfiction Book of the Year for 2024, a Spectator best book of the year, and a finalist for the 2025 ASALH book prize.

In February 1946, when 20-year-old Malcolm Little was sentenced to eight to ten years in a maximum-security prison, he was a petty criminal and street hustler in Boston. By the time he was paroled in August 1952, he had transformed into a voracious reader, joined the Black Muslims, and was poised to become Malcolm X, one of the most prominent and important intellectuals of the civil rights era. While scholars and commentators have exhaustively detailed, analyzed, and debated Malcolm X’s post-prison life, they have not explored these six and a half transformative years in any depth.

Paying particular attention to his time in prison, Patrick Parr’s Malcolm Before X provides a comprehensive and groundbreaking examination of the first twenty-seven years of Malcolm X’s life (1925–1965). Parr traces Malcolm’s African lineage, explores his complicated childhood in the Midwest, and follows him as he moves east to live with his sister Ella in Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood, where he is convicted of burglary and sentenced.

Parr utilizes a trove of previously overlooked documents that include prison files and prison newspapers to immerse the reader into the unique cultures—at times brutal and at times instructional—of Charlestown State Prison, the Concord Reformatory, and the Norfolk Prison Colony. It was at these institutions that Malcolm devoured books, composed poetry, boxed, debated, and joined the Nation of Islam, changing the course of his life and setting the stage for a decade of antiracist activism that would fundamentally reshape American culture.

In this meticulously researched and beautifully written biography, the inspiring story of how Malcolm Little became Malcolm X is finally told.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Drawing upon interviews, correspondence, and nearly 2000 pages of never-before-used prison records, Malcolm Before X is the definitive examination of the prison years of civil rights icon Malcolm X. The book was a Kirkus Nonfiction Book of the Year for 2024, a Spectator best book of the year, and a finalist for the 2025 ASALH book prize.</p>
<p>In February 1946, when 20-year-old Malcolm Little was sentenced to eight to ten years in a maximum-security prison, he was a petty criminal and street hustler in Boston. By the time he was paroled in August 1952, he had transformed into a voracious reader, joined the Black Muslims, and was poised to become Malcolm X, one of the most prominent and important intellectuals of the civil rights era. While scholars and commentators have exhaustively detailed, analyzed, and debated Malcolm X’s post-prison life, they have not explored these six and a half transformative years in any depth.</p>
<p>Paying particular attention to his time in prison, Patrick Parr’s <em>Malcolm Before X</em> provides a comprehensive and groundbreaking examination of the first twenty-seven years of Malcolm X’s life (1925–1965). Parr traces Malcolm’s African lineage, explores his complicated childhood in the Midwest, and follows him as he moves east to live with his sister Ella in Boston’s Roxbury neighborhood, where he is convicted of burglary and sentenced.</p>
<p>Parr utilizes a trove of previously overlooked documents that include prison files and prison newspapers to immerse the reader into the unique cultures—at times brutal and at times instructional—of Charlestown State Prison, the Concord Reformatory, and the Norfolk Prison Colony. It was at these institutions that Malcolm devoured books, composed poetry, boxed, debated, and joined the Nation of Islam, changing the course of his life and setting the stage for a decade of antiracist activism that would fundamentally reshape American culture.</p>
<p>In this meticulously researched and beautifully written biography, the inspiring story of how Malcolm Little became Malcolm X is finally told.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matthew D. Nelsen, "The Color of Civics: Civic Education for a Multiracial Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Matthew D. Nelsen, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami, has a new book out that focuses on the content of civic education in the United States, and how we learn about the diverse and varied history of the United States. There is an ongoing and contemporary conversation about civic education in the United States, and what should and should not be taught in explaining the United States, how it works, who is part of it, and how it has evolved over four centuries. Nelsen’s work, The Color of Civics: Civic Education for a Multiracial Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023), pays close attention to what happens in classrooms, particularly urban classrooms, when these lessons are taught, and how students respond to these curricula and experiences. What he finds should be of interest to all of us, since it gets to the very heart of civic education, which is how to teach young people about being citizens in a democracy. Nelsen poses these broader questions throughout the book: Who is learning what? What is the general social studies curriculum that discusses “how a bill becomes a law” and the basic information about separation of powers and checks and balances? How is this curriculum, which is both somewhat abstract and also an idealized version of the American political system, taught, and how is it engaged by students? Nelsen found a variety of answers, but what is of particular interest is that there are teachers and instructors who have taken this somewhat static curriculum, and integrated different dimensions to it, engaging students in understandings of social movements, highlighting activities by a number of different political leaders, from both mainstream and marginalized groups. When the education becomes more multifaceted, it pulls in more students, and allows them to see themselves in these activities, even in leadership roles. And it also is more encompassing for all of the students in the classroom, regardless of race or other identity groupings.

The Color of Civics pulls together a variety of forms and kinds of research methodology to understand what happens in classrooms and how students learn and see themselves within this fabric of American democracy. Using qualitative, quantitative, and ethnographic approaches, Nelsen weaves together robust data to explore what makes diverse impacts within the classrooms, especially within a big, urban public school system. Part of what is teased out in this research is the potential longevity of political socialization that transpires at an early age among students—this is a key dimension of citizenship, creating in individuals an understanding of their role and capacities within a democracy. The ability to teach about social movements, and political movements, and the individuals who were involved in these movements expands the concept of citizen participation in American politics and thus expands the notion of citizenship in general. This approach also moves beyond the “great man” narrative of history and helps students to think about how various people engage in politics, not just by running for elected office. Nelsen’s work is important and useful as we continue to consider how citizens can and should participate in American politics and how the next generation is taught about citizenship, the American republic, and the idea of a complex democracy.

This book may be acquired at Books and Books in Miami, Florida, at the Seminary Co-op Bookstore in Chicago, IL, and at Women &amp; Children First Bookstore in Chicago, IL.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University, and co-host of the New Books in Political Science. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Sage and Volume II: Into the Multiverse (UP Kansas, 2022 &amp; 2025), as well as co-editor of Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (UP Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Matthew D. Nelsen, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami, has a new book out that focuses on the content of civic education in the United States, and how we learn about the diverse and varied history of the United States. There is an ongoing and contemporary conversation about civic education in the United States, and what should and should not be taught in explaining the United States, how it works, who is part of it, and how it has evolved over four centuries. Nelsen’s work, The Color of Civics: Civic Education for a Multiracial Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023), pays close attention to what happens in classrooms, particularly urban classrooms, when these lessons are taught, and how students respond to these curricula and experiences. What he finds should be of interest to all of us, since it gets to the very heart of civic education, which is how to teach young people about being citizens in a democracy. Nelsen poses these broader questions throughout the book: Who is learning what? What is the general social studies curriculum that discusses “how a bill becomes a law” and the basic information about separation of powers and checks and balances? How is this curriculum, which is both somewhat abstract and also an idealized version of the American political system, taught, and how is it engaged by students? Nelsen found a variety of answers, but what is of particular interest is that there are teachers and instructors who have taken this somewhat static curriculum, and integrated different dimensions to it, engaging students in understandings of social movements, highlighting activities by a number of different political leaders, from both mainstream and marginalized groups. When the education becomes more multifaceted, it pulls in more students, and allows them to see themselves in these activities, even in leadership roles. And it also is more encompassing for all of the students in the classroom, regardless of race or other identity groupings.

The Color of Civics pulls together a variety of forms and kinds of research methodology to understand what happens in classrooms and how students learn and see themselves within this fabric of American democracy. Using qualitative, quantitative, and ethnographic approaches, Nelsen weaves together robust data to explore what makes diverse impacts within the classrooms, especially within a big, urban public school system. Part of what is teased out in this research is the potential longevity of political socialization that transpires at an early age among students—this is a key dimension of citizenship, creating in individuals an understanding of their role and capacities within a democracy. The ability to teach about social movements, and political movements, and the individuals who were involved in these movements expands the concept of citizen participation in American politics and thus expands the notion of citizenship in general. This approach also moves beyond the “great man” narrative of history and helps students to think about how various people engage in politics, not just by running for elected office. Nelsen’s work is important and useful as we continue to consider how citizens can and should participate in American politics and how the next generation is taught about citizenship, the American republic, and the idea of a complex democracy.

This book may be acquired at Books and Books in Miami, Florida, at the Seminary Co-op Bookstore in Chicago, IL, and at Women &amp; Children First Bookstore in Chicago, IL.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University, and co-host of the New Books in Political Science. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Sage and Volume II: Into the Multiverse (UP Kansas, 2022 &amp; 2025), as well as co-editor of Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (UP Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Matthew D. Nelsen, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami, has a new book out that focuses on the content of civic education in the United States, and how we learn about the diverse and varied history of the United States. There is an ongoing and contemporary conversation about civic education in the United States, and what should and should not be taught in explaining the United States, how it works, who is part of it, and how it has evolved over four centuries. Nelsen’s work, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197685655"><em>The Color of Civics: Civic Education for a Multiracial Democracy</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), pays close attention to what happens in classrooms, particularly urban classrooms, when these lessons are taught, and how students respond to these curricula and experiences. What he finds should be of interest to all of us, since it gets to the very heart of civic education, which is how to teach young people about being citizens in a democracy. Nelsen poses these broader questions throughout the book: Who is learning what? What is the general social studies curriculum that discusses “how a bill becomes a law” and the basic information about separation of powers and checks and balances? How is this curriculum, which is both somewhat abstract and also an idealized version of the American political system, taught, and how is it engaged by students? Nelsen found a variety of answers, but what is of particular interest is that there are teachers and instructors who have taken this somewhat static curriculum, and integrated different dimensions to it, engaging students in understandings of social movements, highlighting activities by a number of different political leaders, from both mainstream and marginalized groups. When the education becomes more multifaceted, it pulls in more students, and allows them to see themselves in these activities, even in leadership roles. And it also is more encompassing for all of the students in the classroom, regardless of race or other identity groupings.</p>
<p><a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/46685"><em>The Color of Civics</em></a> pulls together a variety of forms and kinds of research methodology to understand what happens in classrooms and how students learn and see themselves within this fabric of American democracy. Using qualitative, quantitative, and ethnographic approaches, Nelsen weaves together robust data to explore what makes diverse impacts within the classrooms, especially within a big, urban public school system. Part of what is teased out in this research is the potential longevity of political socialization that transpires at an early age among students—this is a key dimension of citizenship, creating in individuals an understanding of their role and capacities within a democracy. The ability to teach about social movements, and political movements, and the individuals who were involved in these movements expands the concept of citizen participation in American politics and thus expands the notion of citizenship in general. This approach also moves beyond the “great man” narrative of history and helps students to think about how various people engage in politics, not just by running for elected office. Nelsen’s work is important and useful as we continue to consider how citizens can and should participate in American politics and how the next generation is taught about citizenship, the American republic, and the idea of a complex democracy.</p>
<p>This book may be acquired at <a href="https://www.booksandbooks.com/">Books and Books</a> in Miami, Florida, at the <a href="https://www.semcoop.com/">Seminary Co-op</a> Bookstore in Chicago, IL, and at <a href="https://womenandchildrenfirst.com/">Women &amp; Children First</a> Bookstore in Chicago, IL.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University, and co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em>. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/">The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe Volume I: The Infinity Sage </a><em>and </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700640546/"><em>Volume II: Into the Multiverse</em></a><em> (UP Kansas, 2022 &amp; 2025), as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (UP Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Elisabeth R. Anker, "Ugly Freedoms" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.
Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, our freedom, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of ugly freedom. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These ugly freedoms legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. Ugly Freedom explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 19 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>613</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elisabeth R. Anker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.
Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, our freedom, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of ugly freedom. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These ugly freedoms legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. Ugly Freedom explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478017783"><em>Ugly Freedoms</em></a> (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.</p><p>Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, <em>our freedom</em>, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of <em>ugly freedom</em>. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These <em>ugly freedoms</em> legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. <em>Ugly Freedom</em> explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrea Freeman, "Ruin Their Crops on the Ground: America’s Politics of Food, from the Trail of Tears to School Lunch" (Metropolitan Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>The first and definitive history of the use of food in American law and politics as a weapon of conquest and control, a Fast Food Nation for the Black Lives Matter era In 1779, to subjugate Indigenous nations, George Washington ordered his troops to “ruin their crops now in the ground and prevent their planting more.” Destroying harvests is just one way that the United States has used food as a political tool. Trying to prevent enslaved people from rising up, enslavers restricted their consumption, providing only enough to fuel labor. Since the Great Depression, school lunches have served as dumping grounds for unwanted agricultural surpluses. From frybread to government cheese, Ruin Their Crops on the Ground: America’s Politics of Food, from the Trail of Tears to School Lunch (Metropolitan Books, 2024) on the Ground draws on over fifteen years of research to argue that American food law and policy have created and maintained racial and social inequality. In an epic, sweeping account, Andrea Freeman, who pioneered the term “food oppression,” moves from colonization to slavery to the Americanization of immigrant food culture, to the commodities supplied to Native reservations, to milk as a symbol of white supremacy. She traces the long-standing alliance between the government and food industries that have produced gaping racial health disparities, and she shows how these practices continue to this day, through the marketing of unhealthy goods that target communities of color, causing diabetes, high blood pressure, and premature death. Ruin Their Crops on the Ground is a groundbreaking addition to the history and politics of food. It will permanently upend the notion that we freely and equally choose what we put on our plates.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first and definitive history of the use of food in American law and politics as a weapon of conquest and control, a Fast Food Nation for the Black Lives Matter era In 1779, to subjugate Indigenous nations, George Washington ordered his troops to “ruin their crops now in the ground and prevent their planting more.” Destroying harvests is just one way that the United States has used food as a political tool. Trying to prevent enslaved people from rising up, enslavers restricted their consumption, providing only enough to fuel labor. Since the Great Depression, school lunches have served as dumping grounds for unwanted agricultural surpluses. From frybread to government cheese, Ruin Their Crops on the Ground: America’s Politics of Food, from the Trail of Tears to School Lunch (Metropolitan Books, 2024) on the Ground draws on over fifteen years of research to argue that American food law and policy have created and maintained racial and social inequality. In an epic, sweeping account, Andrea Freeman, who pioneered the term “food oppression,” moves from colonization to slavery to the Americanization of immigrant food culture, to the commodities supplied to Native reservations, to milk as a symbol of white supremacy. She traces the long-standing alliance between the government and food industries that have produced gaping racial health disparities, and she shows how these practices continue to this day, through the marketing of unhealthy goods that target communities of color, causing diabetes, high blood pressure, and premature death. Ruin Their Crops on the Ground is a groundbreaking addition to the history and politics of food. It will permanently upend the notion that we freely and equally choose what we put on our plates.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first and definitive history of the use of food in American law and politics as a weapon of conquest and control, a Fast Food Nation for the Black Lives Matter era In 1779, to subjugate Indigenous nations, George Washington ordered his troops to “ruin their crops now in the ground and prevent their planting more.” Destroying harvests is just one way that the United States has used food as a political tool. Trying to prevent enslaved people from rising up, enslavers restricted their consumption, providing only enough to fuel labor. Since the Great Depression, school lunches have served as dumping grounds for unwanted agricultural surpluses. From frybread to government cheese, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250871039">Ruin Their Crops on the Ground: America’s Politics of Food, from the Trail of Tears to School Lunch</a> (Metropolitan Books, 2024) on the Ground draws on over fifteen years of research to argue that American food law and policy have created and maintained racial and social inequality. In an epic, sweeping account, Andrea Freeman, who pioneered the term “food oppression,” moves from colonization to slavery to the Americanization of immigrant food culture, to the commodities supplied to Native reservations, to milk as a symbol of white supremacy. She traces the long-standing alliance between the government and food industries that have produced gaping racial health disparities, and she shows how these practices continue to this day, through the marketing of unhealthy goods that target communities of color, causing diabetes, high blood pressure, and premature death. Ruin Their Crops on the Ground is a groundbreaking addition to the history and politics of food. It will permanently upend the notion that we freely and equally choose what we put on our plates.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3644</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Rehan Abeyratne, "Courts and LGBTQ+ Rights in an Age of Judicial Retrenchment" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Democratic backsliding, culture wars and partisan politics in the past two decades has seen the regression of human rights protections in the courts and across societies. However, having made incremental gains in constitutional courts, LGBTQ+ rights operate as somewhat of a paradox. In this pivotal work, Professor Rehan Abeyratne makes an argument that the progress made in LGBTQ+ rights protection obscures an increased shift towards authoritarian legality in the courts and beyond. Case studies of three apex courts - the U.S. Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of India, and the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal - provide insight into the erosion of democracy and the rule of law across these jurisdictions. Courts and  LGBTQ+ Rights in an Age of Judicial Retrenchment (Oxford ﻿UP, 2025) is an important work and should serve as a warning sign to constitutional lawyers, human rights scholars and anybody interested in the values that underpin liberal democracy as to the the limited ability of constitutional courts to protect rights in the current climate.  

Professor Rehan Abeyratne is is Professor and Associate Dean (Higher Degree Research) at Western Sydney University School of Law, where he teaches Government and Public Law, Legal Research and Methodology, and Comparative Law: Legal Systems of the World. He also coordinates the School of Law's Honours Program. Professor Abeyratne holds a PhD from Monash University, a JD from Harvard Law School, and a BA (Hons.) in Political Science from Brown University. He researches comparative constitutional law and has published several books and articles in world leading journals. Most of Prof. Abeyratne's research can be freely accessed on SSRN, Academia, and Google Scholar.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Democratic backsliding, culture wars and partisan politics in the past two decades has seen the regression of human rights protections in the courts and across societies. However, having made incremental gains in constitutional courts, LGBTQ+ rights operate as somewhat of a paradox. In this pivotal work, Professor Rehan Abeyratne makes an argument that the progress made in LGBTQ+ rights protection obscures an increased shift towards authoritarian legality in the courts and beyond. Case studies of three apex courts - the U.S. Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of India, and the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal - provide insight into the erosion of democracy and the rule of law across these jurisdictions. Courts and  LGBTQ+ Rights in an Age of Judicial Retrenchment (Oxford ﻿UP, 2025) is an important work and should serve as a warning sign to constitutional lawyers, human rights scholars and anybody interested in the values that underpin liberal democracy as to the the limited ability of constitutional courts to protect rights in the current climate.  

Professor Rehan Abeyratne is is Professor and Associate Dean (Higher Degree Research) at Western Sydney University School of Law, where he teaches Government and Public Law, Legal Research and Methodology, and Comparative Law: Legal Systems of the World. He also coordinates the School of Law's Honours Program. Professor Abeyratne holds a PhD from Monash University, a JD from Harvard Law School, and a BA (Hons.) in Political Science from Brown University. He researches comparative constitutional law and has published several books and articles in world leading journals. Most of Prof. Abeyratne's research can be freely accessed on SSRN, Academia, and Google Scholar.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Democratic backsliding, culture wars and partisan politics in the past two decades has seen the regression of human rights protections in the courts and across societies. However, having made incremental gains in constitutional courts, LGBTQ+ rights operate as somewhat of a paradox. In this pivotal work, Professor Rehan Abeyratne makes an argument that the progress made in LGBTQ+ rights protection obscures an increased shift towards authoritarian legality in the courts and beyond. Case studies of three apex courts - the U.S. Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of India, and the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal - provide insight into the erosion of democracy and the rule of law across these jurisdictions. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780198888277"><em>Courts and  LGBTQ+ Rights in an Age of Judicial Retrenchment</em></a> (Oxford ﻿UP, 2025) is an important work and should serve as a warning sign to constitutional lawyers, human rights scholars and anybody interested in the values that underpin liberal democracy as to the the limited ability of constitutional courts to protect rights in the current climate.  </p>
<p><a href="https://researchers.westernsydney.edu.au/en/persons/rehan-abeyratne">Professor Rehan Abeyratne</a> is is Professor and Associate Dean (Higher Degree Research) at Western Sydney University School of Law, where he teaches Government and Public Law, Legal Research and Methodology, and Comparative Law: Legal Systems of the World. He also coordinates the School of Law's Honours Program. Professor Abeyratne holds a PhD from Monash University, a JD from Harvard Law School, and a BA (Hons.) in Political Science from Brown University. He researches comparative constitutional law and has published several books and articles in world leading journals. Most of Prof. Abeyratne's research can be freely accessed on SSRN, Academia, and Google Scholar.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3737</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Naomi R. Williams, "A Blueprint for Worker Solidarity: Class Politics and Community in Wisconsin" (U Illinois Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>440</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2704</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3afd9c7a-a5f5-11f0-b0a8-27a156fdb994]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4180015193.mp3?updated=1760113773" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Naomi R. Williams, "A Blueprint for Worker Solidarity: Class Politics and Community in Wisconsin" (U Illinois Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>440</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Naomi R Williams is associate professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations at Rutgers University. Their primary research interests include labor and working-class history, urban history and politics, gender and women, race and politics, and more broadly, social and economic movements of working people. Naomi focuses on worker voice and late-capitalism at the end of the 20th century. Naomi’s research also examines the ways working people impact local and national political economies and the ways workers participate in collaborative social justice movements. Naomi engages working-class history in urban settings, looking at low-wage service work, industrial employment, and workers in higher education.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2704</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melissa M. Matthes, "When Sorrow Comes: The Power of Sermons from Pearl Harbor to Black Lives Matter" (Harvard UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Since World War II, Protestant sermons have been an influential tool for defining American citizenship in the wake of national crises.

In the aftermath of national tragedies, Americans often turn to churches for solace. Because even secular citizens attend these services, they are also significant opportunities for the Protestant religious majority to define and redefine national identity and, in the process, to invest the nation-state with divinity. The sermons delivered in the wake of crises become integral to historical and communal memory--it matters greatly who is mourned and who is overlooked.

Melissa M. Matthes conceives of these sermons as theo-political texts. In When Sorrow Comes: The Power of Sermons from Pearl Harbor to Black Lives Matter (Harvard UP, 2021), she explores the continuities and discontinuities they reveal in the balance of state power and divine authority following the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the assassinations of JFK and MLK, the Rodney King verdict, the Oklahoma City bombing, the September 11 attacks, the Newtown shootings, and the Black Lives Matter movement. She argues that Protestant preachers use these moments to address questions about Christianity and citizenship and about the responsibilities of the Church and the State to respond to a national crisis. She also shows how post-crisis sermons have codified whiteness in ritual narratives of American history, excluding others from the collective account. These civic liturgies therefore illustrate the evolution of modern American politics and society.

Despite perceptions of the decline of religious authority in the twentieth century, the pulpit retains power after national tragedies. Sermons preached in such intense times of mourning and reckoning serve as a form of civic education with consequences for how Americans understand who belongs to the nation and how to imagine its future.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since World War II, Protestant sermons have been an influential tool for defining American citizenship in the wake of national crises.

In the aftermath of national tragedies, Americans often turn to churches for solace. Because even secular citizens attend these services, they are also significant opportunities for the Protestant religious majority to define and redefine national identity and, in the process, to invest the nation-state with divinity. The sermons delivered in the wake of crises become integral to historical and communal memory--it matters greatly who is mourned and who is overlooked.

Melissa M. Matthes conceives of these sermons as theo-political texts. In When Sorrow Comes: The Power of Sermons from Pearl Harbor to Black Lives Matter (Harvard UP, 2021), she explores the continuities and discontinuities they reveal in the balance of state power and divine authority following the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the assassinations of JFK and MLK, the Rodney King verdict, the Oklahoma City bombing, the September 11 attacks, the Newtown shootings, and the Black Lives Matter movement. She argues that Protestant preachers use these moments to address questions about Christianity and citizenship and about the responsibilities of the Church and the State to respond to a national crisis. She also shows how post-crisis sermons have codified whiteness in ritual narratives of American history, excluding others from the collective account. These civic liturgies therefore illustrate the evolution of modern American politics and society.

Despite perceptions of the decline of religious authority in the twentieth century, the pulpit retains power after national tragedies. Sermons preached in such intense times of mourning and reckoning serve as a form of civic education with consequences for how Americans understand who belongs to the nation and how to imagine its future.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since World War II, Protestant sermons have been an influential tool for defining American citizenship in the wake of national crises.</p>
<p>In the aftermath of national tragedies, Americans often turn to churches for solace. Because even secular citizens attend these services, they are also significant opportunities for the Protestant religious majority to define and redefine national identity and, in the process, to invest the nation-state with divinity. The sermons delivered in the wake of crises become integral to historical and communal memory--it matters greatly who is mourned and who is overlooked.</p>
<p>Melissa M. Matthes conceives of these sermons as theo-political texts. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674988194">When Sorrow Comes: The Power of Sermons from Pearl Harbor to Black Lives Matter</a> (Harvard UP, 2021), she explores the continuities and discontinuities they reveal in the balance of state power and divine authority following the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the assassinations of JFK and MLK, the Rodney King verdict, the Oklahoma City bombing, the September 11 attacks, the Newtown shootings, and the Black Lives Matter movement. She argues that Protestant preachers use these moments to address questions about Christianity and citizenship and about the responsibilities of the Church and the State to respond to a national crisis. She also shows how post-crisis sermons have codified whiteness in ritual narratives of American history, excluding others from the collective account. These civic liturgies therefore illustrate the evolution of modern American politics and society.</p>
<p>Despite perceptions of the decline of religious authority in the twentieth century, the pulpit retains power after national tragedies. Sermons preached in such intense times of mourning and reckoning serve as a form of civic education with consequences for how Americans understand who belongs to the nation and how to imagine its future.﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4066</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin M. Schultz, "Why Everyone Hates White Liberals (Including White Liberals): A History" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>A bracing, accessible history of white American liberals—and why it’s time to change the conversation about them.If there’s one thing most Americans can agree on, it’s that everyone hates white liberals. Conservatives hate them for being culturally tolerant and threatening to usher in communism. Libertarians hate them for believing in the power of the state. Socialists hate them for serving as capitalism’s beard. Even liberals hate liberals—either because they can’t manage to overcome their own prejudices, or precisely because they’re so self-hating.This is the starting point for Kevin M. Schultz’s lively new history of white liberals in the United States. He efficiently lays out the array of objections to liberals—ineffective, spineless, judgmental, authoritarian, and more—in a historical frame that shows how protean the concept has been throughout the past hundred years. It turns out, he declares, that how you define a “white liberal” is less a reflection of reality and more a Rorschach test revealing your own anxieties.Sharply assessing how decades of attacks on liberals and liberalism have steadily hollowed out the center of American political life, Schultz also explains precisely what needs to be done to avoid digging ourselves even further into the hole of polarization. The ultimate goal, he argues, is to achieve political fragmentation that will fuel the rise of a true multiparty system, where ideology will matter more, not less.With a tight command of postwar American history and a spirited voice, Why Everyone Hates White Liberals (Including White Liberals): A Critical History (University of Chicago Press, 2025) is a must-read for anyone wishing to understand—and envision a way forward in—the complicated landscape of American politics.

Kevin M. Schultz is professor and chair of history at the University of Illinois Chicago (UIC). He is the author of Buckley and Mailer and Tri-Faith America.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A bracing, accessible history of white American liberals—and why it’s time to change the conversation about them.If there’s one thing most Americans can agree on, it’s that everyone hates white liberals. Conservatives hate them for being culturally tolerant and threatening to usher in communism. Libertarians hate them for believing in the power of the state. Socialists hate them for serving as capitalism’s beard. Even liberals hate liberals—either because they can’t manage to overcome their own prejudices, or precisely because they’re so self-hating.This is the starting point for Kevin M. Schultz’s lively new history of white liberals in the United States. He efficiently lays out the array of objections to liberals—ineffective, spineless, judgmental, authoritarian, and more—in a historical frame that shows how protean the concept has been throughout the past hundred years. It turns out, he declares, that how you define a “white liberal” is less a reflection of reality and more a Rorschach test revealing your own anxieties.Sharply assessing how decades of attacks on liberals and liberalism have steadily hollowed out the center of American political life, Schultz also explains precisely what needs to be done to avoid digging ourselves even further into the hole of polarization. The ultimate goal, he argues, is to achieve political fragmentation that will fuel the rise of a true multiparty system, where ideology will matter more, not less.With a tight command of postwar American history and a spirited voice, Why Everyone Hates White Liberals (Including White Liberals): A Critical History (University of Chicago Press, 2025) is a must-read for anyone wishing to understand—and envision a way forward in—the complicated landscape of American politics.

Kevin M. Schultz is professor and chair of history at the University of Illinois Chicago (UIC). He is the author of Buckley and Mailer and Tri-Faith America.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A bracing, accessible history of white American liberals—and why it’s time to change the conversation about them.<br>If there’s one thing most Americans can agree on, it’s that everyone hates white liberals. Conservatives hate them for being culturally tolerant and threatening to usher in communism. Libertarians hate them for believing in the power of the state. Socialists hate them for serving as capitalism’s beard. Even liberals hate liberals—either because they can’t manage to overcome their own prejudices, or precisely because they’re so self-hating.<br>This is the starting point for Kevin M. Schultz’s lively new history of white liberals in the United States. He efficiently lays out the array of objections to liberals—ineffective, spineless, judgmental, authoritarian, and more—in a historical frame that shows how protean the concept has been throughout the past hundred years. It turns out, he declares, that how you define a “white liberal” is less a reflection of reality and more a Rorschach test revealing your own anxieties.<br>Sharply assessing how decades of attacks on liberals and liberalism have steadily hollowed out the center of American political life, Schultz also explains precisely what needs to be done to avoid digging ourselves even further into the hole of polarization. The ultimate goal, he argues, is to achieve political fragmentation that will fuel the rise of a true multiparty system, where ideology will matter more, not less.<br>With a tight command of postwar American history and a spirited voice, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226824369">Why Everyone Hates White Liberals (Including White Liberals): A Critical History</a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2025)<em> </em>is a must-read for anyone wishing to understand—and envision a way forward in—the complicated landscape of American politics.</p>
<p><strong>Kevin M. Schultz </strong>is professor and chair of history at the University of Illinois Chicago (UIC). He is the author of <em>Buckley and Mailer </em>and <em>Tri-Faith America</em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5199</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[797462f8-a47f-11f0-8ea9-cbe9fcfb4922]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Clay Risen, "Red Scare: Blacklists, McCarthyism, and the Making of Modern America" (Simon and Schuster, 2025)</title>
      <description>From an award-winning historian and New York Times reporter comes the timely story about McCarthyism that both “lays out the many mechanisms of repression that made the Red Scare possible…[and] describes how something that once seemed so terrifying and interminable did, in fact, come to an end” (The New Yorker)—based in part on newly declassified sources.﻿﻿

Now, for the first time in a generation, Clay Risen delivers a narrative history of the anti-Communist witch hunt that gripped America in the decade following World War II in ﻿Red Scare: Blacklists, McCarthyism, and the Making of Modern America (Simon and Schuster, 2025). This period, known as the Red Scare, was an outgrowth of the conflict between social conservatives and New Deal progressives, and the terrifying onset of the Cold War. Marked by an unprecedented degree of political hysteria, this was a defining moment in American history, completely unlike any that preceded it. Drawing upon newly declassified documents and with “scenes are so vivid that you can almost feel yourself sweating along with the witnesses” (The New York Times Book Review), journalist Clay Risen recounts how politicians like Joseph McCarthy, with the help of an extended network of other government officials and organizations, systematically ruined thousands of lives in their deluded pursuit of alleged Communist conspiracies.Beginning with the origins of the era after WWI through to its conclusion in 1957, Risen brings to life the politics, patriotism, courage, and delirium of those years. Red Scare takes us beyond the familiar story of McCarthyism and the Hollywood blacklists and toward a fuller understanding of what the country went through at a time of moral questioning and perceived threat from the Left, and what we were capable of doing to each other as a result.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From an award-winning historian and New York Times reporter comes the timely story about McCarthyism that both “lays out the many mechanisms of repression that made the Red Scare possible…[and] describes how something that once seemed so terrifying and interminable did, in fact, come to an end” (The New Yorker)—based in part on newly declassified sources.﻿﻿

Now, for the first time in a generation, Clay Risen delivers a narrative history of the anti-Communist witch hunt that gripped America in the decade following World War II in ﻿Red Scare: Blacklists, McCarthyism, and the Making of Modern America (Simon and Schuster, 2025). This period, known as the Red Scare, was an outgrowth of the conflict between social conservatives and New Deal progressives, and the terrifying onset of the Cold War. Marked by an unprecedented degree of political hysteria, this was a defining moment in American history, completely unlike any that preceded it. Drawing upon newly declassified documents and with “scenes are so vivid that you can almost feel yourself sweating along with the witnesses” (The New York Times Book Review), journalist Clay Risen recounts how politicians like Joseph McCarthy, with the help of an extended network of other government officials and organizations, systematically ruined thousands of lives in their deluded pursuit of alleged Communist conspiracies.Beginning with the origins of the era after WWI through to its conclusion in 1957, Risen brings to life the politics, patriotism, courage, and delirium of those years. Red Scare takes us beyond the familiar story of McCarthyism and the Hollywood blacklists and toward a fuller understanding of what the country went through at a time of moral questioning and perceived threat from the Left, and what we were capable of doing to each other as a result.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From an award-winning historian and <em>New York Times</em> reporter comes the timely story about McCarthyism that both “lays out the many mechanisms of repression that made the Red Scare possible…[and] describes how something that once seemed so terrifying and interminable did, in fact, come to an end” (<em>The New Yorker</em>)—based in part on newly declassified sources.﻿﻿</p>
<p>Now, for the first time in a generation, Clay Risen delivers a narrative history of the anti-Communist witch hunt that gripped America in the decade following World War II in ﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982141806">Red Scare: Blacklists, McCarthyism, and the Making of Modern America</a> (Simon and Schuster, 2025). This period, known as the Red Scare, was an outgrowth of the conflict between social conservatives and New Deal progressives, and the terrifying onset of the Cold War. Marked by an unprecedented degree of political hysteria, this was a defining moment in American history, completely unlike any that preceded it. Drawing upon newly declassified documents and with “scenes are so vivid that you can almost feel yourself sweating along with the witnesses” (<em>The New York Times Book</em> <em>Review</em>), journalist Clay Risen recounts how politicians like Joseph McCarthy, with the help of an extended network of other government officials and organizations, systematically ruined thousands of lives in their deluded pursuit of alleged Communist conspiracies.<br>Beginning with the origins of the era after WWI through to its conclusion in 1957, Risen brings to life the politics, patriotism, courage, and delirium of those years. <em>Red Scare</em> takes us beyond the familiar story of McCarthyism and the Hollywood blacklists and toward a fuller understanding of what the country went through at a time of moral questioning and perceived threat from the Left, and what we were capable of doing to each other as a result.﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4177</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[fe86eeb8-a34c-11f0-8499-cf1bc298e666]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Marion Orr, "House of Diggs: The Rise and Fall of America's Most Consequential Black Congressman, Charles C. Diggs Jr." (UNC Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922-1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan's first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till's killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s. Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs's rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson--two of Diggs's better-known Black contemporaries.Vividly written and deeply researched, House of Diggs is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, House of Diggs restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.

﻿Marion Orr is the Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and professor of political science and urban studies at Brown University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922-1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan's first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till's killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s. Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs's rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson--two of Diggs's better-known Black contemporaries.Vividly written and deeply researched, House of Diggs is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, House of Diggs restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.

﻿Marion Orr is the Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and professor of political science and urban studies at Brown University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the height of the civil rights movement, Charles C. Diggs Jr. (1922-1998) was the consummate power broker. In a political career spanning 1951 to 1980, Diggs, Michigan's first Black member of Congress, was the only federal official to attend the trial of Emmett Till's killers, worked behind the scenes with Martin Luther King Jr., and founded the Congressional Black Caucus. He was also the chief architect of legislation that restored home rule to Washington, DC, and almost single-handedly ignited the American anti-apartheid movement in the 1960s. Drawing on extensive archival research, including Diggs's rarely seen personal papers, FBI documents, and original interviews with family members and political associates, political scientist Marion Orr reveals that Diggs practiced a politics of strategic moderation. Orr argues that this quiet approach was more effective than the militant race politics practiced by Adam Clayton Powell and more appealing than the conservative Chicago-style approach of William Dawson--two of Diggs's better-known Black contemporaries.<br>Vividly written and deeply researched, <em>House of Diggs</em> is the first biography of Congressman Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the most consequential Black federal legislators in US history. Congressman Diggs was a legislative lion whose unfortunate downfall punctuated his distinguished career and pushed him and his historic accomplishments out of sight. Now, for the first time, <em>House of Diggs</em> restores him to his much-deserved place in the history of American politics.</p>
<p>﻿Marion Orr is the Frederick Lippitt Professor of Public Policy and professor of political science and urban studies at Brown University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3586</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f9b6fd22-a1e6-11f0-a98a-3ff45f5c761e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7385947121.mp3?updated=1759667654" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jill Elaine Hasday, "We the Men: How Forgetting Women's Struggles for Equality Perpetuates Inequality" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In a nation whose Constitution purports to speak for "We the People", too many of the stories that powerful Americans tell about law and society include only We the Men. A long line of judges, politicians, and other influential voices have ignored women's struggles for equality or distorted them beyond recognition by wildly exaggerating American progress. Even as sexism continues to warp constitutional law, political decision making, and everyday life, prominent Americans have spent more than a century proclaiming that the United States has already left sex discrimination behind.Professor Jill Elaine Hasday's We the Men: How Forgetting Women's Struggles for Equality Perpetuates Inequality (Oxford University Press, 2025) is the first book to explore how forgetting women's struggles for equality—and forgetting the work America still has to do—perpetuates injustice, promotes complacency, and denies how generations of women have had to come together to fight for reform and against regression. Professor Hasday argues that remembering women's stories more often and more accurately can help the nation advance toward sex equality. These stories highlight the persistence of women's inequality and make clear that real progress has always required women to disrupt the status quo, demand change, and duel with determined opponents.America needs more conflict over women's status rather than less. Conflict has the power to generate forward momentum. Patiently awaiting men's spontaneous enlightenment does not. Transforming America's dominant stories about itself can reorient our understanding of how women's progress takes place, focus our attention on the battles that are still unwon, and fortify our determination to push for a more equal future.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 05 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>131</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a nation whose Constitution purports to speak for "We the People", too many of the stories that powerful Americans tell about law and society include only We the Men. A long line of judges, politicians, and other influential voices have ignored women's struggles for equality or distorted them beyond recognition by wildly exaggerating American progress. Even as sexism continues to warp constitutional law, political decision making, and everyday life, prominent Americans have spent more than a century proclaiming that the United States has already left sex discrimination behind.Professor Jill Elaine Hasday's We the Men: How Forgetting Women's Struggles for Equality Perpetuates Inequality (Oxford University Press, 2025) is the first book to explore how forgetting women's struggles for equality—and forgetting the work America still has to do—perpetuates injustice, promotes complacency, and denies how generations of women have had to come together to fight for reform and against regression. Professor Hasday argues that remembering women's stories more often and more accurately can help the nation advance toward sex equality. These stories highlight the persistence of women's inequality and make clear that real progress has always required women to disrupt the status quo, demand change, and duel with determined opponents.America needs more conflict over women's status rather than less. Conflict has the power to generate forward momentum. Patiently awaiting men's spontaneous enlightenment does not. Transforming America's dominant stories about itself can reorient our understanding of how women's progress takes place, focus our attention on the battles that are still unwon, and fortify our determination to push for a more equal future.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a nation whose Constitution purports to speak for "We the People", too many of the stories that powerful Americans tell about law and society include only We the Men. A long line of judges, politicians, and other influential voices have ignored women's struggles for equality or distorted them beyond recognition by wildly exaggerating American progress. Even as sexism continues to warp constitutional law, political decision making, and everyday life, prominent Americans have spent more than a century proclaiming that the United States has already left sex discrimination behind.<br>Professor Jill Elaine Hasday's <em>We the Men: How Forgetting Women's Struggles for Equality Perpetuates Inequality</em> (Oxford University Press, 2025) is the first book to explore how forgetting women's struggles for equality—and forgetting the work America still has to do—perpetuates injustice, promotes complacency, and denies how generations of women have had to come together to fight for reform and against regression. Professor Hasday argues that remembering women's stories more often and more accurately can help the nation advance toward sex equality. These stories highlight the persistence of women's inequality and make clear that real progress has always required women to disrupt the status quo, demand change, and duel with determined opponents.<br>America needs more conflict over women's status rather than less. Conflict has the power to generate forward momentum. Patiently awaiting men's spontaneous enlightenment does not. Transforming America's dominant stories about itself can reorient our understanding of how women's progress takes place, focus our attention on the battles that are still unwon, and fortify our determination to push for a more equal future.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1489</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Raymond J. McKoski, "David Davis, Abraham Lincoln's Favorite Judge" (U Illinois Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>One of Abraham Lincoln's staunchest and most effective allies, Judge David Davis masterminded the floor fight that gave Lincoln the presidential nomination at the 1860 Republican National Convention. This history-changing event emerged from a long friendship between the two men. It also altered the course of Davis's career, as Lincoln named him to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1862.

In David Davis, Abraham Lincoln's Favorite Judge (University of Illinois Press, 2025), Raymond J. McKoski offers a biography of Davis's public life, his impact on the presidency and judiciary, and his personal, professional, and political relationships with Lincoln. Davis lent his vast network of connections, organizational and leadership abilities, and personal persuasiveness to help Lincoln's political rise. When Davis became a judge, he honed an ability to hear each case with complete impartiality, a practice that endeared him to Lincoln but one day put him at odds with the president over important Civil War-era rulings. McKoski details these cases while providing an in-depth account of Davis's role in Lincoln's two unsuccessful campaigns for U.S. Senate and the fateful run for the presidency.

Raymond J. McKoski is a retired Illinois Circuit Judge and adjunct professor at the University of Illinois Chicago School of Law.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of Abraham Lincoln's staunchest and most effective allies, Judge David Davis masterminded the floor fight that gave Lincoln the presidential nomination at the 1860 Republican National Convention. This history-changing event emerged from a long friendship between the two men. It also altered the course of Davis's career, as Lincoln named him to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1862.

In David Davis, Abraham Lincoln's Favorite Judge (University of Illinois Press, 2025), Raymond J. McKoski offers a biography of Davis's public life, his impact on the presidency and judiciary, and his personal, professional, and political relationships with Lincoln. Davis lent his vast network of connections, organizational and leadership abilities, and personal persuasiveness to help Lincoln's political rise. When Davis became a judge, he honed an ability to hear each case with complete impartiality, a practice that endeared him to Lincoln but one day put him at odds with the president over important Civil War-era rulings. McKoski details these cases while providing an in-depth account of Davis's role in Lincoln's two unsuccessful campaigns for U.S. Senate and the fateful run for the presidency.

Raymond J. McKoski is a retired Illinois Circuit Judge and adjunct professor at the University of Illinois Chicago School of Law.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of Abraham Lincoln's staunchest and most effective allies, Judge David Davis masterminded the floor fight that gave Lincoln the presidential nomination at the 1860 Republican National Convention. This history-changing event emerged from a long friendship between the two men. It also altered the course of Davis's career, as Lincoln named him to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1862.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252046636">David Davis, Abraham Lincoln's Favorite Judge</a> (University of Illinois Press, 2025), Raymond J. McKoski offers a biography of Davis's public life, his impact on the presidency and judiciary, and his personal, professional, and political relationships with Lincoln. Davis lent his vast network of connections, organizational and leadership abilities, and personal persuasiveness to help Lincoln's political rise. When Davis became a judge, he honed an ability to hear each case with complete impartiality, a practice that endeared him to Lincoln but one day put him at odds with the president over important Civil War-era rulings. McKoski details these cases while providing an in-depth account of Davis's role in Lincoln's two unsuccessful campaigns for U.S. Senate and the fateful run for the presidency.</p>
<p>Raymond J. McKoski is a retired Illinois Circuit Judge and adjunct professor at the University of Illinois Chicago School of Law.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3467</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6aac7854-9f1c-11f0-8d21-17e4e6ed88db]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3792432439.mp3?updated=1759360793" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Madison Schramm, "Why Democracies Fight Dictators" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Over the course of the last century, there has been an outsized incidence of conflict between democracies and personalist regimes—political systems where a single individual has undisputed executive power and prominence. In most cases, it has been the democratic side that has chosen to employ military force.

﻿﻿﻿ Why Democracies Fight Dictators (Oxford UP, 2025) takes up the question of why liberal democracies are so inclined to engage in conflict with personalist dictators. Building on research in political science, history, sociology, and psychology and marshalling evidence from statistical analysis of conflict, multi-archival research of American and British perceptions during the Suez Crisis and Gulf War, and non-democracies' understanding of the threat from Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, Madison V. Schramm offers a novel and nuanced explanation for patterns in escalation and hostility between liberal democracies and personalist regimes. When conflicts of interest arise between the two types of states, Schramm argues, cognitive biases and social narratives predispose leaders in liberal democracies to perceive personalist dictators as particularly threatening and to respond with anger—an emotional response that elicits more risk acceptance and aggressive behavior. She also locates this tendency in the escalatory dynamics that precede open military conflict: coercion, covert action, and crisis bargaining. At all of these stages, the tendency toward anger and risk acceptance contributes to explosive outcomes between democratic and personalist regimes.

Madison Schramm, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the course of the last century, there has been an outsized incidence of conflict between democracies and personalist regimes—political systems where a single individual has undisputed executive power and prominence. In most cases, it has been the democratic side that has chosen to employ military force.

﻿﻿﻿ Why Democracies Fight Dictators (Oxford UP, 2025) takes up the question of why liberal democracies are so inclined to engage in conflict with personalist dictators. Building on research in political science, history, sociology, and psychology and marshalling evidence from statistical analysis of conflict, multi-archival research of American and British perceptions during the Suez Crisis and Gulf War, and non-democracies' understanding of the threat from Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, Madison V. Schramm offers a novel and nuanced explanation for patterns in escalation and hostility between liberal democracies and personalist regimes. When conflicts of interest arise between the two types of states, Schramm argues, cognitive biases and social narratives predispose leaders in liberal democracies to perceive personalist dictators as particularly threatening and to respond with anger—an emotional response that elicits more risk acceptance and aggressive behavior. She also locates this tendency in the escalatory dynamics that precede open military conflict: coercion, covert action, and crisis bargaining. At all of these stages, the tendency toward anger and risk acceptance contributes to explosive outcomes between democratic and personalist regimes.

Madison Schramm, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the course of the last century, there has been an outsized incidence of conflict between democracies and personalist regimes—political systems where a single individual has undisputed executive power and prominence. In most cases, it has been the <em>democratic</em> side that has chosen to employ military force.</p>
<p>﻿﻿﻿ <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197807453">Why Democracies Fight Dictators</a> (Oxford UP, 2025) takes up the question of why liberal democracies are so inclined to engage in conflict with personalist dictators. Building on research in political science, history, sociology, and psychology and marshalling evidence from statistical analysis of conflict, multi-archival research of American and British perceptions during the Suez Crisis and Gulf War, and non-democracies' understanding of the threat from Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, Madison V. Schramm offers a novel and nuanced explanation for patterns in escalation and hostility between liberal democracies and personalist regimes. When conflicts of interest arise between the two types of states, Schramm argues, cognitive biases and social narratives predispose leaders in liberal democracies to perceive personalist dictators as particularly threatening and to respond with anger—an emotional response that elicits more risk acceptance and aggressive behavior. She also locates this tendency in the escalatory dynamics that precede open military conflict: coercion, covert action, and crisis bargaining. At all of these stages, the tendency toward anger and risk acceptance contributes to explosive outcomes between democratic and personalist regimes.</p>
<p>Madison Schramm, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3276</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Greg Lukianoff and Nadine Strossen, "The War on Words: 10 Arguments Against Free Speech—And Why They Fail" (Heresy Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The War on Words: 10 Arguments Against Free Speech—And Why They Fail (Heresy Press, 2025) constitutes a bulwark against the persistent censorial efforts from both the political left and right. At a time when conformist pressures threaten viewpoint diversity, and when political attacks on free expression are mounting, this book is a valuable resource for all who seek to understand and defend the right that is central to both individual liberty and our democratic self-government. This concise volume is organized around 10 claims that proponents of speech restrictions regularly assert, such as: “words are violence,” “free speech is right-wing,” and “hate speech isn’t free speech.” In lively, clear, and persuasive prose, the authors examine the flaws in these pro-censorship assertions. The book also includes an insightful introduction by Jacob Mchangama, shedding additional light on the topic from historical and international perspectives.

Greg Lukianoff is an attorney, New York Times best-selling author, and the President and CEO of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).

Nadine Strossen is the John Marshall Harlan II Professor of Law Emerita at New York Law School and was the national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991 to 2008. She is a Senior Fellow at FIRE and serves on the advisory boards of the ACLU, Academic Freedom Alliance, Heterodox Academy, and National Coalition Against Censorship.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The War on Words: 10 Arguments Against Free Speech—And Why They Fail (Heresy Press, 2025) constitutes a bulwark against the persistent censorial efforts from both the political left and right. At a time when conformist pressures threaten viewpoint diversity, and when political attacks on free expression are mounting, this book is a valuable resource for all who seek to understand and defend the right that is central to both individual liberty and our democratic self-government. This concise volume is organized around 10 claims that proponents of speech restrictions regularly assert, such as: “words are violence,” “free speech is right-wing,” and “hate speech isn’t free speech.” In lively, clear, and persuasive prose, the authors examine the flaws in these pro-censorship assertions. The book also includes an insightful introduction by Jacob Mchangama, shedding additional light on the topic from historical and international perspectives.

Greg Lukianoff is an attorney, New York Times best-selling author, and the President and CEO of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).

Nadine Strossen is the John Marshall Harlan II Professor of Law Emerita at New York Law School and was the national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991 to 2008. She is a Senior Fellow at FIRE and serves on the advisory boards of the ACLU, Academic Freedom Alliance, Heterodox Academy, and National Coalition Against Censorship.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781949846829"><em>The War on Words: 10 Arguments Against Free Speech—And Why They Fail</em></a> (Heresy Press, 2025) constitutes a bulwark against the persistent censorial efforts from both the political left and right. At a time when conformist pressures threaten viewpoint diversity, and when political attacks on free expression are mounting, this book is a valuable resource for all who seek to understand and defend the right that is central to both individual liberty and our democratic self-government. This concise volume is organized around 10 claims that proponents of speech restrictions regularly assert, such as: “words are violence,” “free speech is right-wing,” and “hate speech isn’t free speech.” In lively, clear, and persuasive prose, the authors examine the flaws in these pro-censorship assertions. The book also includes an insightful introduction by Jacob Mchangama, shedding additional light on the topic from historical and international perspectives.</p>
<p>Greg Lukianoff is an attorney, New York Times best-selling author, and the President and CEO of the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).</p>
<p>Nadine Strossen is the John Marshall Harlan II Professor of Law Emerita at New York Law School and was the national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991 to 2008. She is a Senior Fellow at FIRE and serves on the advisory boards of the ACLU, Academic Freedom Alliance, Heterodox Academy, and National Coalition Against Censorship.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3155</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8801392040.mp3?updated=1759250735" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sasha Davis, "Replace the State: How to Change the World When Elections and Protests Fail" (U Minnesota Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>A practical call to action against oppression. Across the globe, millions of people have participated in protests and marches, donated to political groups, or lobbied their representatives with the aim of creating lasting social change, overturning repressive laws, or limiting environmental destruction. Yet very little seems to improve for those affected by rapacious governments. Replace the State: How to Change the World When Elections and Protests Fail (U Minnesota Press, 2025) brings new hope for social justice movements by looking to progressive campaigns that have found success by unconventional, and more direct, means. Sasha Davis, an activist and scholar of radical environmental advocacy, focuses on the strategies of movements, many of them Indigenous, that have occupied contested sites and demonstrated their effectiveness at managing or governing them. Including case studies of resistance to development on Indigenous lands in Hawai'i, nuclear testing in the Nevada desert, and the U.S. military occupation of Okinawa, he offers insight and direction for activists, students, academics, and others dedicated to protecting and improving the well-being of their communities and beyond. It would be easy to succumb to pessimism and political apathy in the face of governing institutions that are increasingly unresponsive to calls for change and repressive in response to protest, even as they violate human rights, ignore existential climate catastrophes, and concentrate power into fewer and fewer hands. Instead, Davis finds inspiration for genuine political change through social movements that are successfully "replacing the state" and taking over the day-to-day governance of threatened places. From contesting environmental abuse to reasserting Indigenous sovereignty, these social movements demonstrate how people can collectively wrest control over their communities from oppressive governments and manage them with a more egalitarian ethics of care.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Oct 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A practical call to action against oppression. Across the globe, millions of people have participated in protests and marches, donated to political groups, or lobbied their representatives with the aim of creating lasting social change, overturning repressive laws, or limiting environmental destruction. Yet very little seems to improve for those affected by rapacious governments. Replace the State: How to Change the World When Elections and Protests Fail (U Minnesota Press, 2025) brings new hope for social justice movements by looking to progressive campaigns that have found success by unconventional, and more direct, means. Sasha Davis, an activist and scholar of radical environmental advocacy, focuses on the strategies of movements, many of them Indigenous, that have occupied contested sites and demonstrated their effectiveness at managing or governing them. Including case studies of resistance to development on Indigenous lands in Hawai'i, nuclear testing in the Nevada desert, and the U.S. military occupation of Okinawa, he offers insight and direction for activists, students, academics, and others dedicated to protecting and improving the well-being of their communities and beyond. It would be easy to succumb to pessimism and political apathy in the face of governing institutions that are increasingly unresponsive to calls for change and repressive in response to protest, even as they violate human rights, ignore existential climate catastrophes, and concentrate power into fewer and fewer hands. Instead, Davis finds inspiration for genuine political change through social movements that are successfully "replacing the state" and taking over the day-to-day governance of threatened places. From contesting environmental abuse to reasserting Indigenous sovereignty, these social movements demonstrate how people can collectively wrest control over their communities from oppressive governments and manage them with a more egalitarian ethics of care.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A practical call to action against oppression. Across the globe, millions of people have participated in protests and marches, donated to political groups, or lobbied their representatives with the aim of creating lasting social change, overturning repressive laws, or limiting environmental destruction. Yet very little seems to improve for those affected by rapacious governments. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517919528">Replace the State: How to Change the World When Elections and Protests Fail</a> (U Minnesota Press, 2025) brings new hope for social justice movements by looking to progressive campaigns that have found success by unconventional, and more direct, means. Sasha Davis, an activist and scholar of radical environmental advocacy, focuses on the strategies of movements, many of them Indigenous, that have occupied contested sites and demonstrated their effectiveness at managing or governing them. Including case studies of resistance to development on Indigenous lands in Hawai'i, nuclear testing in the Nevada desert, and the U.S. military occupation of Okinawa, he offers insight and direction for activists, students, academics, and others dedicated to protecting and improving the well-being of their communities and beyond. It would be easy to succumb to pessimism and political apathy in the face of governing institutions that are increasingly unresponsive to calls for change and repressive in response to protest, even as they violate human rights, ignore existential climate catastrophes, and concentrate power into fewer and fewer hands. Instead, Davis finds inspiration for genuine political change through social movements that are successfully "replacing the state" and taking over the day-to-day governance of threatened places. From contesting environmental abuse to reasserting Indigenous sovereignty, these social movements demonstrate how people can collectively wrest control over their communities from oppressive governments and manage them with a more egalitarian ethics of care.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1710</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ecodefense: Dave Foreman and Earth First!’s Deep Ecology</title>
      <description>A cowboy hat-wearing Goldwater conservative named Dave Foreman got religion and then founded the most radical environmental group of recent memory, Earth First! They dreamed of a ‘deep ecology’ that recognized the inherent value of nature, and they committed to protecting that nature at almost any cost. Yet, in putting the earth first, did Dave Foreman relegate humanity to a distant second place?

This is the third episode of Cited Podcast’s new season, Green Dreams. Green Dreams tells stories of radical environmental thinkers and their dreams for our green future. Should we make those dreams reality, or are they actually nightmares? For the rest of the episodes, visit the series page, and subscribe today (Apple, Spotify, RSS).

Plus: Live in Toronto? Come out to our live event, October 2nd.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A cowboy hat-wearing Goldwater conservative named Dave Foreman got religion and then founded the most radical environmental group of recent memory, Earth First! They dreamed of a ‘deep ecology’ that recognized the inherent value of nature, and they committed to protecting that nature at almost any cost. Yet, in putting the earth first, did Dave Foreman relegate humanity to a distant second place?

This is the third episode of Cited Podcast’s new season, Green Dreams. Green Dreams tells stories of radical environmental thinkers and their dreams for our green future. Should we make those dreams reality, or are they actually nightmares? For the rest of the episodes, visit the series page, and subscribe today (Apple, Spotify, RSS).

Plus: Live in Toronto? Come out to our live event, October 2nd.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A cowboy hat-wearing Goldwater conservative named Dave Foreman got religion and then founded the most radical environmental group of recent memory, Earth First! They dreamed of a ‘deep ecology’ that recognized the inherent value of nature, and they committed to protecting that nature at almost any cost. Yet, in putting the earth first, did Dave Foreman relegate humanity to a distant second place?</p>
<p>This is the third episode of<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"> </a><a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> new season, <em>Green Dreams</em>. <em>Green Dreams</em> tells stories of radical environmental thinkers and their dreams for our green future. Should we make those dreams reality, or are they actually nightmares? For the rest of the episodes, visit the<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-04-green-dreams/"> </a><a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-04-green-dreams/">series page</a>, and subscribe today (<a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/cited-podcast/id558228325">Apple</a>,<a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6pMLdKYpGooLKis7aORHSi"> </a><a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6pMLdKYpGooLKis7aORHSi">Spotify</a>,<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/feed/podcast/"> </a><a href="https://citedpodcast.com/feed/podcast/">RSS</a>).</p>
<p>Plus: Live in Toronto? Come out to our <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/2025/09/19/october-2nd-green-dreams-live-event/">live event</a>, October 2nd.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3598</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[737e16b8-98fa-11f0-8a14-2b0f363add0e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2838195588.mp3?updated=1758686388" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Authoritarian Ideas, Old and New: From Schmitt to “JD”</title>
      <description>On this episode of International Horizons, RBI Acting Director, Eli Karetny talks with Richard Wolin (Distinguished Professor, CUNY Graduate Center) about the intellectual roots of today’s anti-liberal right. Tracing a line from Germany’s “conservative revolutionaries” (Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Ernst Jünger, Heidegger) to France’s nouvelle droite and “great replacement” rhetoric, Wolin shows how cultural critiques of egalitarianism and “decadence” resurface in contemporary movements—from the manosphere and Bronze Age Pervert to tech-elite flirtations with political theology and the “state of exception.” The conversation connects these currents to U.S. figures like Peter Thiel and JD Vance, exploring why myths of decline, warrior brotherhoods, and friend-enemy politics have regained appeal—and what that means for liberal democracy now. A bracing tour through ideas shaping our moment, and a call to understand them clearly before they reshape our institutions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On this episode of International Horizons, RBI Acting Director, Eli Karetny talks with Richard Wolin (Distinguished Professor, CUNY Graduate Center) about the intellectual roots of today’s anti-liberal right. Tracing a line from Germany’s “conservative revolutionaries” (Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Ernst Jünger, Heidegger) to France’s nouvelle droite and “great replacement” rhetoric, Wolin shows how cultural critiques of egalitarianism and “decadence” resurface in contemporary movements—from the manosphere and Bronze Age Pervert to tech-elite flirtations with political theology and the “state of exception.” The conversation connects these currents to U.S. figures like Peter Thiel and JD Vance, exploring why myths of decline, warrior brotherhoods, and friend-enemy politics have regained appeal—and what that means for liberal democracy now. A bracing tour through ideas shaping our moment, and a call to understand them clearly before they reshape our institutions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On this episode of <em>International Horizons</em>, RBI Acting Director, Eli Karetny talks with Richard Wolin (Distinguished Professor, CUNY Graduate Center) about the intellectual roots of today’s anti-liberal right. Tracing a line from Germany’s “conservative revolutionaries” (Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Ernst Jünger, Heidegger) to France’s <em>nouvelle droite</em> and “great replacement” rhetoric, Wolin shows how cultural critiques of egalitarianism and “decadence” resurface in contemporary movements—from the manosphere and Bronze Age Pervert to tech-elite flirtations with political theology and the “state of exception.” The conversation connects these currents to U.S. figures like Peter Thiel and JD Vance, exploring why myths of decline, warrior brotherhoods, and friend-enemy politics have regained appeal—and what that means for liberal democracy now. A bracing tour through ideas shaping our moment, and a call to understand them clearly before they reshape our institutions.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4754</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Bromell, "The Time is Always Now: Black Political Thought and the Transformation of U.S. Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2013)</title>
      <description>Nick Bromell is the author of By the Sweat of the Brow: Labor and Literature in Antebellum American Culture and Tomorrow Never Knows: Rock and Psychedelics in the Sixties, both published by the University of Chicago Press. His articles and essays on African American literature and political thought have appeared in American Literature, American Literary History, Political Theory, Raritan, and The Sewanee Review. He teaches at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and he blogs at thetimeisalwaysnow.org.

Nick Bromell’s book is a work of intellectual history and political theory that places Black thinkers—writers, activists, and artists—at the center of American democratic thought. He argues that African American intellectual traditions have continually reshaped the meaning of democracy in the U.S., offering critiques and visions that go beyond the frameworks typically emphasized in mainstream political philosophy. The title, taken from James Baldwin’s writings, reflectsthe idea that democracy is never finished—it is always urgent and ongoing.The Time is Always Now: Black Political Thought and the Transformation of U.S. Democracy (Oxford UP, 2013) posits that Black thought epitomizes the crucible of American Democratic theory Bromell contends that African American thinkers are not simply responding to oppression but actively producing political theory—ideasabout freedom, justice, equality, and collective life. Their insights emerge from lived experiences of slavery, segregation,and racial inequality, which provide a unique vantage point for critiquing American democracy.Secondly, Democracy is an ongoing and incomplete project of reconstruction, renewal, and revival. Building on Baldwin’s phrase “the time is always now,” Bromell argues that democracy must be constantly reimagined and fought for. Black intellectual traditions highlight democracy’s fragility and incompleteness, challenging myths of American exceptionalism.Third, American Democracy exists beyond what are known to be traditional American institutions. While mainstream American political theory often places focus on constitutions, governments, or laws, Black thinkers and citizens emphasize affective, relational, and cultural dimensions of democracy—dimensions that exhibit and feature American virtues and values of community, solidarity, and recognition.Fourth, Professor Bromell calls for a vibrant relational empathy and mutual recognition. In this sense, Bromell highlights Black thought’s insistence on recognition of shared humanity and mutual vulnerability as the foundation for democraticpractice. Thinkers as varied as James Baldwin, Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King Jr, Toni Morrison, and Ralph Ellison stress the necessity of empathy as a civic virtue. Bromell reframes African American intellectual history as politicaltheory, not just cultural or social commentary. He challenges readers to recognize that the deepest resources fordemocratic renewal in America come from traditions forged under conditions of racial oppression. 

Ultimately The Time is Always Now insists that democracy is less about stable American institutions and more about the practice of bettering and refining incipient features of American institutions-facing each other honestly, acknowledging and shouldering of collective pain, and being committed to a shared mutual recognition of the totality of our collective experience.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nick Bromell is the author of By the Sweat of the Brow: Labor and Literature in Antebellum American Culture and Tomorrow Never Knows: Rock and Psychedelics in the Sixties, both published by the University of Chicago Press. His articles and essays on African American literature and political thought have appeared in American Literature, American Literary History, Political Theory, Raritan, and The Sewanee Review. He teaches at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and he blogs at thetimeisalwaysnow.org.

Nick Bromell’s book is a work of intellectual history and political theory that places Black thinkers—writers, activists, and artists—at the center of American democratic thought. He argues that African American intellectual traditions have continually reshaped the meaning of democracy in the U.S., offering critiques and visions that go beyond the frameworks typically emphasized in mainstream political philosophy. The title, taken from James Baldwin’s writings, reflectsthe idea that democracy is never finished—it is always urgent and ongoing.The Time is Always Now: Black Political Thought and the Transformation of U.S. Democracy (Oxford UP, 2013) posits that Black thought epitomizes the crucible of American Democratic theory Bromell contends that African American thinkers are not simply responding to oppression but actively producing political theory—ideasabout freedom, justice, equality, and collective life. Their insights emerge from lived experiences of slavery, segregation,and racial inequality, which provide a unique vantage point for critiquing American democracy.Secondly, Democracy is an ongoing and incomplete project of reconstruction, renewal, and revival. Building on Baldwin’s phrase “the time is always now,” Bromell argues that democracy must be constantly reimagined and fought for. Black intellectual traditions highlight democracy’s fragility and incompleteness, challenging myths of American exceptionalism.Third, American Democracy exists beyond what are known to be traditional American institutions. While mainstream American political theory often places focus on constitutions, governments, or laws, Black thinkers and citizens emphasize affective, relational, and cultural dimensions of democracy—dimensions that exhibit and feature American virtues and values of community, solidarity, and recognition.Fourth, Professor Bromell calls for a vibrant relational empathy and mutual recognition. In this sense, Bromell highlights Black thought’s insistence on recognition of shared humanity and mutual vulnerability as the foundation for democraticpractice. Thinkers as varied as James Baldwin, Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King Jr, Toni Morrison, and Ralph Ellison stress the necessity of empathy as a civic virtue. Bromell reframes African American intellectual history as politicaltheory, not just cultural or social commentary. He challenges readers to recognize that the deepest resources fordemocratic renewal in America come from traditions forged under conditions of racial oppression. 

Ultimately The Time is Always Now insists that democracy is less about stable American institutions and more about the practice of bettering and refining incipient features of American institutions-facing each other honestly, acknowledging and shouldering of collective pain, and being committed to a shared mutual recognition of the totality of our collective experience.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nick Bromell is the author of <em>By the Sweat of the Brow: Labor and Literature in Antebellum American Culture</em> and<em> Tomorrow Never Knows: Rock and Psychedelics in the Sixties</em>, both published by the University of Chicago Press. His articles and essays on African American literature and political thought have appeared in <em>American Literature, American Literary History, Political Theory, Raritan,</em> and <em>The Sewanee Review</em>. He teaches at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and he blogs at thetimeisalwaysnow.org.</p>
<p>Nick Bromell’s book is a work of intellectual history and political theory that places Black thinkers—writers, activists, and artists—at the center of American democratic thought. He argues that African American intellectual traditions have continually reshaped the meaning of democracy in the U.S., offering critiques and visions that go beyond the frameworks typically emphasized in mainstream political philosophy. The title, taken from James Baldwin’s writings, reflects<br>the idea that democracy is never finished—it is always urgent and ongoing.<a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/5294"><br>The Time is Always Now: Black Political Thought and the Transformation of U.S. Democracy</a> (Oxford UP, 2013) posits that Black thought epitomizes the crucible of American Democratic theory Bromell contends that African American thinkers are not simply responding to oppression but actively producing political theory—ideas<br>about freedom, justice, equality, and collective life. Their insights emerge from lived experiences of slavery, segregation,<br>and racial inequality, which provide a unique vantage point for critiquing American democracy.<br>Secondly, Democracy is an ongoing and incomplete project of reconstruction, renewal, and revival. Building on Baldwin’s phrase “the time is always now,” Bromell argues that democracy must be constantly reimagined and fought for. Black intellectual traditions highlight democracy’s fragility and incompleteness, challenging myths of American exceptionalism.<br>Third, American Democracy exists beyond what are known to be traditional American institutions. While mainstream American political theory often places focus on constitutions, governments, or laws, Black thinkers and citizens emphasize affective, relational, and cultural dimensions of democracy—dimensions that exhibit and feature American virtues and values of community, solidarity, and recognition.<br>Fourth, Professor Bromell calls for a vibrant relational empathy and mutual recognition. In this sense, Bromell highlights Black thought’s insistence on recognition of shared humanity and mutual vulnerability as the foundation for democratic<br>practice. Thinkers as varied as James Baldwin, Frederick Douglass, Martin Luther King Jr, Toni Morrison, and Ralph Ellison stress the necessity of empathy as a civic virtue. Bromell reframes African American intellectual history as political<br>theory, not just cultural or social commentary. He challenges readers to recognize that the deepest resources for<br>democratic renewal in America come from traditions forged under conditions of racial oppression. </p>
<p>Ultimately The Time is Always Now insists that democracy is less about stable American institutions and more about the practice of bettering and refining incipient features of American institutions-facing each other honestly, acknowledging and shouldering of collective pain, and being committed to a shared mutual recognition of the totality of our collective experience.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3648</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Edward Fishman, "Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare" (Portfolio, 2025)</title>
      <description>“The acme of skill,” Sun Tzu wrote in The Art of War, is not “to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles,” but “to subdue the enemy without fighting.” The author of Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare (Portfolio, 2025) has devoted much of his career to exploring how economic power can advance this goal. He served on the teams at the U.S. State Department that designed and negotiated Western sanctions against Russia after its 2014 annexation of Crimea, and whose economic pressure campaign against Iran led to a landmark nuclear deal in 2015. Economic warfare is how America fights its most important geopolitical battles today. From thwarting Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons to checking Russian imperialism and China’s bid for world mastery, the United States has reached into its economic arsenal to get the job done. In the process, the world economy has become a battlefield. Its weapons take the form of sanctions, export controls, and investment restrictions. Its commanders are not generals and admirals but lawyers, diplomats, and economists. Its foot soldiers are not brave men and women who volunteer for military service but business executives who seek to maximize profits yet often find they have no option other than to obey Washington’s marching orders. And America’s strength in these battles stems not from its gargantuan defense budget but from its primacy in international finance and technology. This book is about this kind of war. It blends research, analysis, and extensive interviews with more than one hundred of the key players in the events described, highlighting inflection points, interpreting their significance, and pulling back the curtain on the places where economic wars have been fought.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“The acme of skill,” Sun Tzu wrote in The Art of War, is not “to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles,” but “to subdue the enemy without fighting.” The author of Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare (Portfolio, 2025) has devoted much of his career to exploring how economic power can advance this goal. He served on the teams at the U.S. State Department that designed and negotiated Western sanctions against Russia after its 2014 annexation of Crimea, and whose economic pressure campaign against Iran led to a landmark nuclear deal in 2015. Economic warfare is how America fights its most important geopolitical battles today. From thwarting Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons to checking Russian imperialism and China’s bid for world mastery, the United States has reached into its economic arsenal to get the job done. In the process, the world economy has become a battlefield. Its weapons take the form of sanctions, export controls, and investment restrictions. Its commanders are not generals and admirals but lawyers, diplomats, and economists. Its foot soldiers are not brave men and women who volunteer for military service but business executives who seek to maximize profits yet often find they have no option other than to obey Washington’s marching orders. And America’s strength in these battles stems not from its gargantuan defense budget but from its primacy in international finance and technology. This book is about this kind of war. It blends research, analysis, and extensive interviews with more than one hundred of the key players in the events described, highlighting inflection points, interpreting their significance, and pulling back the curtain on the places where economic wars have been fought.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“The acme of skill,” Sun Tzu wrote in The Art of War, is not “to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles,” but “to subdue the enemy without fighting.” The author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593712979">Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare</a> (Portfolio, 2025) has devoted much of his career to exploring how economic power can advance this goal. He served on the teams at the U.S. State Department that designed and negotiated Western sanctions against Russia after its 2014 annexation of Crimea, and whose economic pressure campaign against Iran led to a landmark nuclear deal in 2015. Economic warfare is how America fights its most important geopolitical battles today. From thwarting Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons to checking Russian imperialism and China’s bid for world mastery, the United States has reached into its economic arsenal to get the job done. In the process, the world economy has become a battlefield. Its weapons take the form of sanctions, export controls, and investment restrictions. Its commanders are not generals and admirals but lawyers, diplomats, and economists. Its foot soldiers are not brave men and women who volunteer for military service but business executives who seek to maximize profits yet often find they have no option other than to obey Washington’s marching orders. And America’s strength in these battles stems not from its gargantuan defense budget but from its primacy in international finance and technology. This book is about this kind of war. It blends research, analysis, and extensive interviews with more than one hundred of the key players in the events described, highlighting inflection points, interpreting their significance, and pulling back the curtain on the places where economic wars have been fought.<br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3618</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Tim Weiner, "The Mission: The CIA in the 21st Century" (Mariner Books, 2025)</title>
      <description>In 2007, Tim Weiner published the book Legacy of Ashes. It was a history of the CIA from its founding to the early 2000s. As a university student in Italy, I bought the book as soon as it came out. The second non-fiction book I ever bought in English. The book was riveting. It kickstarted my interest in the CIA and covert operations.

Now, Tim Weiner has published a sequel to Legacy of Ashes. His new book is called The Mission: the CIA in the 21st Century (Mariner Books, 2025). It is a gripping and revelatory history of the from the late 1990s to the present. It ranges from 9/11 through the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq to today's battles with Russia and China--and with the President of the United States. 

At the turn of the century, the Central Intelligence Agency was in crisis. The end of the Cold War had robbed the agency of its mission. More than thirty overseas stations and bases had been shuttered, and scores that remained had been severely cut back. Many countries where surveillance was once deemed crucial went uncovered. Essential intelligence wasn't being collected. At the dawn of the information age, the CIA's officers and analysts worked with outmoded technology, struggling to distinguish the clear signals of significant facts from the cacophony of background noise. 

Then came September 11th, 2001. After the attacks, the CIA transformed itself into a lethal paramilitary force, running secret prisons and brutal interrogations, mounting deadly drone attacks, and all but abandoning its core missions of espionage and counterespionage. The consequences were grave: the deaths of scores of its recruited foreign agents, the theft of its personnel files by Chinese spies, the penetration of its computer networks by Russian intelligence and American hackers, and the tragedies of Afghanistan and Iraq. A new generation of spies now must fight the hardest targets--Moscow, Beijing, Tehran--while confronting a president who has attacked the CIA as a subversive force. 

The book reveals how the agency fought to rebuild the espionage powers it lost during the war on terror--and finally succeeded in penetrating the Kremlin. The key message of the book is that the CIA must reclaim its original mission: know thy enemies. This is made even more difficult by the attacks on the intelligence community deployed by the second Trump presidency, from unqualified senior officials to loyalty tests. The fate of the free world hangs in the balance. The Mission includes exclusive on-the-record interviews with six former CIA directors, the top spymaster, thirteen station chiefs, and scores of top operations officers who served undercover for decades and have never spoken to a journalist before.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2007, Tim Weiner published the book Legacy of Ashes. It was a history of the CIA from its founding to the early 2000s. As a university student in Italy, I bought the book as soon as it came out. The second non-fiction book I ever bought in English. The book was riveting. It kickstarted my interest in the CIA and covert operations.

Now, Tim Weiner has published a sequel to Legacy of Ashes. His new book is called The Mission: the CIA in the 21st Century (Mariner Books, 2025). It is a gripping and revelatory history of the from the late 1990s to the present. It ranges from 9/11 through the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq to today's battles with Russia and China--and with the President of the United States. 

At the turn of the century, the Central Intelligence Agency was in crisis. The end of the Cold War had robbed the agency of its mission. More than thirty overseas stations and bases had been shuttered, and scores that remained had been severely cut back. Many countries where surveillance was once deemed crucial went uncovered. Essential intelligence wasn't being collected. At the dawn of the information age, the CIA's officers and analysts worked with outmoded technology, struggling to distinguish the clear signals of significant facts from the cacophony of background noise. 

Then came September 11th, 2001. After the attacks, the CIA transformed itself into a lethal paramilitary force, running secret prisons and brutal interrogations, mounting deadly drone attacks, and all but abandoning its core missions of espionage and counterespionage. The consequences were grave: the deaths of scores of its recruited foreign agents, the theft of its personnel files by Chinese spies, the penetration of its computer networks by Russian intelligence and American hackers, and the tragedies of Afghanistan and Iraq. A new generation of spies now must fight the hardest targets--Moscow, Beijing, Tehran--while confronting a president who has attacked the CIA as a subversive force. 

The book reveals how the agency fought to rebuild the espionage powers it lost during the war on terror--and finally succeeded in penetrating the Kremlin. The key message of the book is that the CIA must reclaim its original mission: know thy enemies. This is made even more difficult by the attacks on the intelligence community deployed by the second Trump presidency, from unqualified senior officials to loyalty tests. The fate of the free world hangs in the balance. The Mission includes exclusive on-the-record interviews with six former CIA directors, the top spymaster, thirteen station chiefs, and scores of top operations officers who served undercover for decades and have never spoken to a journalist before.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2007, Tim Weiner published the book <em>Legacy of Ashes</em>. It was a history of the CIA from its founding to the early 2000s. As a university student in Italy, I bought the book as soon as it came out. The second non-fiction book I ever bought in English. The book was riveting. It kickstarted my interest in the CIA and covert operations.</p>
<p>Now, Tim Weiner has published a sequel to <em>Legacy of Ashes</em>. His new book is called <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063270183">The Mission: the CIA in the 21st Century</a><em> </em>(Mariner Books, 2025). It is a gripping and revelatory history of the from the late 1990s to the present. It ranges from 9/11 through the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq to today's battles with Russia and China--and with the President of the United States. </p>
<p>At the turn of the century, the Central Intelligence Agency was in crisis. The end of the Cold War had robbed the agency of its mission. More than thirty overseas stations and bases had been shuttered, and scores that remained had been severely cut back. Many countries where surveillance was once deemed crucial went uncovered. Essential intelligence wasn't being collected. At the dawn of the information age, the CIA's officers and analysts worked with outmoded technology, struggling to distinguish the clear signals of significant facts from the cacophony of background noise. </p>
<p>Then came September 11th, 2001. After the attacks, the CIA transformed itself into a lethal paramilitary force, running secret prisons and brutal interrogations, mounting deadly drone attacks, and all but abandoning its core missions of espionage and counterespionage. The consequences were grave: the deaths of scores of its recruited foreign agents, the theft of its personnel files by Chinese spies, the penetration of its computer networks by Russian intelligence and American hackers, and the tragedies of Afghanistan and Iraq. A new generation of spies now must fight the hardest targets--Moscow, Beijing, Tehran--while confronting a president who has attacked the CIA as a subversive force. </p>
<p>The book reveals how the agency fought to rebuild the espionage powers it lost during the war on terror--and finally succeeded in penetrating the Kremlin. The key message of the book is that the CIA must reclaim its original mission: know thy enemies. This is made even more difficult by the attacks on the intelligence community deployed by the second Trump presidency, from unqualified senior officials to loyalty tests. The fate of the free world hangs in the balance. <em>The Mission</em> includes exclusive on-the-record interviews with six former CIA directors, the top spymaster, thirteen station chiefs, and scores of top operations officers who served undercover for decades and have never spoken to a journalist before.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3094</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Nicholas Jacobs and Sidney M. Milkis, "Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism" (UP of Kansas, 2025)</title>
      <description>Nicholas Jacobs (Colby College) and Sidney Milkis (University of Virginia) have a new book, Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism ﻿﻿(UP of Kansas, 2025), focusing on the idea of presidentialism, which is a way to think of political systems that include a dominant president or executive. In the United States, with the original constitutional system of separate co-equal branches of government, presidentialism disrupts the structure that was initially constructed under the U.S. Constitution. Over the course of more than two centuries, the United States has contended with the waxing and waning of presidential power within the multi-branch system. But Jacobs and Milkis maintain that since the 1990s we have seen an expansion of presidentialism, with a collective tendency to invest greater responsibilities and power in the presidential office itself as well as in the person who is serving in that capacity. Part of this thesis is also about how different, competing forces and ideologies have pushed for the use of presidential power to solve cultural struggles, which are not necessarily the institutional or structural role of the presidency. While the growth of American presidentialism may be more contemporary, it has origins in the struggles and ruptures of the 1960s and the 1970s—which were never fully resolved, especially in regard to who belongs within the American community. Subverting The Republic spends time examining this historical framework to help us think about the current structural, political, and cultural contexts, and especially the place of President Donald J. Trump within our understanding of presidentialism.

This book is a careful and deeply researched historical and political analysis of the shifts and changes in how the American presidency has operated over the past 75 years, and grounds many of the actions we have seen within both Trump Administrations, as well as much of the pushback against some of these actions and assertions of power. In weaving together the historical background with the structural form of the presidency and the various tools that a president has at his command, Jacobs and Milkis lay out both the precedents relied upon by presidents of the 21st century, especially Donald Trump, but also the anomalies of the Trump Administration and actions. While Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism went to press before President Trump was re-elected in 2024 (and there is a brief postscript that is included, noting the results and considering what the second Trump Administration might look like), the authors noted in our conversation that much of what they discuss about the first Trump Administration in the book has only grown and expanded in the second Trump Administration. This is an important analysis of the office of the American presidency and how that office, as conceived of by the Founders and situated within a constitutional system that includes other centers of power and responsibility, has evolved rather dramatically from that initial form and structure.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
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      <pubDate>Sat, 20 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nicholas Jacobs (Colby College) and Sidney Milkis (University of Virginia) have a new book, Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism ﻿﻿(UP of Kansas, 2025), focusing on the idea of presidentialism, which is a way to think of political systems that include a dominant president or executive. In the United States, with the original constitutional system of separate co-equal branches of government, presidentialism disrupts the structure that was initially constructed under the U.S. Constitution. Over the course of more than two centuries, the United States has contended with the waxing and waning of presidential power within the multi-branch system. But Jacobs and Milkis maintain that since the 1990s we have seen an expansion of presidentialism, with a collective tendency to invest greater responsibilities and power in the presidential office itself as well as in the person who is serving in that capacity. Part of this thesis is also about how different, competing forces and ideologies have pushed for the use of presidential power to solve cultural struggles, which are not necessarily the institutional or structural role of the presidency. While the growth of American presidentialism may be more contemporary, it has origins in the struggles and ruptures of the 1960s and the 1970s—which were never fully resolved, especially in regard to who belongs within the American community. Subverting The Republic spends time examining this historical framework to help us think about the current structural, political, and cultural contexts, and especially the place of President Donald J. Trump within our understanding of presidentialism.

This book is a careful and deeply researched historical and political analysis of the shifts and changes in how the American presidency has operated over the past 75 years, and grounds many of the actions we have seen within both Trump Administrations, as well as much of the pushback against some of these actions and assertions of power. In weaving together the historical background with the structural form of the presidency and the various tools that a president has at his command, Jacobs and Milkis lay out both the precedents relied upon by presidents of the 21st century, especially Donald Trump, but also the anomalies of the Trump Administration and actions. While Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism went to press before President Trump was re-elected in 2024 (and there is a brief postscript that is included, noting the results and considering what the second Trump Administration might look like), the authors noted in our conversation that much of what they discuss about the first Trump Administration in the book has only grown and expanded in the second Trump Administration. This is an important analysis of the office of the American presidency and how that office, as conceived of by the Founders and situated within a constitutional system that includes other centers of power and responsibility, has evolved rather dramatically from that initial form and structure.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nicholas Jacobs (Colby College) and Sidney Milkis (University of Virginia) have a new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700638901">Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism</a><em> </em>﻿﻿(UP of Kansas, 2025), focusing on the idea of presidentialism, which is a way to think of political systems that include a dominant president or executive. In the United States, with the original constitutional system of separate co-equal branches of government, presidentialism disrupts the structure that was initially constructed under the U.S. Constitution. Over the course of more than two centuries, the United States has contended with the waxing and waning of presidential power within the multi-branch system. But Jacobs and Milkis maintain that since the 1990s we have seen an expansion of presidentialism, with a collective tendency to invest greater responsibilities and power in the presidential office itself as well as in the person who is serving in that capacity. Part of this thesis is also about how different, competing forces and ideologies have pushed for the use of presidential power to solve cultural struggles, which are not necessarily the institutional or structural role of the presidency. While the growth of American presidentialism may be more contemporary, it has origins in the struggles and ruptures of the 1960s and the 1970s—which were never fully resolved, especially in regard to who <em>belongs</em> within the American community. <em>Subverting The Republic</em> spends time examining this historical framework to help us think about the current structural, political, and cultural contexts, and especially the place of President Donald J. Trump within our understanding of presidentialism.</p>
<p>This book is a careful and deeply researched historical and political analysis of the shifts and changes in how the American presidency has operated over the past 75 years, and grounds many of the actions we have seen within both Trump Administrations, as well as much of the pushback against some of these actions and assertions of power. In weaving together the historical background with the structural form of the presidency and the various tools that a president has at his command, Jacobs and Milkis lay out both the precedents relied upon by presidents of the 21st century, especially Donald Trump, but also the anomalies of the Trump Administration and actions. <em>While Subverting the Republic: Donald J. Trump and the Perils of Presidentialism</em> went to press before President Trump was re-elected in 2024 (and there is a brief postscript that is included, noting the results and considering what the second Trump Administration might look like), the authors noted in our conversation that much of what they discuss about the first Trump Administration in the book has only grown and expanded in the second Trump Administration. This is an important analysis of the office of the American presidency and how that office, as conceived of by the Founders and situated within a constitutional system that includes other centers of power and responsibility, has evolved rather dramatically from that initial form and structure.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3690</itunes:duration>
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      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d07ef756-9512-11f0-909d-77a0ff39d659]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan White and Lucas Morel, "Measuring the Man: The Writings of Frederick Douglass on Abraham Lincoln" (Reedy Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>In Measuring the Man: The Writings of Frederick Douglass on Abraham Lincoln (Reedy Press, 2025), acclaimed scholars Lucas E. Morel and Jonathan W. White assemble Frederick Douglass’s most meaningful and poignant statements about Abraham Lincoln, including a dozen newly discovered documents that have not been seen for 160 years. Readers will encounter the distrust and vitriol Douglass directed at Lincoln throughout much of the Civil War, including his anger and frustration with the president as he moved slowly, but methodically, toward emancipation. Douglass’s writings also reveal how three personal interactions between these two great men led to powerful feelings of friendship and mutual admiration. After Lincoln’s assassination—as Jim Crow laws and political violence gutted the hard-won rights of Black Americans—Douglass expressed greater appreciation for Lincoln’s statesmanship during the Civil War and praised him as a model for postwar America. There is no one better than Frederick Douglass to offer a critical assessment of the Great Emancipator and savior of the Union. His reflections not only convey Lincoln’s contributions to the nation but also teach today’s generation timely lessons on how to fulfill the promise of the American republic. Measuring the Man sheds new light on the most critical period of American history and will transform the way we think about these two extraordinary leaders.

Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD Candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 20 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Measuring the Man: The Writings of Frederick Douglass on Abraham Lincoln (Reedy Press, 2025), acclaimed scholars Lucas E. Morel and Jonathan W. White assemble Frederick Douglass’s most meaningful and poignant statements about Abraham Lincoln, including a dozen newly discovered documents that have not been seen for 160 years. Readers will encounter the distrust and vitriol Douglass directed at Lincoln throughout much of the Civil War, including his anger and frustration with the president as he moved slowly, but methodically, toward emancipation. Douglass’s writings also reveal how three personal interactions between these two great men led to powerful feelings of friendship and mutual admiration. After Lincoln’s assassination—as Jim Crow laws and political violence gutted the hard-won rights of Black Americans—Douglass expressed greater appreciation for Lincoln’s statesmanship during the Civil War and praised him as a model for postwar America. There is no one better than Frederick Douglass to offer a critical assessment of the Great Emancipator and savior of the Union. His reflections not only convey Lincoln’s contributions to the nation but also teach today’s generation timely lessons on how to fulfill the promise of the American republic. Measuring the Man sheds new light on the most critical period of American history and will transform the way we think about these two extraordinary leaders.

Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD Candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781681066073">Measuring the Man: The Writings of Frederick Douglass on Abraham Lincoln </a>(Reedy Press, 2025), acclaimed scholars Lucas E. Morel and Jonathan W. White assemble Frederick Douglass’s most meaningful and poignant statements about Abraham Lincoln, including a dozen newly discovered documents that have not been seen for 160 years. Readers will encounter the distrust and vitriol Douglass directed at Lincoln throughout much of the Civil War, including his anger and frustration with the president as he moved slowly, but methodically, toward emancipation. Douglass’s writings also reveal how three personal interactions between these two great men led to powerful feelings of friendship and mutual admiration. After Lincoln’s assassination—as Jim Crow laws and political violence gutted the hard-won rights of Black Americans—Douglass expressed greater appreciation for Lincoln’s statesmanship during the Civil War and praised him as a model for postwar America. There is no one better than Frederick Douglass to offer a critical assessment of the Great Emancipator and savior of the Union. His reflections not only convey Lincoln’s contributions to the nation but also teach today’s generation timely lessons on how to fulfill the promise of the American republic. Measuring the Man sheds new light on the most critical period of American history and will transform the way we think about these two extraordinary leaders.</p>
<p>Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD Candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2313</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sarah Schulman, "The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity" (Penguin, 2025)</title>
      <description>From award-winning writer Sarah Schulman, a longtime social activist and outspoken critic of the Israeli war on Gaza, comes ﻿The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity (Penguin, 2025). ﻿This book is﻿ a brilliant examination of the inherent psychological and social challenges to solidarity movements, and what that means for the future For those who seek to combat injustice, solidarity with the oppressed is one of the highest ideals, yet it does not come without complication. In this searing yet uplifting book, award-winning writer and cultural critic Sarah Schulman delves into the intricate and often misunderstood concept of solidarity to provide a new vision for what it means to engage in this work—and why it matters. To grapple with solidarity, Schulman writes, we must recognize its inherent fantasies. Those being oppressed dream of relief, that a bystander will intervene though it may not seem to be in their immediate interest to do so, and that the oppressor will be called out and punished. Those standing in solidarity with the oppressed are occluded by a different fantasy: that their intervention is effective, that it will not cost them, and that they will be rewarded with friendship and thanks. Neither is always the case, and yet in order to realize our full potential as human beings in relation with others, we must continue to pursue action towards these shared goals. Within this framework, Schulman examines a range of case studies, from the fight for abortion rights in post-Franco Spain, to NYC’s AIDS activism in the 1990s, to the current wave of campus protest movements against Israel’s war on Gaza, and her own experience growing up as a queer female artist in male dominated culture industries. Drawing parallels between queer, Palestinian, feminist, and artistic struggles for justice, Schulman challenges the traditional notion of solidarity as a simple union of equals, arguing that in today's world of globalized power structures, true solidarity requires the collaboration of bystanders and conflicted perpetrators with the excluded and oppressed. That action comes at a cost, and is not always effective. And yet without it we sentence ourselves to a world without progressive change towards visions of liberation. By turns challenging, inspiring, pragmatic, and poetic, The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity provides a much-needed path for how we can work together to create a more just, more equitable present and future.

Sarah Schulman is a novelist, playwright, screenwriter, nonfiction writer, and AIDS historian. Her books include The Gentrification of the Mind, Conflict Is Not Abuse, and Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 1987–1993, and the novels The Cosmopolitans and Maggie Terry. Schulman’s honors include a Fulbright in Judaic Studies, a Guggenheim in Playwriting, and honors from Lambda Literary, the Publishing Triangle, NLGJA: The Association of LGBTQ+ Journalists, the American Library Association, and others. Her writing has appeared in The New Yorker, New York, Harper’s Magazine, The Atlantic, The Nation, The New Republic, The New York Times, and The Guardian. Schulman holds an endowed chair in creative writing at Northwestern University and is on the advisory board of Jewish Voice for Peace.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From award-winning writer Sarah Schulman, a longtime social activist and outspoken critic of the Israeli war on Gaza, comes ﻿The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity (Penguin, 2025). ﻿This book is﻿ a brilliant examination of the inherent psychological and social challenges to solidarity movements, and what that means for the future For those who seek to combat injustice, solidarity with the oppressed is one of the highest ideals, yet it does not come without complication. In this searing yet uplifting book, award-winning writer and cultural critic Sarah Schulman delves into the intricate and often misunderstood concept of solidarity to provide a new vision for what it means to engage in this work—and why it matters. To grapple with solidarity, Schulman writes, we must recognize its inherent fantasies. Those being oppressed dream of relief, that a bystander will intervene though it may not seem to be in their immediate interest to do so, and that the oppressor will be called out and punished. Those standing in solidarity with the oppressed are occluded by a different fantasy: that their intervention is effective, that it will not cost them, and that they will be rewarded with friendship and thanks. Neither is always the case, and yet in order to realize our full potential as human beings in relation with others, we must continue to pursue action towards these shared goals. Within this framework, Schulman examines a range of case studies, from the fight for abortion rights in post-Franco Spain, to NYC’s AIDS activism in the 1990s, to the current wave of campus protest movements against Israel’s war on Gaza, and her own experience growing up as a queer female artist in male dominated culture industries. Drawing parallels between queer, Palestinian, feminist, and artistic struggles for justice, Schulman challenges the traditional notion of solidarity as a simple union of equals, arguing that in today's world of globalized power structures, true solidarity requires the collaboration of bystanders and conflicted perpetrators with the excluded and oppressed. That action comes at a cost, and is not always effective. And yet without it we sentence ourselves to a world without progressive change towards visions of liberation. By turns challenging, inspiring, pragmatic, and poetic, The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity provides a much-needed path for how we can work together to create a more just, more equitable present and future.

Sarah Schulman is a novelist, playwright, screenwriter, nonfiction writer, and AIDS historian. Her books include The Gentrification of the Mind, Conflict Is Not Abuse, and Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 1987–1993, and the novels The Cosmopolitans and Maggie Terry. Schulman’s honors include a Fulbright in Judaic Studies, a Guggenheim in Playwriting, and honors from Lambda Literary, the Publishing Triangle, NLGJA: The Association of LGBTQ+ Journalists, the American Library Association, and others. Her writing has appeared in The New Yorker, New York, Harper’s Magazine, The Atlantic, The Nation, The New Republic, The New York Times, and The Guardian. Schulman holds an endowed chair in creative writing at Northwestern University and is on the advisory board of Jewish Voice for Peace.﻿
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From award-winning writer Sarah Schulman, a longtime social activist and outspoken critic of the Israeli war on Gaza, comes ﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593854259">The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity</a> (Penguin, 2025). ﻿This book is﻿ a brilliant examination of the inherent psychological and social challenges to solidarity movements, and what that means for the future For those who seek to combat injustice, solidarity with the oppressed is one of the highest ideals, yet it does not come without complication. In this searing yet uplifting book, award-winning writer and cultural critic Sarah Schulman delves into the intricate and often misunderstood concept of solidarity to provide a new vision for what it means to engage in this work—and why it matters. To grapple with solidarity, Schulman writes, we must recognize its inherent fantasies. Those being oppressed dream of relief, that a bystander will intervene though it may not seem to be in their immediate interest to do so, and that the oppressor will be called out and punished. Those standing in solidarity with the oppressed are occluded by a different fantasy: that their intervention is effective, that it will not cost them, and that they will be rewarded with friendship and thanks. Neither is always the case, and yet in order to realize our full potential as human beings in relation with others, we must continue to pursue action towards these shared goals. Within this framework, Schulman examines a range of case studies, from the fight for abortion rights in post-Franco Spain, to NYC’s AIDS activism in the 1990s, to the current wave of campus protest movements against Israel’s war on Gaza, and her own experience growing up as a queer female artist in male dominated culture industries. Drawing parallels between queer, Palestinian, feminist, and artistic struggles for justice, Schulman challenges the traditional notion of solidarity as a simple union of equals, arguing that in today's world of globalized power structures, true solidarity requires the collaboration of bystanders and conflicted perpetrators with the excluded and oppressed. That action comes at a cost, and is not always effective. And yet without it we sentence ourselves to a world without progressive change towards visions of liberation. By turns challenging, inspiring, pragmatic, and poetic, The Fantasy and Necessity of Solidarity provides a much-needed path for how we can work together to create a more just, more equitable present and future.</p>
<p>Sarah Schulman is a novelist, playwright, screenwriter, nonfiction writer, and AIDS historian. Her books include <em>The Gentrification of the Mind</em>, <em>Conflict Is Not Abuse</em>, and <em>Let the Record Show: A Political History of ACT UP New York, 1987–1993</em>, and the novels <em>The Cosmopolitans</em> and <em>Maggie Terry</em>. Schulman’s honors include a Fulbright in Judaic Studies, a Guggenheim in Playwriting, and honors from Lambda Literary, the Publishing Triangle, NLGJA: The Association of LGBTQ+ Journalists, the American Library Association, and others. Her writing has appeared in <em>The New Yorker</em>, <em>New York</em>, <em>Harper’s Magazine</em>, <em>The Atlantic</em>, <em>The Nation</em>, <em>The New Republic</em>, <em>The New York Times</em>, and <em>The Guardian</em>. Schulman holds an endowed chair in creative writing at Northwestern University and is on the advisory board of Jewish Voice for Peace.﻿</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2947</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Rebecca Nagle, "By the Fire We Carry: The Generations-Long Fight for Justice on Native Land" (Harper, 2024)</title>
      <description>In 2020, the US Supreme Court ruled, in a surprise decision, that treaties still on the books as US law meant that the Muscogee people of Oklahoma maintained legal jurisdiction over a large portion of the state; in short, that much of Oklahoma remained Indian Country. McGirt v. Oklahoma has been fought over in the court system since, but the implications are ongoing, in Oklahoma and elsewhere. In By the Fire We Carry: The Generations-Long Fight for Justice on Native Land﻿ ﻿(Harper, 2024), award winning journalist, writer, and podcaster Rebecca Nagle tracks this story back hundreds of years, through the history of the Muscogee and other Southeastern Indigenous nations, to the era of removal in the 1830s, and up through the present day. This includes the case of Patrick Murphy, and the murder that kickstarted McGirt's surprising and unlikely trek through the courts. A powerful of story of what can happen when people simply follow the laws as written, Nagle argues that Indigenous resistance, resilience, and power as just as much of the story of the West as disposession and land loss.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2020, the US Supreme Court ruled, in a surprise decision, that treaties still on the books as US law meant that the Muscogee people of Oklahoma maintained legal jurisdiction over a large portion of the state; in short, that much of Oklahoma remained Indian Country. McGirt v. Oklahoma has been fought over in the court system since, but the implications are ongoing, in Oklahoma and elsewhere. In By the Fire We Carry: The Generations-Long Fight for Justice on Native Land﻿ ﻿(Harper, 2024), award winning journalist, writer, and podcaster Rebecca Nagle tracks this story back hundreds of years, through the history of the Muscogee and other Southeastern Indigenous nations, to the era of removal in the 1830s, and up through the present day. This includes the case of Patrick Murphy, and the murder that kickstarted McGirt's surprising and unlikely trek through the courts. A powerful of story of what can happen when people simply follow the laws as written, Nagle argues that Indigenous resistance, resilience, and power as just as much of the story of the West as disposession and land loss.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2020, the US Supreme Court ruled, in a surprise decision, that treaties still on the books as US law meant that the Muscogee people of Oklahoma maintained legal jurisdiction over a large portion of the state; in short, that much of Oklahoma remained Indian Country. <em>McGirt v. Oklahoma</em> has been fought over in the court system since, but the implications are ongoing, in Oklahoma and elsewhere. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063112049">By the Fire We Carry: The Generations-Long Fight for Justice on Native Land﻿</a> ﻿(Harper, 2024), award winning journalist, writer, and podcaster Rebecca Nagle tracks this story back hundreds of years, through the history of the Muscogee and other Southeastern Indigenous nations, to the era of removal in the 1830s, and up through the present day. This includes the case of Patrick Murphy, and the murder that kickstarted <em>McGirt's</em> surprising and unlikely trek through the courts. A powerful of story of what can happen when people simply follow the laws as written, Nagle argues that Indigenous resistance, resilience, and power as just as much of the story of the West as disposession and land loss.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2358</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1c765018-920d-11f0-a54b-bf0a7ffcfd84]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9552175033.mp3?updated=1757924687" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Michael Poznansky, "Great Power, Great Responsibility: How the Liberal International Order Shapes US Foreign Policy" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In the wake of World War II, the United States leveraged its hegemonic position in the international political system to gradually build a new global order centered around democracy, the expansion of free market capitalism, and the containment of communism. Named in retrospect the "liberal international order" (LIO), the system took decades to build and is still largely with us today even as the US's relative power within it has diminished.

In Great Power, Great Responsibility: How the Liberal International Order Shapes US Foreign Policy (Oxford UP, 2025), Michael Poznansky explores how the LIO has influenced US foreign policy from its founding to the present. Proponents argue that its impact has been profound, producing a system that has been more rule-bound and beneficial than any previous order. Critics charge that it has failed to prevent the US itself from consistently violating rules and norms. Poznansky contends that the answer lies in between. While rule-breaking has been a constant feature of the postwar order, the nature of violations varies in surprising and poorly understood ways. America's approach to compliance with the LIO, including whether leaders feel the need to conceal rule violations at all, is a function of two primary factors: the intensity of competition over international order, and the burden of complying with the liberal order's core tenets in a given case.

Drawing on nine case studies, including the Korean War and Iraq War, Great Power, Great Responsibility sheds important light on the future of US foreign policy in an era where American unipolarity has ended and great power rivalry has returned.

Our guest is Michael Poznansky, an Associate Professor in the Strategic and Operational Research Department and a core faculty member in the Cyber &amp; Innovation Policy Institute at the U.S. Naval War College.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the wake of World War II, the United States leveraged its hegemonic position in the international political system to gradually build a new global order centered around democracy, the expansion of free market capitalism, and the containment of communism. Named in retrospect the "liberal international order" (LIO), the system took decades to build and is still largely with us today even as the US's relative power within it has diminished.

In Great Power, Great Responsibility: How the Liberal International Order Shapes US Foreign Policy (Oxford UP, 2025), Michael Poznansky explores how the LIO has influenced US foreign policy from its founding to the present. Proponents argue that its impact has been profound, producing a system that has been more rule-bound and beneficial than any previous order. Critics charge that it has failed to prevent the US itself from consistently violating rules and norms. Poznansky contends that the answer lies in between. While rule-breaking has been a constant feature of the postwar order, the nature of violations varies in surprising and poorly understood ways. America's approach to compliance with the LIO, including whether leaders feel the need to conceal rule violations at all, is a function of two primary factors: the intensity of competition over international order, and the burden of complying with the liberal order's core tenets in a given case.

Drawing on nine case studies, including the Korean War and Iraq War, Great Power, Great Responsibility sheds important light on the future of US foreign policy in an era where American unipolarity has ended and great power rivalry has returned.

Our guest is Michael Poznansky, an Associate Professor in the Strategic and Operational Research Department and a core faculty member in the Cyber &amp; Innovation Policy Institute at the U.S. Naval War College.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the wake of World War II, the United States leveraged its hegemonic position in the international political system to gradually build a new global order centered around democracy, the expansion of free market capitalism, and the containment of communism. Named in retrospect the "liberal international order" (LIO), the system took decades to build and is still largely with us today even as the US's relative power within it has diminished.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/great-power-great-responsibility-how-the-liberal-international-order-shapes-us-foreign-policy-associate-professor-strategic-and-operational-research/32c36b88fc0ed071?ean=9780197812914&amp;next=t&amp;next=t">Great Power, Great Responsibility: How the Liberal International Order Shapes US Foreign Policy</a> (Oxford UP, 2025), Michael Poznansky explores how the LIO has influenced US foreign policy from its founding to the present. Proponents argue that its impact has been profound, producing a system that has been more rule-bound and beneficial than any previous order. Critics charge that it has failed to prevent the US itself from consistently violating rules and norms. Poznansky contends that the answer lies in between. While rule-breaking has been a constant feature of the postwar order, the nature of violations varies in surprising and poorly understood ways. America's approach to compliance with the LIO, including whether leaders feel the need to conceal rule violations at all, is a function of two primary factors: the intensity of competition over international order, and the burden of complying with the liberal order's core tenets in a given case.</p>
<p>Drawing on nine case studies, including the Korean War and Iraq War, Great Power, Great Responsibility sheds important light on the future of US foreign policy in an era where American unipolarity has ended and great power rivalry has returned.</p>
<p>Our guest is <a href="https://usnwc.edu/Faculty-and-Departments/Directory/Michael-Poznansky">Michael Poznansky</a>, an Associate Professor in the Strategic and Operational Research Department and a core faculty member in the Cyber &amp; Innovation Policy Institute at the U.S. Naval War College.</p>
<p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1940</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[064568be-91dc-11f0-92bd-d77ccca30e9a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8327215240.mp3?updated=1757903638" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Celene Reynolds, "Unlawful Advances: How Feminists Transformed Title IX" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>When the US Congress enacted Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, no one expected it to become a prominent tool for confronting sexual harassment in schools. Title IX is the civil rights law that prohibits education programs from discriminating “on the basis of sex.” At the time, however, the term “sexual harassment” was not yet in use; this kind of misconduct was simply accepted as part of life for girls and women at schools and universities. In Unlawful Advances: How Feminists Transformed Title IX (Princeton UP, 2025), Celene Reynolds shows how the women claiming protection under Title IX made sexual harassment into a form of sex discrimination barred by the law. Working together, feminist students and lawyers fundamentally changed the right to equal opportunity in education and schools’ obligations to ensure it.

Drawing on meticulously documented case studies, Reynolds explains how Title IX was applied to sexual harassment, linking the actions of feminists at Cornell, Yale, and Berkeley. Through analyses of key lawsuits and an original dataset of federal Title IX complaints, she traces the evolution of sexual harassment policy in education—from the early applications at elite universities to the growing sexual harassment bureaucracies on campuses today—and how the work of these feminists has forever shaped the law, university governance, and gender relations on campus. Reynolds argues that our political and interpretive struggle over this application of Title IX is far from finished. Her account illuminates this ongoing effort, as well as the more general process by which citizens can transform not only the laws that govern us, but also the very meaning of equality under American law.

New Books in Women’s History Podcast

Jane Scimeca, Professor of History at Brookdale Community College, website here

@janescimeca.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When the US Congress enacted Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, no one expected it to become a prominent tool for confronting sexual harassment in schools. Title IX is the civil rights law that prohibits education programs from discriminating “on the basis of sex.” At the time, however, the term “sexual harassment” was not yet in use; this kind of misconduct was simply accepted as part of life for girls and women at schools and universities. In Unlawful Advances: How Feminists Transformed Title IX (Princeton UP, 2025), Celene Reynolds shows how the women claiming protection under Title IX made sexual harassment into a form of sex discrimination barred by the law. Working together, feminist students and lawyers fundamentally changed the right to equal opportunity in education and schools’ obligations to ensure it.

Drawing on meticulously documented case studies, Reynolds explains how Title IX was applied to sexual harassment, linking the actions of feminists at Cornell, Yale, and Berkeley. Through analyses of key lawsuits and an original dataset of federal Title IX complaints, she traces the evolution of sexual harassment policy in education—from the early applications at elite universities to the growing sexual harassment bureaucracies on campuses today—and how the work of these feminists has forever shaped the law, university governance, and gender relations on campus. Reynolds argues that our political and interpretive struggle over this application of Title IX is far from finished. Her account illuminates this ongoing effort, as well as the more general process by which citizens can transform not only the laws that govern us, but also the very meaning of equality under American law.

New Books in Women’s History Podcast

Jane Scimeca, Professor of History at Brookdale Community College, website here

@janescimeca.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When the US Congress enacted Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, no one expected it to become a prominent tool for confronting sexual harassment in schools. Title IX is the civil rights law that prohibits education programs from discriminating “on the basis of sex.” At the time, however, the term “sexual harassment” was not yet in use; this kind of misconduct was simply accepted as part of life for girls and women at schools and universities. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691206349">Unlawful Advances: How Feminists Transformed Title IX</a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025), Celene Reynolds shows how the women claiming protection under Title IX made sexual harassment into a form of sex discrimination barred by the law. Working together, feminist students and lawyers fundamentally changed the right to equal opportunity in education and schools’ obligations to ensure it.</p>
<p>Drawing on meticulously documented case studies, Reynolds explains how Title IX was applied to sexual harassment, linking the actions of feminists at Cornell, Yale, and Berkeley. Through analyses of key lawsuits and an original dataset of federal Title IX complaints, she traces the evolution of sexual harassment policy in education—from the early applications at elite universities to the growing sexual harassment bureaucracies on campuses today—and how the work of these feminists has forever shaped the law, university governance, and gender relations on campus. Reynolds argues that our political and interpretive struggle over this application of Title IX is far from finished. Her account illuminates this ongoing effort, as well as the more general process by which citizens can transform not only the laws that govern us, but also the very meaning of equality under American law.</p>
<p>New Books in Women’s History Podcast</p>
<p>Jane Scimeca, Professor of History at Brookdale Community College, website <a href="http://www.janescimeca.com/">here</a><br></p>
<p>@janescimeca.bsky.social</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2720</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3aa3ca80-920c-11f0-9eec-3f38061e26c0]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2752183535.mp3?updated=1757924296" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Sparding, "No Better Friend? The United States and Germany Since 1945" (Hurst, 2024)</title>
      <description>The German-American relationship is the decisive transatlantic dynamic of our time. Long seen as one of the most stable connections between Europe and America thanks to its well-defined Cold War structure and hierarchy, relations between Washington and Berlin have become much more volatile in the twenty-first century-- and are playing an increasingly pivotal role in determining the degree to which Europe and the United States will be able to shape a rapidly changing world order. Stabilizing this uniquely complicated relationship will be no easy feat. At times more closely aligned politically, and more intertwined economically, than any other transatlantic pair, since the end of the Cold War these republics have seen their relations characterized by frequent diplomatic, cultural and philosophical clashes and misunderstandings, and a trail of disappointed expectations. In ﻿No Better Friend? The United States and Germany Since 1945 (Hurst, 2024) Peter Sparding examines the long history between the two countries and their peoples; the narratives and perceptions harbored by each nation concerning the other; and the evolution of diplomatic, economic and security ties. Appraising the complicated interplay between Germany and the United States vis-a-vis a rising China, and the domestic challenges facing both countries, his book offers an outlook on how this all-important relationship might function going forward.

Guest: Peter Sparding (he/him) is the Senior Vice President and Director of Policy at the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress (CSPC) in Washington DC. He has written about and analyzed US-Germany relations and transatlantic economic and foreign policy for two decades.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke here

Linktree here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The German-American relationship is the decisive transatlantic dynamic of our time. Long seen as one of the most stable connections between Europe and America thanks to its well-defined Cold War structure and hierarchy, relations between Washington and Berlin have become much more volatile in the twenty-first century-- and are playing an increasingly pivotal role in determining the degree to which Europe and the United States will be able to shape a rapidly changing world order. Stabilizing this uniquely complicated relationship will be no easy feat. At times more closely aligned politically, and more intertwined economically, than any other transatlantic pair, since the end of the Cold War these republics have seen their relations characterized by frequent diplomatic, cultural and philosophical clashes and misunderstandings, and a trail of disappointed expectations. In ﻿No Better Friend? The United States and Germany Since 1945 (Hurst, 2024) Peter Sparding examines the long history between the two countries and their peoples; the narratives and perceptions harbored by each nation concerning the other; and the evolution of diplomatic, economic and security ties. Appraising the complicated interplay between Germany and the United States vis-a-vis a rising China, and the domestic challenges facing both countries, his book offers an outlook on how this all-important relationship might function going forward.

Guest: Peter Sparding (he/him) is the Senior Vice President and Director of Policy at the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress (CSPC) in Washington DC. He has written about and analyzed US-Germany relations and transatlantic economic and foreign policy for two decades.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke here

Linktree here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The German-American relationship is the decisive transatlantic dynamic of our time. Long seen as one of the most stable connections between Europe and America thanks to its well-defined Cold War structure and hierarchy, relations between Washington and Berlin have become much more volatile in the twenty-first century-- and are playing an increasingly pivotal role in determining the degree to which Europe and the United States will be able to shape a rapidly changing world order. Stabilizing this uniquely complicated relationship will be no easy feat. At times more closely aligned politically, and more intertwined economically, than any other transatlantic pair, since the end of the Cold War these republics have seen their relations characterized by frequent diplomatic, cultural and philosophical clashes and misunderstandings, and a trail of disappointed expectations. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197806777">﻿</a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197806777">No Better Friend? The United States and Germany Since 1945</a><em> (</em>Hurst, 2024) Peter Sparding examines the long history between the two countries and their peoples; the narratives and perceptions harbored by each nation concerning the other; and the evolution of diplomatic, economic and security ties. Appraising the complicated interplay between Germany and the United States vis-a-vis a rising China, and the domestic challenges facing both countries, his book offers an outlook on how this all-important relationship might function going forward.</p>
<p><strong>Guest:</strong> Peter Sparding (he/him) is the Senior Vice President and Director of Policy at the Center for the Study of the Presidency and Congress (CSPC) in Washington DC. He has written about and analyzed US-Germany relations and transatlantic economic and foreign policy for two decades.</p>
<p><strong>Host: </strong>Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.</p>
<p>Scholars@Duke <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">here</a></p>
<p>Linktree <a href="https://linktr.ee/jennapittman">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3193</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[42ddc9e2-8dfe-11f0-8ee2-536a1ba29e9a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8267954998.mp3?updated=1757478521" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl, "Crusading for Globalization: US Multinationals and Their Opponents Since 1945" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Crusading for Globalization: US Multinationals and Their Opponents Since 1945 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) tells the story of an extraordinarily influential group of business executives at the helms of the largest US multinational corporations and their quest to drive globalization forward over the last eight decades. Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl argues that the spectacular expansion of international investment, trade, and production after 1945 cannot be understood without considering the role played by these corporate globalizers and the organization they created, the US Council (today’s United States Council for International Business). By shaping governmental policy through their congressional lobbying and close connections to successive presidential administrations, US Council members, including executives from General Electric, Coca Cola, and IBM, among others, consistently fought for ever more market deregulation, culminating in the creation of the World Trade Organization in 1995.

Crusading for Globalization is also a book about those who opposed the growing might of multinationals. In the years immediately after World War II, resistance came from business protectionists, before labor and policymakers from the Global South joined the effort in the early 1970s. Schaufelbuehl breaks new ground by offering a panorama of this early anti-globalization movement, and by showing how the leaders of multinationals organized to limit its political influence. She also examines continuities between this early movement and the opposition to globalization that emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century from the left and the populist right and discusses how business responded by promoting corporate social responsibility and voluntary guidelines.The first book to shed light on what caused corporate executives to pursue a pro-globalization agenda and to examine their methods for dealing with their opponents, Crusading for Globalization reveals the historical roots of today’s disparities in wealth and income distribution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Crusading for Globalization: US Multinationals and Their Opponents Since 1945 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) tells the story of an extraordinarily influential group of business executives at the helms of the largest US multinational corporations and their quest to drive globalization forward over the last eight decades. Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl argues that the spectacular expansion of international investment, trade, and production after 1945 cannot be understood without considering the role played by these corporate globalizers and the organization they created, the US Council (today’s United States Council for International Business). By shaping governmental policy through their congressional lobbying and close connections to successive presidential administrations, US Council members, including executives from General Electric, Coca Cola, and IBM, among others, consistently fought for ever more market deregulation, culminating in the creation of the World Trade Organization in 1995.

Crusading for Globalization is also a book about those who opposed the growing might of multinationals. In the years immediately after World War II, resistance came from business protectionists, before labor and policymakers from the Global South joined the effort in the early 1970s. Schaufelbuehl breaks new ground by offering a panorama of this early anti-globalization movement, and by showing how the leaders of multinationals organized to limit its political influence. She also examines continuities between this early movement and the opposition to globalization that emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century from the left and the populist right and discusses how business responded by promoting corporate social responsibility and voluntary guidelines.The first book to shed light on what caused corporate executives to pursue a pro-globalization agenda and to examine their methods for dealing with their opponents, Crusading for Globalization reveals the historical roots of today’s disparities in wealth and income distribution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512827156">Crusading for Globalization: US Multinationals and Their Opponents Since 1945</a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2025) tells the story of an extraordinarily influential group of business executives at the helms of the largest US multinational corporations and their quest to drive globalization forward over the last eight decades. Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl argues that the spectacular expansion of international investment, trade, and production after 1945 cannot be understood without considering the role played by these corporate globalizers and the organization they created, the US Council (today’s United States Council for International Business). By shaping governmental policy through their congressional lobbying and close connections to successive presidential administrations, US Council members, including executives from General Electric, Coca Cola, and IBM, among others, consistently fought for ever more market deregulation, culminating in the creation of the World Trade Organization in 1995.</p>
<p><br>Crusading for Globalization is also a book about those who opposed the growing might of multinationals. In the years immediately after World War II, resistance came from business protectionists, before labor and policymakers from the Global South joined the effort in the early 1970s. Schaufelbuehl breaks new ground by offering a panorama of this early anti-globalization movement, and by showing how the leaders of multinationals organized to limit its political influence. She also examines continuities between this early movement and the opposition to globalization that emerged at the beginning of the twenty-first century from the left and the populist right and discusses how business responded by promoting corporate social responsibility and voluntary guidelines.<br>The first book to shed light on what caused corporate executives to pursue a pro-globalization agenda and to examine their methods for dealing with their opponents, Crusading for Globalization reveals the historical roots of today’s disparities in wealth and income distribution.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4017</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1a80373a-8db5-11f0-8b87-ab96acd801ba]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2599451001.mp3?updated=1757447206" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ariel Colonomos, "Pricing Lives: The Political Art of Measurement" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Pricing Lives: The Political Art of Measurement (Oxford UP, 2023) discusses how human lives are equated with the material, and argues that pricing lives lies at the core of the political; in fact, as in Plato or Hobbes, and in the Weberian ethics of responsibility, measurement is considered to be one of its central features. Ariel Colonomos argues that this measure relies primarily on human lives and interests, and that the material equivalence to lives is twofold. The equivalence is a double equation, as we pay for lives and we pay with lives. This double equation constitutes the measurement upon which the political equilibrium of a society depends and is thus a key constitutive part of the political. The book adopts two approaches, both with an interdisciplinary perspective: one explanatory and the other normative. First, it explains the nexus between existential goods and material goods, drawing on a detailed analysis of several case studies from contemporary politics, both domestic and international. Second, it discusses normatively the material valuation of human lives and the human value of material goods. Value attribution and the question of the material equivalent to lives are of relevance not only for political theory and philosophy, but also for sociology, history, international relations, and legal studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Pricing Lives: The Political Art of Measurement (Oxford UP, 2023) discusses how human lives are equated with the material, and argues that pricing lives lies at the core of the political; in fact, as in Plato or Hobbes, and in the Weberian ethics of responsibility, measurement is considered to be one of its central features. Ariel Colonomos argues that this measure relies primarily on human lives and interests, and that the material equivalence to lives is twofold. The equivalence is a double equation, as we pay for lives and we pay with lives. This double equation constitutes the measurement upon which the political equilibrium of a society depends and is thus a key constitutive part of the political. The book adopts two approaches, both with an interdisciplinary perspective: one explanatory and the other normative. First, it explains the nexus between existential goods and material goods, drawing on a detailed analysis of several case studies from contemporary politics, both domestic and international. Second, it discusses normatively the material valuation of human lives and the human value of material goods. Value attribution and the question of the material equivalent to lives are of relevance not only for political theory and philosophy, but also for sociology, history, international relations, and legal studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192890559">Pricing Lives: The Political Art of Measurement </a>(Oxford UP, 2023) discusses how human lives are equated with the material, and argues that pricing lives lies at the core of the political; in fact, as in Plato or Hobbes, and in the Weberian ethics of responsibility, measurement is considered to be one of its central features. Ariel Colonomos argues that this measure relies primarily on human lives and interests, and that the material equivalence to lives is twofold. The equivalence is a double equation, as we pay for lives and we pay with lives. This double equation constitutes the measurement upon which the political equilibrium of a society depends and is thus a key constitutive part of the political. The book adopts two approaches, both with an interdisciplinary perspective: one explanatory and the other normative. First, it explains the nexus between existential goods and material goods, drawing on a detailed analysis of several case studies from contemporary politics, both domestic and international. Second, it discusses normatively the material valuation of human lives and the human value of material goods. Value attribution and the question of the material equivalent to lives are of relevance not only for political theory and philosophy, but also for sociology, history, international relations, and legal studies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2674</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[32935ea2-8c88-11f0-9de8-477446647240]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7285678171.mp3?updated=1757317814" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Is the U.S. helping speed up its own decline? with Damon Linker</title>
      <description>We begin the new season of International Horizons by asking a crucial question: is the U.S. helping speed up its own decline? RBI Deputy Director, Eli Karetny talks with political writer and scholar Damon Linker about how Trump’s movement sees presidential power, why it challenges long-standing rules and institutions, and what it means for America’s role in the world. They explore whether U.S. influence has shifted from leading a global order after World War II to carving out its own “sphere of influence” alongside other major powers. The discussion looks at attacks on government expertise, the idea of “restraint” in foreign policy, and how fringe thinkers on the right are shaping real political choices. What happens when leaders value absolute freedom of action over laws, expertise, or alliances? Tune in for a clear look at the ideas driving today’s high-stakes political battles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We begin the new season of International Horizons by asking a crucial question: is the U.S. helping speed up its own decline? RBI Deputy Director, Eli Karetny talks with political writer and scholar Damon Linker about how Trump’s movement sees presidential power, why it challenges long-standing rules and institutions, and what it means for America’s role in the world. They explore whether U.S. influence has shifted from leading a global order after World War II to carving out its own “sphere of influence” alongside other major powers. The discussion looks at attacks on government expertise, the idea of “restraint” in foreign policy, and how fringe thinkers on the right are shaping real political choices. What happens when leaders value absolute freedom of action over laws, expertise, or alliances? Tune in for a clear look at the ideas driving today’s high-stakes political battles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We begin the new season of International Horizons by asking a crucial question: is the U.S. helping speed up its own decline? RBI Deputy Director, Eli Karetny talks with political writer and scholar Damon Linker about how Trump’s movement sees presidential power, why it challenges long-standing rules and institutions, and what it means for America’s role in the world. They explore whether U.S. influence has shifted from leading a global order after World War II to carving out its own “sphere of influence” alongside other major powers. The discussion looks at attacks on government expertise, the idea of “restraint” in foreign policy, and how fringe thinkers on the right are shaping real political choices. What happens when leaders value absolute freedom of action over laws, expertise, or alliances? Tune in for a clear look at the ideas driving today’s high-stakes political battles.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4069</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9ae3640e-8c13-11f0-b253-eb290117dc8c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2135643661.mp3?updated=1757268114" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sarah McLaughlin, "Authoritarians in the Academy: How the Internationalization of Higher Education and Borderless Censorship Threaten Free Speech" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In an era of globalized education, where ideals of freedom and inquiry should thrive, an alarming trend has emerged: foreign authoritarian regimes infiltrating American academia. In Authoritarians in the Academy, Sarah McLaughlin exposes how higher education institutions, long considered bastions of free thought, are compromising their values for financial gain and global partnerships.

This groundbreaking investigation reveals the subtle yet sweeping influence of authoritarian governments. University leaders are allowing censorship to flourish on campus, putting pressure on faculty, and silencing international student voices, all in the name of appeasing foreign powers. McLaughlin exposes the troubling reality where university leaders prioritize expansion and profit over the principles of free expression. The book describes incidents in classrooms where professors hesitate to discuss controversial topics and in boardrooms where administrators weigh the costs of offending oppressive regimes. McLaughlin offers a sobering look at how the compromises made in American academia reflect broader societal patterns seen in industries like tech, sports, and entertainment.

Meticulously researched and unapologetically candid, Authoritarians in the Academy: How the Internationalization of Higher Education and Borderless Censorship Threaten Free Speech (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2025) is an essential read for anyone who believes in the transformative power of education and the necessity of safeguarding it from the creeping tide of authoritarianism.

Sarah McLaughlin is a senior scholar of global expression at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In an era of globalized education, where ideals of freedom and inquiry should thrive, an alarming trend has emerged: foreign authoritarian regimes infiltrating American academia. In Authoritarians in the Academy, Sarah McLaughlin exposes how higher education institutions, long considered bastions of free thought, are compromising their values for financial gain and global partnerships.

This groundbreaking investigation reveals the subtle yet sweeping influence of authoritarian governments. University leaders are allowing censorship to flourish on campus, putting pressure on faculty, and silencing international student voices, all in the name of appeasing foreign powers. McLaughlin exposes the troubling reality where university leaders prioritize expansion and profit over the principles of free expression. The book describes incidents in classrooms where professors hesitate to discuss controversial topics and in boardrooms where administrators weigh the costs of offending oppressive regimes. McLaughlin offers a sobering look at how the compromises made in American academia reflect broader societal patterns seen in industries like tech, sports, and entertainment.

Meticulously researched and unapologetically candid, Authoritarians in the Academy: How the Internationalization of Higher Education and Borderless Censorship Threaten Free Speech (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2025) is an essential read for anyone who believes in the transformative power of education and the necessity of safeguarding it from the creeping tide of authoritarianism.

Sarah McLaughlin is a senior scholar of global expression at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In an era of globalized education, where ideals of freedom and inquiry should thrive, an alarming trend has emerged: foreign authoritarian regimes infiltrating American academia. In Authoritarians in the Academy, Sarah McLaughlin exposes how higher education institutions, long considered bastions of free thought, are compromising their values for financial gain and global partnerships.</p>
<p>This groundbreaking investigation reveals the subtle yet sweeping influence of authoritarian governments. University leaders are allowing censorship to flourish on campus, putting pressure on faculty, and silencing international student voices, all in the name of appeasing foreign powers. McLaughlin exposes the troubling reality where university leaders prioritize expansion and profit over the principles of free expression. The book describes incidents in classrooms where professors hesitate to discuss controversial topics and in boardrooms where administrators weigh the costs of offending oppressive regimes. McLaughlin offers a sobering look at how the compromises made in American academia reflect broader societal patterns seen in industries like tech, sports, and entertainment.</p>
<p>Meticulously researched and unapologetically candid, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421452807">Authoritarians in the Academy: How the Internationalization of Higher Education and Borderless Censorship Threaten Free Speech</a> (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2025) is an essential read for anyone who believes in the transformative power of education and the necessity of safeguarding it from the creeping tide of authoritarianism.</p>
<p>Sarah McLaughlin is a senior scholar of global expression at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2511</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Molly Worthen, "Spellbound: How Charisma Shaped American History from the Puritans to Donald Trump" (Random House, 2025)</title>
      <description>Everyone feels it. Cultural and political life in America has become unrecognizable and strange. Firebrands and would-be sages have taken the place of reasonable and responsible leaders. Nuanced debates have given way to the smug confidence of yard signs. How did we get here?In Spellbound: How Charisma Shaped American History from the Puritans to Donald Trump" (Random House, 2025)Context (Random House, 2025), historian Molly Worthen argues that we will understand our present moment if we learn the story of charisma in America. From the Puritans and Andrew Jackson to Black nationalists and Donald Trump, the saga of American charisma, Worthen argues, stars figures who possess a dangerous and alluring power to move crowds. They invite followers into a cosmic drama where hopes are fulfilled and grievances are put right—and these charismatic leaders insist that they alone plot the way.The story of charisma in America reveals that when traditional religious institutions fail to deliver on their promise of a meaningful life, people will get their spiritual needs met in a warped cultural and political landscape dominated by those who appear to have the power to bring order and meaning out of chaos. Charismatic leaders address spiritual needs, offering an alternate reality where people have knowledge, power, and heroic status, whether as divinely chosen instruments of God or those who will restore national glory.Through Worthen’s centuries-spanning historical research, Spellbound places a crucial religious lens on the cultural, economic, and political upheavals facing Americans today.

Molly Worthen is a professor of history at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a freelance journalist.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 06 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Everyone feels it. Cultural and political life in America has become unrecognizable and strange. Firebrands and would-be sages have taken the place of reasonable and responsible leaders. Nuanced debates have given way to the smug confidence of yard signs. How did we get here?In Spellbound: How Charisma Shaped American History from the Puritans to Donald Trump" (Random House, 2025)Context (Random House, 2025), historian Molly Worthen argues that we will understand our present moment if we learn the story of charisma in America. From the Puritans and Andrew Jackson to Black nationalists and Donald Trump, the saga of American charisma, Worthen argues, stars figures who possess a dangerous and alluring power to move crowds. They invite followers into a cosmic drama where hopes are fulfilled and grievances are put right—and these charismatic leaders insist that they alone plot the way.The story of charisma in America reveals that when traditional religious institutions fail to deliver on their promise of a meaningful life, people will get their spiritual needs met in a warped cultural and political landscape dominated by those who appear to have the power to bring order and meaning out of chaos. Charismatic leaders address spiritual needs, offering an alternate reality where people have knowledge, power, and heroic status, whether as divinely chosen instruments of God or those who will restore national glory.Through Worthen’s centuries-spanning historical research, Spellbound places a crucial religious lens on the cultural, economic, and political upheavals facing Americans today.

Molly Worthen is a professor of history at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a freelance journalist.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Everyone feels it. Cultural and political life in America has become unrecognizable and strange. Firebrands and would-be sages have taken the place of reasonable and responsible leaders. Nuanced debates have given way to the smug confidence of yard signs. How did we get here?<br>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593729007">Spellbound: How Charisma Shaped American History from the Puritans to Donald Trump" (Random House, 2025)<br>Context</a><em> </em>(Random House, 2025)<em>,</em> historian Molly Worthen argues that we will understand our present moment if we learn the story of charisma in America. From the Puritans and Andrew Jackson to Black nationalists and Donald Trump, the saga of American charisma, Worthen argues, stars figures who possess a dangerous and alluring power to move crowds. They invite followers into a cosmic drama where hopes are fulfilled and grievances are put right—and these charismatic leaders insist that they alone plot the way.<br>The story of charisma in America reveals that when traditional religious institutions fail to deliver on their promise of a meaningful life, people will get their spiritual needs met in a warped cultural and political landscape dominated by those who appear to have the power to bring order and meaning out of chaos. Charismatic leaders address spiritual needs, offering an alternate reality where people have knowledge, power, and heroic status, whether as divinely chosen instruments of God or those who will restore national glory.<br>Through Worthen’s centuries-spanning historical research, <em>Spellbound</em> places a crucial religious lens on the cultural, economic, and political upheavals facing Americans today.</p>
<p>Molly Worthen is a professor of history at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a freelance journalist.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3957</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4ac97204-8a85-11f0-9b90-778d4357e274]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4149877115.mp3?updated=1757096820" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Cordelia Fine, "Patriarchy Inc.: What We Get Wrong About Gender Equality – and Why Men Still Win at Work" (W.W. Norton, 2025)</title>
      <description>Inequality in the workplace impacts all areas of our lives, from health and self-development to economic security and family life. But, despite the world's richest countries' long-avowed commitments to gender equality, there is still so much to fix - and so much we don't see.With perceptive and razor-sharp insight, in Patriarchy Inc.: What We Get Wrong About Gender Equality – and Why Men Still Win at Work (W.W. Norton, 2025) award-winning author Cordelia Fine reveals how the status quo - Patriarchy Inc. - is harming us all, in our working lives and beyond. Drawing on social and cultural history, examples from hunter-forager societies to high finance and the latest thinking in evolutionary science, she dismantles the existing, inadequate visions for gender equality and charts an inspiring path towards a fairer and freer society

Cordelia Fine is a Canadian-born British philosopher of science, psychologist, and writer. She is a full professor in the History and Philosophy of Science programme at the University of Melbourne, Australia.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel here 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Inequality in the workplace impacts all areas of our lives, from health and self-development to economic security and family life. But, despite the world's richest countries' long-avowed commitments to gender equality, there is still so much to fix - and so much we don't see.With perceptive and razor-sharp insight, in Patriarchy Inc.: What We Get Wrong About Gender Equality – and Why Men Still Win at Work (W.W. Norton, 2025) award-winning author Cordelia Fine reveals how the status quo - Patriarchy Inc. - is harming us all, in our working lives and beyond. Drawing on social and cultural history, examples from hunter-forager societies to high finance and the latest thinking in evolutionary science, she dismantles the existing, inadequate visions for gender equality and charts an inspiring path towards a fairer and freer society

Cordelia Fine is a Canadian-born British philosopher of science, psychologist, and writer. She is a full professor in the History and Philosophy of Science programme at the University of Melbourne, Australia.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel here 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Inequality in the workplace impacts all areas of our lives, from health and self-development to economic security and family life. But, despite the world's richest countries' long-avowed commitments to gender equality, there is still so much to fix - and so much we don't see.<br>With perceptive and razor-sharp insight, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324064749">Patriarchy Inc.: What We Get Wrong About Gender Equality – and Why Men Still Win at Work</a> (W.W. Norton, 2025) award-winning author Cordelia Fine reveals how the status quo - Patriarchy Inc. - is harming us all, in our working lives and beyond. Drawing on social and cultural history, examples from hunter-forager societies to high finance and the latest thinking in evolutionary science, she dismantles the existing, inadequate visions for gender equality and charts an inspiring path towards a fairer and freer society</p>
<p>Cordelia Fine is a Canadian-born British philosopher of science, psychologist, and writer. She is a full professor in the History and Philosophy of Science programme at the University of Melbourne, Australia.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">here</a> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4171</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6679379677.mp3?updated=1756694996" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brendan A. Shanahan, "Disparate Regimes: Nativist Politics, Alienage Law, and Citizenship Rights in the United States, 1865-1965" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Historians have well described how US immigration policy increasingly fell under the purview of federal law and national politics in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. It is far less understood that the rights of noncitizen immigrants in the country remained primarily contested in the realms of state politics and law until the mid-to-late twentieth century. Such state-level political debates often centered on whether noncitizen immigrants should vote, count as part of the polity for the purposes of state legislative representation, work in public and publicly funded employment, or obtain professional licensure.Enacted state alienage laws were rarely self-executing, and immigrants and their allies regularly challenged nativist restrictions in court, on the job, by appealing to lawmakers and the public, and even via diplomacy. Battles over the passage, implementation, and constitutionality of such policies at times aligned with and sometimes clashed against contemporaneous efforts to expand rights to marginalized Americans, particularly US-born women. 

Often considered separately or treated as topics of marginal importance, Disparate Regimes: Nativist Politics, Alienage Law, and Citizenship Rights in the United States, 1865–1965 (Oxford University Press, 2025) by Dr. Brendan A. Shanahan underscores the centrality of nativist state politics and alienage policies to the history of American immigration and citizenship from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. It argues that the proliferation of these debates and laws produced veritable disparate regimes of citizenship rights in the American political economy on a state-by-state basis. It further illustrates how nativist state politics and alienage policies helped to invent and concretize the idea that citizenship rights meant citizen-only rights in law, practice, and popular perception in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Sep 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>251</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Historians have well described how US immigration policy increasingly fell under the purview of federal law and national politics in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. It is far less understood that the rights of noncitizen immigrants in the country remained primarily contested in the realms of state politics and law until the mid-to-late twentieth century. Such state-level political debates often centered on whether noncitizen immigrants should vote, count as part of the polity for the purposes of state legislative representation, work in public and publicly funded employment, or obtain professional licensure.Enacted state alienage laws were rarely self-executing, and immigrants and their allies regularly challenged nativist restrictions in court, on the job, by appealing to lawmakers and the public, and even via diplomacy. Battles over the passage, implementation, and constitutionality of such policies at times aligned with and sometimes clashed against contemporaneous efforts to expand rights to marginalized Americans, particularly US-born women. 

Often considered separately or treated as topics of marginal importance, Disparate Regimes: Nativist Politics, Alienage Law, and Citizenship Rights in the United States, 1865–1965 (Oxford University Press, 2025) by Dr. Brendan A. Shanahan underscores the centrality of nativist state politics and alienage policies to the history of American immigration and citizenship from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. It argues that the proliferation of these debates and laws produced veritable disparate regimes of citizenship rights in the American political economy on a state-by-state basis. It further illustrates how nativist state politics and alienage policies helped to invent and concretize the idea that citizenship rights meant citizen-only rights in law, practice, and popular perception in the United States.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Historians have well described how US immigration policy increasingly fell under the purview of federal law and national politics in the mid-to-late nineteenth century. It is far less understood that the rights of noncitizen immigrants in the country remained primarily contested in the realms of state politics and law until the mid-to-late twentieth century. Such state-level political debates often centered on whether noncitizen immigrants should vote, count as part of the polity for the purposes of state legislative representation, work in public and publicly funded employment, or obtain professional licensure.<br>Enacted state alienage laws were rarely self-executing, and immigrants and their allies regularly challenged nativist restrictions in court, on the job, by appealing to lawmakers and the public, and even via diplomacy. Battles over the passage, implementation, and constitutionality of such policies at times aligned with and sometimes clashed against contemporaneous efforts to expand rights to marginalized Americans, particularly US-born women. </p>
<p>Often considered separately or treated as topics of marginal importance, <em>Disparate Regimes: Nativist Politics, Alienage Law, and Citizenship Rights in the United States, 1865–1965</em> (Oxford University Press, 2025) by Dr. Brendan A. Shanahan underscores the centrality of nativist state politics and alienage policies to the history of American immigration and citizenship from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. It argues that the proliferation of these debates and laws produced veritable disparate regimes of citizenship rights in the American political economy on a state-by-state basis. It further illustrates how nativist state politics and alienage policies helped to invent and concretize the idea that citizenship rights meant citizen-only rights in law, practice, and popular perception in the United States.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4636</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f670e67e-84fd-11f0-a2c2-6f547ca82bb8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4327386628.mp3?updated=1756489661" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Conti-Brown and Sean H. Vanatta, "Private Finance, Public Power: A History of Bank Supervision in America" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>What does it mean to supervise a bank? And why does it matter who holds that power? In this episode, Sean H. Vanatta joins us to explore the hidden machinery behind American finance, as told in his new book Private Finance, Public Power: A History of Bank Supervision in America (Princeton UP, 2025), co-authored with Peter Conti-Brown.

Spanning nearly 150 years, the book traces the evolution of bank supervision from a patchwork of state-level oversight to a complex, layered system involving federal agencies, private actors, and political discretion. Sean takes us from the wildcat banks of the 1830s to the rise of the Federal Reserve, through crises, reforms, and the quiet work of bank examiners who shaped the rules behind the scenes.

We discuss why supervision differs from regulation, how discretion has become central to managing financial risk, and what the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in 2023 reveals about the enduring tension between private profit and public responsibility. Along the way, Sean shares stories of forgotten institutions, colourful characters, and the surprising role of gender and civil rights in shaping financial oversight.

Whether you're a policymaker, historian, or simply curious about how money and power interact, this conversation offers a fresh perspective on the institutions that quietly govern our financial lives. Tune in for a rich and engaging journey through the history and current state of banking politics.The interview on "Plastic Capitalism" is available here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What does it mean to supervise a bank? And why does it matter who holds that power? In this episode, Sean H. Vanatta joins us to explore the hidden machinery behind American finance, as told in his new book Private Finance, Public Power: A History of Bank Supervision in America (Princeton UP, 2025), co-authored with Peter Conti-Brown.

Spanning nearly 150 years, the book traces the evolution of bank supervision from a patchwork of state-level oversight to a complex, layered system involving federal agencies, private actors, and political discretion. Sean takes us from the wildcat banks of the 1830s to the rise of the Federal Reserve, through crises, reforms, and the quiet work of bank examiners who shaped the rules behind the scenes.

We discuss why supervision differs from regulation, how discretion has become central to managing financial risk, and what the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in 2023 reveals about the enduring tension between private profit and public responsibility. Along the way, Sean shares stories of forgotten institutions, colourful characters, and the surprising role of gender and civil rights in shaping financial oversight.

Whether you're a policymaker, historian, or simply curious about how money and power interact, this conversation offers a fresh perspective on the institutions that quietly govern our financial lives. Tune in for a rich and engaging journey through the history and current state of banking politics.The interview on "Plastic Capitalism" is available here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What does it mean to supervise a bank? And why does it matter who holds that power? In this episode, Sean H. Vanatta joins us to explore the hidden machinery behind American finance, as told in his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691232829">Private Finance, Public Power: A History of Bank Supervision in America</a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025), co-authored with Peter Conti-Brown.</p>
<p>Spanning nearly 150 years, the book traces the evolution of bank supervision from a patchwork of state-level oversight to a complex, layered system involving federal agencies, private actors, and political discretion. Sean takes us from the wildcat banks of the 1830s to the rise of the Federal Reserve, through crises, reforms, and the quiet work of bank examiners who shaped the rules behind the scenes.</p>
<p>We discuss why supervision differs from regulation, how discretion has become central to managing financial risk, and what the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank in 2023 reveals about the enduring tension between private profit and public responsibility. Along the way, Sean shares stories of forgotten institutions, colourful characters, and the surprising role of gender and civil rights in shaping financial oversight.</p>
<p>Whether you're a policymaker, historian, or simply curious about how money and power interact, this conversation offers a fresh perspective on the institutions that quietly govern our financial lives. Tune in for a rich and engaging journey through the history and current state of banking politics.<br>The interview on "Plastic Capitalism" is available <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/plastic-capitalism#entry:302992@1:url">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3202</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Russell T. McCutcheon, "Religion and the Domestication of Dissent: Or, How to Live in a Less Than Perfect Nation" (Routledge, 2025)</title>
      <description>In its first edition, this book focused on the representations of Islam that circulated in the wake of the 9/11 attacks – representations that scholars, pundits, and politicians alike used either to essentialize and demonize it or, instead, to isolate specific aspects as apolitical and thus tolerable faith. This little book’s larger thesis therefore argued for how the classifications that we routinely use to identify and thereby negotiate our social worlds – notably such categories as “religion” or “faith” – are explicitly political.

The new edition of ﻿Religion and the Domestication of Dissent: Or, How to Live in a Less Than Perfect Nation (Routledge, 2025), which updates the first and adds a new closing chapter, continues to be relevant today – a time when assertions concerning supposedly authentic and homogenous identities (whether shared by “us” or “them”) continue to animate a variety of public debates where the stakes remain high. Thinking back on how Islam was often portrayed in scholarship and popular media in western Europe and North America offers lessons for how debates today unfold on such topics as Christian nationalism – a designation now prominent among pundits intent on identifying the proper and improper ways in which religion intersects with modern political life. But it is this very distinction (between religion and politics) that ought to be attracting our attention, if we are interested not in which way of being religious is right or reasonable but, instead, in determining why some social groups are known as religious in the first place. Seeing the latter question as linked to studying how socially formative categories function in liberal democracies, Religion and the Domestication of Dissent offers an anthropology of the present, when the longstanding mechanisms of liberal governance seem to be under threat.

Russell T. McCutcheon is University Research Professor and, for 18 years, was the Chair of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Alabama, USA. His publications include a variety of works on the history of the field, the everyday effects of the category “religion,” along with a number of practical resources for scholars, teachers, and students.

This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In its first edition, this book focused on the representations of Islam that circulated in the wake of the 9/11 attacks – representations that scholars, pundits, and politicians alike used either to essentialize and demonize it or, instead, to isolate specific aspects as apolitical and thus tolerable faith. This little book’s larger thesis therefore argued for how the classifications that we routinely use to identify and thereby negotiate our social worlds – notably such categories as “religion” or “faith” – are explicitly political.

The new edition of ﻿Religion and the Domestication of Dissent: Or, How to Live in a Less Than Perfect Nation (Routledge, 2025), which updates the first and adds a new closing chapter, continues to be relevant today – a time when assertions concerning supposedly authentic and homogenous identities (whether shared by “us” or “them”) continue to animate a variety of public debates where the stakes remain high. Thinking back on how Islam was often portrayed in scholarship and popular media in western Europe and North America offers lessons for how debates today unfold on such topics as Christian nationalism – a designation now prominent among pundits intent on identifying the proper and improper ways in which religion intersects with modern political life. But it is this very distinction (between religion and politics) that ought to be attracting our attention, if we are interested not in which way of being religious is right or reasonable but, instead, in determining why some social groups are known as religious in the first place. Seeing the latter question as linked to studying how socially formative categories function in liberal democracies, Religion and the Domestication of Dissent offers an anthropology of the present, when the longstanding mechanisms of liberal governance seem to be under threat.

Russell T. McCutcheon is University Research Professor and, for 18 years, was the Chair of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Alabama, USA. His publications include a variety of works on the history of the field, the everyday effects of the category “religion,” along with a number of practical resources for scholars, teachers, and students.

This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In its first edition, this book<em> </em>focused on the representations of Islam that circulated in the wake of the 9/11 attacks – representations that scholars, pundits, and politicians alike used either to essentialize and demonize it or, instead, to isolate specific aspects as apolitical and thus tolerable faith. This little book’s larger thesis therefore argued for how the classifications that we routinely use to identify and thereby negotiate our social worlds – notably such categories as “religion” or “faith” – are explicitly political.</p>
<p>The new edition of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032898261">﻿Religion and the Domestication of Dissent: Or, How to Live in a Less Than Perfect Nation</a> (Routledge, 2025), which updates the first and adds a new closing chapter, continues to be relevant today – a time when assertions concerning supposedly authentic and homogenous identities (whether shared by “us” or “them”) continue to animate a variety of public debates where the stakes remain high. Thinking back on how Islam was often portrayed in scholarship and popular media in western Europe and North America offers lessons for how debates today unfold on such topics as Christian nationalism – a designation now prominent among pundits intent on identifying the proper and improper ways in which religion intersects with modern political life. But it is this very distinction (between religion and politics) that ought to be attracting our attention, if we are interested not in which way of being religious is right or reasonable but, instead, in determining why some social groups are known as religious in the first place. Seeing the latter question as linked to studying how socially formative categories function in liberal democracies, <em>Religion and the Domestication of Dissent </em>offers an anthropology of the present, when the longstanding mechanisms of liberal governance seem to be under threat.</p>
<p>Russell T. McCutcheon is University Research Professor and, for 18 years, was the Chair of the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Alabama, USA. His publications include a variety of works on the history of the field, the everyday effects of the category “religion,” along with a number of practical resources for scholars, teachers, and students.</p>
<p>This episode’s host, <a href="https://twitter.com/jakebarrett25">Jacob Barrett</a>, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website <a href="https://thereluctantamericanist.com/">thereluctantamericanist.com</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4069</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The end of aid? US, China, and the future of development</title>
      <description>In early 2025, headlines announced that the Trump administration would move to dramatically slash USAID—the United States’ flagship development agency. For many, the move was surprising, even self-defeating: why would a president so focused on countering China weaken one of Washington’s most effective tools of soft power? At the same time, China’s development finance continues to expand, and geopolitical competition over infrastructure intensifies, raising alarm bells across Washington and beyond. To help us make sense of this moment—and the broader politics of foreign aid—we’re joined by Jack Taggart, an expert on global governance and development, who discusses what these cuts mean for U.S. strategy, China’s rise, and the contested terrain of development and aid in today’s world.

BIO:

Jack Taggart is a Senior Lecturer in International Political Economy at Queen’s University Belfast. His research spans international political economy, global governance, and global development, focusing on shifting dynamics in development cooperation, such as the rise of new state and private actors, aid financialization, and development finance transformations. He also examines global governance institutions and the growing role of “multistakeholderism” in areas ranging from economic policy to environmental treaties.

Links:


  
The Second Cold War and Demise of the Western Foreign Aid Regime by Jack Taggart, SCWO Dispatch



  
How to DOGE USAID by Daniela Gabor in Phenomenal World




  
Industrial Policy and Imperial Realignment by Ilias Alami, Tom Chodor, Jack Taggart in Phenomenal World




  
Rethinking d/Development by Emma Mawdsley and Jack Taggart in Progress in Human Geography




  
Fictions of Financialization by Nick Bernard



  
Rendering development investible: the anti-politics machine and the financialisation of development by Jack Taggart and Marcus Power in Progress in Human Geography



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In early 2025, headlines announced that the Trump administration would move to dramatically slash USAID—the United States’ flagship development agency. For many, the move was surprising, even self-defeating: why would a president so focused on countering China weaken one of Washington’s most effective tools of soft power? At the same time, China’s development finance continues to expand, and geopolitical competition over infrastructure intensifies, raising alarm bells across Washington and beyond. To help us make sense of this moment—and the broader politics of foreign aid—we’re joined by Jack Taggart, an expert on global governance and development, who discusses what these cuts mean for U.S. strategy, China’s rise, and the contested terrain of development and aid in today’s world.

BIO:

Jack Taggart is a Senior Lecturer in International Political Economy at Queen’s University Belfast. His research spans international political economy, global governance, and global development, focusing on shifting dynamics in development cooperation, such as the rise of new state and private actors, aid financialization, and development finance transformations. He also examines global governance institutions and the growing role of “multistakeholderism” in areas ranging from economic policy to environmental treaties.

Links:


  
The Second Cold War and Demise of the Western Foreign Aid Regime by Jack Taggart, SCWO Dispatch



  
How to DOGE USAID by Daniela Gabor in Phenomenal World




  
Industrial Policy and Imperial Realignment by Ilias Alami, Tom Chodor, Jack Taggart in Phenomenal World




  
Rethinking d/Development by Emma Mawdsley and Jack Taggart in Progress in Human Geography




  
Fictions of Financialization by Nick Bernard



  
Rendering development investible: the anti-politics machine and the financialisation of development by Jack Taggart and Marcus Power in Progress in Human Geography



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In early 2025, headlines announced that the Trump administration would move to dramatically slash USAID—the United States’ flagship development agency. For many, the move was surprising, even self-defeating: why would a president so focused on countering China weaken one of Washington’s most effective tools of soft power? At the same time, China’s development finance continues to expand, and geopolitical competition over infrastructure intensifies, raising alarm bells across Washington and beyond. To help us make sense of this moment—and the broader politics of foreign aid—we’re joined by Jack Taggart, an expert on global governance and development, who discusses what these cuts mean for U.S. strategy, China’s rise, and the contested terrain of development and aid in today’s world.</p>
<p><strong>BIO:</strong></p>
<p><a href="https://www.qub.ac.uk/schools/happ/find-a-phd-supervisor/dr-jack-taggart.html">Jack Taggart</a> is a Senior Lecturer in International Political Economy at Queen’s University Belfast. His research spans international political economy, global governance, and global development, focusing on shifting dynamics in development cooperation, such as the rise of new state and private actors, aid financialization, and development finance transformations. He also examines global governance institutions and the growing role of “multistakeholderism” in areas ranging from economic policy to environmental treaties.</p>
<p><strong>Links:</strong></p>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.secondcoldwarobservatory.com/dispatch-2025-2">The Second Cold War and Demise of the Western Foreign Aid Regime</a> by Jack Taggart, SCWO Dispatch</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.phenomenalworld.org/analysis/how-to-doge-usaid/">How to DOGE USAID</a> by Daniela Gabor in <em>Phenomenal World</em>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.phenomenalworld.org/analysis/industrial-policy-and-imperial-realignment/">Industrial Policy and Imperial Realignment</a> by Ilias Alami, Tom Chodor, Jack Taggart in <em>Phenomenal World</em>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/03091325211053115">Rethinking d/Development</a> by Emma Mawdsley and Jack Taggart in <em>Progress in Human Geography</em>
</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.plutobooks.com/9780745348896/fictions-of-financialization/"><em>Fictions of Financialization</em></a> by Nick Bernard</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://doi-org.ezproxy.lib.utah.edu/10.1177/03091325241240741">Rendering development investible: the anti-politics machine and the financialisation of development</a> by Jack Taggart and Marcus Power in <em>Progress in Human Geography</em>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3125</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tom Arnold-Forster, "Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America.

His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today.

Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster’s Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal.

Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America.

His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today.

Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster’s Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal.

Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America.</p>
<p>His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today.</p>
<p>Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691215211">Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography</a> (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal.</p>
<p>Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in <em>American Journalism</em>, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2570</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2ca2603a-822c-11f0-aa57-cf5f198e1dc8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1957773050.mp3?updated=1756178575" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elaine Weiss, "Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement" (Simon and Schuster, 2025)</title>
      <description>Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee’s Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.”

Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman’s Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.""In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee’s Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.”

Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to Spell Freedom, she is the author of Fruits of Victory: The Woman’s Land Army of the Great War; and The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote. Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Elaine Weiss, acclaimed author of <em>The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote</em>, follows that magisterial work with a work of equal scholarly significance and narrative excellence, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668002698">Spell Freedom: The Underground Schools That Built the Civil Rights Movement</a> (Simon and Schuster, 2025), "the story of four activists whose audacious plan to restore voting rights to Black Americans laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement."<br>"In the summer of 1954, educator Septima Clark and small businessman Esau Jenkins travelled to rural Tennessee’s Highlander Folk School, an interracial training center for social change founded by Myles Horton, a white southerner with roots in the labor movement. There, the trio united behind a shared mission: preparing Black southerners to pass the daunting Jim Crow era voter registration literacy tests that were designed to disenfranchise them.<br>Together with beautician-turned-teacher Bernice Robinson, they launched the underground Citizenship Schools project, which began with a single makeshift classroom hidden in the back of a rural grocery store. By the time the Voting Rights Act was signed into law in 1965, the secretive undertaking had established more than nine hundred citizenship schools across the South, preparing tens of thousands of Black citizens to read and write, demand their rights—and vote. Simultaneously, it nurtured a generation of activists—many of them women—trained in community organizing, political citizenship, and tactics of resistance and struggle who became the grassroots foundation of the Civil Rights Movement. Dr. King called Septima Clark, “Mother of the Movement.”<br></p>
<p>Elaine Weiss is an award-winning journalist, author, and public speaker. In addition to <em>Spell Freedom</em>, she is the author of <em>Fruits of Victory: The Woman’s Land Army of the Great War</em>; and<em> The Woman’s Hour: The Great Fight to Win the Vote.</em> Elaine lives with her husband in Baltimore, Maryland. Find out more at her <a href="http://elaineweiss.com/">website</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3945</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Donald G. Nieman, "The Path to Paralysis: How American Politics Became Nasty, Dysfunctional, and a Threat to the Republic" (Anthem Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Much has been written about political polarisation in the United States, but no one has examined it through the lens of recent U.S. history. There is nothing deterministic about how we became polarised, and it happened more recently than many think. To fully understand the problem, we must take the long view, the perspective provided by history, with its attention to change over time and the role of contingency. That’s what The Path to Paralysis does.

The book illuminates the broad forces that have shaped and reshaped American society and politics since the mid-1960s: the shift from an industrial to an information economy that produced economic inequality not seen since the 1920s; dramatic, unsettling changes in gender and sexuality; sharp conflict between those who embrace the culture of personal freedom that was a legacy of the 1960s and politically mobilised White evangelicals; persistent racial discord that transformed Southern politics and shattered the New Deal coalition; and dramatic changes in communication that transformed broadcasting into narrowcasting, creating alternate news and truths.

These developments had their origin in the late 1960s and have generated sharp political conflict for six decades. But they didn’t overwhelm the system until the 21st century. Ronald Reagan moved American politics to the right, but Republicans and Democrats forged compromise on issues as diverse as economic policy, civil rights, and immigration. After the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush tacked to the centre and sought bipartisan solutions to issues like welfare, education and immigration. Sharp conflict and governance were compatible.

The tipping point was the election of the nation’s first Black president and the economic collapse he inherited. Fault lines of religion, region, gender, sexual orientation, class, education and, especially, race widened. People chose sides and identified enemies, the number of true swing voters shrunk, fewer states and congressional districts were competitive, the two major parties became more monolithic, and appeals to the base drove strategy and what passed for policy. It was an atmosphere that provided fertile ground for a demagogue whose norm-busting appeals to White grievance and Christian Nationalism, as well as to regional and class resentment strengthened his appeal to an angry base and threatened the peaceful transition of power, the bedrock of American democracy for more than two centuries.

Donald G. Nieman is an authority on modern U.S. law and politics, and professor of history and provost emeritus at Binghamton University – State University of New York.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>211</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Much has been written about political polarisation in the United States, but no one has examined it through the lens of recent U.S. history. There is nothing deterministic about how we became polarised, and it happened more recently than many think. To fully understand the problem, we must take the long view, the perspective provided by history, with its attention to change over time and the role of contingency. That’s what The Path to Paralysis does.

The book illuminates the broad forces that have shaped and reshaped American society and politics since the mid-1960s: the shift from an industrial to an information economy that produced economic inequality not seen since the 1920s; dramatic, unsettling changes in gender and sexuality; sharp conflict between those who embrace the culture of personal freedom that was a legacy of the 1960s and politically mobilised White evangelicals; persistent racial discord that transformed Southern politics and shattered the New Deal coalition; and dramatic changes in communication that transformed broadcasting into narrowcasting, creating alternate news and truths.

These developments had their origin in the late 1960s and have generated sharp political conflict for six decades. But they didn’t overwhelm the system until the 21st century. Ronald Reagan moved American politics to the right, but Republicans and Democrats forged compromise on issues as diverse as economic policy, civil rights, and immigration. After the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush tacked to the centre and sought bipartisan solutions to issues like welfare, education and immigration. Sharp conflict and governance were compatible.

The tipping point was the election of the nation’s first Black president and the economic collapse he inherited. Fault lines of religion, region, gender, sexual orientation, class, education and, especially, race widened. People chose sides and identified enemies, the number of true swing voters shrunk, fewer states and congressional districts were competitive, the two major parties became more monolithic, and appeals to the base drove strategy and what passed for policy. It was an atmosphere that provided fertile ground for a demagogue whose norm-busting appeals to White grievance and Christian Nationalism, as well as to regional and class resentment strengthened his appeal to an angry base and threatened the peaceful transition of power, the bedrock of American democracy for more than two centuries.

Donald G. Nieman is an authority on modern U.S. law and politics, and professor of history and provost emeritus at Binghamton University – State University of New York.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Much has been written about political polarisation in the United States, but no one has examined it through the lens of recent U.S. history. There is nothing deterministic about how we became polarised, and it happened more recently than many think. To fully understand the problem, we must take the long view, the perspective provided by history, with its attention to change over time and the role of contingency. That’s what <em>The Path to Paralysis</em> does.</p>
<p>The book illuminates the broad forces that have shaped and reshaped American society and politics since the mid-1960s: the shift from an industrial to an information economy that produced economic inequality not seen since the 1920s; dramatic, unsettling changes in gender and sexuality; sharp conflict between those who embrace the culture of personal freedom that was a legacy of the 1960s and politically mobilised White evangelicals; persistent racial discord that transformed Southern politics and shattered the New Deal coalition; and dramatic changes in communication that transformed broadcasting into narrowcasting, creating alternate news and truths.</p>
<p>These developments had their origin in the late 1960s and have generated sharp political conflict for six decades. But they didn’t overwhelm the system until the 21st century. Ronald Reagan moved American politics to the right, but Republicans and Democrats forged compromise on issues as diverse as economic policy, civil rights, and immigration. After the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush tacked to the centre and sought bipartisan solutions to issues like welfare, education and immigration. Sharp conflict and governance were compatible.</p>
<p>The tipping point was the election of the nation’s first Black president and the economic collapse he inherited. Fault lines of religion, region, gender, sexual orientation, class, education and, especially, race widened. People chose sides and identified enemies, the number of true swing voters shrunk, fewer states and congressional districts were competitive, the two major parties became more monolithic, and appeals to the base drove strategy and what passed for policy. It was an atmosphere that provided fertile ground for a demagogue whose norm-busting appeals to White grievance and Christian Nationalism, as well as to regional and class resentment strengthened his appeal to an angry base and threatened the peaceful transition of power, the bedrock of American democracy for more than two centuries.</p>
<p>Donald G. Nieman is an authority on modern U.S. law and politics, and professor of history and provost emeritus at Binghamton University – State University of New York.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3225</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[40d51aa8-801e-11f0-b729-135f4bcaaf47]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steve Luxenberg, "Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation" (Norton, 2019)</title>
      <description>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (Norton, 2019)  It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the Plessy case.  The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts.  We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision.  The Plessy case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States.  It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (Norton, 2019)  It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the Plessy case.  The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts.  We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision.  The Plessy case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States.  It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.steveluxenberg.com/">Steve Luxenberg</a> has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case <em>Plessy v. Ferguson </em>and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QvAj4ybKUQU5e7YVF_jM-xIAAAFpfmHpfwEAAAFKAfNnhac/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0393239373/?creativeASIN=0393239373&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=70vL3d36Jj70CZCL-DYJSA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation</em></a> (Norton, 2019)  It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the <em>Plessy</em> case.  The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts.  We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision.  The <em>Plessy</em> case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States.  It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.</p><p><em>Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy Messer-Kruse, "Slavery’s Fugitives and the Making of the United States Constitution" (LSU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Slavery's Fugitives and the Making of the United States Constitution (LSU Press, 2024) unearths a long-hidden factor that led to the Constitutional Convention in 1787. While historians have generally acknowledged that patriot leaders assembled in response to postwar economic chaos, the threat of popular insurgencies, and the inability of the states to agree on how to fund the national government, Timothy Messer-Kruse suggests that scholars have discounted Americans' desire to compel Britain to return fugitives from slavery as a driving force behind the convention.

During the Revolutionary War, British governors offered freedom to enslaved Americans who joined the king's army. Thousands responded by fleeing to English camps. After the British defeat at Yorktown, American diplomats demanded the surrender of fugitive slaves. When British generals refused, several states confiscated Loyalist estates and blocked payment of English creditors, hoping to apply enough pressure on the Crown to hand over the runaways. State laws conflicting with the 1783 Treaty of Paris violated the Articles of Confederation--the young nation's first constitution--but Congress, lacking an executive branch or a federal judiciary, had no means to obligate states to comply.

The standoff over the escaped slaves quickly escalated following the Revolution as Britain failed to abandon the western forts it occupied and took steps to curtail American commerce. More than any other single matter, the impasse over the return of enslaved Americans threatened to hamper the nation's ability to expand westward, develop its commercial economy, and establish itself as a power among the courts of Europe. Messer-Kruse argues that the issue encouraged the founders to consider the prospect of scrapping the Articles of Confederation and drafting a superseding document that would dramatically increase federal authority--the Constitution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 23 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Slavery's Fugitives and the Making of the United States Constitution (LSU Press, 2024) unearths a long-hidden factor that led to the Constitutional Convention in 1787. While historians have generally acknowledged that patriot leaders assembled in response to postwar economic chaos, the threat of popular insurgencies, and the inability of the states to agree on how to fund the national government, Timothy Messer-Kruse suggests that scholars have discounted Americans' desire to compel Britain to return fugitives from slavery as a driving force behind the convention.

During the Revolutionary War, British governors offered freedom to enslaved Americans who joined the king's army. Thousands responded by fleeing to English camps. After the British defeat at Yorktown, American diplomats demanded the surrender of fugitive slaves. When British generals refused, several states confiscated Loyalist estates and blocked payment of English creditors, hoping to apply enough pressure on the Crown to hand over the runaways. State laws conflicting with the 1783 Treaty of Paris violated the Articles of Confederation--the young nation's first constitution--but Congress, lacking an executive branch or a federal judiciary, had no means to obligate states to comply.

The standoff over the escaped slaves quickly escalated following the Revolution as Britain failed to abandon the western forts it occupied and took steps to curtail American commerce. More than any other single matter, the impasse over the return of enslaved Americans threatened to hamper the nation's ability to expand westward, develop its commercial economy, and establish itself as a power among the courts of Europe. Messer-Kruse argues that the issue encouraged the founders to consider the prospect of scrapping the Articles of Confederation and drafting a superseding document that would dramatically increase federal authority--the Constitution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807182765"><em>Slavery's Fugitives</em> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807182765">and the Making of the United States Constitution</a> (LSU Press, 2024) unearths a long-hidden factor that led to the Constitutional Convention in 1787. While historians have generally acknowledged that patriot leaders assembled in response to postwar economic chaos, the threat of popular insurgencies, and the inability of the states to agree on how to fund the national government, Timothy Messer-Kruse suggests that scholars have discounted Americans' desire to compel Britain to return fugitives from slavery as a driving force behind the convention.</p>
<p>During the Revolutionary War, British governors offered freedom to enslaved Americans who joined the king's army. Thousands responded by fleeing to English camps. After the British defeat at Yorktown, American diplomats demanded the surrender of fugitive slaves. When British generals refused, several states confiscated Loyalist estates and blocked payment of English creditors, hoping to apply enough pressure on the Crown to hand over the runaways. State laws conflicting with the 1783 Treaty of Paris violated the Articles of Confederation--the young nation's first constitution--but Congress, lacking an executive branch or a federal judiciary, had no means to obligate states to comply.</p>
<p>The standoff over the escaped slaves quickly escalated following the Revolution as Britain failed to abandon the western forts it occupied and took steps to curtail American commerce. More than any other single matter, the impasse over the return of enslaved Americans threatened to hamper the nation's ability to expand westward, develop its commercial economy, and establish itself as a power among the courts of Europe. Messer-Kruse argues that the issue encouraged the founders to consider the prospect of scrapping the Articles of Confederation and drafting a superseding document that would dramatically increase federal authority--the Constitution.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3633</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>K. Ian Shin, "Imperial Stewards: Chinese Art and the Making of America's Pacific Century" (Stanford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>This episode, which is co-hosted with Delaney Chieyen Holton, features Dr. K. Ian Shin discussing his recently published book, Imperial Stewards: Chinese Art and the Making of America’s Pacific Century (Standford UP, 2025).

Imperial Stewards argues that, beyond aesthetic taste and economics, geopolitics were critical to the United States’ transformation into possessing some of the world’s largest and most sophisticated collections of Chinese art between the Gilded Age and World War II. Collecting and studying Chinese art and antiquities honed Americans' belief that they should dominate Asia and the Pacific Ocean through the ideology of imperial stewardship—a view that encompassed both genuine curiosity and care for Chinese art, and the enduring structures of domination and othering that underpinned the burgeoning transpacific art market.

Tracing networks across both the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans, K. Ian Shin uncovers a diverse cast of historical actors that both contributed to US imperial stewardship and also challenged it, including Protestant missionaries, German diplomats, Chinese-Hawaiian merchants, and Chinese overseas students, among others. By examining the development of Chinese art collecting and scholarship in the United States around the turn of the twentieth century, Imperial Stewards reveals both the cultural impetus behind Americans' long-standing aspirations for a Pacific Century and a way to understand—and critique—the duality of US imperial power around the globe.

Ian Shin is Assistant Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, where he is also a core faculty member in the Asian/Pacific Islander American Studies Program. In addition to Imperial Stewards, his articles and reviews on topics that range from the Boy Scout movement in New York's Chinatown to the role of colleges and universities in 19th-century U.S.-China relations to the history of museums of American art have appeared in Amerasia Journal, Journal of Asian American Studies, Journal of American-East Asian Relations, and Connecticut Historical Review.

Donna Doan Anderson is the Mellon research assistant professor in U.S. Law and Race at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

Delaney Chieyen Holton is a Ph.D. candidate in Art History at Stanford University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 23 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This episode, which is co-hosted with Delaney Chieyen Holton, features Dr. K. Ian Shin discussing his recently published book, Imperial Stewards: Chinese Art and the Making of America’s Pacific Century (Standford UP, 2025).

Imperial Stewards argues that, beyond aesthetic taste and economics, geopolitics were critical to the United States’ transformation into possessing some of the world’s largest and most sophisticated collections of Chinese art between the Gilded Age and World War II. Collecting and studying Chinese art and antiquities honed Americans' belief that they should dominate Asia and the Pacific Ocean through the ideology of imperial stewardship—a view that encompassed both genuine curiosity and care for Chinese art, and the enduring structures of domination and othering that underpinned the burgeoning transpacific art market.

Tracing networks across both the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans, K. Ian Shin uncovers a diverse cast of historical actors that both contributed to US imperial stewardship and also challenged it, including Protestant missionaries, German diplomats, Chinese-Hawaiian merchants, and Chinese overseas students, among others. By examining the development of Chinese art collecting and scholarship in the United States around the turn of the twentieth century, Imperial Stewards reveals both the cultural impetus behind Americans' long-standing aspirations for a Pacific Century and a way to understand—and critique—the duality of US imperial power around the globe.

Ian Shin is Assistant Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, where he is also a core faculty member in the Asian/Pacific Islander American Studies Program. In addition to Imperial Stewards, his articles and reviews on topics that range from the Boy Scout movement in New York's Chinatown to the role of colleges and universities in 19th-century U.S.-China relations to the history of museums of American art have appeared in Amerasia Journal, Journal of Asian American Studies, Journal of American-East Asian Relations, and Connecticut Historical Review.

Donna Doan Anderson is the Mellon research assistant professor in U.S. Law and Race at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

Delaney Chieyen Holton is a Ph.D. candidate in Art History at Stanford University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This episode, which is co-hosted with Delaney Chieyen Holton, features Dr. K. Ian Shin discussing his recently published book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503643178">Imperial Stewards: Chinese Art and the Making of America’s Pacific Century</a> (Standford UP, 2025).</p>
<p><em>Imperial Stewards </em>argues that, beyond aesthetic taste and economics, geopolitics were critical to the United States’ transformation into possessing some of the world’s largest and most sophisticated collections of Chinese art between the Gilded Age and World War II. Collecting and studying Chinese art and antiquities honed Americans' belief that they should dominate Asia and the Pacific Ocean through the ideology of imperial stewardship—a view that encompassed both genuine curiosity and care for Chinese art, and the enduring structures of domination and othering that underpinned the burgeoning transpacific art market.</p>
<p>Tracing networks across both the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans, K. Ian Shin uncovers a diverse cast of historical actors that both contributed to US imperial stewardship and also challenged it, including Protestant missionaries, German diplomats, Chinese-Hawaiian merchants, and Chinese overseas students, among others. By examining the development of Chinese art collecting and scholarship in the United States around the turn of the twentieth century, Imperial Stewards reveals both the cultural impetus behind Americans' long-standing aspirations for a Pacific Century and a way to understand—and critique—the duality of US imperial power around the globe.</p>
<p>Ian Shin is Assistant Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, where he is also a core faculty member in the Asian/Pacific Islander American Studies Program. In addition to Imperial Stewards, his articles and reviews on topics that range from the Boy Scout movement in New York's Chinatown to the role of colleges and universities in 19th-century U.S.-China relations to the history of museums of American art have appeared in Amerasia Journal, Journal of Asian American Studies, Journal of American-East Asian Relations, and Connecticut Historical Review.</p>
<p>Donna Doan Anderson is the Mellon research assistant professor in U.S. Law and Race at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.</p>
<p>Delaney Chieyen Holton is a Ph.D. candidate in Art History at Stanford University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4062</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Citizenship Stripping: You Are Not American</title>
      <description>Over the last two centuries, the US government has revoked citizenship to cast out its unwanted, suppress dissent, and deny civil rights to all considered “un-American”—whether due to their race, ethnicity, marriage partner, or beliefs. Drawing on the narratives of those who have struggled to be treated as full members of “We the People,” law professor Amanda Frost exposes a hidden history of discrimination and xenophobia that continues to this day.The Supreme Court’s rejection of Black citizenship in Dred Scott was among the first and most notorious examples of citizenship stripping, but the phenomenon did not end there. Women who married noncitizens, persecuted racial groups, labor leaders, and political activists were all denied their citizenship, and sometimes deported, by a government that wanted to redefine the meaning of “American.” You Are Not American: Citizenship Stripping from Dred Scott to the Dreamers (Beacon ﻿Press, 2021) grapples with what it means to be American and the issues surrounding membership, identity, belonging, and exclusion that still occupy and divide the nation in the twenty-first century.

Our guest is: Professor Amanda Frost, who writes and teaches in the fields of immigration and citizenship law, federal courts and jurisdiction, and judicial ethics. Her scholarship has been cited by dozens of state and federal courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, and she has been invited to testify on the topics of her articles before both the House and Senate Judiciary Committees. ﻿You Are Not American﻿ w﻿as named a “New &amp; Noteworthy” book by The New York Times Book Review, and shortlisted for the Mark Lynton History Prize. She is writing a book on birthright citizenship, publishing in 2026.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who works as a developmental editor, dissertation and writing coach for scholars in the humanities. She is the producer of the Academic Life podcast, and writes the show’s newsletter with weekly bonus material on her Substack found here.

Playlist:


  Dear Miss Perkins

  Secret Harvests

  Who Gets Believed

  We Take Our Cities With Us

  The House on Henry Street

  Immigration Realities

  The Ungrateful Refugee

  Sin Padres Ni Papeles

  Reunited


Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the last two centuries, the US government has revoked citizenship to cast out its unwanted, suppress dissent, and deny civil rights to all considered “un-American”—whether due to their race, ethnicity, marriage partner, or beliefs. Drawing on the narratives of those who have struggled to be treated as full members of “We the People,” law professor Amanda Frost exposes a hidden history of discrimination and xenophobia that continues to this day.The Supreme Court’s rejection of Black citizenship in Dred Scott was among the first and most notorious examples of citizenship stripping, but the phenomenon did not end there. Women who married noncitizens, persecuted racial groups, labor leaders, and political activists were all denied their citizenship, and sometimes deported, by a government that wanted to redefine the meaning of “American.” You Are Not American: Citizenship Stripping from Dred Scott to the Dreamers (Beacon ﻿Press, 2021) grapples with what it means to be American and the issues surrounding membership, identity, belonging, and exclusion that still occupy and divide the nation in the twenty-first century.

Our guest is: Professor Amanda Frost, who writes and teaches in the fields of immigration and citizenship law, federal courts and jurisdiction, and judicial ethics. Her scholarship has been cited by dozens of state and federal courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, and she has been invited to testify on the topics of her articles before both the House and Senate Judiciary Committees. ﻿You Are Not American﻿ w﻿as named a “New &amp; Noteworthy” book by The New York Times Book Review, and shortlisted for the Mark Lynton History Prize. She is writing a book on birthright citizenship, publishing in 2026.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who works as a developmental editor, dissertation and writing coach for scholars in the humanities. She is the producer of the Academic Life podcast, and writes the show’s newsletter with weekly bonus material on her Substack found here.

Playlist:


  Dear Miss Perkins

  Secret Harvests

  Who Gets Believed

  We Take Our Cities With Us

  The House on Henry Street

  Immigration Realities

  The Ungrateful Refugee

  Sin Padres Ni Papeles

  Reunited


Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the last two centuries, the US government has revoked citizenship to cast out its unwanted, suppress dissent, and deny civil rights to all considered “un-American”—whether due to their race, ethnicity, marriage partner, or beliefs. Drawing on the narratives of those who have struggled to be treated as full members of “We the People,” law professor Amanda Frost exposes a hidden history of discrimination and xenophobia that continues to this day.<br>The Supreme Court’s rejection of Black citizenship in <em>Dred Scott</em> was among the first and most notorious examples of citizenship stripping, but the phenomenon did not end there. Women who married noncitizens, persecuted racial groups, labor leaders, and political activists were all denied their citizenship, and sometimes deported, by a government that wanted to redefine the meaning of “American.” <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807051429">You Are Not American: Citizenship Stripping from Dred Scott to the Dreamers</a><em> </em>(Beacon ﻿Press, 2021) grapples with what it means to be American and the issues surrounding membership, identity, belonging, and exclusion that still occupy and divide the nation in the twenty-first century.</p>
<p>Our guest is: Professor Amanda Frost, who writes and teaches in the fields of immigration and citizenship law, federal courts and jurisdiction, and judicial ethics. Her scholarship has been cited by dozens of state and federal courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, and she has been invited to testify on the topics of her articles before both the House and Senate Judiciary Committees. ﻿<em>You Are Not American</em>﻿ w﻿as named a “New &amp; Noteworthy” book by The New York Times Book Review, and shortlisted for the Mark Lynton History Prize. She is writing a book on birthright citizenship, publishing in 2026.</p>
<p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who works as a developmental editor, dissertation and writing coach for scholars in the humanities. She is the producer of the Academic Life podcast, and writes the show’s newsletter with weekly bonus material on her Substack found <a href="https://christinagessler.substack.com/">here</a>.</p>
<p>Playlist:</p>
<ul>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/dear-miss-perkins-a-story-of-frances-perkinss-efforts-to-aid-refugees-from-nazi-germany">Dear Miss Perkins</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/secret-harvests">Secret Harvests</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/who-gets-believed">Who Gets Believed</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/we-take-our-cities-with-us">We Take Our Cities With Us</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/exploring-public-facing-humanities">The House on Henry Street</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/immigration-realities">Immigration Realities</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-ungrateful-refugee">The Ungrateful Refugee</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/sin-padres-ni-papeles-2">Sin Padres Ni Papeles</a></li>
  <li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/reunited">Reunited</a></li>
</ul>
<p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! Please join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 275+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And thank you for listening!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3276</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[62ec8028-7da7-11f0-91ca-7751c974d18b]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Darren W. Davis and David C. Wilson, "Racial Resentment in the Political Mind" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In Racial Resentment in the Political Mind, Darren W. Davis and David C. Wilson challenge the commonly held notion that all racial negativity, disagreements, and objections to policies that seek to help racial minorities stem from racial prejudice. They argue that racial resentment arises from just-world beliefs and appraisals of deservingness that help explain the persistence of racial inequality in America in ways more consequential than racism or racial prejudice alone.The culprits, as many White people see it, are undeserving people of color, who are perceived to benefit unfairly from, and take advantage of, resources that come at Whites’ expense—a worldview in which any attempt at modest change is seen as a challenge to the status quo and privilege. Yet, as Davis and Wilson reveal, many Whites have become racially resentful due to their perceptions that African Americans skirt the “rules of the game” and violate traditional values by taking advantage of unearned resources. Resulting attempts at racial progress lead Whites to respond in ways that retain their social advantage—opposing ameliorative policies, minority candidates, and other advancement on racial progress. Because racial resentment is rooted in beliefs about justice, fairness, and deservingness, ordinary citizens, who may not harbor racist motivations, may wind up in the same political position as racists, but for different reasons.

Professor Davis’ research interests include most areas in public opinion and political behavior. A unifying theme running through much of his research is a concern for identifying the social psychological motivations underlying political attitudes and behavior. This approach has been applied to specific research areas, including political tolerance, implicit racial attitudes, the role of threat and anxiety in political behavior, public reactions to terrorism, social desirability, the measurement of political and social attitudes, racism and racial politics, and the political behavior of African Americans.Professor Davis is co-author of a forthcoming Cambridge University Press book, Perseverance in the Parish? Religious Attitudes from a Black Catholic Perspective. Based on the first national survey of African American Catholics, this book explores the perceptions of racism and racial experiences in the Catholic Church. His other book, Negative Liberty: Public Opinion and the Terrorist Attacks on America, examines the role of threat perceptions on the tradeoffs between civil liberties and security, political tolerance, and ideas of citizenship.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>513</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Racial Resentment in the Political Mind, Darren W. Davis and David C. Wilson challenge the commonly held notion that all racial negativity, disagreements, and objections to policies that seek to help racial minorities stem from racial prejudice. They argue that racial resentment arises from just-world beliefs and appraisals of deservingness that help explain the persistence of racial inequality in America in ways more consequential than racism or racial prejudice alone.The culprits, as many White people see it, are undeserving people of color, who are perceived to benefit unfairly from, and take advantage of, resources that come at Whites’ expense—a worldview in which any attempt at modest change is seen as a challenge to the status quo and privilege. Yet, as Davis and Wilson reveal, many Whites have become racially resentful due to their perceptions that African Americans skirt the “rules of the game” and violate traditional values by taking advantage of unearned resources. Resulting attempts at racial progress lead Whites to respond in ways that retain their social advantage—opposing ameliorative policies, minority candidates, and other advancement on racial progress. Because racial resentment is rooted in beliefs about justice, fairness, and deservingness, ordinary citizens, who may not harbor racist motivations, may wind up in the same political position as racists, but for different reasons.

Professor Davis’ research interests include most areas in public opinion and political behavior. A unifying theme running through much of his research is a concern for identifying the social psychological motivations underlying political attitudes and behavior. This approach has been applied to specific research areas, including political tolerance, implicit racial attitudes, the role of threat and anxiety in political behavior, public reactions to terrorism, social desirability, the measurement of political and social attitudes, racism and racial politics, and the political behavior of African Americans.Professor Davis is co-author of a forthcoming Cambridge University Press book, Perseverance in the Parish? Religious Attitudes from a Black Catholic Perspective. Based on the first national survey of African American Catholics, this book explores the perceptions of racism and racial experiences in the Catholic Church. His other book, Negative Liberty: Public Opinion and the Terrorist Attacks on America, examines the role of threat perceptions on the tradeoffs between civil liberties and security, political tolerance, and ideas of citizenship.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In<em> Racial Resentment in the Political Mind</em>, Darren W. Davis and David C. Wilson challenge the commonly held notion that all racial negativity, disagreements, and objections to policies that seek to help racial minorities stem from racial prejudice. They argue that racial resentment arises from just-world beliefs and appraisals of deservingness that help explain the persistence of racial inequality in America in ways more consequential than racism or racial prejudice alone.<br>The culprits, as many White people see it, are undeserving people of color, who are perceived to benefit unfairly from, and take advantage of, resources that come at Whites’ expense—a worldview in which any attempt at modest change is seen as a challenge to the status quo and privilege. Yet, as Davis and Wilson reveal, many Whites have become racially resentful due to their perceptions that African Americans skirt the “rules of the game” and violate traditional values by taking advantage of unearned resources. Resulting attempts at racial progress lead Whites to respond in ways that retain their social advantage—opposing ameliorative policies, minority candidates, and other advancement on racial progress. Because racial resentment is rooted in beliefs about justice, fairness, and deservingness, ordinary citizens, who may not harbor racist motivations, may wind up in the same political position as racists, but for different reasons.</p>
<p>Professor Davis’ research interests include most areas in public opinion and political behavior. A unifying theme running through much of his research is a concern for identifying the social psychological motivations underlying political attitudes and behavior. This approach has been applied to specific research areas, including political tolerance, implicit racial attitudes, the role of threat and anxiety in political behavior, public reactions to terrorism, social desirability, the measurement of political and social attitudes, racism and racial politics, and the political behavior of African Americans.<br>Professor Davis is co-author of a forthcoming Cambridge University Press book, <em>Perseverance in the Parish? Religious Attitudes from a Black Catholic Perspective</em>. Based on the first national survey of African American Catholics, this book explores the perceptions of racism and racial experiences in the Catholic Church. His other book, <em>Negative Liberty: Public Opinion and the Terrorist Attacks on America</em>, examines the role of threat perceptions on the tradeoffs between civil liberties and security, political tolerance, and ideas of citizenship.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3357</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Hiltzik, "Golden State: The Making of California" (Mariner, 2025)</title>
      <description>California has long reigned as the land of plenty, a place where the sun always shines and opportunity beckons. Even prior to its statehood in 1850, it captured the world’s imagination. We think of bearded prospectors lured by the promise of gold; we imagine its early embrace of immigrant labor during the railroad boom as prologue to its diverse social fabric today. But what lies underneath the myth is far more complicated.

Thanks to extensive research by Michael Hiltzik, one of our longstanding voices on California, Golden State: The Making of California (Mariner Books, 2025) uncovers the unvarnished truth about the state we think we know well. From Spanish incursions into what became known as Alta California to the rise of Big Tech, the history of California is one of stark contradictions. In rich, previously overlooked detail, we see its earliest statesmen wreak havoc among native peoples while racing to draft their own constitution even ahead of statehood. Gold-hungry settlers venture into the Sierra foothills only to leave with little, while a handful of their suppliers turn themselves into millionaire railroad magnates. Wars erupt in the name of water as Los Angeles booms, and early efforts to tame the vast landscape create a haven for fossil fuel extraction and environmental conservation alike. Hollywood politicians stoke fear, contributing to a centuries-long tradition of anti-Asian violence, and, remarkably, legal redlining and free higher education take root together.

Golden State brings a fresh critical eye to the origins of the state against which the rest of the country measures itself. From its very start, Hiltzik shows, the story of the United States was written in California.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>190</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>California has long reigned as the land of plenty, a place where the sun always shines and opportunity beckons. Even prior to its statehood in 1850, it captured the world’s imagination. We think of bearded prospectors lured by the promise of gold; we imagine its early embrace of immigrant labor during the railroad boom as prologue to its diverse social fabric today. But what lies underneath the myth is far more complicated.

Thanks to extensive research by Michael Hiltzik, one of our longstanding voices on California, Golden State: The Making of California (Mariner Books, 2025) uncovers the unvarnished truth about the state we think we know well. From Spanish incursions into what became known as Alta California to the rise of Big Tech, the history of California is one of stark contradictions. In rich, previously overlooked detail, we see its earliest statesmen wreak havoc among native peoples while racing to draft their own constitution even ahead of statehood. Gold-hungry settlers venture into the Sierra foothills only to leave with little, while a handful of their suppliers turn themselves into millionaire railroad magnates. Wars erupt in the name of water as Los Angeles booms, and early efforts to tame the vast landscape create a haven for fossil fuel extraction and environmental conservation alike. Hollywood politicians stoke fear, contributing to a centuries-long tradition of anti-Asian violence, and, remarkably, legal redlining and free higher education take root together.

Golden State brings a fresh critical eye to the origins of the state against which the rest of the country measures itself. From its very start, Hiltzik shows, the story of the United States was written in California.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>California has long reigned as the land of plenty, a place where the sun always shines and opportunity beckons. Even prior to its statehood in 1850, it captured the world’s imagination. We think of bearded prospectors lured by the promise of gold; we imagine its early embrace of immigrant labor during the railroad boom as prologue to its diverse social fabric today. But what lies underneath the myth is far more complicated.</p>
<p>Thanks to extensive research by Michael Hiltzik, one of our longstanding voices on California, <em>Golden State: The Making of California</em> (Mariner Books, 2025) uncovers the unvarnished truth about the state we think we know well. From Spanish incursions into what became known as Alta California to the rise of Big Tech, the history of California is one of stark contradictions. In rich, previously overlooked detail, we see its earliest statesmen wreak havoc among native peoples while racing to draft their own constitution even ahead of statehood. Gold-hungry settlers venture into the Sierra foothills only to leave with little, while a handful of their suppliers turn themselves into millionaire railroad magnates. Wars erupt in the name of water as Los Angeles booms, and early efforts to tame the vast landscape create a haven for fossil fuel extraction and environmental conservation alike. Hollywood politicians stoke fear, contributing to a centuries-long tradition of anti-Asian violence, and, remarkably, legal redlining and free higher education take root together.</p>
<p><em>Golden State</em> brings a fresh critical eye to the origins of the state against which the rest of the country measures itself. From its very start, Hiltzik shows, the story of the United States was written in California.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2408</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8b50dc08-79fb-11f0-b6dc-aba4b9a4f785]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>David Theo Goldberg, "The War on Critical Race Theory: Or, The Remaking of Racism" (Polity Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The War on Critical Race Theory: Or, The Remaking of Racism (Polity Press, 2023) by David Theo Goldberg discusses how “Critical Race Theory” is consuming conservative America. The mounting attacks on a once-obscure legal theory are upending public schooling, legislating censorship, driving elections, and cleaving communities.

In this much-needed response, renowned scholar David Theo Goldberg cuts to the heart of the claims expressed in these attacks. He punctures the demonization of Critical Race Theory, uncovering who is orchestrating it, funding the assault, and eagerly distributing the message. The book richly illustrates the enduring nature of structural racism, even as a conservative insistence on colorblindness serves to silence the possibility of doing anything about it. Crucially, Goldberg exposes the political aims and effects of the vitriolic attacks. The upshot of CRT’s targeting, he argues, has been to unleash racisms anew and to stymie any attempt to fight them, all with the aim of protecting white minority rule.

David Theo Goldberg is Distinguished Professor at the University of California, Irvine.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The War on Critical Race Theory: Or, The Remaking of Racism (Polity Press, 2023) by David Theo Goldberg discusses how “Critical Race Theory” is consuming conservative America. The mounting attacks on a once-obscure legal theory are upending public schooling, legislating censorship, driving elections, and cleaving communities.

In this much-needed response, renowned scholar David Theo Goldberg cuts to the heart of the claims expressed in these attacks. He punctures the demonization of Critical Race Theory, uncovering who is orchestrating it, funding the assault, and eagerly distributing the message. The book richly illustrates the enduring nature of structural racism, even as a conservative insistence on colorblindness serves to silence the possibility of doing anything about it. Crucially, Goldberg exposes the political aims and effects of the vitriolic attacks. The upshot of CRT’s targeting, he argues, has been to unleash racisms anew and to stymie any attempt to fight them, all with the aim of protecting white minority rule.

David Theo Goldberg is Distinguished Professor at the University of California, Irvine.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509558544">The War on Critical Race Theory: Or, The Remaking of Racism </a>(Polity Press, 2023) by <a href="https://www.politybooks.com/author-books?author_slug=david-theo-goldberg">David Theo Goldberg</a> discusses how “Critical Race Theory” is consuming conservative America. The mounting attacks on a once-obscure legal theory are upending public schooling, legislating censorship, driving elections, and cleaving communities.</p>
<p>In this much-needed response, renowned scholar David Theo Goldberg cuts to the heart of the claims expressed in these attacks. He punctures the demonization of Critical Race Theory, uncovering who is orchestrating it, funding the assault, and eagerly distributing the message. The book richly illustrates the enduring nature of structural racism, even as a conservative insistence on colorblindness serves to silence the possibility of doing anything about it. Crucially, Goldberg exposes the political aims and effects of the vitriolic attacks. The upshot of CRT’s targeting, he argues, has been to unleash racisms anew and to stymie any attempt to fight them, all with the aim of protecting white minority rule.</p>
<p><strong>David Theo Goldberg</strong> is Distinguished Professor at the University of California, Irvine.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4523</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James Kimmel, Jr., "The Science of Revenge: Understanding the World's Deadliest Addiction—and How to Overcome It" (Random House, 2025)</title>
      <description>There is a hidden addiction plaguing humanity right now: revenge. Researchers have identified retaliation in response to real and imagined grievances as the root cause of most forms of human aggression and violence. From vicious tweets to road rage, murder-suicide, and armed insurrection, perpetrators almost always see themselves as victims seeking justice. Chillingly, recent behavioral and neuroimaging studies of the human brain show that harboring a personal grievance triggers revenge desires and activates the neural pleasure and reward circuitry of addiction.Although this behavior is ancient and seems inevitable, by understanding retaliation and violence as an addictive brain-biological process, we can control deadly revenge cravings and save lives. In The Science of Revenge: Understanding the World's Deadliest Addiction—and How to Overcome It (Random House, 2025), Yale violence researcher and psychiatry lecturer James Kimmel, Jr., JD, uncovers the truth behind why we want to hurt the people who hurt us, what happens when it gets out of hand, and how to stop it.Weaving neuroscience, psychology, sociology, law, and human history with captivating storytelling, Dr. Kimmel reveals the neurological mechanisms and prevalence of revenge addiction. He shines an unsparing light on humanity’s pathological obsession with revenge throughout history; his own struggle with revenge addiction that almost led him to commit a mass shooting; America’s growing addiction to revenge as a special brand of justice; and the startlingly similar addictive behaviors and motivations of childhood bullies, abusive partners, aggrieved employees, sparring politicians, street gang members, violent extremists, mass killers, and tyrannical dictators. He also reveals the amazing, healing changes that take place inside your brain and body when you practice forgiveness. Emphasizing the necessity of proven public health approaches and personal solutions for every level of revenge addiction, he offers urgent, actionable information and novel methods for preventing and treating violence.

James Kimmel, Jr. is an assistant clinical professor in psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, a lawyer, and the founder and co-director of the Yale Collaborative for Motive Control Studies.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There is a hidden addiction plaguing humanity right now: revenge. Researchers have identified retaliation in response to real and imagined grievances as the root cause of most forms of human aggression and violence. From vicious tweets to road rage, murder-suicide, and armed insurrection, perpetrators almost always see themselves as victims seeking justice. Chillingly, recent behavioral and neuroimaging studies of the human brain show that harboring a personal grievance triggers revenge desires and activates the neural pleasure and reward circuitry of addiction.Although this behavior is ancient and seems inevitable, by understanding retaliation and violence as an addictive brain-biological process, we can control deadly revenge cravings and save lives. In The Science of Revenge: Understanding the World's Deadliest Addiction—and How to Overcome It (Random House, 2025), Yale violence researcher and psychiatry lecturer James Kimmel, Jr., JD, uncovers the truth behind why we want to hurt the people who hurt us, what happens when it gets out of hand, and how to stop it.Weaving neuroscience, psychology, sociology, law, and human history with captivating storytelling, Dr. Kimmel reveals the neurological mechanisms and prevalence of revenge addiction. He shines an unsparing light on humanity’s pathological obsession with revenge throughout history; his own struggle with revenge addiction that almost led him to commit a mass shooting; America’s growing addiction to revenge as a special brand of justice; and the startlingly similar addictive behaviors and motivations of childhood bullies, abusive partners, aggrieved employees, sparring politicians, street gang members, violent extremists, mass killers, and tyrannical dictators. He also reveals the amazing, healing changes that take place inside your brain and body when you practice forgiveness. Emphasizing the necessity of proven public health approaches and personal solutions for every level of revenge addiction, he offers urgent, actionable information and novel methods for preventing and treating violence.

James Kimmel, Jr. is an assistant clinical professor in psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, a lawyer, and the founder and co-director of the Yale Collaborative for Motive Control Studies.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There is a hidden addiction plaguing humanity right now: revenge. Researchers have identified retaliation in response to real and imagined grievances as the root cause of most forms of human aggression and violence. From vicious tweets to road rage, murder-suicide, and armed insurrection, perpetrators almost always see themselves as victims seeking justice. Chillingly, recent behavioral and neuroimaging studies of the human brain show that harboring a personal grievance triggers revenge desires and activates the neural pleasure and reward circuitry of <em>addiction</em>.<br>Although this behavior is ancient and seems inevitable, by understanding retaliation and violence as an addictive brain-biological process, we can control deadly revenge cravings and save lives. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593796511">The Science of Revenge: Understanding the World's Deadliest Addiction—and How to Overcome It</a><em> </em>(Random House, 2025)<em>,</em> Yale violence researcher and psychiatry lecturer James Kimmel, Jr., JD, uncovers the truth behind why we want to hurt the people who hurt us, what happens when it gets out of hand, and how to stop it.<br>Weaving neuroscience, psychology, sociology, law, and human history with captivating storytelling, Dr. Kimmel reveals the neurological mechanisms and prevalence of revenge addiction. He shines an unsparing light on humanity’s pathological obsession with revenge throughout history; his own struggle with revenge addiction that almost led him to commit a mass shooting; America’s growing addiction to revenge as a special brand of justice; and the startlingly similar addictive behaviors and motivations of childhood bullies, abusive partners, aggrieved employees, sparring politicians, street gang members, violent extremists, mass killers, and tyrannical dictators. He also reveals the amazing, healing changes that take place inside your brain and body when you practice forgiveness. Emphasizing the necessity of proven public health approaches and personal solutions for every level of revenge addiction, he offers urgent, actionable information and novel methods for preventing and treating violence.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.jameskimmeljr.com/">James Kimmel, Jr.</a> is an assistant clinical professor in psychiatry at the Yale School of Medicine, a lawyer, and the founder and co-director of the Yale Collaborative for Motive Control Studies.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3149</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Edward Luce, "Zbig: The Life of Zbigniew Brzezinski, America's Great Power Prophet" (Simon and Schuster, 2025)</title>
      <description>Zbigniew Brzezinski was a key architect of the Soviet Union’s demise, which ended the Cold War. A child of Warsaw—the heart of central Europe’s bloodlands—Brzezinski turned his fierce resentment at his homeland’s razing by Nazi Germany and the Red Army into a lifelong quest for liberty. Born the year that Joseph Stalin consolidated power, and dying a few months into Donald Trump’s first presidency, Brzezinski was shaped by and in turn shaped the global power struggles of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. As counsel to US presidents from John F. Kennedy to Barack Obama, and chief foreign policy figure of the late 1970s under Jimmy Carter, Brzezinski converted his acclaim as a Sovietologist into Washington power. With Henry Kissinger, his lifelong rival with whom he had a fraught on-off relationship, he personified the new breed of foreign-born scholar who thrived in America’s “Cold War University”—and who ousted Washington’s gentlemanly class of WASPs who had run US foreign policy for so long.Brzezinski’s impact, aided by his unusual friendship with the Polish-born John Paul II, sprang from his knowledge of Moscow’s “Achilles heel”—the fact that its nationalities, such as the Ukrainians, and satellite states, including Poland, yearned to shake off Moscow’s grip. Neither a hawk nor a dove, Brzezinski was a biting critic of George W. Bush’s Iraq War and an early endorser of Obama. Because he went against the DC grain of joining factions, and was on occasion willing to drop Democrats for Republicans, Brzezinski is something of history’s orphan. His historic role has been greatly underweighted. In the almost cinematic arc of his life can be found the grand narrative of the American century and great power struggle that followed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>287</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Zbigniew Brzezinski was a key architect of the Soviet Union’s demise, which ended the Cold War. A child of Warsaw—the heart of central Europe’s bloodlands—Brzezinski turned his fierce resentment at his homeland’s razing by Nazi Germany and the Red Army into a lifelong quest for liberty. Born the year that Joseph Stalin consolidated power, and dying a few months into Donald Trump’s first presidency, Brzezinski was shaped by and in turn shaped the global power struggles of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. As counsel to US presidents from John F. Kennedy to Barack Obama, and chief foreign policy figure of the late 1970s under Jimmy Carter, Brzezinski converted his acclaim as a Sovietologist into Washington power. With Henry Kissinger, his lifelong rival with whom he had a fraught on-off relationship, he personified the new breed of foreign-born scholar who thrived in America’s “Cold War University”—and who ousted Washington’s gentlemanly class of WASPs who had run US foreign policy for so long.Brzezinski’s impact, aided by his unusual friendship with the Polish-born John Paul II, sprang from his knowledge of Moscow’s “Achilles heel”—the fact that its nationalities, such as the Ukrainians, and satellite states, including Poland, yearned to shake off Moscow’s grip. Neither a hawk nor a dove, Brzezinski was a biting critic of George W. Bush’s Iraq War and an early endorser of Obama. Because he went against the DC grain of joining factions, and was on occasion willing to drop Democrats for Republicans, Brzezinski is something of history’s orphan. His historic role has been greatly underweighted. In the almost cinematic arc of his life can be found the grand narrative of the American century and great power struggle that followed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Zbigniew Brzezinski was a key architect of the Soviet Union’s demise, which ended the Cold War. A child of Warsaw—the heart of central Europe’s bloodlands—Brzezinski turned his fierce resentment at his homeland’s razing by Nazi Germany and the Red Army into a lifelong quest for liberty. Born the year that Joseph Stalin consolidated power, and dying a few months into Donald Trump’s first presidency, Brzezinski was shaped by and in turn shaped the global power struggles of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. As counsel to US presidents from John F. Kennedy to Barack Obama, and chief foreign policy figure of the late 1970s under Jimmy Carter, Brzezinski converted his acclaim as a Sovietologist into Washington power. With Henry Kissinger, his lifelong rival with whom he had a fraught on-off relationship, he personified the new breed of foreign-born scholar who thrived in America’s “Cold War University”—and who ousted Washington’s gentlemanly class of WASPs who had run US foreign policy for so long.<br>Brzezinski’s impact, aided by his unusual friendship with the Polish-born John Paul II, sprang from his knowledge of Moscow’s “Achilles heel”—the fact that its nationalities, such as the Ukrainians, and satellite states, including Poland, yearned to shake off Moscow’s grip. Neither a hawk nor a dove, Brzezinski was a biting critic of George W. Bush’s Iraq War and an early endorser of Obama. Because he went against the DC grain of joining factions, and was on occasion willing to drop Democrats for Republicans, Brzezinski is something of history’s orphan. His historic role has been greatly underweighted. In the almost cinematic arc of his life can be found the grand narrative of the American century and great power struggle that followed.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2605</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jacob F. H. Smith, "Waves of Discontent: Electoral Volatility, Public Policymaking, and the Health of American Democracy" (U Michigan Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>After a period of relative calm in congressional elections prior to 2006, America has experienced a series of highly competitive, volatile national elections. Since then, at least one of the US House, US Senate, and presidency has flipped party control--often with a large House or Senate seat swing--with the exception of the 2012 election. In Waves of Discontent, Jacob F. H. Smith argues that a pervasive feeling of displeasure in the American public has caused this increase in electoral volatility. Examining the consequences of volatility in congressional elections reveals that political amateurs are more likely to win in wave years than in normal years. Based on this data, Smith presents a new theory about the policy process--the policy doom loop--in which frustration among voters at both the inability of Congress to pass policy and anger at policies that actually do pass results in even more churn in congressional elections. Waves of Discontent offers some suggestions to promote constructive policymaking efforts in Washington to reduce frustration in the electorate.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>217</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After a period of relative calm in congressional elections prior to 2006, America has experienced a series of highly competitive, volatile national elections. Since then, at least one of the US House, US Senate, and presidency has flipped party control--often with a large House or Senate seat swing--with the exception of the 2012 election. In Waves of Discontent, Jacob F. H. Smith argues that a pervasive feeling of displeasure in the American public has caused this increase in electoral volatility. Examining the consequences of volatility in congressional elections reveals that political amateurs are more likely to win in wave years than in normal years. Based on this data, Smith presents a new theory about the policy process--the policy doom loop--in which frustration among voters at both the inability of Congress to pass policy and anger at policies that actually do pass results in even more churn in congressional elections. Waves of Discontent offers some suggestions to promote constructive policymaking efforts in Washington to reduce frustration in the electorate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After a period of relative calm in congressional elections prior to 2006, America has experienced a series of highly competitive, volatile national elections. Since then, at least one of the US House, US Senate, and presidency has flipped party control--often with a large House or Senate seat swing--with the exception of the 2012 election. In Waves of Discontent, Jacob F. H. Smith argues that a pervasive feeling of displeasure in the American public has caused this increase in electoral volatility. Examining the consequences of volatility in congressional elections reveals that political amateurs are more likely to win in wave years than in normal years. Based on this data, Smith presents a new theory about the policy process--the policy doom loop--in which frustration among voters at both the inability of Congress to pass policy and anger at policies that actually do pass results in even more churn in congressional elections. Waves of Discontent offers some suggestions to promote constructive policymaking efforts in Washington to reduce frustration in the electorate.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1325</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ryan Griffiths, "The Disunited States: Threats of Secession in Red and Blue America and Why They Won't Work" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Is the breakup of an increasingly polarized America into separate red and blue countries even possible?

There is a growing interest in American secession. In February 2023, Marjorie Taylor Greene tweeted that "We need a national divorce...We need to separate by red states and blue states." Recent movements like Yes California have called for a national divorce along political lines. A 2023 Axios poll shows that 20 percent of Americans favor a national divorce. These trends show a sincere interest in American secession, and they will likely increase in the aftermath of the 2024 Presidential election.

Proponents of secession make three arguments: the two sides have irreconcilable differences; secession is a legal right; and smaller political units are better. Through interviews with secessionist advocates in America, Ryan Griffiths explores the case for why Red America and Blue America should split up.

But as The Disunited States shows, these arguments are fundamentally incorrect. Secession is the wrong solution to the problem of polarization. Red and Blue America are not neatly sorted and geographically concentrated. Splitting the two parts would require a dangerous unmixing of the population, one that could spiral into violence and state collapse. Drawing on his expertise on secessionism worldwide, he shows how the process has played out internationally-and usually disastrously. Ultimately, this book will disabuse readers of the belief that secession will fix America's problems. Rather than focus on national divorce as a solution, the better course of action is to seek common ground.

Ryan D. Griffiths is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University. His research focuses on the dynamics of secession and the study of sovereignty, state systems, and international orders. He teaches on topics related to nationalism, international relations, and international relations theory.

Daniel Moran’s writing about literature and film can be found on Pages and Frames. He earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers, he teaches research and writing and co-hosts the long-running p
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      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>210</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is the breakup of an increasingly polarized America into separate red and blue countries even possible?

There is a growing interest in American secession. In February 2023, Marjorie Taylor Greene tweeted that "We need a national divorce...We need to separate by red states and blue states." Recent movements like Yes California have called for a national divorce along political lines. A 2023 Axios poll shows that 20 percent of Americans favor a national divorce. These trends show a sincere interest in American secession, and they will likely increase in the aftermath of the 2024 Presidential election.

Proponents of secession make three arguments: the two sides have irreconcilable differences; secession is a legal right; and smaller political units are better. Through interviews with secessionist advocates in America, Ryan Griffiths explores the case for why Red America and Blue America should split up.

But as The Disunited States shows, these arguments are fundamentally incorrect. Secession is the wrong solution to the problem of polarization. Red and Blue America are not neatly sorted and geographically concentrated. Splitting the two parts would require a dangerous unmixing of the population, one that could spiral into violence and state collapse. Drawing on his expertise on secessionism worldwide, he shows how the process has played out internationally-and usually disastrously. Ultimately, this book will disabuse readers of the belief that secession will fix America's problems. Rather than focus on national divorce as a solution, the better course of action is to seek common ground.

Ryan D. Griffiths is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University. His research focuses on the dynamics of secession and the study of sovereignty, state systems, and international orders. He teaches on topics related to nationalism, international relations, and international relations theory.

Daniel Moran’s writing about literature and film can be found on Pages and Frames. He earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers, he teaches research and writing and co-hosts the long-running p
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is the breakup of an increasingly polarized America into separate red and blue countries even possible?</p>
<p>There is a growing interest in American secession. In February 2023, Marjorie Taylor Greene tweeted that "We need a national divorce...We need to separate by red states and blue states." Recent movements like Yes California have called for a national divorce along political lines. A 2023 Axios poll shows that 20 percent of Americans favor a national divorce. These trends show a sincere interest in American secession, and they will likely increase in the aftermath of the 2024 Presidential election.</p>
<p>Proponents of secession make three arguments: the two sides have irreconcilable differences; secession is a legal right; and smaller political units are better. Through interviews with secessionist advocates in America, Ryan Griffiths explores the case for why Red America and Blue America should split up.</p>
<p>But as <em>The Disunited States</em> shows, these arguments are fundamentally incorrect. Secession is the wrong solution to the problem of polarization. Red and Blue America are not neatly sorted and geographically concentrated. Splitting the two parts would require a dangerous unmixing of the population, one that could spiral into violence and state collapse. Drawing on his expertise on secessionism worldwide, he shows how the process has played out internationally-and usually disastrously. Ultimately, this book will disabuse readers of the belief that secession will fix America's problems. Rather than focus on national divorce as a solution, the better course of action is to seek common ground.</p>
<p>Ryan D. Griffiths is a Professor in the Department of Political Science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University. His research focuses on the dynamics of secession and the study of sovereignty, state systems, and international orders. He teaches on topics related to nationalism, international relations, and international relations theory.</p>
<p>Daniel Moran’s writing about literature and film can be found on <a href="https://pagesandframes.substack.com/"><em>Pages and Frames</em></a>. He earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of <a href="https://ugapress.org/book/9780820352930/creating-flannery-oconnor/"><em>Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers</em></a>, he teaches research and writing and co-hosts the long-running p</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3832</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2416756385.mp3?updated=1754838858" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alan M. Wald, "Bohemian Bolsheviks: Dispatches from the Culture and History of the Left" (Brill, 2025)</title>
      <description>For several decades now, Alan Wald has been thoroughly documenting the history of the literature and cultural output of the American left. While his numerous books and essays cover a lot of territory, much of his work is united by an interest in commitment, particularly when it comes to radical politics. What does it mean to commit ones life to a radical political cause, one which may not see anything beyond minor and marginal fractions of success in your lifetime? This question has animated his voluminous writing. On this episode, he joined us to discuss his newest book, Bohemian Bolsheviks: Dispatches from the Culture and History of the Left from the Historical Materialism book series. Clocking in at over 600 pages, this volume collects essays, reviews and reflections published over almost two decades, and offers readers a glimpse into Wald’s attempts to map the lefts literary intelligentsia, all the while raising questions about the tensions and ambiguities of its many members and fellow travelers.

Published in hardback by Brill, with a Haymarket paperback scheduled later.

Alan M. Wald is the H. Chandler Davis Collegiate Professer Emeritus at University of Michigan. His numerous books include The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s, Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade and American Night: The Literary Left in the Era of the Cold War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>546</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For several decades now, Alan Wald has been thoroughly documenting the history of the literature and cultural output of the American left. While his numerous books and essays cover a lot of territory, much of his work is united by an interest in commitment, particularly when it comes to radical politics. What does it mean to commit ones life to a radical political cause, one which may not see anything beyond minor and marginal fractions of success in your lifetime? This question has animated his voluminous writing. On this episode, he joined us to discuss his newest book, Bohemian Bolsheviks: Dispatches from the Culture and History of the Left from the Historical Materialism book series. Clocking in at over 600 pages, this volume collects essays, reviews and reflections published over almost two decades, and offers readers a glimpse into Wald’s attempts to map the lefts literary intelligentsia, all the while raising questions about the tensions and ambiguities of its many members and fellow travelers.

Published in hardback by Brill, with a Haymarket paperback scheduled later.

Alan M. Wald is the H. Chandler Davis Collegiate Professer Emeritus at University of Michigan. His numerous books include The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s, Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade and American Night: The Literary Left in the Era of the Cold War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For several decades now, Alan Wald has been thoroughly documenting the history of the literature and cultural output of the American left. While his numerous books and essays cover a lot of territory, much of his work is united by an interest in commitment, particularly when it comes to radical politics. What does it mean to commit ones life to a radical political cause, one which may not see anything beyond minor and marginal fractions of success in your lifetime? This question has animated his voluminous writing. On this episode, he joined us to discuss his newest book, <em>Bohemian Bolsheviks: Dispatches from the Culture and History of the Left</em> from the Historical Materialism book series. Clocking in at over 600 pages, this volume collects essays, reviews and reflections published over almost two decades, and offers readers a glimpse into Wald’s attempts to map the lefts literary intelligentsia, all the while raising questions about the tensions and ambiguities of its many members and fellow travelers.</p>
<p>Published in hardback by <a href="https://brill.com/display/serial/HM?language=en&amp;srsltid=AfmBOoqrxn51CJl-TNHwbpEvPZk6b7KSiJZpbWmX2ZAxU_fYW79WIPg6">Brill</a>, with a <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/series_collections/1-historical-materialism">Haymarket</a> paperback scheduled later.</p>
<p>Alan M. Wald is the H. Chandler Davis Collegiate Professer Emeritus at University of Michigan. His numerous books include <em>The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s</em>, <em>Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade</em> and <em>American Night: The Literary Left in the Era of the Cold War</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6037</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6957394058.mp3?updated=1754842504" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Terri Diane Halperin, “The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution” (Johns Hopkins UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>In The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), Terri Diane Halperin has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.

Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.



Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Aug 2025 20:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>42</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), Terri Diane Halperin has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.

Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.



Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1421419696/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution </a>(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), <a href="http://dailyhistory.org/The_Alien_and_Sedition_Acts_of_1798:_Interview_with_Terri_Halperin">Terri Diane Halperin</a> has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.</p><p>
Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.</p><p>
</p><p>
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3496</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60464]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2802490029.mp3?updated=1754588367" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Russell Shorto, “Revolution Song: A Story of American Freedom” (Norton, 2017)</title>
      <description>Russell Shorto‘s Revolution Song: A Story of American Freedom (Norton, 2017) is a history of many revolutions, kaleidoscopic turns through six individual lives. There is Cornplanter, a leader of the Seneca Indians; George Germain, who led the British war strategy during the Revolution; Margaret Moncrieffe Coghlan, the daughter of a British major; the always worried and wearied George Washington; Venture Smith, an African slave who eventually purchased his freedom in Connecticut; and Abraham Yates, the self-taught rabble rouser from Albany who helped shape the politics of New York, and the country. With each turn in their stories, these six lives continuously remerge and recolor the text, and together make one Revolution.

Shorto keeps the reader on the ground, so that we can see how the term “freedom,” among other concepts of the time, gained its meaning and importance. We feel each individual’s fight for self-determinacy, including its ugly and oppressive aspects, across their life spans.

In our conversation, Shorto and I talk about the insecurities and failures, the feelings of incompleteness, and the attempts at asserting or gussying up one’s self that drive the stories of all these historical subjects. The book slips and slides into ‘great’ events through wonderfully stark portraits of contingency, circumstance, and personality. What Shorto’s approach makes viscerally clear, and what we return to as we talk, is that no one person determined the Revolution more than any other, and no individual view contains all. This matters for the very reason that this Revolution song is no fiction. It is a history with many parts in contrapuntal relation that resolve only to hear a new dissonance and seek another resolution. It is a song we continue to sing.



Michael Amico holds a PhD in American Studies from Yale University. His dissertation, The Forgotten Union of the Two Henrys: The True Story of the Peculiar and Rarest Intimacy of the American Civil War, is about the romance between Henry Clay Trumbull and Henry Ward Camp of the Tenth Connecticut Regiment. He is the author, with Michael Bronski and Ann Pellegrini, of “You Can Tell Just by Looking”: And 20 Other Myths about LGBT Life and People (Beacon, 2013), a finalist for the Lambda Literary Award in Nonfiction. He can be reached at mjamico@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Aug 2025 20:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>96</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Russell Shorto‘s Revolution Song: A Story of American Freedom (Norton, 2017) is a history of many revolutions, kaleidoscopic turns through six individual lives. There is Cornplanter, a leader of the Seneca Indians; George Germain, who led the British war strategy during the Revolution; Margaret Moncrieffe Coghlan, the daughter of a British major; the always worried and wearied George Washington; Venture Smith, an African slave who eventually purchased his freedom in Connecticut; and Abraham Yates, the self-taught rabble rouser from Albany who helped shape the politics of New York, and the country. With each turn in their stories, these six lives continuously remerge and recolor the text, and together make one Revolution.

Shorto keeps the reader on the ground, so that we can see how the term “freedom,” among other concepts of the time, gained its meaning and importance. We feel each individual’s fight for self-determinacy, including its ugly and oppressive aspects, across their life spans.

In our conversation, Shorto and I talk about the insecurities and failures, the feelings of incompleteness, and the attempts at asserting or gussying up one’s self that drive the stories of all these historical subjects. The book slips and slides into ‘great’ events through wonderfully stark portraits of contingency, circumstance, and personality. What Shorto’s approach makes viscerally clear, and what we return to as we talk, is that no one person determined the Revolution more than any other, and no individual view contains all. This matters for the very reason that this Revolution song is no fiction. It is a history with many parts in contrapuntal relation that resolve only to hear a new dissonance and seek another resolution. It is a song we continue to sing.



Michael Amico holds a PhD in American Studies from Yale University. His dissertation, The Forgotten Union of the Two Henrys: The True Story of the Peculiar and Rarest Intimacy of the American Civil War, is about the romance between Henry Clay Trumbull and Henry Ward Camp of the Tenth Connecticut Regiment. He is the author, with Michael Bronski and Ann Pellegrini, of “You Can Tell Just by Looking”: And 20 Other Myths about LGBT Life and People (Beacon, 2013), a finalist for the Lambda Literary Award in Nonfiction. He can be reached at mjamico@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.russellshorto.com/">Russell Shorto</a>‘s<a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qnc-rzn3xgnG01yLSw-VPoMAAAFg8VjyyQEAAAFKATsSW5A/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0393245543/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0393245543&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=0EEyA9GeBsShofZLIAW3dA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"> Revolution Song: A Story of American Freedom</a> (Norton, 2017) is a history of many revolutions, kaleidoscopic turns through six individual lives. There is Cornplanter, a leader of the Seneca Indians; George Germain, who led the British war strategy during the Revolution; Margaret Moncrieffe Coghlan, the daughter of a British major; the always worried and wearied George Washington; Venture Smith, an African slave who eventually purchased his freedom in Connecticut; and Abraham Yates, the self-taught rabble rouser from Albany who helped shape the politics of New York, and the country. With each turn in their stories, these six lives continuously remerge and recolor the text, and together make one Revolution.</p><p>
Shorto keeps the reader on the ground, so that we can see how the term “freedom,” among other concepts of the time, gained its meaning and importance. We feel each individual’s fight for self-determinacy, including its ugly and oppressive aspects, across their life spans.</p><p>
In our conversation, Shorto and I talk about the insecurities and failures, the feelings of incompleteness, and the attempts at asserting or gussying up one’s self that drive the stories of all these historical subjects. The book slips and slides into ‘great’ events through wonderfully stark portraits of contingency, circumstance, and personality. What Shorto’s approach makes viscerally clear, and what we return to as we talk, is that no one person determined the Revolution more than any other, and no individual view contains all. This matters for the very reason that this Revolution song is no fiction. It is a history with many parts in contrapuntal relation that resolve only to hear a new dissonance and seek another resolution. It is a song we continue to sing.</p><p>
</p><p>
Michael Amico holds a PhD in American Studies from Yale University. His dissertation, The Forgotten Union of the Two Henrys: The True Story of the Peculiar and Rarest Intimacy of the American Civil War, is about the romance between Henry Clay Trumbull and Henry Ward Camp of the Tenth Connecticut Regiment. He is the author, with Michael Bronski and Ann Pellegrini, of <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QrmRRq4oIPzgplYgA0bUBYsAAAFfeOK4eAEAAAFKAc9TrGA/https:/www.amazon.com/You-Can-Tell-Just-Looking/dp/0807042455/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0807042455&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Ipyr70D.yDtjDZpqib7o7A&amp;slotNum=1">“You Can Tell Just by Looking”: And 20 Other Myths about LGBT Life and People (Beacon, 2013)</a>, a finalist for the Lambda Literary Award in Nonfiction. He can be reached at <a href="mailto:mjamico@gmail.com">mjamico@gmail.com</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3804</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69793]]></guid>
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      <title>Robert Fitzgerald, "Hardcore Punk in the Age of Reagan: The Lyrical Lashing of an American Presidency" (UNC Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Few politicians produced the musical reaction that Ronald Reagan did. His California-branded conservatism inspired countless young people to pick up guitars and thrash out their political angst. Punk bands across the United States took aim at the man, his presidency, and the idea of America he was selling to voters nationwide. Small yet vibrant scenes across the country emerged to challenge the communal norms and social values projected on them by the popular media and consumer culture. Punk enthusiast Robert Fitzgerald argues that these songs' lyrics aren't just catchy and fun to scream along with; they also reveal the thoughts and feelings of artists reacting to their political environment in real, forthright, and uncensored time.In Hardcore Punk in the Age of Reagan (UNC Press, 2025), Fitzgerald shows how these lyrics illustrated what young adults felt and how they reacted to one of the most influential and divisive leaders of the era. Punk lyrics are seemingly simple, the author argues, but they sketch out a complex, musically inspired countermovement that is as canonical in the American songbook as the folk and rock protest music that came before.

Robert Fitzgerald is a laboratory school administrator and a lifelong punk fan.

Robert Fitzgerald on UNC Press’s website.

Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2021) and Frank Zappa's America (LSU Press, 2025). He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM and is the director of its music film festival. His forthcoming book is U2: Until the End of the World (Gemini Books, October 2025).

Bradley Morgan on Facebook and Bluesky.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 07 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>294</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Few politicians produced the musical reaction that Ronald Reagan did. His California-branded conservatism inspired countless young people to pick up guitars and thrash out their political angst. Punk bands across the United States took aim at the man, his presidency, and the idea of America he was selling to voters nationwide. Small yet vibrant scenes across the country emerged to challenge the communal norms and social values projected on them by the popular media and consumer culture. Punk enthusiast Robert Fitzgerald argues that these songs' lyrics aren't just catchy and fun to scream along with; they also reveal the thoughts and feelings of artists reacting to their political environment in real, forthright, and uncensored time.In Hardcore Punk in the Age of Reagan (UNC Press, 2025), Fitzgerald shows how these lyrics illustrated what young adults felt and how they reacted to one of the most influential and divisive leaders of the era. Punk lyrics are seemingly simple, the author argues, but they sketch out a complex, musically inspired countermovement that is as canonical in the American songbook as the folk and rock protest music that came before.

Robert Fitzgerald is a laboratory school administrator and a lifelong punk fan.

Robert Fitzgerald on UNC Press’s website.

Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2021) and Frank Zappa's America (LSU Press, 2025). He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM and is the director of its music film festival. His forthcoming book is U2: Until the End of the World (Gemini Books, October 2025).

Bradley Morgan on Facebook and Bluesky.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Few politicians produced the musical reaction that Ronald Reagan did. His California-branded conservatism inspired countless young people to pick up guitars and thrash out their political angst. Punk bands across the United States took aim at the man, his presidency, and the idea of America he was selling to voters nationwide. Small yet vibrant scenes across the country emerged to challenge the communal norms and social values projected on them by the popular media and consumer culture. Punk enthusiast Robert Fitzgerald argues that these songs' lyrics aren't just catchy and fun to scream along with; they also reveal the thoughts and feelings of artists reacting to their political environment in real, forthright, and uncensored time.<br>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/hardcore-punk-in-the-age-of-reagan-the-lyrical-lashing-of-an-american-presidency-robert-fitzgerald/21826839?ean=9781469685458&amp;next=t">Hardcore Punk in the Age of Reagan</a> (UNC Press, 2025), Fitzgerald shows how these lyrics illustrated what young adults felt and how they reacted to one of the most influential and divisive leaders of the era. Punk lyrics are seemingly simple, the author argues, but they sketch out a complex, musically inspired countermovement that is as canonical in the American songbook as the folk and rock protest music that came before.</p>
<p>Robert Fitzgerald is a laboratory school administrator and a lifelong punk fan.</p>
<p>Robert Fitzgerald on UNC Press’s <a href="https://uncpress.org/book/9781469685458/hardcore-punk-in-the-age-of-reagan/">website</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.bradley-morgan.com/">Bradley Morgan</a> is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493061174"><em>U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America</em></a> (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2021) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/frank-zappa-s-america/8849ce3db2569e6e?ean=9780807183922&amp;next=t"><em>Frank Zappa's America</em></a> (LSU Press, 2025). He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM and is the director of its music film festival. His forthcoming book is <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/u2-until-the-end-of-the-world-bradley-morgan/79efd5b55b88c62d?ean=9798886743579&amp;next=t"><em>U2: Until the End of the World</em></a> (Gemini Books, October 2025).</p>
<p>Bradley Morgan on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/bradleymorganauthor/">Facebook</a> and <a href="https://bsky.app/profile/bradleymorgan.bsky.social">Bluesky</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3943</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c5305722-7204-11f0-828c-3ba391fa030d]]></guid>
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      <title>Neil Roberts, “A Political Companion to Frederick Douglass” (UP of Kentucky, 2018)</title>
      <description>The year 2018 marks the 200th anniversary of Frederick Douglass’ birth. It can hardly be said that scholars have neglected Douglass; indeed, he is one of the most written-about figures in American history. But not all aspects of Douglass’ thought have received their due. One such blank spot in what might be called “Douglass Studies” concerns his political philosophy. Williams College scholar Dr. Neil Roberts’ new edited volume, A Political Companion to Frederick Douglass (University Press of Kentucky, 2018), helps to fill this lacuna in Douglass scholarship.



Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter @CulturedModesty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>142</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The year 2018 marks the 200th anniversary of Frederick Douglass’ birth. It can hardly be said that scholars have neglected Douglass; indeed, he is one of the most written-about figures in American history. But not all aspects of Douglass’ thought have received their due. One such blank spot in what might be called “Douglass Studies” concerns his political philosophy. Williams College scholar Dr. Neil Roberts’ new edited volume, A Political Companion to Frederick Douglass (University Press of Kentucky, 2018), helps to fill this lacuna in Douglass scholarship.



Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter @CulturedModesty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The year 2018 marks the 200th anniversary of Frederick Douglass’ birth. It can hardly be said that scholars have neglected Douglass; indeed, he is one of the most written-about figures in American history. But not all aspects of Douglass’ thought have received their due. One such blank spot in what might be called “Douglass Studies” concerns his political philosophy. Williams College scholar Dr. <a href="https://political-science.williams.edu/profile/nr2/">Neil Roberts</a>’ new edited volume, <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QoEz574IsS4nitXQuFkAG5wAAAFleybJSQEAAAFKAcMCzNA/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0813175623/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0813175623&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Mn2Uu.QyQOaH0PgPJokgHA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">A Political Companion to Frederick Douglass</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2018), helps to fill this lacuna in Douglass scholarship.</p><p>
</p><p>
Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/culturedmodesty?lang=en">@CulturedModesty</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4705</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77506]]></guid>
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      <title>Timothy W. Kneeland, "Declaring Disaster: Buffalo's Blizzard of '77 and the Creation of FEMA" (Syracuse UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Join me for an insightful and timely conversation with historian Timothy Kneeland about his book Declaring Disaster: Buffalo's Blizzard of '77 and the Creation of FEMA (Syracuse University Press, 2021). This book masterfully bridges the gap between academic research and real-world policy implications.

Hear from the author himself as he reflects on the historical roots of disaster policy, the political forces that shape emergency response, and the enduring implications for governance today.

Timothy W. Kneeland is a Professor and Director of the Center for Public History at Nazareth University. He writes on American politics and disaster policy, American science, and psychiatry.

ABOUT THE BOOK: On Friday, January 28, 1977, it began to snow in Buffalo. The second largest city in New York State, located directly in line with the Great Lakes’ snowbelt, was no stranger to this kind of winter weather. With their city averaging ninety-four inches of snow per year, the citizens of Buffalo knew how to survive a snowstorm. But the blizzard that engulfed the city for the next four days was about to make history. Between the subzero wind chill and whiteout conditions, hundreds of people were trapped when the snow began to fall. Twenty- to thirty-foot-high snow drifts isolated residents in their offices and homes, and even in their cars on the highway. With a dependency on rubber-tire vehicles, which lost all traction in the heavily blanketed urban streets, they were cut off from food, fuel, and even electricity. This one unexpected snow disaster stranded tens of thousands of people, froze public utilities and transportation, and cost Buffalo hundreds of millions of dollars in economic losses and property damages. The destruction wrought by this snowstorm, like the destruction brought on by other natural disasters, was from a combination of weather-related hazards and the public policies meant to mitigate them. Buffalo’s 1977 blizzard, the first snowstorm to be declared a disaster in US history, came after a century of automobility, suburbanization, and snow removal guidelines like the bare-pavement policy. Kneeland offers a compelling examination of whether the 1977 storm was an anomaly or the inevitable outcome of years of city planning. From the local to the state and federal levels, Kneeland discusses governmental response and disaster relief, showing how this regional event had national implications for environmental policy and how its effects have resounded through the complexities of disaster politics long after the snow fell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 05 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>221</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Join me for an insightful and timely conversation with historian Timothy Kneeland about his book Declaring Disaster: Buffalo's Blizzard of '77 and the Creation of FEMA (Syracuse University Press, 2021). This book masterfully bridges the gap between academic research and real-world policy implications.

Hear from the author himself as he reflects on the historical roots of disaster policy, the political forces that shape emergency response, and the enduring implications for governance today.

Timothy W. Kneeland is a Professor and Director of the Center for Public History at Nazareth University. He writes on American politics and disaster policy, American science, and psychiatry.

ABOUT THE BOOK: On Friday, January 28, 1977, it began to snow in Buffalo. The second largest city in New York State, located directly in line with the Great Lakes’ snowbelt, was no stranger to this kind of winter weather. With their city averaging ninety-four inches of snow per year, the citizens of Buffalo knew how to survive a snowstorm. But the blizzard that engulfed the city for the next four days was about to make history. Between the subzero wind chill and whiteout conditions, hundreds of people were trapped when the snow began to fall. Twenty- to thirty-foot-high snow drifts isolated residents in their offices and homes, and even in their cars on the highway. With a dependency on rubber-tire vehicles, which lost all traction in the heavily blanketed urban streets, they were cut off from food, fuel, and even electricity. This one unexpected snow disaster stranded tens of thousands of people, froze public utilities and transportation, and cost Buffalo hundreds of millions of dollars in economic losses and property damages. The destruction wrought by this snowstorm, like the destruction brought on by other natural disasters, was from a combination of weather-related hazards and the public policies meant to mitigate them. Buffalo’s 1977 blizzard, the first snowstorm to be declared a disaster in US history, came after a century of automobility, suburbanization, and snow removal guidelines like the bare-pavement policy. Kneeland offers a compelling examination of whether the 1977 storm was an anomaly or the inevitable outcome of years of city planning. From the local to the state and federal levels, Kneeland discusses governmental response and disaster relief, showing how this regional event had national implications for environmental policy and how its effects have resounded through the complexities of disaster politics long after the snow fell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Join me for an insightful and timely conversation with historian Timothy Kneeland about his book Declaring Disaster: Buffalo's Blizzard of '77 and the Creation of FEMA (Syracuse University Press, 2021). This book masterfully bridges the gap between academic research and real-world policy implications.</p>
<p>Hear from the author himself as he reflects on the historical roots of disaster policy, the political forces that shape emergency response, and the enduring implications for governance today.</p>
<p>Timothy W. Kneeland is a Professor and Director of the Center for Public History at Nazareth University. He writes on American politics and disaster policy, American science, and psychiatry.</p>
<p>ABOUT THE BOOK: On Friday, January 28, 1977, it began to snow in Buffalo. The second largest city in New York State, located directly in line with the Great Lakes’ snowbelt, was no stranger to this kind of winter weather. With their city averaging ninety-four inches of snow per year, the citizens of Buffalo knew how to survive a snowstorm. But the blizzard that engulfed the city for the next four days was about to make history. Between the subzero wind chill and whiteout conditions, hundreds of people were trapped when the snow began to fall. Twenty- to thirty-foot-high snow drifts isolated residents in their offices and homes, and even in their cars on the highway. With a dependency on rubber-tire vehicles, which lost all traction in the heavily blanketed urban streets, they were cut off from food, fuel, and even electricity. This one unexpected snow disaster stranded tens of thousands of people, froze public utilities and transportation, and cost Buffalo hundreds of millions of dollars in economic losses and property damages. The destruction wrought by this snowstorm, like the destruction brought on by other natural disasters, was from a combination of weather-related hazards and the public policies meant to mitigate them. Buffalo’s 1977 blizzard, the first snowstorm to be declared a disaster in US history, came after a century of automobility, suburbanization, and snow removal guidelines like the bare-pavement policy. Kneeland offers a compelling examination of whether the 1977 storm was an anomaly or the inevitable outcome of years of city planning. From the local to the state and federal levels, Kneeland discusses governmental response and disaster relief, showing how this regional event had national implications for environmental policy and how its effects have resounded through the complexities of disaster politics long after the snow fell.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4517</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Benjamin Francis-Fallon, "The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History" (Harvard UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” Benjamin Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History (Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic Latinidad was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>55</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” Benjamin Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History (Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic Latinidad was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” <a href="https://www.wcu.edu/learn/departments-schools-colleges/cas/humanities/history/history-faculty-and-staff/Benjamin-Francis-Fallon.aspx">Benjamin Francis-Fallon</a> historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/067473744X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History</em> </a>(Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic <em>Latinidad </em>was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3227</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a5d34fba-6f1b-11f0-864c-37d50fd382ef]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Dan Reiter, "Untied Hands: How States Avoid the Wrong Wars" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>How do states advance their national security interests? Conventional wisdom holds that states must court the risk of catastrophic war by “tying their hands” to credibly protect their interests. Dan Reiter overturns this perspective with the compelling argument that states craft flexible foreign policies to avoid unwanted wars. Through a comprehensive analysis of key international crises, including the Berlin, Taiwan Straits, and Cuban Missile Crises, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars, Reiter provides new perspectives on the causes of wars, the role of international alliances, foreign troop deployments, leader madness, and the impact of AI on international relations. With critical insights into contemporary foreign policy challenges, such as America’s role in NATO, the risks of war with China, containing a resurgent Russia, and the dangers of nuclear war, Untied Hands: How States Avoid the Wrong Wars (Cambridge University Press, 2025) is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding how states can effectively manage international crises while avoiding the wrong wars.

Dan Reiter is Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor of Political Science at Emory University.

Leo Bader is a senior at Wesleyan University studying political theory and history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 03 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do states advance their national security interests? Conventional wisdom holds that states must court the risk of catastrophic war by “tying their hands” to credibly protect their interests. Dan Reiter overturns this perspective with the compelling argument that states craft flexible foreign policies to avoid unwanted wars. Through a comprehensive analysis of key international crises, including the Berlin, Taiwan Straits, and Cuban Missile Crises, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars, Reiter provides new perspectives on the causes of wars, the role of international alliances, foreign troop deployments, leader madness, and the impact of AI on international relations. With critical insights into contemporary foreign policy challenges, such as America’s role in NATO, the risks of war with China, containing a resurgent Russia, and the dangers of nuclear war, Untied Hands: How States Avoid the Wrong Wars (Cambridge University Press, 2025) is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding how states can effectively manage international crises while avoiding the wrong wars.

Dan Reiter is Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor of Political Science at Emory University.

Leo Bader is a senior at Wesleyan University studying political theory and history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do states advance their national security interests? Conventional wisdom holds that states must court the risk of catastrophic war by “tying their hands” to credibly protect their interests. Dan Reiter overturns this perspective with the compelling argument that states craft flexible foreign policies to avoid unwanted wars. Through a comprehensive analysis of key international crises, including the Berlin, Taiwan Straits, and Cuban Missile Crises, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars, Reiter provides new perspectives on the causes of wars, the role of international alliances, foreign troop deployments, leader madness, and the impact of AI on international relations. With critical insights into contemporary foreign policy challenges, such as America’s role in NATO, the risks of war with China, containing a resurgent Russia, and the dangers of nuclear war, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009596077">Untied Hands: How States Avoid the Wrong Wars</a><em> (</em>Cambridge University Press, 2025) is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding how states can effectively manage international crises while avoiding the wrong wars.</p>
<p>Dan Reiter is Samuel Candler Dobbs Professor of Political Science at Emory University.</p>
<p><em>Leo Bader is a senior at Wesleyan University studying political theory and history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2637</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Linda Gordon, "Seven Social Movements That Changed America" (LIveright, 2025)</title>
      <description>How do social movements arise, wield power, and bring about meaningful change? Renowned scholar Linda Gordon investigates these and other salient questions in this “visionary, cautionary, timely, and utterly necessary book” (Nicole Eustace), narrating how some of America’s most influential twentieth-century social movements transformed the nation.Beginning with the turn-of-the century settlement house movement, the book compares Chicago’s celebrated Hull-House, begun by privileged women, to a much less well known African American project, Cleveland’s Phillis Wheatley House, begun by a former sharecropper. Expanding her highly praised book The Second Coming of the KKK, the second chapter shows how a northern Klan became a mass movement in the 1920s. Contrary to what many Klan opponents thought, this KKK was a middle-class organization, its members primarily urban and well educated. In the 1930s, the KKK gave birth to dozens of American fascist groups—small but extremely violent. Profiles of two other 1930s movements follow: the Townsend campaign for old-age insurance, named for its charismatic leader, Dr. Francis Townsend. It created the public pressure that brought us Social Security, which was considered radical at the time, as was the movement to bring about federal unemployment aid for millions.Proceeding to the 1955–1956 Montgomery bus boycott—which jump-started the career of Martin Luther King, Jr.—the narrative shows how the city’s entire Black population refused to ride segregated buses; initiated by Black women, their years-long, hard-fought victory inspired the civil rights movement. Gordon then examines the 1970s farmworkers struggle, led by Cesar Chavez and made possible by the work of tens of thousands of the primarily Mexican American farmworkers. Together they built the United Farm Workers Union, winning better wages and working conditions for some of the country’s poorest workers. The book concludes with the dramatic stories of two Boston socialist feminist groups, Bread and Roses and the Combahee River Collective, which influenced the whole women’s liberation movement.﻿﻿

Linda Gordon is professor emerita of history and University Professor of the Humanities at New York University. She is the winner of two Bancroft prizes for best book in American History.  Her previous work includes The Second Coming of the KKK and a biography of the photographer Dorothea Lange.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Aug 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>294</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do social movements arise, wield power, and bring about meaningful change? Renowned scholar Linda Gordon investigates these and other salient questions in this “visionary, cautionary, timely, and utterly necessary book” (Nicole Eustace), narrating how some of America’s most influential twentieth-century social movements transformed the nation.Beginning with the turn-of-the century settlement house movement, the book compares Chicago’s celebrated Hull-House, begun by privileged women, to a much less well known African American project, Cleveland’s Phillis Wheatley House, begun by a former sharecropper. Expanding her highly praised book The Second Coming of the KKK, the second chapter shows how a northern Klan became a mass movement in the 1920s. Contrary to what many Klan opponents thought, this KKK was a middle-class organization, its members primarily urban and well educated. In the 1930s, the KKK gave birth to dozens of American fascist groups—small but extremely violent. Profiles of two other 1930s movements follow: the Townsend campaign for old-age insurance, named for its charismatic leader, Dr. Francis Townsend. It created the public pressure that brought us Social Security, which was considered radical at the time, as was the movement to bring about federal unemployment aid for millions.Proceeding to the 1955–1956 Montgomery bus boycott—which jump-started the career of Martin Luther King, Jr.—the narrative shows how the city’s entire Black population refused to ride segregated buses; initiated by Black women, their years-long, hard-fought victory inspired the civil rights movement. Gordon then examines the 1970s farmworkers struggle, led by Cesar Chavez and made possible by the work of tens of thousands of the primarily Mexican American farmworkers. Together they built the United Farm Workers Union, winning better wages and working conditions for some of the country’s poorest workers. The book concludes with the dramatic stories of two Boston socialist feminist groups, Bread and Roses and the Combahee River Collective, which influenced the whole women’s liberation movement.﻿﻿

Linda Gordon is professor emerita of history and University Professor of the Humanities at New York University. She is the winner of two Bancroft prizes for best book in American History.  Her previous work includes The Second Coming of the KKK and a biography of the photographer Dorothea Lange.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do social movements arise, wield power, and bring about meaningful change? Renowned scholar Linda Gordon investigates these and other salient questions in this “visionary, cautionary, timely, and utterly necessary book” (Nicole Eustace), narrating how some of America’s most influential twentieth-century social movements transformed the nation.<br>Beginning with the turn-of-the century settlement house movement, the book compares Chicago’s celebrated Hull-House, begun by privileged women, to a much less well known African American project, Cleveland’s Phillis Wheatley House, begun by a former sharecropper. Expanding her highly praised book <em>The Second Coming of the KKK</em>, the second chapter shows how a northern Klan became a mass movement in the 1920s. Contrary to what many Klan opponents thought, this KKK was a middle-class organization, its members primarily urban and well educated. In the 1930s, the KKK gave birth to dozens of American fascist groups—small but extremely violent. Profiles of two other 1930s movements follow: the Townsend campaign for old-age insurance, named for its charismatic leader, Dr. Francis Townsend. It created the public pressure that brought us Social Security, which was considered radical at the time, as was the movement to bring about federal unemployment aid for millions.<br>Proceeding to the 1955–1956 Montgomery bus boycott—which jump-started the career of Martin Luther King, Jr.—the narrative shows how the city’s entire Black population refused to ride segregated buses; initiated by Black women, their years-long, hard-fought victory inspired the civil rights movement. Gordon then examines the 1970s farmworkers struggle, led by Cesar Chavez and made possible by the work of tens of thousands of the primarily Mexican American farmworkers. Together they built the United Farm Workers Union, winning better wages and working conditions for some of the country’s poorest workers. The book concludes with the dramatic stories of two Boston socialist feminist groups, Bread and Roses and the Combahee River Collective, which influenced the whole women’s liberation movement.﻿﻿<br></p>
<p>Linda Gordon is professor emerita of history and University Professor of the Humanities at New York University. She is the winner of two Bancroft prizes for best book in American History.  Her previous work includes <em>The Second Coming of the KKK </em>and a biography of the photographer Dorothea Lange.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3513</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5916854734.mp3?updated=1753929566" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Late-Stage Neoliberal Capitalism is Breaking Democracy</title>
      <description>For a long time many (although by no means all) scholars saw the relationship between capitalism and democracy as mutually reinforcing: economic competition and growth were expected to sustain democratic competition and improve governance and public good delivery for citizens, in turn creating a better environment for capitalist competition to flourish. But as capitalism has changed and has in many respects freed itself from the constraints of the state and of democratic processes, it has unleashed a new era of extreme wealth accumulation, deregulated markets, weak states, unresponsive political elites, and choiceless democracies. In this episode, CEDAR host Licia Cianetti talks to Rachel Riedl about her recent essay on “Neoliberalism and the Third Wave” to better understand why and how this happened and what we can do about it. This episode is part of PPP’s ongoing collaboration with the Journal of Democracy.

Rachel Beatty Riedl is Professor of public policy and government at Cornell University and the Peggy J. Koenig '78 Director of the Brooks Center on Global Democracy. Her latest co-edited book is entitled Global Challenges to Democracy: Comparative Perspectives on Backsliding, Autocracy, and Resilience (CUP 2025).

Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her latest publication is “What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies” (Democratization, 2025).

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For a long time many (although by no means all) scholars saw the relationship between capitalism and democracy as mutually reinforcing: economic competition and growth were expected to sustain democratic competition and improve governance and public good delivery for citizens, in turn creating a better environment for capitalist competition to flourish. But as capitalism has changed and has in many respects freed itself from the constraints of the state and of democratic processes, it has unleashed a new era of extreme wealth accumulation, deregulated markets, weak states, unresponsive political elites, and choiceless democracies. In this episode, CEDAR host Licia Cianetti talks to Rachel Riedl about her recent essay on “Neoliberalism and the Third Wave” to better understand why and how this happened and what we can do about it. This episode is part of PPP’s ongoing collaboration with the Journal of Democracy.

Rachel Beatty Riedl is Professor of public policy and government at Cornell University and the Peggy J. Koenig '78 Director of the Brooks Center on Global Democracy. Her latest co-edited book is entitled Global Challenges to Democracy: Comparative Perspectives on Backsliding, Autocracy, and Resilience (CUP 2025).

Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her latest publication is “What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies” (Democratization, 2025).

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For a long time many (although by no means all) scholars saw the relationship between capitalism and democracy as mutually reinforcing: economic competition and growth were expected to sustain democratic competition and improve governance and public good delivery for citizens, in turn creating a better environment for capitalist competition to flourish. But as capitalism has changed and has in many respects freed itself from the constraints of the state and of democratic processes, it has unleashed a new era of extreme wealth accumulation, deregulated markets, weak states, unresponsive political elites, and choiceless democracies. In this episode, CEDAR host Licia Cianetti talks to Rachel Riedl about her recent essay on “<a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/1/article/954569">Neoliberalism and the Third Wave</a>” to better understand why and how this happened and what we can do about it. <em>This episode is part of PPP’s ongoing collaboration with the </em><a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/"><em>Journal of Democracy</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><a href="https://government.cornell.edu/rachel-beatty-riedl">Rachel Beatty Riedl</a> is Professor of public policy and government at Cornell University and the Peggy J. Koenig '78 Director of the Brooks Center on Global Democracy. Her latest co-edited book is entitled <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/global-challenges-to-democracy/C50D0AC769FF0AA2C62DA9337F2C03E6">Global Challenges to Democracy: Comparative Perspectives on Backsliding, Autocracy, and Resilience</a> (CUP 2025).</p>
<p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cianetti-licia.aspx">Licia Cianetti</a> is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Founding Director of CEDAR. Her latest publication is “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2025.2483418?src=">What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies</a>” (<em>Democratization</em>, 2025).</p>
<p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1994</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Stauch, "Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. Wildcat of the Streets documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.

In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.

Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, Wildcat of the Streets is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.

Guest: Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1594</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. Wildcat of the Streets documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.

In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.

Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, Wildcat of the Streets is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.

Guest: Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. <em>Wildcat of the Streets</em> documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.</p>
<p>In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.</p>
<p>Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, <em>Wildcat of the Streets</em> is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.</p>
<p><strong>Guest:</strong> Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.</p>
<p><strong>Host:</strong> <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">Jenna Pittman </a>(she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.</p>
<p>Scholars@Duke: <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...</a></p>
<p>Linktree: <a href="https://linktr.ee/jennapittman">https://linktr.ee/jennapittman</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3909</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Bulent Gokay and Lily Hamourtziadou, "Human Costs of War: 21st Century Human (In)Security from 2003 Iraq to 2022 Ukraine" (Routledge, 2024)</title>
      <description>Human Costs of War: 21st Century Human (In)Security from 2003 Iraq to 2022 Ukraine (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024) documents and analyses the direct and indirect toll that war takes on civilians and their livelihoods, taking a human security approach exploring personal, economic, political and community security in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine, in the contexts of the War on Terror and the New Cold War. The book offers an understanding of war through the recording and comprehension of its civilian casualties and evaluates whether the force used has been proportionate to the threat that prompted it and the concern for human welfare. In the 21st century, the power of the USA has declined, while countries such as China and India become more powerful. The global power balance has been altered in a fundamental way towards a multi-polar world system, with the West no longer able to enforce its policies abroad. Regional and global governance are not assured, and devastating wars have taken a heavy toll in terms of death, poverty and displacement, which feed into the cycle of long-term insecurity. The authors argue that it is important for any conflict to be understood not only in terms of the perpetrators of violence, or of the political and economic reasons behind it, but also in terms of its impact on the civilian population and their security, focusing on conflicts in the Middle East which followed 9/11 and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The book will be of interest to academics, the public, the media, security agencies and international organisations. It will be useful for undergraduate and postgraduate students of International Relations, International Law, Security, Politics, Policing, Human Rights, Ethics, Peace Studies, Eastern Europe, American Studies and the Middle East.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>286</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Human Costs of War: 21st Century Human (In)Security from 2003 Iraq to 2022 Ukraine (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024) documents and analyses the direct and indirect toll that war takes on civilians and their livelihoods, taking a human security approach exploring personal, economic, political and community security in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine, in the contexts of the War on Terror and the New Cold War. The book offers an understanding of war through the recording and comprehension of its civilian casualties and evaluates whether the force used has been proportionate to the threat that prompted it and the concern for human welfare. In the 21st century, the power of the USA has declined, while countries such as China and India become more powerful. The global power balance has been altered in a fundamental way towards a multi-polar world system, with the West no longer able to enforce its policies abroad. Regional and global governance are not assured, and devastating wars have taken a heavy toll in terms of death, poverty and displacement, which feed into the cycle of long-term insecurity. The authors argue that it is important for any conflict to be understood not only in terms of the perpetrators of violence, or of the political and economic reasons behind it, but also in terms of its impact on the civilian population and their security, focusing on conflicts in the Middle East which followed 9/11 and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The book will be of interest to academics, the public, the media, security agencies and international organisations. It will be useful for undergraduate and postgraduate students of International Relations, International Law, Security, Politics, Policing, Human Rights, Ethics, Peace Studies, Eastern Europe, American Studies and the Middle East.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032540290">Human Costs of War: 21st Century Human (In)Security from 2003 Iraq to 2022 Ukraine</a> (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2024) documents and analyses the direct and indirect toll that war takes on civilians and their livelihoods, taking a human security approach exploring personal, economic, political and community security in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine, in the contexts of the War on Terror and the New Cold War. The book offers an understanding of war through the recording and comprehension of its civilian casualties and evaluates whether the force used has been proportionate to the threat that prompted it and the concern for human welfare. In the 21st century, the power of the USA has declined, while countries such as China and India become more powerful. The global power balance has been altered in a fundamental way towards a multi-polar world system, with the West no longer able to enforce its policies abroad. Regional and global governance are not assured, and devastating wars have taken a heavy toll in terms of death, poverty and displacement, which feed into the cycle of long-term insecurity. The authors argue that it is important for any conflict to be understood not only in terms of the perpetrators of violence, or of the political and economic reasons behind it, but also in terms of its impact on the civilian population and their security, focusing on conflicts in the Middle East which followed 9/11 and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The book will be of interest to academics, the public, the media, security agencies and international organisations. It will be useful for undergraduate and postgraduate students of International Relations, International Law, Security, Politics, Policing, Human Rights, Ethics, Peace Studies, Eastern Europe, American Studies and the Middle East.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1835</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Stauch, "Wildcat of the Streets: Detroit in the Age of Community Policing" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. Wildcat of the Streets documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.

In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.

Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, Wildcat of the Streets is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.

Guest: Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1594</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. Wildcat of the Streets documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.

In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.

Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, Wildcat of the Streets is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.

Guest: Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The criminalization of Black youth was central to policing in urban America during the civil rights era and continued in Detroit even after the rise of Black political control in the 1970s. <em>Wildcat of the Streets</em> documents how the “community policing” approach of Mayor Coleman Young (1974–1993)—including neighborhood police stations, affirmative action hiring policies, and public participation in law enforcement initiatives—transformed Detroit, long considered the nation’s symbol of racial inequality and urban crisis, into a crucial site of experimentation in policing while continuing to subject many Black Detroiters to police brutality and repression.</p>
<p>In response, young people in the 1970s and 1980s drew on the city’s storied history of labor radicalism as well as contemporary shopfloor struggles to wage a “wildcat of the streets,” consisting of street disturbances, decentralized gang activity, and complex organizations of the informal economy. In this revelatory new history of the social life of cities, Michael Stauch mines a series of evocative interviews conducted with the participants to trace how Black youth made claims for political equality over and against the new order of community policing.</p>
<p>Centering the perspective of criminalized and crime-committing young people, <em>Wildcat of the Streets</em> is an original interpretation of police reform, the long struggle for Black liberation, and the politics of cities in the age of community policing.</p>
<p><strong>Guest:</strong> Michael Stauch (he/him) is an Associate Professor at the University of Toledo. He historian of the modern United States with a focus on policing, politics, and the intersection of race, labor, and youth in social movements.</p>
<p><strong>Host:</strong> <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">Jenna Pittman </a>(she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.</p>
<p>Scholars@Duke: <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...</a></p>
<p>Linktree: <a href="https://linktr.ee/jennapittman">https://linktr.ee/jennapittman</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3909</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8326bd70-6954-11f0-9ecc-5b53e3f1e092]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3699630851.mp3?updated=1753939201" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Agathe Demarais, "Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. 
Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. 
Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.
Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at https://twitter.com/bucephalus424
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Agathe Demarais</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. 
Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. 
Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.
Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at https://twitter.com/bucephalus424
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231199902"><em>Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. </p><p>Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.</p><p><em>Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bucephalus424"><em>https://twitter.com/bucephalus424</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3988</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2c40cf32-6823-11f0-8aac-1f6b1d784510]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Osita Nwanevu, "The Right of the People: Democracy and the Case for a New American Founding" (Random House, 2025)</title>
      <description>Frustrated with our political dysfunction, wearied by the thinness of contemporary political discourse, and troubled by the rise of anti-democratic attitudes across the political spectrum, journalist Osita Nwanevu has spent the Trump era examining the very meaning of democracy in search of answers to questions many have asked in the wake of the 2024 election: Are our institutions fundamentally broken? How can a country so divided govern itself? Does democracy even work as well as we believe?The Right of the People: Democracy and the Case for a New American Founding (Random House, 2025) offers us challenging answers: while democracy remains vital, American democracy is an illusion we must make real by transforming not only our political institutions but the American economy. In a text that spans democratic theory, the American Founding, our aging political system, and the dizzying inequalities of our new Gilded Age, Nwanevu makes a visionary case for a political and economic agenda to fulfill the promise of American democracy and revive faith in the American project.“Nearly two hundred fifty years ago, the men who founded America made a fundamental break not just from their old country but from the past—casting off an order that had subjugated them with worn and weak ideas for the promise of true self-governance and greater prosperity in a new republic,” Nwanevu writes. “With exactly their sense of purpose and even higher, more righteous ambitions for America than they themselves had, we should do the same now⁠—work as hard as we can in the decades ahead to ‘institute new Government’ for the benefit of all and not just the few.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Frustrated with our political dysfunction, wearied by the thinness of contemporary political discourse, and troubled by the rise of anti-democratic attitudes across the political spectrum, journalist Osita Nwanevu has spent the Trump era examining the very meaning of democracy in search of answers to questions many have asked in the wake of the 2024 election: Are our institutions fundamentally broken? How can a country so divided govern itself? Does democracy even work as well as we believe?The Right of the People: Democracy and the Case for a New American Founding (Random House, 2025) offers us challenging answers: while democracy remains vital, American democracy is an illusion we must make real by transforming not only our political institutions but the American economy. In a text that spans democratic theory, the American Founding, our aging political system, and the dizzying inequalities of our new Gilded Age, Nwanevu makes a visionary case for a political and economic agenda to fulfill the promise of American democracy and revive faith in the American project.“Nearly two hundred fifty years ago, the men who founded America made a fundamental break not just from their old country but from the past—casting off an order that had subjugated them with worn and weak ideas for the promise of true self-governance and greater prosperity in a new republic,” Nwanevu writes. “With exactly their sense of purpose and even higher, more righteous ambitions for America than they themselves had, we should do the same now⁠—work as hard as we can in the decades ahead to ‘institute new Government’ for the benefit of all and not just the few.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Frustrated with our political dysfunction, wearied by the thinness of contemporary political discourse, and troubled by the rise of anti-democratic attitudes across the political spectrum, journalist Osita Nwanevu has spent the Trump era examining the very meaning of democracy in search of answers to questions many have asked in the wake of the 2024 election: Are our institutions fundamentally broken? How can a country so divided govern itself? Does democracy even work as well as we believe?<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593449929"><br>The Right of the People: Democracy and the Case for a New American Founding</a><em> </em>(Random House, 2025) offers us challenging answers: while democracy remains vital, American democracy is an illusion we must make real by transforming not only our political institutions but the American economy. In a text that spans democratic theory, the American Founding, our aging political system, and the dizzying inequalities of our new Gilded Age, Nwanevu makes a visionary case for a political and economic agenda to fulfill the promise of American democracy and revive faith in the American project.<br>“Nearly two hundred fifty years ago, the men who founded America made a fundamental break not just from their old country but from the past—casting off an order that had subjugated them with worn and weak ideas for the promise of true self-governance and greater prosperity in a new republic,” Nwanevu writes. “With exactly their sense of purpose and even higher, more righteous ambitions for America than they themselves had, we should do the same now⁠—work as hard as we can in the decades ahead to ‘institute new Government’ for the benefit of all and not just the few.”</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1804</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a6e4757a-6843-11f0-be82-b78fe1e63bbc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2759449110.mp3?updated=1753943482" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Luke A. Nichter, "The Year That Broke Politics: Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election Of 1968" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>A sitting Democratic president who chooses not to run for re-election, a vice president running out of the president’s shadow, and a Republican nominee trying to make a political comeback amidst accusations of collusion – welcome to the 2024 1968 presidential election. What we think we know about the election has been challenged, however, by a new book by Luke A. Nichter, a professor of history and presidential studies at Chapman University. In The Year That Broke Politics: Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election of 1968 (Yale UP, 2024) Nichter reexamines the campaign and shows how the ‘68 election foreshadowed our current political landscape.

The 1968 presidential race was a contentious battle between vice president Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon, and former Alabama governor George Wallace. The United States was reeling from the assassinations of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert F. Kennedy and was bitterly divided on the Vietnam War and domestic issues, including civil rights and rising crime. Drawing on previously unexamined archives and numerous interviews, Luke A. Nichter upends the conventional understanding of the campaign.

Nichter chronicles how the evangelist Billy Graham met with Johnson after the president’s attempt to reenter the race was stymied by his own party, and offered him a deal: Nixon, if elected, would continue Johnson’s Vietnam War policy and also not oppose his Great Society, if Johnson would soften his support for Humphrey. Johnson agreed.

Nichter also shows that Johnson was far more active in the campaign than has previously been described; that Humphrey’s resurgence in October had nothing to do with his changing his position on the war; that Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” has been misunderstood, since he hardly even campaigned there; and that Wallace’s appeal went far beyond the South and anticipated today’s Republican populism. This eye-opening account of the political calculations and maneuvering that decided this fiercely fought election reshapes our understanding of a key moment in twentieth-century American history.



Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via https://www.andrewopace.com/. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sitting Democratic president who chooses not to run for re-election, a vice president running out of the president’s shadow, and a Republican nominee trying to make a political comeback amidst accusations of collusion – welcome to the 2024 1968 presidential election. What we think we know about the election has been challenged, however, by a new book by Luke A. Nichter, a professor of history and presidential studies at Chapman University. In The Year That Broke Politics: Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election of 1968 (Yale UP, 2024) Nichter reexamines the campaign and shows how the ‘68 election foreshadowed our current political landscape.

The 1968 presidential race was a contentious battle between vice president Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon, and former Alabama governor George Wallace. The United States was reeling from the assassinations of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert F. Kennedy and was bitterly divided on the Vietnam War and domestic issues, including civil rights and rising crime. Drawing on previously unexamined archives and numerous interviews, Luke A. Nichter upends the conventional understanding of the campaign.

Nichter chronicles how the evangelist Billy Graham met with Johnson after the president’s attempt to reenter the race was stymied by his own party, and offered him a deal: Nixon, if elected, would continue Johnson’s Vietnam War policy and also not oppose his Great Society, if Johnson would soften his support for Humphrey. Johnson agreed.

Nichter also shows that Johnson was far more active in the campaign than has previously been described; that Humphrey’s resurgence in October had nothing to do with his changing his position on the war; that Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” has been misunderstood, since he hardly even campaigned there; and that Wallace’s appeal went far beyond the South and anticipated today’s Republican populism. This eye-opening account of the political calculations and maneuvering that decided this fiercely fought election reshapes our understanding of a key moment in twentieth-century American history.



Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via https://www.andrewopace.com/. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sitting Democratic president who chooses not to run for re-election, a vice president running out of the president’s shadow, and a Republican nominee trying to make a political comeback amidst accusations of collusion – welcome to the 2024 1968 presidential election. What we think we know about the election has been challenged, however, by a new book by Luke A. Nichter, a professor of history and presidential studies at Chapman University. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300280135">The Year That Broke Politics: Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election of 1968</a><em> </em>(Yale UP, 2024) Nichter reexamines the campaign and shows how the ‘68 election foreshadowed our current political landscape.</p>
<p>The 1968 presidential race was a contentious battle between vice president Hubert Humphrey, Republican Richard Nixon, and former Alabama governor George Wallace. The United States was reeling from the assassinations of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert F. Kennedy and was bitterly divided on the Vietnam War and domestic issues, including civil rights and rising crime. Drawing on previously unexamined archives and numerous interviews, Luke A. Nichter upends the conventional understanding of the campaign.</p>
<p>Nichter chronicles how the evangelist Billy Graham met with Johnson after the president’s attempt to reenter the race was stymied by his own party, and offered him a deal: Nixon, if elected, would continue Johnson’s Vietnam War policy and also not oppose his Great Society, if Johnson would soften his support for Humphrey. Johnson agreed.</p>
<p>Nichter also shows that Johnson was far more active in the campaign than has previously been described; that Humphrey’s resurgence in October had nothing to do with his changing his position on the war; that Nixon’s “Southern Strategy” has been misunderstood, since he hardly even campaigned there; and that Wallace’s appeal went far beyond the South and anticipated today’s Republican populism. This eye-opening account of the political calculations and maneuvering that decided this fiercely fought election reshapes our understanding of a key moment in twentieth-century American history.</p>
<p><br></p>
<p><strong>Dr. Andrew O. Pace</strong> is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at <a href="mailto:andrew.pace@usm.edu">andrew.pace@usm.edu</a> or via <a href="https://www.andrewopace.com/">https://www.andrewopace.com/</a>. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3775</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, "Heaven Has a Wall: Religion, Borders, and the Global United States" (U of Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Our national conversation about the border has taken a religious turn. When televangelists declare, “Heaven has a wall,” activists shout back, “Jesus was a refugee.” For Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, the standoff makes explicit a longstanding truth: borders are religious as well as political objects. In this book, Hurd argues that Americans share a bipartisan border religion, complete with an array of beliefs and practices, including a reverence for national security, a liturgy for immigration, and an eschatological foreign policy. Through an analysis of the many ways the United States creates, enforces, and ignores borders at home and abroad, Hurd offers a bold new perspective on the ties that bind American religion, politics, and public life.

Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is Professor and Chair of Religious Studies and Professor of Political Science at Northwestern University.

This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Our national conversation about the border has taken a religious turn. When televangelists declare, “Heaven has a wall,” activists shout back, “Jesus was a refugee.” For Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, the standoff makes explicit a longstanding truth: borders are religious as well as political objects. In this book, Hurd argues that Americans share a bipartisan border religion, complete with an array of beliefs and practices, including a reverence for national security, a liturgy for immigration, and an eschatological foreign policy. Through an analysis of the many ways the United States creates, enforces, and ignores borders at home and abroad, Hurd offers a bold new perspective on the ties that bind American religion, politics, and public life.

Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is Professor and Chair of Religious Studies and Professor of Political Science at Northwestern University.

This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Our national conversation about the border has taken a religious turn. When televangelists declare, “Heaven has a wall,” activists shout back, “Jesus was a refugee.” For Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, the standoff makes explicit a longstanding truth: borders are religious as well as political objects. In this book, Hurd argues that Americans share a bipartisan border religion, complete with an array of beliefs and practices, including a reverence for national security, a liturgy for immigration, and an eschatological foreign policy. Through an analysis of the many ways the United States creates, enforces, and ignores borders at home and abroad, Hurd offers a bold new perspective on the ties that bind American religion, politics, and public life.</p>
<p>Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is Professor and Chair of Religious Studies and Professor of Political Science at Northwestern University.</p>
<p>This episode’s host, <a href="https://twitter.com/jakebarrett25">Jacob Barrett</a>, is currently a PhD candidate in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website <a href="https://thereluctantamericanist.com/">thereluctantamericanist.com</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3137</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Frank L. Jones, "Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age" (UP Kansas, 2020)</title>
      <description>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).
Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.
At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age (University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.
Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>76</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Frank L. Jones</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).
Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.
At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age (University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.
Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).</p><p>Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.</p><p>At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700630127"><em>Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age</em></a><em> </em>(University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.</p><p>Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes <em>Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy</em>.</p><p><a href="http://www.linkedin.com/in/aryah"><em>Arya Hariharan</em></a><em> is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or </em><a href="https://twitter.com/arya_hariharan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3826</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Carol Nackenoff and Julie Novkov, "American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship" (UP of Kansas, 2021)</title>
      <description>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. American by Birth examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. Wong Kim Ark v. United States interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.
Dr. Julie L. Novkov is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954 (UMichigan, 2008).
Dr. Carol Nackenoff is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse (Oxford, 1994).
They are also co-editors of Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics (University Press of Kansas, 2020) and Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)
Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s “Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930” and
the symposium on American by Birth.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>562</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carol Nackenoff and Julie Novkov</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. American by Birth examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. Wong Kim Ark v. United States interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.
Dr. Julie L. Novkov is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954 (UMichigan, 2008).
Dr. Carol Nackenoff is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse (Oxford, 1994).
They are also co-editors of Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics (University Press of Kansas, 2020) and Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)
Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s “Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930” and
the symposium on American by Birth.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. <em>American by Birth</em> examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. <em>Wong Kim Ark v. United States </em>interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700631926"><em>American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.</p><p><a href="https://www.albany.edu/rockefeller/faculty/julie-novkov">Dr. Julie L. Novkov</a> is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/racial-union-law-intimacy-and-the-white-state-in-alabama-1865-1954/9780472068852">Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954</a> (UMichigan, 2008).</p><p><a href="https://www.swarthmore.edu/carol-nackenoff">Dr. Carol Nackenoff</a> is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/fictional-republic-horatio-alger-and-american-political-discourse/9780195079234"><em>The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse</em> </a>(Oxford, 1994).</p><p>They are also co-editors of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/stating-the-family-new-directions-in-the-study-of-american-politics/9780700629237">Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics </a>(University Press of Kansas, 2020) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/statebuilding-from-the-margins-between-reconstruction-and-the-new-deal/9780812245714">Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal</a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)</p><p>Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.41.issue-1">“Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930”</a> and</p><p><a href="https://balkin.blogspot.com/2021/11/how-america-became-american.html">the symposium on <em>American by Birth</em></a>.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4793</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dayna Bowen Matthew, "Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book ﻿Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.
Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>610</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dayna Bowen Matthew</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book ﻿Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.
Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book ﻿<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479802661"><em>Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America</em></a> (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.</p><p>Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2813</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[497827e2-63de-11f0-bbf3-63c40b0e35c6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1024230556.mp3?updated=1655990306" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lily Hamourtziadou, "Body Count: The War on Terror and Civilian Deaths in Iraq" (Bristol UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Body Count: The War on Terror and Civilian Deaths in Iraq (Bristol University Press, 2021), Lily Hamourtziadou’s investigation into civilian victims during the conflicts that followed the US-led coalition’s 2003 invasion of Iraq provides important new perspectives on the human cost of the War on Terror. From early fighting to the withdrawal and return of coalition troops, the Arab Spring and the rise of ISIS, the book explores the scale and causes of deaths and places them in the contexts of power struggles, US foreign policy and radicalisation. Casting fresh light on not just the conflict but international geopolitics and the history of Iraq, it constructs a unique and insightful human security approach to war.

Lily Hamourtziadou is Senior Lecturer in Criminology with Security Studies and Deputy Course Director at Birmingham City University, and Principal Researcher of Iraq Body Count, which maintains the largest public database of violent civilian deaths.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Body Count: The War on Terror and Civilian Deaths in Iraq (Bristol University Press, 2021), Lily Hamourtziadou’s investigation into civilian victims during the conflicts that followed the US-led coalition’s 2003 invasion of Iraq provides important new perspectives on the human cost of the War on Terror. From early fighting to the withdrawal and return of coalition troops, the Arab Spring and the rise of ISIS, the book explores the scale and causes of deaths and places them in the contexts of power struggles, US foreign policy and radicalisation. Casting fresh light on not just the conflict but international geopolitics and the history of Iraq, it constructs a unique and insightful human security approach to war.

Lily Hamourtziadou is Senior Lecturer in Criminology with Security Studies and Deputy Course Director at Birmingham City University, and Principal Researcher of Iraq Body Count, which maintains the largest public database of violent civilian deaths.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781529206722">Body Count: The War on Terror and Civilian Deaths in Iraq </a>(Bristol University Press, 2021), Lily Hamourtziadou’s investigation into civilian victims during the conflicts that followed the US-led coalition’s 2003 invasion of Iraq provides important new perspectives on the human cost of the War on Terror. From early fighting to the withdrawal and return of coalition troops, the Arab Spring and the rise of ISIS, the book explores the scale and causes of deaths and places them in the contexts of power struggles, US foreign policy and radicalisation. Casting fresh light on not just the conflict but international geopolitics and the history of Iraq, it constructs a unique and insightful human security approach to war.</p>
<p>Lily Hamourtziadou is Senior Lecturer in Criminology with Security Studies and Deputy Course Director at Birmingham City University, and Principal Researcher of Iraq Body Count, which maintains the largest public database of violent civilian deaths.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1740</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[faf5b40e-613a-11f0-8181-7fadaf202a45]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6105038252.mp3?updated=1752556868" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Popp Berman, "Thinking like an Economist: How Efficiency Replaced Equality in U.S. Public Policy" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>For decades, Democratic politicians have frustrated progressives by tinkering around the margins of policy while shying away from truly ambitious change. What happened to bold political vision on the left, and what shrunk the very horizons of possibility? In Thinking like an Economist, Elizabeth Popp Berman tells the story of how a distinctive way of thinking—an “economic style of reasoning”—became dominant in Washington between the 1960s and the 1980s and how it continues to dramatically narrow debates over public policy today.

Introduced by liberal technocrats who hoped to improve government, this way of thinking was grounded in economics but also transformed law and policy. At its core was an economic understanding of efficiency, and its advocates often found themselves allied with Republicans and in conflict with liberal Democrats who argued for rights, equality, and limits on corporate power. By the Carter administration, economic reasoning had spread throughout government policy and laws affecting poverty, healthcare, antitrust, transportation, and the environment. Fearing waste and overspending, liberals reined in their ambitions for decades to come, even as Reagan and his Republican successors argued for economic efficiency only when it helped their own goals.A compelling account that illuminates what brought American politics to its current state, Thinking like an Economist also offers critical lessons for the future. With the political left resurgent today, Democrats seem poised to break with the past—but doing so will require abandoning the shibboleth of economic efficiency and successfully advocating new ways of thinking about policy.

Elizabeth Popp Berman is Director and Richard H. Price Professor of Organizational Studies at the University of Michigan and the author of Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine (Princeton).

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For decades, Democratic politicians have frustrated progressives by tinkering around the margins of policy while shying away from truly ambitious change. What happened to bold political vision on the left, and what shrunk the very horizons of possibility? In Thinking like an Economist, Elizabeth Popp Berman tells the story of how a distinctive way of thinking—an “economic style of reasoning”—became dominant in Washington between the 1960s and the 1980s and how it continues to dramatically narrow debates over public policy today.

Introduced by liberal technocrats who hoped to improve government, this way of thinking was grounded in economics but also transformed law and policy. At its core was an economic understanding of efficiency, and its advocates often found themselves allied with Republicans and in conflict with liberal Democrats who argued for rights, equality, and limits on corporate power. By the Carter administration, economic reasoning had spread throughout government policy and laws affecting poverty, healthcare, antitrust, transportation, and the environment. Fearing waste and overspending, liberals reined in their ambitions for decades to come, even as Reagan and his Republican successors argued for economic efficiency only when it helped their own goals.A compelling account that illuminates what brought American politics to its current state, Thinking like an Economist also offers critical lessons for the future. With the political left resurgent today, Democrats seem poised to break with the past—but doing so will require abandoning the shibboleth of economic efficiency and successfully advocating new ways of thinking about policy.

Elizabeth Popp Berman is Director and Richard H. Price Professor of Organizational Studies at the University of Michigan and the author of Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine (Princeton).

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For decades, Democratic politicians have frustrated progressives by tinkering around the margins of policy while shying away from truly ambitious change. What happened to bold political vision on the left, and what shrunk the very horizons of possibility? In <em>Thinking like an Economist</em>, Elizabeth Popp Berman tells the story of how a distinctive way of thinking—an “economic style of reasoning”—became dominant in Washington between the 1960s and the 1980s and how it continues to dramatically narrow debates over public policy today.</p>
<p><br>Introduced by liberal technocrats who hoped to improve government, this way of thinking was grounded in economics but also transformed law and policy. At its core was an economic understanding of efficiency, and its advocates often found themselves allied with Republicans and in conflict with liberal Democrats who argued for rights, equality, and limits on corporate power. By the Carter administration, economic reasoning had spread throughout government policy and laws affecting poverty, healthcare, antitrust, transportation, and the environment. Fearing waste and overspending, liberals reined in their ambitions for decades to come, even as Reagan and his Republican successors argued for economic efficiency only when it helped their own goals.<br>A compelling account that illuminates what brought American politics to its current state, <em>Thinking like an Economist </em>also offers critical lessons for the future. With the political left resurgent today, Democrats seem poised to break with the past—but doing so will require abandoning the shibboleth of economic efficiency and successfully advocating new ways of thinking about policy.</p>
<p><strong>Elizabeth Popp Berman</strong> is Director and Richard H. Price Professor of Organizational Studies at the University of Michigan and the author of <em>Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine</em> (Princeton).</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a><em>.</em></p>
<p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3056</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[55ade17e-6009-11f0-abcf-bb4807a9098d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4103005444.mp3?updated=1752425475" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Aggie Hirst, "Politics of Play: Wargaming with the US Military" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>A wargaming renaissance has been underway in the US military. Having proven to be the most effective recruitment tool of the 21st century, games have proliferated across all levels of the military's strategic, operational, training, and rehabilitation architecture. From board games to high-tech digital and virtual reality platforms, wargames enable milarites to learn lessons from the past, play out possible responses to current crises, and explore the effectiveness of future operations and strategies. From the Russian invasion of Ukraine to the Covid 19 pandemic, today wargames are a key means by which the US military--and many other militaries--make plans and fight wars.

Politics of Play is the first academic book dedicated to the US military wargaming renaissance. Grounded in 100 hours of interviews undertaken by the author during fieldwork with US military wargamers, it explores how games intervene in players' cognitive and affective registers using immersion and the drive to win. In addition, Politics of Play develops a new theory of play grounded in the thought of Jacques Derrida which seeks to expose and disrupt the politics and power relations at work in the use of games to produce warfighters in the digital age.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>280</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A wargaming renaissance has been underway in the US military. Having proven to be the most effective recruitment tool of the 21st century, games have proliferated across all levels of the military's strategic, operational, training, and rehabilitation architecture. From board games to high-tech digital and virtual reality platforms, wargames enable milarites to learn lessons from the past, play out possible responses to current crises, and explore the effectiveness of future operations and strategies. From the Russian invasion of Ukraine to the Covid 19 pandemic, today wargames are a key means by which the US military--and many other militaries--make plans and fight wars.

Politics of Play is the first academic book dedicated to the US military wargaming renaissance. Grounded in 100 hours of interviews undertaken by the author during fieldwork with US military wargamers, it explores how games intervene in players' cognitive and affective registers using immersion and the drive to win. In addition, Politics of Play develops a new theory of play grounded in the thought of Jacques Derrida which seeks to expose and disrupt the politics and power relations at work in the use of games to produce warfighters in the digital age.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A wargaming renaissance has been underway in the US military. Having proven to be the most effective recruitment tool of the 21st century, games have proliferated across all levels of the military's strategic, operational, training, and rehabilitation architecture. From board games to high-tech digital and virtual reality platforms, wargames enable milarites to learn lessons from the past, play out possible responses to current crises, and explore the effectiveness of future operations and strategies. From the Russian invasion of Ukraine to the Covid 19 pandemic, today wargames are a key means by which the US military--and many other militaries--make plans and fight wars.</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197629208">Politics of Play</a> is the first academic book dedicated to the US military wargaming renaissance. Grounded in 100 hours of interviews undertaken by the author during fieldwork with US military wargamers, it explores how games intervene in players' cognitive and affective registers using immersion and the drive to win. In addition, <em>Politics of Play</em> develops a new theory of play grounded in the thought of Jacques Derrida which seeks to expose and disrupt the politics and power relations at work in the use of games to produce warfighters in the digital age.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2984</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[802dc12c-5e5f-11f0-88ed-03e6f80e3fe3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9755862723.mp3?updated=1752242252" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On Bullshit in Politics</title>
      <description>Today we’re continuing our series on philosopher Harry Frankfurt’s seminal work, On Bullshit. Our guest is Michael Patrick Lynch, Provost Professor of the Humanities and Board of Trustees Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of Connecticut. Michael is the author of the recently published book, On Truth in Politics: Why Democracy Demands It (Princeton University Press, 2025). The topic of our discussion today will be on bullshit in politics, and how we might think about ways to combat it.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/29c92790-5de2-11f0-a92e-5f3af70281de/image/ea2a49c4e9c23e97f5c24000b77ee81a.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today we’re continuing our series on philosopher Harry Frankfurt’s seminal work, On Bullshit. Our guest is Michael Patrick Lynch, Provost Professor of the Humanities and Board of Trustees Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of Connecticut. Michael is the author of the recently published book, On Truth in Politics: Why Democracy Demands It (Princeton University Press, 2025). The topic of our discussion today will be on bullshit in politics, and how we might think about ways to combat it.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today we’re continuing our series on philosopher Harry Frankfurt’s seminal work, On Bullshit. Our guest is Michael Patrick Lynch, Provost Professor of the Humanities and Board of Trustees Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of Connecticut. Michael is the author of the recently published book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691231938">On Truth in Politics: Why Democracy Demands It </a>(Princeton University Press, 2025). The topic of our discussion today will be on bullshit in politics, and how we might think about ways to combat it.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1980</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>yes</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7c8fa40e-5de2-11f0-aef2-5b42d2184cec]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6239261805.mp3?updated=1752188940" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carl Rhodes, "Stinking Rich: The Four Myths of the Good Billionaire" (Policy Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Billionaires are an ultra-elite social class whose numbers are growing alongside their obscene wealth while others struggle, suffer or even die.

They represent a scourge of economic inequality, but how do they get away with it? A set of dangerous and deceptive inter-connected myths portrays them as a ‘force for good’:


  -the ‘heroic billionaire’ asserts they are gallant protagonists of the American Dream gone global

  -the ‘generous billionaire’ pretends that their philanthropic efforts and personal good deeds should be lauded for generosity and benevolence

  -the ‘meritorious billionaire’ insists that extreme wealth is a worthy reward for individual hard work and talent

  -the ‘vigilante billionaire’ claims to be able to solve the world’s biggest problems where bureaucrats and politicians have failed.


Each of these myths enables billionaire wealth and power to set us back to old-style feudalism and plutocracy.

Offering a trenchant critique, Stinking Rich: The Four Myths of the Good Billionaire (Policy Press, 2025)testifies to the growing international political will to take concrete actions in supporting economic justice and democratic equality.

Carl Rhodes is Professor of Organization Studies at the University of Technology Sydney. He researches the ethical and democratic dimensions of business and work. Carl regularly writes for the mainstream and independent press on issues related to ethics, politics and the economy.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>543</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carl Rhodes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Billionaires are an ultra-elite social class whose numbers are growing alongside their obscene wealth while others struggle, suffer or even die.

They represent a scourge of economic inequality, but how do they get away with it? A set of dangerous and deceptive inter-connected myths portrays them as a ‘force for good’:


  -the ‘heroic billionaire’ asserts they are gallant protagonists of the American Dream gone global

  -the ‘generous billionaire’ pretends that their philanthropic efforts and personal good deeds should be lauded for generosity and benevolence

  -the ‘meritorious billionaire’ insists that extreme wealth is a worthy reward for individual hard work and talent

  -the ‘vigilante billionaire’ claims to be able to solve the world’s biggest problems where bureaucrats and politicians have failed.


Each of these myths enables billionaire wealth and power to set us back to old-style feudalism and plutocracy.

Offering a trenchant critique, Stinking Rich: The Four Myths of the Good Billionaire (Policy Press, 2025)testifies to the growing international political will to take concrete actions in supporting economic justice and democratic equality.

Carl Rhodes is Professor of Organization Studies at the University of Technology Sydney. He researches the ethical and democratic dimensions of business and work. Carl regularly writes for the mainstream and independent press on issues related to ethics, politics and the economy.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Billionaires are an ultra-elite social class whose numbers are growing alongside their obscene wealth while others struggle, suffer or even die.</p>
<p>They represent a scourge of economic inequality, but how do they get away with it? A set of dangerous and deceptive inter-connected myths portrays them as a ‘force for good’:</p>
<ul>
  <li>-the ‘heroic billionaire’ asserts they are gallant protagonists of the American Dream gone global</li>
  <li>-the ‘generous billionaire’ pretends that their philanthropic efforts and personal good deeds should be lauded for generosity and benevolence</li>
  <li>-the ‘meritorious billionaire’ insists that extreme wealth is a worthy reward for individual hard work and talent</li>
  <li>-the ‘vigilante billionaire’ claims to be able to solve the world’s biggest problems where bureaucrats and politicians have failed.</li>
</ul>
<p>Each of these myths enables billionaire wealth and power to set us back to old-style feudalism and plutocracy.</p>
<p>Offering a trenchant critique, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781529239119">Stinking Rich: The Four Myths of the Good Billionaire</a> (Policy Press, 2025)testifies to the growing international political will to take concrete actions in supporting economic justice and democratic equality.</p>
<p>Carl Rhodes is Professor of Organization Studies at the University of Technology Sydney. He researches the ethical and democratic dimensions of business and work. Carl regularly writes for the mainstream and independent press on issues related to ethics, politics and the economy.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p>
<p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3192</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b1d478c0-5d05-11f0-a898-e7bca198b836]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4992549760.mp3?updated=1752094628" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dennard Dayle, "How to Dodge a Cannonball: A Novel" (Henry Holt, 2025)</title>
      <description>How to Dodge a Cannonball is a razor-sharp satire that dives into the heart of the Civil War, hilariously questioning the essence of the fight, not just for territory, but for the soul of America.How to Dodge a Cannonball (Henry Holt, 2025) is funnier than the Civil War should ever be. It follows Anders, a teenage idealist who enlists and reenlists to shape the American Future―as soon as he figures out what that is, who it includes, and why everyone wants him to die for it. Escaping his violently insane mother is a bonus.Anders finds honor as a proud Union flag twirler―until he’s captured. Then he tries life as a diehard Confederate―until fate asks him to die hard for the Confederacy at Gettysburg. Barely alive, Anders limps into a Black Union regiment in a stolen uniform. While visibly white, he claims to be an octoroon, and they claim to believe him. Only then does his life get truly strange.His new brothers are even stranger, including a science-fiction playwright, a Haitian double agent, and a former slave feuding with God. Despite his best efforts, Anders starts seeing the war through their eyes, sparking ill-timed questions about who gets to be American or exploit the theater of war. Dennard Dayle’s satire spares no one as doomed charges, draft riots, gleeful arms dealers, and native suppression campaigns test everyone’s definition of loyalty.Uproariously funny and revelatory, How to Dodge a Cannonball asks if America is worth fighting for. And then answers loudly. Read it while it’s still legal.

You can find author Dennard Dayle at his newsletter. And I am your host, Sullivan Summer. You can find me online, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Dennard went to talk about Cannonball spoilers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How to Dodge a Cannonball is a razor-sharp satire that dives into the heart of the Civil War, hilariously questioning the essence of the fight, not just for territory, but for the soul of America.How to Dodge a Cannonball (Henry Holt, 2025) is funnier than the Civil War should ever be. It follows Anders, a teenage idealist who enlists and reenlists to shape the American Future―as soon as he figures out what that is, who it includes, and why everyone wants him to die for it. Escaping his violently insane mother is a bonus.Anders finds honor as a proud Union flag twirler―until he’s captured. Then he tries life as a diehard Confederate―until fate asks him to die hard for the Confederacy at Gettysburg. Barely alive, Anders limps into a Black Union regiment in a stolen uniform. While visibly white, he claims to be an octoroon, and they claim to believe him. Only then does his life get truly strange.His new brothers are even stranger, including a science-fiction playwright, a Haitian double agent, and a former slave feuding with God. Despite his best efforts, Anders starts seeing the war through their eyes, sparking ill-timed questions about who gets to be American or exploit the theater of war. Dennard Dayle’s satire spares no one as doomed charges, draft riots, gleeful arms dealers, and native suppression campaigns test everyone’s definition of loyalty.Uproariously funny and revelatory, How to Dodge a Cannonball asks if America is worth fighting for. And then answers loudly. Read it while it’s still legal.

You can find author Dennard Dayle at his newsletter. And I am your host, Sullivan Summer. You can find me online, on Instagram, and on Substack, where she and Dennard went to talk about Cannonball spoilers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em><strong>How to Dodge a Cannonball </strong></em><strong>is a razor-sharp satire that dives into the heart of the Civil War, hilariously questioning the essence of the fight, not just for territory, but for the soul of America.</strong><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250345677"><br></a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250345677">How to Dodge a Cannonball </a>(Henry Holt, 2025) is funnier than the Civil War should ever be. It follows Anders, a teenage idealist who enlists and reenlists to shape the American Future―as soon as he figures out what that is, who it includes, and why everyone wants him to die for it. Escaping his violently insane mother is a bonus.<br>Anders finds honor as a proud Union flag twirler―until he’s captured. Then he tries life as a diehard Confederate―until fate asks him to die hard for the Confederacy at Gettysburg. Barely alive, Anders limps into a Black Union regiment in a stolen uniform. While visibly white, he claims to be an octoroon, and they claim to believe him. Only then does his life get truly strange.<br>His new brothers are even stranger, including a science-fiction playwright, a Haitian double agent, and a former slave feuding with God. Despite his best efforts, Anders starts seeing the war through their eyes, sparking ill-timed questions about who gets to be American or exploit the theater of war. Dennard Dayle’s satire spares no one as doomed charges, draft riots, gleeful arms dealers, and native suppression campaigns test everyone’s definition of loyalty.<br>Uproariously funny and revelatory, <em>How to Dodge a Cannonball </em>asks if America is worth fighting for. And then answers loudly. Read it while it’s still legal.</p>
<p>You can find author Dennard Dayle at his <a href="https://www.extra-evil.com/">newsletter</a>. And I am your host, Sullivan Summer. You can find me <a href="https://sullivansummer.com/">online</a>, on <a href="https://www.instagram.com/thesullivansummer/">Instagram</a>, and on <a href="https://substack.com/@sullivansummer">Substack</a>, where she and Dennard went to talk about <em>Cannonball</em> spoilers.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3570</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[33673286-588a-11f0-90a3-b3fb977ee15f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4199614179.mp3?updated=1751601485" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew Hartman, "Karl Marx in America" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Karl Marx in America (University of Chicago Press, 2025), by Andrew Hartman

To read Karl Marx is to contemplate a world created by capitalism. People have long viewed the United States as the quintessential anti-Marxist nation, but Marx’s ideas have inspired a wide range of people to formulate a more precise sense of the stakes of the American project. Historians have highlighted the imprint made on the United States by Enlightenment thinkers such as Adam Smith, John Locke, and Thomas Paine, but Marx is rarely considered alongside these figures. Yet his ideas are the most relevant today because of capitalism’s centrality to American life.In  historian Andrew Hartman argues that even though Karl Marx never visited America, the country has been infused, shaped, and transformed by him. Since the beginning of the Civil War, Marx has been a specter in the American machine. During the Gilded Age, socialists read Marx as an antidote to the unchecked power of corporations. In the Great Depression, communists turned to Marx in hopes of transcending the destructive capitalist economy. The young activists of the 1960s were inspired by Marx as they gathered to protest an overseas war. Marx’s influence today is evident, too, as Americans have become increasingly attuned to issues of inequality, labor, and power.After decades of being pushed to the far-left corner of intellectual thought, Marx’s ideologies have crossed over into the mainstream and are more alive than ever. Working-class consciousness is on the rise, and, as Marx argued, the future of a capitalist society rests in the hands of the people who work at the point of production. A valuable resource for anyone interested in Marx’s influence on American political discourse, Karl Marx in America is a thought-provoking account of the past, present, and future of his philosophies in American society.

Andrew Hartman is professor of history at Illinois State University. He is the author of A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars, published by the University of Chicago Press, and Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School. He is also the coeditor of American Labyrinth: Intellectual History for Complicated Times.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 05 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Karl Marx in America (University of Chicago Press, 2025), by Andrew Hartman

To read Karl Marx is to contemplate a world created by capitalism. People have long viewed the United States as the quintessential anti-Marxist nation, but Marx’s ideas have inspired a wide range of people to formulate a more precise sense of the stakes of the American project. Historians have highlighted the imprint made on the United States by Enlightenment thinkers such as Adam Smith, John Locke, and Thomas Paine, but Marx is rarely considered alongside these figures. Yet his ideas are the most relevant today because of capitalism’s centrality to American life.In  historian Andrew Hartman argues that even though Karl Marx never visited America, the country has been infused, shaped, and transformed by him. Since the beginning of the Civil War, Marx has been a specter in the American machine. During the Gilded Age, socialists read Marx as an antidote to the unchecked power of corporations. In the Great Depression, communists turned to Marx in hopes of transcending the destructive capitalist economy. The young activists of the 1960s were inspired by Marx as they gathered to protest an overseas war. Marx’s influence today is evident, too, as Americans have become increasingly attuned to issues of inequality, labor, and power.After decades of being pushed to the far-left corner of intellectual thought, Marx’s ideologies have crossed over into the mainstream and are more alive than ever. Working-class consciousness is on the rise, and, as Marx argued, the future of a capitalist society rests in the hands of the people who work at the point of production. A valuable resource for anyone interested in Marx’s influence on American political discourse, Karl Marx in America is a thought-provoking account of the past, present, and future of his philosophies in American society.

Andrew Hartman is professor of history at Illinois State University. He is the author of A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars, published by the University of Chicago Press, and Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School. He is also the coeditor of American Labyrinth: Intellectual History for Complicated Times.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226537481">Karl Marx in America</a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2025), by <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/author/H/A/au20063406.html">Andrew Hartman</a></p>
<p>To read Karl Marx is to contemplate a world created by capitalism. People have long viewed the United States as the quintessential anti-Marxist nation, but Marx’s ideas have inspired a wide range of people to formulate a more precise sense of the stakes of the American project. Historians have highlighted the imprint made on the United States by Enlightenment thinkers such as Adam Smith, John Locke, and Thomas Paine, but Marx is rarely considered alongside these figures. Yet his ideas are the most relevant today because of capitalism’s centrality to American life.<br>In  historian Andrew Hartman argues that even though Karl Marx never visited America, the country has been infused, shaped, and transformed by him. Since the beginning of the Civil War, Marx has been a specter in the American machine. During the Gilded Age, socialists read Marx as an antidote to the unchecked power of corporations. In the Great Depression, communists turned to Marx in hopes of transcending the destructive capitalist economy. The young activists of the 1960s were inspired by Marx as they gathered to protest an overseas war. Marx’s influence today is evident, too, as Americans have become increasingly attuned to issues of inequality, labor, and power.<br>After decades of being pushed to the far-left corner of intellectual thought, Marx’s ideologies have crossed over into the mainstream and are more alive than ever. Working-class consciousness is on the rise, and, as Marx argued, the future of a capitalist society rests in the hands of the people who work at the point of production. A valuable resource for anyone interested in Marx’s influence on American political discourse, <em>Karl Marx in America </em>is a thought-provoking account of the past, present, and future of his philosophies in American society.</p>
<p><strong>Andrew Hartman</strong> is professor of history at Illinois State University. He is the author of <em>A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars</em>, published by the University of Chicago Press, and <em>Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School</em>. He is also the coeditor of <em>American Labyrinth: Intellectual History for Complicated Times</em>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3012</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Didi Kuo, "The Great Retreat: How Political Parties Should Behave and Why They Don't" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>As the crisis of democratic capitalism sweeps the globe, The Great Retreat: How Political Parties Should Behave and Why They Don't (Oxford University Press, 2025) makes the controversial argument that what democracies require most are stronger political parties that serve as intermediaries between citizens and governments.

Once a centralizing force of the democratic process, political parties have eroded over the past fifty years. Parties now rank among the most unpopular institutions in society--less trusted than business, the police, and the media. Identification with parties has plummeted, and even those who are loyal to a party report feeling that parties care more about special interests than about regular citizens. What does a "good" political party look like? Why do we urgently need them? And how do we get them?

The Great Retreat explores the development of political parties as democracy expanded across the West in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on mass parties, and the ways they served as intermediaries that fostered ties between citizens and governments. While parties have become professionalized and nationalized, they have lost the robust organizational density that made them effective representatives. After the Cold War, a neoliberal economic consensus, changes to campaign finance, and shifting party priorities weakened the party systems of Western democracies. As Didi Kuo argues, this erosion of political parties has contributed to the recent crisis of democratic capitalism, as weak parties have ceded governance to the private sector.

For democracy to adapt to a new era of global capitalism, Kuo makes the case that we need strong intermediaries like mass parties--socially embedded institutions with deep connections to communities and citizens. Parties are essential to long-term democratic stability and economic growth, while the breakdown of party systems, on the other hand, has historically led to democratic collapse. As trust in political parties has plummeted, The Great Retreat provides a powerful defense of political parties--for without parties, democratic representation is impossible.

Didi Kuo is Center Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the crisis of democratic capitalism sweeps the globe, The Great Retreat: How Political Parties Should Behave and Why They Don't (Oxford University Press, 2025) makes the controversial argument that what democracies require most are stronger political parties that serve as intermediaries between citizens and governments.

Once a centralizing force of the democratic process, political parties have eroded over the past fifty years. Parties now rank among the most unpopular institutions in society--less trusted than business, the police, and the media. Identification with parties has plummeted, and even those who are loyal to a party report feeling that parties care more about special interests than about regular citizens. What does a "good" political party look like? Why do we urgently need them? And how do we get them?

The Great Retreat explores the development of political parties as democracy expanded across the West in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on mass parties, and the ways they served as intermediaries that fostered ties between citizens and governments. While parties have become professionalized and nationalized, they have lost the robust organizational density that made them effective representatives. After the Cold War, a neoliberal economic consensus, changes to campaign finance, and shifting party priorities weakened the party systems of Western democracies. As Didi Kuo argues, this erosion of political parties has contributed to the recent crisis of democratic capitalism, as weak parties have ceded governance to the private sector.

For democracy to adapt to a new era of global capitalism, Kuo makes the case that we need strong intermediaries like mass parties--socially embedded institutions with deep connections to communities and citizens. Parties are essential to long-term democratic stability and economic growth, while the breakdown of party systems, on the other hand, has historically led to democratic collapse. As trust in political parties has plummeted, The Great Retreat provides a powerful defense of political parties--for without parties, democratic representation is impossible.

Didi Kuo is Center Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the crisis of democratic capitalism sweeps the globe, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197664193">The Great Retreat: How Political Parties Should Behave and Why They Don't</a><em> (</em>Oxford University Press, 2025) makes the controversial argument that what democracies require most are stronger political parties that serve as intermediaries between citizens and governments.</p>
<p>Once a centralizing force of the democratic process, political parties have eroded over the past fifty years. Parties now rank among the most unpopular institutions in society--less trusted than business, the police, and the media. Identification with parties has plummeted, and even those who are loyal to a party report feeling that parties care more about special interests than about regular citizens. What does a "good" political party look like? Why do we urgently need them? And how do we get them?</p>
<p><em>The Great Retreat</em> explores the development of political parties as democracy expanded across the West in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on mass parties, and the ways they served as intermediaries that fostered ties between citizens and governments. While parties have become professionalized and nationalized, they have lost the robust organizational density that made them effective representatives. After the Cold War, a neoliberal economic consensus, changes to campaign finance, and shifting party priorities weakened the party systems of Western democracies. As Didi Kuo argues, this erosion of political parties has contributed to the recent crisis of democratic capitalism, as weak parties have ceded governance to the private sector.</p>
<p>For democracy to adapt to a new era of global capitalism, Kuo makes the case that we need strong intermediaries like mass parties--socially embedded institutions with deep connections to communities and citizens. Parties are essential to long-term democratic stability and economic growth, while the breakdown of party systems, on the other hand, has historically led to democratic collapse. As trust in political parties has plummeted, <em>The Great Retreat </em>provides a powerful defense of political parties--for without parties, democratic representation is impossible.</p>
<p>Didi Kuo is Center Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford University.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3310</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The attack on democracy in the United States, and the new resistance</title>
      <description>The attack in democracy under President Donald Trump in the United States is both broader and deeper than you think. In this timely conversation with Carl LeVan, Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University – but speaking only in his personal capacity – we hear about the way that the government has attempted to silence critical voices by intimidating a remarkably wide range of institutions from law firms to universities and on to civil society groups and the media. This new challenge has led to the emergence of fresh sites of resistance, with new alliances and coalitions being formed outside of old structures. This podcast is therefore an essential guide not only to size and scale of the threat to democracy in Africa today, but also to the shape of the fightback to come.

Guest:

A. Carl LeVan is Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University. A policy engaged researcher who has experience on both sides of the divide, Carl’s research centers on political institutions, democratization, and governance. He authored Contemporary Nigerian Politics: Competition in a Time of Transition and Terror (Cambridge 2019) and co-edited The Oxford Handbook of Nigerian Politics (2018). His work also includes Constituents before Assembly (2017) and studies on Boko Haram, East African power-sharing, and U.S. political trust. LeVan is a Research Associate at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Study of the United States and serves on the editorial boards of Governance and Journal of Modern African Studies. Before his PhD from UC San Diego, he advised Nigeria’s National Assembly and worked in the U.S. Congress, giving him distinctive insights into the most important political struggles of our time.

Presenter:

Dr Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The attack in democracy under President Donald Trump in the United States is both broader and deeper than you think. In this timely conversation with Carl LeVan, Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University – but speaking only in his personal capacity – we hear about the way that the government has attempted to silence critical voices by intimidating a remarkably wide range of institutions from law firms to universities and on to civil society groups and the media. This new challenge has led to the emergence of fresh sites of resistance, with new alliances and coalitions being formed outside of old structures. This podcast is therefore an essential guide not only to size and scale of the threat to democracy in Africa today, but also to the shape of the fightback to come.

Guest:

A. Carl LeVan is Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University. A policy engaged researcher who has experience on both sides of the divide, Carl’s research centers on political institutions, democratization, and governance. He authored Contemporary Nigerian Politics: Competition in a Time of Transition and Terror (Cambridge 2019) and co-edited The Oxford Handbook of Nigerian Politics (2018). His work also includes Constituents before Assembly (2017) and studies on Boko Haram, East African power-sharing, and U.S. political trust. LeVan is a Research Associate at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Study of the United States and serves on the editorial boards of Governance and Journal of Modern African Studies. Before his PhD from UC San Diego, he advised Nigeria’s National Assembly and worked in the U.S. Congress, giving him distinctive insights into the most important political struggles of our time.

Presenter:

Dr Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The attack in democracy under President Donald Trump in the United States is both broader and deeper than you think. In this timely conversation with Carl LeVan, Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University – but speaking only in his personal capacity – we hear about the way that the government has attempted to silence critical voices by intimidating a remarkably wide range of institutions from law firms to universities and on to civil society groups and the media. This new challenge has led to the emergence of fresh sites of resistance, with new alliances and coalitions being formed outside of old structures. This podcast is therefore an essential guide not only to size and scale of the threat to democracy in Africa today, but also to the shape of the fightback to come.</p>
<p><strong>Guest</strong>:</p>
<p>A. Carl LeVan is Professor and Chair of Politics, Governance, and Economics at American University. A policy engaged researcher who has experience on both sides of the divide, Carl’s research centers on political institutions, democratization, and governance. He authored Contemporary Nigerian Politics: Competition in a Time of Transition and Terror (Cambridge 2019) and co-edited The Oxford Handbook of Nigerian Politics (2018). His work also includes Constituents before Assembly (2017) and studies on Boko Haram, East African power-sharing, and U.S. political trust. LeVan is a Research Associate at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Study of the United States and serves on the editorial boards of Governance and Journal of Modern African Studies. Before his PhD from UC San Diego, he advised Nigeria’s National Assembly and worked in the U.S. Congress, giving him distinctive insights into the most important political struggles of our time.</p>
<p><strong>Presenter</strong>:</p>
<p>Dr <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cheeseman-nic.aspx">Nic Cheeseman</a> is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.</p>
<p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2236</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Secrets of the Killing State</title>
      <description>In the popular imagination, lethal injection is a slight pinch and a swift nodding off to forever-sleep. It is performed by well-qualified medical professionals. It is regulated and carefully conducted. And it provides a “humane” death. In reality, however, not one of those things is true. Secrets of the Killing State: The Untold Story of Lethal Injection (NYU Press, 2025) presents the view of lethal injection that states have worked hard to hide. The story told here is bigger than the executions themselves. Fake science, torturous drugs, inept executioners, prison problems, and decades of state secrecy have created an execution method hard-wired to go wrong in countless ways.The story of lethal injection is a story of gross incompetence, law breaking, torturous deaths, and a stunning indifference to the way in which human beings die at the hands of the state. These are the secrets of the killing state—all that we know from litigation files, scientific studies, investigative journalism, autopsy reports, interviews, and scholarship across a number of fields. Death penalty expert Corinna Barrett Lain uses this groundbreaking journey into the dark reality of lethal injection to shine a light on the American death penalty more broadly and show that the state at its most powerful moment is also the state at its worst.

Our guest is: Professor Corinna Barrett Lain, who is S. D. Roberts &amp; Sandra Moore Professor of Law at University of Richmond School of Law.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.

Playlist for listeners:

The Journal of Higher Education in Prison

Hands Up, Don't Shoot

Freemans Challenge

Carceral Apartheid

Stitching Freedom

Education Behind The Wall

A Conversation About The Emerson Prison Initiative

Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the popular imagination, lethal injection is a slight pinch and a swift nodding off to forever-sleep. It is performed by well-qualified medical professionals. It is regulated and carefully conducted. And it provides a “humane” death. In reality, however, not one of those things is true. Secrets of the Killing State: The Untold Story of Lethal Injection (NYU Press, 2025) presents the view of lethal injection that states have worked hard to hide. The story told here is bigger than the executions themselves. Fake science, torturous drugs, inept executioners, prison problems, and decades of state secrecy have created an execution method hard-wired to go wrong in countless ways.The story of lethal injection is a story of gross incompetence, law breaking, torturous deaths, and a stunning indifference to the way in which human beings die at the hands of the state. These are the secrets of the killing state—all that we know from litigation files, scientific studies, investigative journalism, autopsy reports, interviews, and scholarship across a number of fields. Death penalty expert Corinna Barrett Lain uses this groundbreaking journey into the dark reality of lethal injection to shine a light on the American death penalty more broadly and show that the state at its most powerful moment is also the state at its worst.

Our guest is: Professor Corinna Barrett Lain, who is S. D. Roberts &amp; Sandra Moore Professor of Law at University of Richmond School of Law.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.

Playlist for listeners:

The Journal of Higher Education in Prison

Hands Up, Don't Shoot

Freemans Challenge

Carceral Apartheid

Stitching Freedom

Education Behind The Wall

A Conversation About The Emerson Prison Initiative

Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the popular imagination, lethal injection is a slight pinch and a swift nodding off to forever-sleep. It is performed by well-qualified medical professionals. It is regulated and carefully conducted. And it provides a “humane” death. In reality, however, not one of those things is true. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479832965"><em>Secrets of the Killing State: The Untold Story of Lethal Injection</em></a> (NYU Press, 2025) presents the view of lethal injection that states have worked hard to hide. The story told here is bigger than the executions themselves. Fake science, torturous drugs, inept executioners, prison problems, and decades of state secrecy have created an execution method hard-wired to go wrong in countless ways.<br>The story of lethal injection is a story of gross incompetence, law breaking, torturous deaths, and a stunning indifference to the way in which human beings die at the hands of the state. These are the secrets of the killing state—all that we know from litigation files, scientific studies, investigative journalism, autopsy reports, interviews, and scholarship across a number of fields. Death penalty expert Corinna Barrett Lain uses this groundbreaking journey into the dark reality of lethal injection to shine a light on the American death penalty more broadly and show that the state at its most powerful moment is also the state at its worst.</p>
<p>Our guest is: Professor Corinna Barrett Lain, who is S. D. Roberts &amp; Sandra Moore Professor of Law at University of Richmond School of Law.</p>
<p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.</p>
<p>Playlist for listeners:</p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-journal-of-higher-education-in-prison#entry:156475@1:url">The Journal of Higher Education in Prison</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/researching-racial-injustice#entry:39399@1:url">Hands Up, Don't Shoot</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/freemans-challenge#entry:326110@1:url">Freemans Challenge</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/brittany-friedman-carceral-apartheid-how-lies-and-white-supremacists-run-our-prisons-unc-press-2025#entry:401619@1:url">Carceral Apartheid</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/stitching-freedom#entry:300506@1:url">Stitching Freedom</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/education-behind-the-wall#entry:206799@1:url">Education Behind The Wall</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/a-conversation-with-the-director-of-the-emerson-prison-initiative#entry:117361@1:url">A Conversation About The Emerson Prison Initiative</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/teaching-about-race-and-racism-in-the-college-classroom#entry:103132@1:url">Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom</a></p>
<p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And thank you for listening!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4180</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy Stacey, "Saving Liberalism from Itself: The Spirit of Political Participation" (Bristol UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Saving Liberalism from Itself: The Spirit of Political Participation ﻿Bristol UP, 2022) ﻿By Timothy Stacey

In the wake of populism, Timothy Stacey’s book critically reflects on what is missing from the liberal project with the aim of saving liberalism.

It explains that populists have harnessed myth, ritual, magic and tradition to advance their ambitions, and why opponents need to embrace rather than eschew them. Using examples of liberally oriented activists in Vancouver, it presents an accessible theorization of these quasi-religious concepts in secular life.

The result is to provide both a new theoretical understanding of why liberalism fails to engage people, and a toolkit for campaigners, policymakers and academics seeking to bridge the gap between liberal aspirations and lived experiences, in order to promote political engagement and to create unity out of division.

Timothy Stacey is Researcher in the Urban Future Studio at Utrecht University.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
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      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Saving Liberalism from Itself: The Spirit of Political Participation ﻿Bristol UP, 2022) ﻿By Timothy Stacey

In the wake of populism, Timothy Stacey’s book critically reflects on what is missing from the liberal project with the aim of saving liberalism.

It explains that populists have harnessed myth, ritual, magic and tradition to advance their ambitions, and why opponents need to embrace rather than eschew them. Using examples of liberally oriented activists in Vancouver, it presents an accessible theorization of these quasi-religious concepts in secular life.

The result is to provide both a new theoretical understanding of why liberalism fails to engage people, and a toolkit for campaigners, policymakers and academics seeking to bridge the gap between liberal aspirations and lived experiences, in order to promote political engagement and to create unity out of division.

Timothy Stacey is Researcher in the Urban Future Studio at Utrecht University.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781529215489">Saving Liberalism from Itself: The Spirit of Political Participation ﻿</a>Bristol UP, 2022) ﻿By <a href="https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/timothy-stacey">Timothy Stacey</a></p>
<p>In the wake of populism, Timothy Stacey’s book critically reflects on what is missing from the liberal project with the aim of saving liberalism.</p>
<p>It explains that populists have harnessed myth, ritual, magic and tradition to advance their ambitions, and why opponents need to embrace rather than eschew them. Using examples of liberally oriented activists in Vancouver, it presents an accessible theorization of these quasi-religious concepts in secular life.</p>
<p>The result is to provide both a new theoretical understanding of why liberalism fails to engage people, and a toolkit for campaigners, policymakers and academics seeking to bridge the gap between liberal aspirations and lived experiences, in order to promote political engagement and to create unity out of division.</p>
<p>Timothy Stacey is Researcher in the Urban Future Studio at Utrecht University.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature.</p>
<p>YouTube Channel: <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3273</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert Chernomas and Ian Hudson, "Why America Didn't Become Great Again" (Routledge, 2025)</title>
      <description>Examining the conditions that not only blocked attempts to make America great again, but actively made the country worse, Why America Didn't Become Great Again (Routledge, 2025) identifies those organizations, institutions, politicians and prominent characters in the forefront of the economic and social policies - ultimately asking who is responsible. While the period from the late 1970s to 2020s became the best of times for America's corporate class, as profits grew along with the wealth and income that they delivered for their stockholders and management, their goal was to set new rules for the rest of us to live by, not as special interests but with a clear class agenda - for which institutions have been organized, government policies reoriented, economists, journalists and politicians recruited, funded and promoted. And so it has not been the best of times for working families as inequality, stagnant wages, debt, and ever longer working hours became their fate. This book critically analyses those who very deliberately set out to implement policies enacted at the state and federal level in order to redistribute wealth and income upwards and change the balance of power in the United States in response to the class, gender and racial challenges that resulted in compressed income and wealth differentials. An essential book on contemporary inequality in America, Why America Didn't Become Great Again surveys the past near half century that have resulted in American economic instability and inequality, environmental crisis, a crumbling physical and harmful social infrastructure, among the very worst health outcomes, child poverty, food insecurity and social mobility of the industrialized countries culminating in a Trump regime and the road to further ruin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Jul 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Examining the conditions that not only blocked attempts to make America great again, but actively made the country worse, Why America Didn't Become Great Again (Routledge, 2025) identifies those organizations, institutions, politicians and prominent characters in the forefront of the economic and social policies - ultimately asking who is responsible. While the period from the late 1970s to 2020s became the best of times for America's corporate class, as profits grew along with the wealth and income that they delivered for their stockholders and management, their goal was to set new rules for the rest of us to live by, not as special interests but with a clear class agenda - for which institutions have been organized, government policies reoriented, economists, journalists and politicians recruited, funded and promoted. And so it has not been the best of times for working families as inequality, stagnant wages, debt, and ever longer working hours became their fate. This book critically analyses those who very deliberately set out to implement policies enacted at the state and federal level in order to redistribute wealth and income upwards and change the balance of power in the United States in response to the class, gender and racial challenges that resulted in compressed income and wealth differentials. An essential book on contemporary inequality in America, Why America Didn't Become Great Again surveys the past near half century that have resulted in American economic instability and inequality, environmental crisis, a crumbling physical and harmful social infrastructure, among the very worst health outcomes, child poverty, food insecurity and social mobility of the industrialized countries culminating in a Trump regime and the road to further ruin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Examining the conditions that not only blocked attempts to make America great again, but actively made the country worse, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032752532">Why America Didn't Become Great Again </a>(Routledge, 2025) identifies those organizations, institutions, politicians and prominent characters in the forefront of the economic and social policies - ultimately asking who is responsible. While the period from the late 1970s to 2020s became the best of times for America's corporate class, as profits grew along with the wealth and income that they delivered for their stockholders and management, their goal was to set new rules for the rest of us to live by, not as special interests but with a clear class agenda - for which institutions have been organized, government policies reoriented, economists, journalists and politicians recruited, funded and promoted. And so it has not been the best of times for working families as inequality, stagnant wages, debt, and ever longer working hours became their fate. This book critically analyses those who very deliberately set out to implement policies enacted at the state and federal level in order to redistribute wealth and income upwards and change the balance of power in the United States in response to the class, gender and racial challenges that resulted in compressed income and wealth differentials. An essential book on contemporary inequality in America, Why America Didn't Become Great Again surveys the past near half century that have resulted in American economic instability and inequality, environmental crisis, a crumbling physical and harmful social infrastructure, among the very worst health outcomes, child poverty, food insecurity and social mobility of the industrialized countries culminating in a Trump regime and the road to further ruin.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2224</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Eric Blanc, "We Are the Union: How Worker-to-Worker Organizing Is Revitalizing Labor and Winning Big" (Univ of California Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Eric Blanc is an assistant professor of labor studies at Rutgers University, researching new workplace organizing, strikes, digital labor activism, and working-class politics. He is the author of Red State Revolt: The Teachers’ Strike Wave and Working-Class Politics (Verso 2019) and his writings have appeared in journals such as Politics &amp; Society, New Labor Forum, and Labor Studies Journal as well as publications such as The Nation, The Guardian, and Jacobin.

A longtime labor activist, Blanc is an organizer trainer in the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee, which he helped co-found in March 2020. He directs The Worker to Worker Collaborative, a center to help unions and rank-and-file groups scale up their efforts by expanding their members’ involvement and leadership.

For more information about organizing your workplace and the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee you can click here: https://workerorganizing.org/

You can read more by Eric Blanc at https://www.laborpolitics.com/


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 29 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eric Blanc is an assistant professor of labor studies at Rutgers University, researching new workplace organizing, strikes, digital labor activism, and working-class politics. He is the author of Red State Revolt: The Teachers’ Strike Wave and Working-Class Politics (Verso 2019) and his writings have appeared in journals such as Politics &amp; Society, New Labor Forum, and Labor Studies Journal as well as publications such as The Nation, The Guardian, and Jacobin.

A longtime labor activist, Blanc is an organizer trainer in the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee, which he helped co-found in March 2020. He directs The Worker to Worker Collaborative, a center to help unions and rank-and-file groups scale up their efforts by expanding their members’ involvement and leadership.

For more information about organizing your workplace and the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee you can click here: https://workerorganizing.org/

You can read more by Eric Blanc at https://www.laborpolitics.com/


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Eric Blanc is an assistant professor of labor studies at Rutgers University, researching new workplace organizing, strikes, digital labor activism, and working-class politics. He is the author of <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/607046/red-state-revolt-by-eric-blanc/9781788735742/">Red State Revolt: The Teachers’ Strike Wave and Working-Class Politics</a> (Verso 2019) and his writings have appeared in journals such as Politics &amp; Society, New Labor Forum, and Labor Studies Journal as well as publications such as The Nation, The Guardian, and Jacobin.</p>
<p>A longtime labor activist, Blanc is an organizer trainer in the <a href="https://workerorganizing.org/">Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee</a>, which he helped co-found in March 2020. He directs <a href="https://smlr.rutgers.edu/faculty-research-engagement/workplace-justice-labru/build-base-grow-movement/w2w">The Worker to Worker Collaborative</a>, a center to help unions and rank-and-file groups scale up their efforts by expanding their members’ involvement and leadership.</p>
<p>For more information about organizing your workplace and the Emergency Workplace Organizing Committee you can click here: <a href="https://workerorganizing.org/">https://workerorganizing.org/</a></p>
<p>You can read more by Eric Blanc at <a href="https://www.laborpolitics.com/">https://www.laborpolitics.com/</a></p>
<p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3107</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ross A. Kennedy, "The United States and the Origins of World War II in Europe" (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2025)</title>
      <description>The United States and the Origins of World War II in Europe﻿ (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2025), spans 1914–1939 to provide a concise interpretation of the role the United States played in the origins of the Second World War. It synthesizes recent scholarship about interwar international politics while also presenting an original interpretation of the sources of American policy.

The book shows how the drive for international reform, beginning with Woodrow Wilson, reflected both America’s unusual power and its fears about maintaining its domestic freedoms in a world dominated by arms races and the threat of war. The American desire to reform or to escape from the existing international system reshaped Europe’s balance of power from 1914 to 1929, leaving it precarious and unlikely to produce lasting stability. America’s power continued to loom globally in the 1930s, as first its isolationism and, after 1938, its open hostility toward Germany and Japan influenced the policies of the West and of Hitler. The coda at the end of the volume analyzes how the United States affected the strategic choices made by Great Britain, Nazi Germany, and Japan from 1939 to 1941 that globalized the conflict.

This book will appeal to undergraduate and graduate students in history and political science, especially courses focused on World War II and the history of U.S. foreign relations.

Guest: Ross A. Kennedy (he/him), is a Professor of History and Chair at Illinois State University. He is the author of The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America’s Strategy for Peace and Security (2009) as well as numerous other publications on the First World War.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
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      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States and the Origins of World War II in Europe﻿ (Taylor &amp; Francis, 2025), spans 1914–1939 to provide a concise interpretation of the role the United States played in the origins of the Second World War. It synthesizes recent scholarship about interwar international politics while also presenting an original interpretation of the sources of American policy.

The book shows how the drive for international reform, beginning with Woodrow Wilson, reflected both America’s unusual power and its fears about maintaining its domestic freedoms in a world dominated by arms races and the threat of war. The American desire to reform or to escape from the existing international system reshaped Europe’s balance of power from 1914 to 1929, leaving it precarious and unlikely to produce lasting stability. America’s power continued to loom globally in the 1930s, as first its isolationism and, after 1938, its open hostility toward Germany and Japan influenced the policies of the West and of Hitler. The coda at the end of the volume analyzes how the United States affected the strategic choices made by Great Britain, Nazi Germany, and Japan from 1939 to 1941 that globalized the conflict.

This book will appeal to undergraduate and graduate students in history and political science, especially courses focused on World War II and the history of U.S. foreign relations.

Guest: Ross A. Kennedy (he/him), is a Professor of History and Chair at Illinois State University. He is the author of The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America’s Strategy for Peace and Security (2009) as well as numerous other publications on the First World War.

Host: Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.

Scholars@Duke: https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...

Linktree: https://linktr.ee/jennapittman
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032215150">The United States and the Origins of World War II in Europe</a><em>﻿ </em>(Taylor &amp; Francis, 2025), spans 1914–1939 to provide a concise interpretation of the role the United States played in the origins of the Second World War. It synthesizes recent scholarship about interwar international politics while also presenting an original interpretation of the sources of American policy.</p>
<p>The book shows how the drive for international reform, beginning with Woodrow Wilson, reflected both America’s unusual power and its fears about maintaining its domestic freedoms in a world dominated by arms races and the threat of war. The American desire to reform or to escape from the existing international system reshaped Europe’s balance of power from 1914 to 1929, leaving it precarious and unlikely to produce lasting stability. America’s power continued to loom globally in the 1930s, as first its isolationism and, after 1938, its open hostility toward Germany and Japan influenced the policies of the West and of Hitler. The coda at the end of the volume analyzes how the United States affected the strategic choices made by Great Britain, Nazi Germany, and Japan from 1939 to 1941 that globalized the conflict.</p>
<p>This book will appeal to undergraduate and graduate students in history and political science, especially courses focused on World War II and the history of U.S. foreign relations.</p>
<p><strong>Guest: </strong>Ross A. Kennedy (he/him), is a Professor of History and Chair at Illinois State University. He is the author of <em>The Will to Believe: Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and America’s Strategy for Peace and Security</em> (2009) as well as numerous other publications on the First World War.</p>
<p><strong>Host: </strong>Jenna Pittman (she/her), a Ph.D. student in the Department of History at Duke University. She studies modern European history, political economy, and Germany from 1945-1990.</p>
<p>Scholars@Duke: <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/Jenna.Pittman">https://scholars.duke.edu/pers...</a></p>
<p>Linktree: <a href="https://linktr.ee/jennapittman">https://linktr.ee/jennapittman</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4980</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bryan D. Jones, The Southern Fault Line: How Race, Class, and Region Shaped One Family's History" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The Southern Fault Line: How Race, Class, and Region Shaped One Family's History (Oxford University Press, 2025) explores the under-appreciated division in the South between the oligarchic rule of plantation owners and industrialists on the one hand, and the more democratic mindset of the mountain-dwelling small farmers on the other. These two mindsets were in continual tension from the 1800s to the 1960s, when the adherents of the more democratic side of the struggle capitulated to the oligarchical side in response to the Civil Rights movement.

Bryan Jones draws from his own family's centuries-old history in the region to explore the rise and fall of the "two minds" of the South. Through a comparison of the experiences of a slaveholding line in his family with three non-slaveholding lines, Jones provides a rich history of the politics of both class and race in the region from the Founding era to the present. The slaveholding side of his family settled in Black Belt Alabama, while ancestral members of the other side of his family were poorer uplanders. In the 1890s, the latter supported the burgeoning populist movement, which for a short window of time tried to unite poor Blacks and poor whites against the patrician planter class and industrialists. After a series of close elections, the planter class was able to stanch the populist tide. They did this in large part by sowing racial division among populism's supporters. Indeed, one of Jones' ancestors helped draft the 1901 Alabama constitution that made Jim Crow the law of the state.

Throughout, Jones shows how deep the political differences were between the two regions, with oligarchy characterizing the slaveholding region and a more democratic ethos shaping the non-slaveholding areas. Jones serves as the final observer, a white boy observing not only the demise of the Jim Crow South, but--in the wake of the Civil Rights movement--the demise of the mountain democratic South as well. Today, the vast majority of Southern whites regardless of class support an oligarchical Republican Party.

Bryan Jones is J.J."Jake" Pickle Regents' Chair in Congressional Studies at the University of Texas at Austin.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Southern Fault Line: How Race, Class, and Region Shaped One Family's History (Oxford University Press, 2025) explores the under-appreciated division in the South between the oligarchic rule of plantation owners and industrialists on the one hand, and the more democratic mindset of the mountain-dwelling small farmers on the other. These two mindsets were in continual tension from the 1800s to the 1960s, when the adherents of the more democratic side of the struggle capitulated to the oligarchical side in response to the Civil Rights movement.

Bryan Jones draws from his own family's centuries-old history in the region to explore the rise and fall of the "two minds" of the South. Through a comparison of the experiences of a slaveholding line in his family with three non-slaveholding lines, Jones provides a rich history of the politics of both class and race in the region from the Founding era to the present. The slaveholding side of his family settled in Black Belt Alabama, while ancestral members of the other side of his family were poorer uplanders. In the 1890s, the latter supported the burgeoning populist movement, which for a short window of time tried to unite poor Blacks and poor whites against the patrician planter class and industrialists. After a series of close elections, the planter class was able to stanch the populist tide. They did this in large part by sowing racial division among populism's supporters. Indeed, one of Jones' ancestors helped draft the 1901 Alabama constitution that made Jim Crow the law of the state.

Throughout, Jones shows how deep the political differences were between the two regions, with oligarchy characterizing the slaveholding region and a more democratic ethos shaping the non-slaveholding areas. Jones serves as the final observer, a white boy observing not only the demise of the Jim Crow South, but--in the wake of the Civil Rights movement--the demise of the mountain democratic South as well. Today, the vast majority of Southern whites regardless of class support an oligarchical Republican Party.

Bryan Jones is J.J."Jake" Pickle Regents' Chair in Congressional Studies at the University of Texas at Austin.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197770429">The Southern Fault Line: How Race, Class, and Region Shaped One Family's History</a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2025)<em> </em>explores the under-appreciated division in the South between the oligarchic rule of plantation owners and industrialists on the one hand, and the more democratic mindset of the mountain-dwelling small farmers on the other. These two mindsets were in continual tension from the 1800s to the 1960s, when the adherents of the more democratic side of the struggle capitulated to the oligarchical side in response to the Civil Rights movement.</p>
<p>Bryan Jones draws from his own family's centuries-old history in the region to explore the rise and fall of the "two minds" of the South. Through a comparison of the experiences of a slaveholding line in his family with three non-slaveholding lines, Jones provides a rich history of the politics of both class and race in the region from the Founding era to the present. The slaveholding side of his family settled in Black Belt Alabama, while ancestral members of the other side of his family were poorer uplanders. In the 1890s, the latter supported the burgeoning populist movement, which for a short window of time tried to unite poor Blacks and poor whites against the patrician planter class and industrialists. After a series of close elections, the planter class was able to stanch the populist tide. They did this in large part by sowing racial division among populism's supporters. Indeed, one of Jones' ancestors helped draft the 1901 Alabama constitution that made Jim Crow the law of the state.</p>
<p>Throughout, Jones shows how deep the political differences were between the two regions, with oligarchy characterizing the slaveholding region and a more democratic ethos shaping the non-slaveholding areas. Jones serves as the final observer, a white boy observing not only the demise of the Jim Crow South, but--in the wake of the Civil Rights movement--the demise of the mountain democratic South as well. Today, the vast majority of Southern whites regardless of class support an oligarchical Republican Party.</p>
<p>Bryan Jones is J.J."Jake" Pickle Regents' Chair in Congressional Studies at the University of Texas at Austin.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3509</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Louis P. Masur, "A Journey North: Jefferson, Madison, and the Forging of a Friendship" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Between May 21 and June 16, 1791, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison went on a trip together through Upstate New York and parts of New England on horseback. This "northern journey" came at a moment of tension for the new nation, one in whose founding these Virginians and political allies had played key roles. The Constitution was ratified and President Washington was in his first term of office. Whether the country could overcome regional and political differences and remain unified, however, was still very much in question. Hence why some observers at the time wondered whether this excursion into Federalist New England by the two most prominent southern Democratic-Republicans, both future presidents, had an ulterior motive.

Madison, maintained that the journey was for "health, recreation, and curiosity." He and Jefferson needed a break from their public responsibilities, so off they set. Along the way, they took notes on the ravages of the Hessian Fly, an insect that had been devastating wheat crops. While in Vermont, they focused on the sugar maple tree, which many hoped might offer a domestic alternative to slave-grown sugar cane imports. An encounter with a free Black farmer at Fort George resulted in a journal entry that illuminates their attitudes toward slavery and race. A meeting with members of the Unkechaug tribe on Long Island led to a vocabulary project that preoccupied Jefferson for decades, and which remains relevant today.

The northern journey was also about friendship. Madison later recalled that the trip made Jefferson and him "immediate companions," solidifying a bond with almost no peer in the annals of American history, one that thrived for fifty years. Jefferson declared at the end of his life, that his friendship with Madison had been "a source of constant happiness" to him. A Journey North: Jefferson, Madison, and the Forging of a Friendship (Oxford University Press, 2025) reveals the moment when it took hold.

Louis P. Masur is Board of Governors Distinguished Professor of American Studies and History at Rutgers University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Between May 21 and June 16, 1791, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison went on a trip together through Upstate New York and parts of New England on horseback. This "northern journey" came at a moment of tension for the new nation, one in whose founding these Virginians and political allies had played key roles. The Constitution was ratified and President Washington was in his first term of office. Whether the country could overcome regional and political differences and remain unified, however, was still very much in question. Hence why some observers at the time wondered whether this excursion into Federalist New England by the two most prominent southern Democratic-Republicans, both future presidents, had an ulterior motive.

Madison, maintained that the journey was for "health, recreation, and curiosity." He and Jefferson needed a break from their public responsibilities, so off they set. Along the way, they took notes on the ravages of the Hessian Fly, an insect that had been devastating wheat crops. While in Vermont, they focused on the sugar maple tree, which many hoped might offer a domestic alternative to slave-grown sugar cane imports. An encounter with a free Black farmer at Fort George resulted in a journal entry that illuminates their attitudes toward slavery and race. A meeting with members of the Unkechaug tribe on Long Island led to a vocabulary project that preoccupied Jefferson for decades, and which remains relevant today.

The northern journey was also about friendship. Madison later recalled that the trip made Jefferson and him "immediate companions," solidifying a bond with almost no peer in the annals of American history, one that thrived for fifty years. Jefferson declared at the end of his life, that his friendship with Madison had been "a source of constant happiness" to him. A Journey North: Jefferson, Madison, and the Forging of a Friendship (Oxford University Press, 2025) reveals the moment when it took hold.

Louis P. Masur is Board of Governors Distinguished Professor of American Studies and History at Rutgers University.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Between May 21 and June 16, 1791, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison went on a trip together through Upstate New York and parts of New England on horseback. This "northern journey" came at a moment of tension for the new nation, one in whose founding these Virginians and political allies had played key roles. The Constitution was ratified and President Washington was in his first term of office. Whether the country could overcome regional and political differences and remain unified, however, was still very much in question. Hence why some observers at the time wondered whether this excursion into Federalist New England by the two most prominent southern Democratic-Republicans, both future presidents, had an ulterior motive.</p>
<p>Madison, maintained that the journey was for "health, recreation, and curiosity." He and Jefferson needed a break from their public responsibilities, so off they set. Along the way, they took notes on the ravages of the Hessian Fly, an insect that had been devastating wheat crops. While in Vermont, they focused on the sugar maple tree, which many hoped might offer a domestic alternative to slave-grown sugar cane imports. An encounter with a free Black farmer at Fort George resulted in a journal entry that illuminates their attitudes toward slavery and race. A meeting with members of the Unkechaug tribe on Long Island led to a vocabulary project that preoccupied Jefferson for decades, and which remains relevant today.</p>
<p>The northern journey was also about friendship. Madison later recalled that the trip made Jefferson and him "immediate companions," solidifying a bond with almost no peer in the annals of American history, one that thrived for fifty years. Jefferson declared at the end of his life, that his friendship with Madison had been "a source of constant happiness" to him. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197684917"><em>A Journey North: Jefferson, Madison, and the Forging of a Friendship</em> </a>(Oxford University Press, 2025) reveals the moment when it took hold.</p>
<p>Louis P. Masur is Board of Governors Distinguished Professor of American Studies and History at Rutgers University.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2282</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Philip Kadish, "The Great White Hoax: Frauds, Forgeries, and 200 Years of Selling Racism in America"</title>
      <description>Fake news, outright political lies, a shamelessly partisan press, and the collapse of truth, civility, and shared facts, Dr. Philip Kadish argues, are nothing new. The Great White Hoax: Two Centuries of Selling Racism in America (The New Press, 2025), a masterpiece of historical and literary sleuthing, reveals that the era of Fox News and Donald Trump is simply a return to form. We have been here before.

In a book that brilliantly puts our current era into historical context, The Great White Hoax uncovers a centuries-long tradition of white supremacist hoaxes, perpetrated on the American public by a succession of political hucksters and opportunists, all of them willfully using racial frauds as tools for political and social advantage. In the antebellum era, slavery’s defenders used bogus science to “prove” the inferiority of African American people; during the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln’s enemies circulated a sham pamphlet accusing him of promoting a dilution of the white race through “miscegenation” (a racist term invented by the pamphlet’s authors). From these murky beginnings, Dr. Philip Kadish draws a direct thread to D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation, Henry Ford’s adaptation of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Madison Grant’s embrace of eugenics (which directly influenced Adolf Hitler), Alabama Governor George Wallace’s race-baiting, and Roger Ailes’s creation of Fox News.

The Great White Hoax reveals white supremacy as today’s real “fake news”—and exposes the cast of villains, past and present, who have kept American racism alive.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fake news, outright political lies, a shamelessly partisan press, and the collapse of truth, civility, and shared facts, Dr. Philip Kadish argues, are nothing new. The Great White Hoax: Two Centuries of Selling Racism in America (The New Press, 2025), a masterpiece of historical and literary sleuthing, reveals that the era of Fox News and Donald Trump is simply a return to form. We have been here before.

In a book that brilliantly puts our current era into historical context, The Great White Hoax uncovers a centuries-long tradition of white supremacist hoaxes, perpetrated on the American public by a succession of political hucksters and opportunists, all of them willfully using racial frauds as tools for political and social advantage. In the antebellum era, slavery’s defenders used bogus science to “prove” the inferiority of African American people; during the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln’s enemies circulated a sham pamphlet accusing him of promoting a dilution of the white race through “miscegenation” (a racist term invented by the pamphlet’s authors). From these murky beginnings, Dr. Philip Kadish draws a direct thread to D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation, Henry Ford’s adaptation of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Madison Grant’s embrace of eugenics (which directly influenced Adolf Hitler), Alabama Governor George Wallace’s race-baiting, and Roger Ailes’s creation of Fox News.

The Great White Hoax reveals white supremacy as today’s real “fake news”—and exposes the cast of villains, past and present, who have kept American racism alive.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Fake news, outright political lies, a shamelessly partisan press, and the collapse of truth, civility, and shared facts, Dr. Philip Kadish argues, are nothing new. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620974117">The Great White Hoax: Two Centuries of Selling Racism in America</a> (The New Press, 2025), a masterpiece of historical and literary sleuthing, reveals that the era of Fox News and Donald Trump is simply a return to form. We have been here before.</p>
<p>In a book that brilliantly puts our current era into historical context, <em>The Great White Hoax</em> uncovers a centuries-long tradition of white supremacist hoaxes, perpetrated on the American public by a succession of political hucksters and opportunists, all of them willfully using racial frauds as tools for political and social advantage. In the antebellum era, slavery’s defenders used bogus science to “prove” the inferiority of African American people; during the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln’s enemies circulated a sham pamphlet accusing him of promoting a dilution of the white race through “miscegenation” (a racist term invented by the pamphlet’s authors). From these murky beginnings, Dr. Philip Kadish draws a direct thread to D.W. Griffith’s Birth of a Nation, Henry Ford’s adaptation of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Madison Grant’s embrace of eugenics (which directly influenced Adolf Hitler), Alabama Governor George Wallace’s race-baiting, and Roger Ailes’s creation of Fox News.</p>
<p><em>The Great White Hoax</em> reveals white supremacy as today’s real “fake news”—and exposes the cast of villains, past and present, who have kept American racism alive.</p>
<p><br><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s interviews on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4379</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin J. Hayes, "Undaunted Mind: The Intellectual Life of Benjamin Franklin" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>An exploration of the mind of one of America's most beloved Founding Fathers and most brilliant minds, through the books he read and his social circles in the United States and Europe. Arguably the most intellectual, creative, cosmopolitan, and curious of the Founding Fathers, Benjamin Franklin is the only top-tier Founder not to have served as president. Despite not becoming the Chief Executive, Franklin played an active role in American politics and served the aspiring and young United States in the key European capitals. His prodigious reading and appetite for learning are epic. As he did in works about Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, Kevin J. Hayes interprets the life and mind of Franklin through what he read. 

Undaunted Mind: The Intellectual Life of Benjamin Franklin (Oxford University Press, 2025) tells the story of the development of Franklin's intellect, starting with the earliest books he read as a child before examining his formal schooling and his independent study after his father pulled him from school. As an apprentice in his brother's printing house, Franklin's intellectual life developed through his contact with the Couranteers, the group of his brother's friends who contributed to his newspaper, and through his attention to his brother's excellent office library. After Franklin ran away to Philadelphia, he developed a new group of friends, all of whom loved reading. In many ways, the story of Franklin's intellectual odyssey is the story of the friends he made along the way. His time in London in his late teens introduced him to several important intellectuals who encouraged him to develop his mind. 

After returning to Philadelphia from London, he and some friends formed the Junto, a club for mutual improvement that made reading and writing important activities. With other members of the Junto, he formed the Library Company of Philadelphia, the first subscription library in colonial America. His role as a printer put him in contact with the best eighteenth-century American writing and kept a steady flow of imported books coming from Britain. He became a scientist, assembling a great scientific library, which helped his electrical research. An educational reformer, Franklin founded the Philadelphia Academy, which would become the University of Pennsylvania. As agent for the Pennsylvania Assembly, Franklin lived in London for many years, where he befriended some of Britain's greatest minds. Different concentrations of books in his library reveal Franklin's interests in travel and exploration, warfare, and slavery. His time in Paris toward the end of his life gave Franklin another great intellectual experience, but he ultimately returned home to live the last five years of his life in Philadelphia, where he imparted his knowledge and experience to a new generation of Americans. In this gripping work, Benjamin Franklin is given a biography as rich and complex as his own intellectual life by master literary historian Kevin J. Hayes.

Kevin J. Hayes is Professor Emeritus of English at the University of Central Oklahoma.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An exploration of the mind of one of America's most beloved Founding Fathers and most brilliant minds, through the books he read and his social circles in the United States and Europe. Arguably the most intellectual, creative, cosmopolitan, and curious of the Founding Fathers, Benjamin Franklin is the only top-tier Founder not to have served as president. Despite not becoming the Chief Executive, Franklin played an active role in American politics and served the aspiring and young United States in the key European capitals. His prodigious reading and appetite for learning are epic. As he did in works about Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, Kevin J. Hayes interprets the life and mind of Franklin through what he read. 

Undaunted Mind: The Intellectual Life of Benjamin Franklin (Oxford University Press, 2025) tells the story of the development of Franklin's intellect, starting with the earliest books he read as a child before examining his formal schooling and his independent study after his father pulled him from school. As an apprentice in his brother's printing house, Franklin's intellectual life developed through his contact with the Couranteers, the group of his brother's friends who contributed to his newspaper, and through his attention to his brother's excellent office library. After Franklin ran away to Philadelphia, he developed a new group of friends, all of whom loved reading. In many ways, the story of Franklin's intellectual odyssey is the story of the friends he made along the way. His time in London in his late teens introduced him to several important intellectuals who encouraged him to develop his mind. 

After returning to Philadelphia from London, he and some friends formed the Junto, a club for mutual improvement that made reading and writing important activities. With other members of the Junto, he formed the Library Company of Philadelphia, the first subscription library in colonial America. His role as a printer put him in contact with the best eighteenth-century American writing and kept a steady flow of imported books coming from Britain. He became a scientist, assembling a great scientific library, which helped his electrical research. An educational reformer, Franklin founded the Philadelphia Academy, which would become the University of Pennsylvania. As agent for the Pennsylvania Assembly, Franklin lived in London for many years, where he befriended some of Britain's greatest minds. Different concentrations of books in his library reveal Franklin's interests in travel and exploration, warfare, and slavery. His time in Paris toward the end of his life gave Franklin another great intellectual experience, but he ultimately returned home to live the last five years of his life in Philadelphia, where he imparted his knowledge and experience to a new generation of Americans. In this gripping work, Benjamin Franklin is given a biography as rich and complex as his own intellectual life by master literary historian Kevin J. Hayes.

Kevin J. Hayes is Professor Emeritus of English at the University of Central Oklahoma.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An exploration of the mind of one of America's most beloved Founding Fathers and most brilliant minds, through the books he read and his social circles in the United States and Europe. Arguably the most intellectual, creative, cosmopolitan, and curious of the Founding Fathers, Benjamin Franklin is the only top-tier Founder not to have served as president. Despite not becoming the Chief Executive, Franklin played an active role in American politics and served the aspiring and young United States in the key European capitals. His prodigious reading and appetite for learning are epic. As he did in works about Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, Kevin J. Hayes interprets the life and mind of Franklin through what he read. </p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197554265">Undaunted Mind: The Intellectual Life of Benjamin Franklin</a> (Oxford University Press, 2025) tells the story of the development of Franklin's intellect, starting with the earliest books he read as a child before examining his formal schooling and his independent study after his father pulled him from school. As an apprentice in his brother's printing house, Franklin's intellectual life developed through his contact with the Couranteers, the group of his brother's friends who contributed to his newspaper, and through his attention to his brother's excellent office library. After Franklin ran away to Philadelphia, he developed a new group of friends, all of whom loved reading. In many ways, the story of Franklin's intellectual odyssey is the story of the friends he made along the way. His time in London in his late teens introduced him to several important intellectuals who encouraged him to develop his mind. </p>
<p>After returning to Philadelphia from London, he and some friends formed the Junto, a club for mutual improvement that made reading and writing important activities. With other members of the Junto, he formed the Library Company of Philadelphia, the first subscription library in colonial America. His role as a printer put him in contact with the best eighteenth-century American writing and kept a steady flow of imported books coming from Britain. He became a scientist, assembling a great scientific library, which helped his electrical research. An educational reformer, Franklin founded the Philadelphia Academy, which would become the University of Pennsylvania. As agent for the Pennsylvania Assembly, Franklin lived in London for many years, where he befriended some of Britain's greatest minds. Different concentrations of books in his library reveal Franklin's interests in travel and exploration, warfare, and slavery. His time in Paris toward the end of his life gave Franklin another great intellectual experience, but he ultimately returned home to live the last five years of his life in Philadelphia, where he imparted his knowledge and experience to a new generation of Americans. In this gripping work, Benjamin Franklin is given a biography as rich and complex as his own intellectual life by master literary historian Kevin J. Hayes.</p>
<p>Kevin J. Hayes is Professor Emeritus of English at the University of Central Oklahoma.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2423</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Maraam A. Dwidar, "Power to the Partners: Organizational Coalitions in Social Justice Advocacy" (University of Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>A vital examination of how social and economic justice organizations overcome resource disadvantages and build political power. Why do some coalitions triumph while others fall short? In Power to the Partners: Organizational Coalitions in Social Justice Advocacy, Maraam A. Dwidar documents the vital role of social and economic justice organizations in American politics and explores the process by which they strategically build partnerships to advance more effective and equitable advocacy. Using original data tracking the collaboration patterns of more than twenty thousand nationally active advocacy organizations, Dwidar evaluates the micro- and macro-level conditions surrounding these groups' successful efforts to collectively shape public policy. Power to the Partners reveals that while organizational advocates for social and economic justice are at a disadvantage in the American lobbying landscape--financially, tactically, and politically--coalition tactics can help ameliorate these disparities. By building and sustaining coalitions with structures and memberships that facilitate clarity, learning, and diverse perspectives, these advocates can successfully--and uniquely--make their mark on American public policy. Dwidar's work offers critical insights for scholars and practitioners alike--from groundbreaking academic findings to evidence-based lessons for political organizers.

Maraam A. Dwidar an Assistant Professor of Government at Georgetown University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A vital examination of how social and economic justice organizations overcome resource disadvantages and build political power. Why do some coalitions triumph while others fall short? In Power to the Partners: Organizational Coalitions in Social Justice Advocacy, Maraam A. Dwidar documents the vital role of social and economic justice organizations in American politics and explores the process by which they strategically build partnerships to advance more effective and equitable advocacy. Using original data tracking the collaboration patterns of more than twenty thousand nationally active advocacy organizations, Dwidar evaluates the micro- and macro-level conditions surrounding these groups' successful efforts to collectively shape public policy. Power to the Partners reveals that while organizational advocates for social and economic justice are at a disadvantage in the American lobbying landscape--financially, tactically, and politically--coalition tactics can help ameliorate these disparities. By building and sustaining coalitions with structures and memberships that facilitate clarity, learning, and diverse perspectives, these advocates can successfully--and uniquely--make their mark on American public policy. Dwidar's work offers critical insights for scholars and practitioners alike--from groundbreaking academic findings to evidence-based lessons for political organizers.

Maraam A. Dwidar an Assistant Professor of Government at Georgetown University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A vital examination of how social and economic justice organizations overcome resource disadvantages and build political power. Why do some coalitions triumph while others fall short? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226840383">Power to the Partners: Organizational Coalitions in Social Justice Advocacy</a>, Maraam A. Dwidar documents the vital role of social and economic justice organizations in American politics and explores the process by which they strategically build partnerships to advance more effective and equitable advocacy. Using original data tracking the collaboration patterns of more than twenty thousand nationally active advocacy organizations, Dwidar evaluates the micro- and macro-level conditions surrounding these groups' successful efforts to collectively shape public policy. Power to the Partners reveals that while organizational advocates for social and economic justice are at a disadvantage in the American lobbying landscape--financially, tactically, and politically--coalition tactics can help ameliorate these disparities. By building and sustaining coalitions with structures and memberships that facilitate clarity, learning, and diverse perspectives, these advocates can successfully--and uniquely--make their mark on American public policy. Dwidar's work offers critical insights for scholars and practitioners alike--from groundbreaking academic findings to evidence-based lessons for political organizers.<br></p>
<p>Maraam A. Dwidar an Assistant Professor of Government at <a href="https://www.georgetown.edu/">Georgetown University</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1680</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[73ebf5e6-4fcd-11f0-a3c5-63e14d6cb723]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephan Kieninger, "The Diplomacy of Détente: Cooperative Security Policies from Helmut Schmidt to George Shultz" (Routledge, 2018)</title>
      <description>The Diplomacy of Détente: Cooperative Security Policies from Helmut Schmidt to George Shultz (Routledge, 2020) investigates the underlying reasons for the longevity of détente and its impact on East–West relations. The volume examines the relevance of trade across the Iron Curtain as a means to facilitate mutual trust, as well as the emergence of new habits of transparency regardless of recurring military crises. A major theme of the book concerns Helmut Schmidt’s foreign policy and his contribution to the resilience of cooperative security policies in East–West relations. It examines Schmidt’s crucial role in the Euromissile crisis, his Ostpolitik diplomacy and his pan-European trade initiatives to engage the Soviet Union in a joint perspective of trade, industry and technology. Another key theme concerns the crisis in US–Soviet relations and the challenges of meaningful leadership communication between Washington and Moscow in the absence of backchannel diplomacy during the Carter years. The book depicts the freeze in US–Soviet relations after the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the declaration of martial law in Poland, and Helmut Schmidt’s efforts to serve as a mediator and interpreter working for a relaunch of US–Soviet dialogue. Eventually, the book highlights George Shultz’s pivotal role in the Reagan Administration’s efforts to improve US-Soviet relations, well before Mikhail Gorbachev’s arrival. This book will be of interest to students of Cold War studies, diplomatic history, foreign policy and international relations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Diplomacy of Détente: Cooperative Security Policies from Helmut Schmidt to George Shultz (Routledge, 2020) investigates the underlying reasons for the longevity of détente and its impact on East–West relations. The volume examines the relevance of trade across the Iron Curtain as a means to facilitate mutual trust, as well as the emergence of new habits of transparency regardless of recurring military crises. A major theme of the book concerns Helmut Schmidt’s foreign policy and his contribution to the resilience of cooperative security policies in East–West relations. It examines Schmidt’s crucial role in the Euromissile crisis, his Ostpolitik diplomacy and his pan-European trade initiatives to engage the Soviet Union in a joint perspective of trade, industry and technology. Another key theme concerns the crisis in US–Soviet relations and the challenges of meaningful leadership communication between Washington and Moscow in the absence of backchannel diplomacy during the Carter years. The book depicts the freeze in US–Soviet relations after the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the declaration of martial law in Poland, and Helmut Schmidt’s efforts to serve as a mediator and interpreter working for a relaunch of US–Soviet dialogue. Eventually, the book highlights George Shultz’s pivotal role in the Reagan Administration’s efforts to improve US-Soviet relations, well before Mikhail Gorbachev’s arrival. This book will be of interest to students of Cold War studies, diplomatic history, foreign policy and international relations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367590345"><em>The Diplomacy of Détente: Cooperative Security Policies from Helmut Schmidt to George Shultz</em> </a>(Routledge, 2020) investigates the underlying reasons for the longevity of détente and its impact on East–West relations. The volume examines the relevance of trade across the Iron Curtain as a means to facilitate mutual trust, as well as the emergence of new habits of transparency regardless of recurring military crises. A major theme of the book concerns Helmut Schmidt’s foreign policy and his contribution to the resilience of cooperative security policies in East–West relations. It examines Schmidt’s crucial role in the Euromissile crisis, his Ostpolitik diplomacy and his pan-European trade initiatives to engage the Soviet Union in a joint perspective of trade, industry and technology. Another key theme concerns the crisis in US–Soviet relations and the challenges of meaningful leadership communication between Washington and Moscow in the absence of backchannel diplomacy during the Carter years. The book depicts the freeze in US–Soviet relations after the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the declaration of martial law in Poland, and Helmut Schmidt’s efforts to serve as a mediator and interpreter working for a relaunch of US–Soviet dialogue. Eventually, the book highlights George Shultz’s pivotal role in the Reagan Administration’s efforts to improve US-Soviet relations, well before Mikhail Gorbachev’s arrival. This book will be of interest to students of Cold War studies, diplomatic history, foreign policy and international relations.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2732</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[732ba428-4ce7-11f0-b0d9-af65d62feda7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3538964779.mp3?updated=1750321989" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Honorée Fanonne Jeffers, "Misbehaving at the Crossroads: Essays and Writings" (Harper, 2025)</title>
      <description>The New York Times-bestselling, National Book Award-nominated author of The Love Songs of W.E.B. Du Bois and The Age of Phillis makes her nonfiction debut with this personal and thought-provoking work that explores the journeys and possibilities of Black women throughout American history and in contemporary times.

Honorée Fanonne Jeffers is at a crossroads.

Traditional African/Black American cultures present the crossroads as a place of simultaneous difficulty and possibility. In contemporary times, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the phrase “intersectionality” to explain the unique position of Black women in America. In many ways, they are at a third crossroads: attempting to fit into notions of femininity and respectability primarily assigned to White women, while inventing improvisational strategies to combat oppression.

In Misbehaving at the Crossroads: Essays and Writings (Harper, 2025), Jeffers explores the emotional and historical tensions in Black women’s public lives and her own private life. She charts voyages of Black girlhood to womanhood and the currents buffeting these journeys, including the difficulties of racially gendered oppression, the challenges of documenting Black women’s ancestry; the adultification of Black girls; the irony of Black female respectability politics; the origins of Womanism/Black feminism; and resistance to White supremacy and patriarchy. As Jeffers shows with empathy and wisdom, naming difficult historical truths represents both Blues and transcendence, a crossroads that speaks.

Necessary and sharply observed, provocative and humane, and full of the insight and brilliance that has characterized her poetry and fiction, Misbehaving at the Crossroads illustrates the life of one extraordinary Black woman—and her extraordinary foremothers.

Find author Honorée Fannone Jeffers at her website, Instagram, Bluesky, and Substack.

Host Sullivan Summer can be found at her website, Instagram, and Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The New York Times-bestselling, National Book Award-nominated author of The Love Songs of W.E.B. Du Bois and The Age of Phillis makes her nonfiction debut with this personal and thought-provoking work that explores the journeys and possibilities of Black women throughout American history and in contemporary times.

Honorée Fanonne Jeffers is at a crossroads.

Traditional African/Black American cultures present the crossroads as a place of simultaneous difficulty and possibility. In contemporary times, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the phrase “intersectionality” to explain the unique position of Black women in America. In many ways, they are at a third crossroads: attempting to fit into notions of femininity and respectability primarily assigned to White women, while inventing improvisational strategies to combat oppression.

In Misbehaving at the Crossroads: Essays and Writings (Harper, 2025), Jeffers explores the emotional and historical tensions in Black women’s public lives and her own private life. She charts voyages of Black girlhood to womanhood and the currents buffeting these journeys, including the difficulties of racially gendered oppression, the challenges of documenting Black women’s ancestry; the adultification of Black girls; the irony of Black female respectability politics; the origins of Womanism/Black feminism; and resistance to White supremacy and patriarchy. As Jeffers shows with empathy and wisdom, naming difficult historical truths represents both Blues and transcendence, a crossroads that speaks.

Necessary and sharply observed, provocative and humane, and full of the insight and brilliance that has characterized her poetry and fiction, Misbehaving at the Crossroads illustrates the life of one extraordinary Black woman—and her extraordinary foremothers.

Find author Honorée Fannone Jeffers at her website, Instagram, Bluesky, and Substack.

Host Sullivan Summer can be found at her website, Instagram, and Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The <em>New York Times</em>-bestselling, National Book Award-nominated author of <em>The Love Songs of W.E.B. Du Bois</em> and <em>The Age of Phillis</em> makes her nonfiction debut with this personal and thought-provoking work that explores the journeys and possibilities of Black women throughout American history and in contemporary times.</p>
<p>Honorée Fanonne Jeffers is at a crossroads.</p>
<p>Traditional African/Black American cultures present the crossroads as a place of simultaneous difficulty and possibility. In contemporary times, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the phrase “intersectionality” to explain the unique position of Black women in America. In many ways, they are at a third crossroads: attempting to fit into notions of femininity and respectability primarily assigned to White women, while inventing improvisational strategies to combat oppression.</p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063246638">Misbehaving at the Crossroads: Essays and Writings</a><em> </em>(Harper, 2025), Jeffers explores the emotional and historical tensions in Black women’s public lives and her own private life. She charts voyages of Black girlhood to womanhood and the currents buffeting these journeys, including the difficulties of racially gendered oppression, the challenges of documenting Black women’s ancestry; the adultification of Black girls; the irony of Black female respectability politics; the origins of Womanism/Black feminism; and resistance to White supremacy and patriarchy. As Jeffers shows with empathy and wisdom, naming difficult historical truths represents both Blues and transcendence, a crossroads that speaks.</p>
<p>Necessary and sharply observed, provocative and humane, and full of the insight and brilliance that has characterized her poetry and fiction, <em>Misbehaving at the Crossroads</em> illustrates the life of one extraordinary Black woman—and her extraordinary foremothers.</p>
<p>Find author Honorée Fannone Jeffers at her <a href="https://honoreejeffers.com/">website</a>, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/honoree_jeffers/?hl=en">Instagram</a>, <a href="https://bsky.app/profile/blklibrarygirl.bsky.social">Bluesky</a>, and <a href="https://substack.com/@honoreejeffers">Substack</a>.</p>
<p>Host Sullivan Summer can be found at her <a href="https://sullivansummer.com/">website</a>, <a href="https://www.instagram.com/thesullivansummer/?hl=en">Instagram</a>, and <a href="https://substack.com/@sullivansummer">Substack</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2567</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8099a248-4ca3-11f0-b2ed-73d8f7c63979]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7420771652.mp3?updated=1750292604" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Book Imprint from The Nation Magazine Launches with Bhaskar Sunkara and Colin Robinson</title>
      <description>The Nation Magazine, known for its long and storied history as a publisher of in-depth political and cultural analysis, has launched a new book imprint with OR Books. The Nation’s president, Bhaskar Sunkara, and OR Books publisher, Colin Robinson, joined editor Caleb Zakarin to discuss the project and the upcoming slate of books set for publication this year.

Among the three forthcoming books are an edited volume of The Nation’s very best reporting on Supreme Court, an investigation into Silicon Valley from whistleblower Garrison Lovely, and David Griscom’s debut book on the politics of Texas.

Listen to our interview and stay tuned for future discussions with authors on Nation Books’ roster.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Nation Magazine, known for its long and storied history as a publisher of in-depth political and cultural analysis, has launched a new book imprint with OR Books. The Nation’s president, Bhaskar Sunkara, and OR Books publisher, Colin Robinson, joined editor Caleb Zakarin to discuss the project and the upcoming slate of books set for publication this year.

Among the three forthcoming books are an edited volume of The Nation’s very best reporting on Supreme Court, an investigation into Silicon Valley from whistleblower Garrison Lovely, and David Griscom’s debut book on the politics of Texas.

Listen to our interview and stay tuned for future discussions with authors on Nation Books’ roster.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Nation Magazine, known for its long and storied history as a publisher of in-depth political and cultural analysis, has launched a new book imprint with OR Books. The Nation’s president, Bhaskar Sunkara, and OR Books publisher, Colin Robinson, joined editor Caleb Zakarin to discuss the project and the upcoming slate of books set for publication this year.</p>
<p>Among the three forthcoming books are <a href="https://orbooks.com/catalog/the-nine-have-spoken/">an edited volume of The Nation’s very best reporting on Supreme Court</a>, an <a href="https://www.obsoletebook.org/">investigation into Silicon Valley</a> from whistleblower Garrison Lovely, and David Griscom’s debut book on the <a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/culture/nation-books-or-books-imprint/">politics of Texas</a>.</p>
<p>Listen to our interview and stay tuned for future discussions with authors on Nation Books’ roster.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2281</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ac957d1a-4c9c-11f0-a70b-47f6f9530203]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7646173914.mp3?updated=1750289896" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Atinuke O. Adediran, "Disclosureland: How Corporate Words Constrain Racial Progress" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The 2020 murder of George Floyd sparked mass protests that challenged many institutions, including large for-profit companies, to reflect on how to address racial inequality. Large corporations began making systematic public statements to show alignment with causes that impact people of color. These statements were also used to protect corporate reputations against claims that their businesses may perpetuate racial inequality. Disclosureland: How Corporate Words Constrain Racial Progress (Cambridge UP, 2025) ﻿argues that this process and others - including corporate rhetoric that leaves out past involvement in racial inequality, using disclosures about race as evidence of action, or pulling back on disclosures about race in response to conservative pushback - constrain true racial progress. Even when corporations make pledges to hire and promote people of color or fund racial equity causes through philanthropy, the book demonstrates how these pledges function to limit corporate responsibility. Critical and corrective, Disclosureland calls on the federal government and corporate stakeholders to regulate corporate race-conscious words.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 2020 murder of George Floyd sparked mass protests that challenged many institutions, including large for-profit companies, to reflect on how to address racial inequality. Large corporations began making systematic public statements to show alignment with causes that impact people of color. These statements were also used to protect corporate reputations against claims that their businesses may perpetuate racial inequality. Disclosureland: How Corporate Words Constrain Racial Progress (Cambridge UP, 2025) ﻿argues that this process and others - including corporate rhetoric that leaves out past involvement in racial inequality, using disclosures about race as evidence of action, or pulling back on disclosures about race in response to conservative pushback - constrain true racial progress. Even when corporations make pledges to hire and promote people of color or fund racial equity causes through philanthropy, the book demonstrates how these pledges function to limit corporate responsibility. Critical and corrective, Disclosureland calls on the federal government and corporate stakeholders to regulate corporate race-conscious words.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 2020 murder of George Floyd sparked mass protests that challenged many institutions, including large for-profit companies, to reflect on how to address racial inequality. Large corporations began making systematic public statements to show alignment with causes that impact people of color. These statements were also used to protect corporate reputations against claims that their businesses may perpetuate racial inequality. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009442985">Disclosureland: How Corporate Words Constrain Racial Progress</a> (Cambridge UP, 2025) ﻿argues that this process and others - including corporate rhetoric that leaves out past involvement in racial inequality, using disclosures about race as evidence of action, or pulling back on disclosures about race in response to conservative pushback - constrain true racial progress. Even when corporations make pledges to hire and promote people of color or fund racial equity causes through philanthropy, the book demonstrates how these pledges function to limit corporate responsibility. Critical and corrective, <em>Disclosureland</em> calls on the federal government and corporate stakeholders to regulate corporate race-conscious words.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1846</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[99adde26-4c0c-11f0-9797-43fd76127677]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1527292213.mp3?updated=1750227889" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Prema Kurien, "Claiming Citizenship: Race, Religion, and Political Mobilization Among New Americans" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Claiming Citizenship: Race, Religion, and Political Mobilization Among New Americans (Oxford UP, 2025) looks at Indian Americans, currently the second-largest group of immigrants in the United States, and a group that has seen significant representation in the three most recent presidential administrations. Prema Kurien asks how Indian Americans have become a rising political force given that they have not followed the traditional, recommended model of political influence. She examines the dialectical process through which immigrants conform to the structures and cultures of the society to which they have immigrated, but also work to transform their adopted homelands to accommodate their unique needs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Claiming Citizenship: Race, Religion, and Political Mobilization Among New Americans (Oxford UP, 2025) looks at Indian Americans, currently the second-largest group of immigrants in the United States, and a group that has seen significant representation in the three most recent presidential administrations. Prema Kurien asks how Indian Americans have become a rising political force given that they have not followed the traditional, recommended model of political influence. She examines the dialectical process through which immigrants conform to the structures and cultures of the society to which they have immigrated, but also work to transform their adopted homelands to accommodate their unique needs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197784099"><em>Claiming Citizenship: Race, Religion, and Political Mobilization Among New Americans</em> </a>(Oxford UP, 2025) looks at Indian Americans, currently the second-largest group of immigrants in the United States, and a group that has seen significant representation in the three most recent presidential administrations. Prema Kurien asks how Indian Americans have become a rising political force given that they have not followed the traditional, recommended model of political influence. She examines the dialectical process through which immigrants conform to the structures and cultures of the society to which they have immigrated, but also work to transform their adopted homelands to accommodate their unique needs.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2178</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9f047352-4c08-11f0-93b0-5f7c5643caac]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1299615342.mp3?updated=1750226495" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rob Edwards, "Defiant: The Story of Robert Smalls" (Stranger Comics, 2025)</title>
      <description>At the height of the Civil War, on May 12, 1862, Robert Smalls—an enslaved harbor pilot in Charleston, South Carolina—carried out one of the most courageous and cunning acts in American history. He disguised himself as a captain and, in the dead of night, commandeered the ship he worked on and sailed it to freedom. By the time Confederate soldiers realized what was happening, it was too late: Smalls, along with seven other enslaved crew members and their families, had run the blockade. Smalls’ heroism, and material aid for the Union, made national headlines and influenced Lincoln’s decision to accept Black soldiers into the Union Army. He later captained the very boat he took and, after the war, became a Congressman.DEFIANT: The Story of Robert Smalls (Stranger Comics, 2025) seeks to elevate Smalls to his rightful place in the national consciousness. The graphic novel—written by Rob Edwards (The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air and Academy-Award nominated The Princess and the Frog) and drawn by comic book artists Nikolas Draper-Ivey (Black Panther soundtrack cover, Static: Shadows Of Dakota) and Ray-Anthony Height (Marvel Comics’ Star Wars: Doctor Aphra)—details Smalls’ childhood, his efforts to buy his freedom, and finally, the extraordinary events of that night in Charleston Harbor over 150 years ago.



Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the height of the Civil War, on May 12, 1862, Robert Smalls—an enslaved harbor pilot in Charleston, South Carolina—carried out one of the most courageous and cunning acts in American history. He disguised himself as a captain and, in the dead of night, commandeered the ship he worked on and sailed it to freedom. By the time Confederate soldiers realized what was happening, it was too late: Smalls, along with seven other enslaved crew members and their families, had run the blockade. Smalls’ heroism, and material aid for the Union, made national headlines and influenced Lincoln’s decision to accept Black soldiers into the Union Army. He later captained the very boat he took and, after the war, became a Congressman.DEFIANT: The Story of Robert Smalls (Stranger Comics, 2025) seeks to elevate Smalls to his rightful place in the national consciousness. The graphic novel—written by Rob Edwards (The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air and Academy-Award nominated The Princess and the Frog) and drawn by comic book artists Nikolas Draper-Ivey (Black Panther soundtrack cover, Static: Shadows Of Dakota) and Ray-Anthony Height (Marvel Comics’ Star Wars: Doctor Aphra)—details Smalls’ childhood, his efforts to buy his freedom, and finally, the extraordinary events of that night in Charleston Harbor over 150 years ago.



Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the height of the Civil War, on May 12, 1862, Robert Smalls—an enslaved harbor pilot in Charleston, South Carolina—carried out one of the most courageous and cunning acts in American history. He disguised himself as a captain and, in the dead of night, commandeered the ship he worked on and sailed it to freedom. By the time Confederate soldiers realized what was happening, it was too late: Smalls, along with seven other enslaved crew members and their families, had run the blockade<strong>.</strong> Smalls’ heroism, and material aid for the Union, made national headlines and influenced Lincoln’s decision to accept Black soldiers into the Union Army. He later captained the very boat he took and, after the war, became a Congressman.<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781939834379"><br><em><strong>DEFIANT: The Story of Robert Smalls</strong></em> </a>(Stranger Comics, 2025) seeks to elevate Smalls to his rightful place in the national consciousness. The graphic novel—written by Rob Edwards (<em>The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air</em> and Academy-Award nominated <em>The Princess and the Frog)</em> and drawn by comic book artists Nikolas Draper-Ivey (<em>Black Panther</em> soundtrack cover, <em>Static: Shadows Of Dakota</em>) and Ray-Anthony Height (Marvel Comics’ <em>Star Wars: Doctor Aphra</em>)—details Smalls’ childhood, his efforts to buy his freedom, and finally, the extraordinary events of that night in Charleston Harbor over 150 years ago.</p>
<p><br></p>
<p>Omari Averette-Phillips is a PhD candidate in History and African American Studies at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.</p>
<p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1803</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c892fcd4-4a91-11f0-bdad-bb2fca760c6b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7105276265.mp3?updated=1750065265" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Zweig, "An Abundance of Caution: American Schools, the Virus, and a Story of Bad Decisions" (MIT Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>An Abundance of Caution: American Schools, the Virus, and a Story of Bad Decisions (MIT Press, 2025) is a devastating account of the decision-making process behind one of the worst American policy failures in a century—the extended closures of public schools during the pandemic. In fascinating and meticulously reported detail, David Zweig shows how some of the most trusted members of society—from Pulitzer Prize–winning journalists to eminent health officials—repeatedly made fundamental errors in their assessment and presentation of evidence. As a result, for the first time in modern American history, millions of healthy children did not set foot in a classroom for more than a year.Since the spring of 2020, many students in Europe had been learning in person. Even many peers at home—in private schools, and public schools in mostly “red” states and districts—were in class full time from fall 2020 onward. Whatever inequities that existed among American children before the pandemic, the selective school closures exacerbated them, disproportionately affecting the underprivileged. Deep mental, physical, and academic harms—among them, depression, anxiety, abuse, obesity, plummeting test scores, and rising drop-out rates—were endured for no discernible benefit. As Europe had shown very early, after they had sent kids back to class, there was never any evidence that long-term school closures, nor a host of interventions imposed on students when they were in classrooms, would reduce overall cases or deaths in any meaningful way.The story of American schools during the pandemic serves as a prism through which to approach fundamental questions about why and how individuals, bureaucracies, governments, and societies act as they do in times of crisis and uncertainty. Ultimately, this book is not about COVID; it’s about a country ill-equipped to act sensibly under duress.

David Zweig is the author of the novel Swimming Inside the Sun and the nonfiction book Invisibles. He has testified twice before Congress as an expert witness on American schools during the pandemic, and his investigative reporting on the pandemic has been cited in numerous congressional letters and a brief to the Supreme Court. Zweig’s journalism has appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The New Yorker, The Atlantic, New York, Wired, The Free Press, The Boston Globe, and, most often, his newsletter, Silent Lunch. He lives with his family in New York State.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An Abundance of Caution: American Schools, the Virus, and a Story of Bad Decisions (MIT Press, 2025) is a devastating account of the decision-making process behind one of the worst American policy failures in a century—the extended closures of public schools during the pandemic. In fascinating and meticulously reported detail, David Zweig shows how some of the most trusted members of society—from Pulitzer Prize–winning journalists to eminent health officials—repeatedly made fundamental errors in their assessment and presentation of evidence. As a result, for the first time in modern American history, millions of healthy children did not set foot in a classroom for more than a year.Since the spring of 2020, many students in Europe had been learning in person. Even many peers at home—in private schools, and public schools in mostly “red” states and districts—were in class full time from fall 2020 onward. Whatever inequities that existed among American children before the pandemic, the selective school closures exacerbated them, disproportionately affecting the underprivileged. Deep mental, physical, and academic harms—among them, depression, anxiety, abuse, obesity, plummeting test scores, and rising drop-out rates—were endured for no discernible benefit. As Europe had shown very early, after they had sent kids back to class, there was never any evidence that long-term school closures, nor a host of interventions imposed on students when they were in classrooms, would reduce overall cases or deaths in any meaningful way.The story of American schools during the pandemic serves as a prism through which to approach fundamental questions about why and how individuals, bureaucracies, governments, and societies act as they do in times of crisis and uncertainty. Ultimately, this book is not about COVID; it’s about a country ill-equipped to act sensibly under duress.

David Zweig is the author of the novel Swimming Inside the Sun and the nonfiction book Invisibles. He has testified twice before Congress as an expert witness on American schools during the pandemic, and his investigative reporting on the pandemic has been cited in numerous congressional letters and a brief to the Supreme Court. Zweig’s journalism has appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The New Yorker, The Atlantic, New York, Wired, The Free Press, The Boston Globe, and, most often, his newsletter, Silent Lunch. He lives with his family in New York State.

Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262549158">An Abundance of Caution: American Schools, the Virus, and a Story of Bad Decisions</a><em> </em>(MIT Press, 2025) is a devastating account of the decision-making process behind one of the worst American policy failures in a century—the extended closures of public schools during the pandemic. In fascinating and meticulously reported detail, David Zweig shows how some of the most trusted members of society—from Pulitzer Prize–winning journalists to eminent health officials—repeatedly made fundamental errors in their assessment and presentation of evidence. As a result, for the first time in modern American history, millions of healthy children did not set foot in a classroom for more than a year.<br>Since the spring of 2020, many students in Europe had been learning in person. Even many peers at home—in private schools, and public schools in mostly “red” states and districts—were in class full time from fall 2020 onward. Whatever inequities that existed among American children before the pandemic, the selective school closures exacerbated them, disproportionately affecting the underprivileged. Deep mental, physical, and academic harms—among them, depression, anxiety, abuse, obesity, plummeting test scores, and rising drop-out rates—were endured for no discernible benefit. As Europe had shown very early, after they had sent kids back to class, there was never any evidence that long-term school closures, nor a host of interventions imposed on students when they were in classrooms, would reduce overall cases or deaths in any meaningful way.<br>The story of American schools during the pandemic serves as a prism through which to approach fundamental questions about why and how individuals, bureaucracies, governments, and societies act as they do in times of crisis and uncertainty. Ultimately, this book is not about COVID; it’s about a country ill-equipped to act sensibly under duress.</p>
<p>David Zweig is the author of the novel <em>Swimming Inside the Sun</em> and the nonfiction book <em>Invisibles</em>. He has testified twice before Congress as an expert witness on American schools during the pandemic, and his investigative reporting on the pandemic has been cited in numerous congressional letters and a brief to the Supreme Court. Zweig’s journalism has appeared in <em>The New York Times</em>, <em>The Wall Street Journal</em>, <em>The New Yorker</em>, <em>The Atlantic</em>, <em>New York</em>, <em>Wired</em>, <em>The Free Press</em>, <em>The Boston Globe</em>, and, most often, his newsletter, <em>Silent Lunch</em>. He lives with his family in New York State.</p>
<p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3459</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[40750556-4fcb-11f0-a5ee-0734b8f6dd1d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9292089086.mp3?updated=1749689045" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Accents, Complex Identities, and Politics</title>
      <description>In this episode of the Language on the Move Podcast, Brynn Quick speaks with Dr. Nicole Holliday. Dr. Holliday is a sociophonetician and Associate Professor of Linguistics at the University of California, Berkely in the United States. Today, Dr. Holliday discusses her 2023 paper “Complex Variation in the Construction of a Sociolinguistic Persona: the Case of Vice President Kamala Harris” in which Dr. Holliday analyses VP Harris’ linguistic identity on the 2020 U.S. presidential election debate stage. In the paper, Dr. Holliday examines Harris’ construction of identity through language features and discusses the overt and covert prestige that those features represent to different audiences.For additional resources, show notes, and transcripts, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of the Language on the Move Podcast, Brynn Quick speaks with Dr. Nicole Holliday. Dr. Holliday is a sociophonetician and Associate Professor of Linguistics at the University of California, Berkely in the United States. Today, Dr. Holliday discusses her 2023 paper “Complex Variation in the Construction of a Sociolinguistic Persona: the Case of Vice President Kamala Harris” in which Dr. Holliday analyses VP Harris’ linguistic identity on the 2020 U.S. presidential election debate stage. In the paper, Dr. Holliday examines Harris’ construction of identity through language features and discusses the overt and covert prestige that those features represent to different audiences.For additional resources, show notes, and transcripts, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of the <a href="https://www.languageonthemove.com/podcast/"><em>Language on the Move Podcast</em></a>, <a href="https://researchers.mq.edu.au/en/persons/brynn-quick">Brynn Quick</a> speaks with <a href="https://nicolerholliday.wordpress.com/">Dr. Nicole Holliday</a>. Dr. Holliday is a sociophonetician and Associate Professor of Linguistics at the University of California, Berkely in the United States. Today, Dr. Holliday discusses her 2023 paper <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/gr6qooc0ewurouxwew3zj/holliday-2023-AmSp-Harris.pdf?rlkey=6elyw7fue5330gqauxf08jgsw&amp;e=1&amp;st=8a7qn87l&amp;dl=0">“Complex Variation in the Construction of a Sociolinguistic Persona: the Case of Vice President Kamala Harris”</a> in which Dr. Holliday <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sX4Ws5Q1S2Y">analyses VP Harris’ linguistic identity</a> on the 2020 U.S. presidential election debate stage. In the paper, Dr. Holliday examines Harris’ construction of identity through language features and discusses the overt and covert prestige that those features represent to different audiences.<br>For additional resources, show notes, and transcripts, go <a href="https://www.languageonthemove.com/podcast/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2408</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6adb7338-45c2-11f0-a875-53ac3392a171]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2734721304.mp3?updated=1749536562" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Freedom Academy</title>
      <description>When Professor Asha Rangappa began posting online about the lessons she was teaching in the Yale University course on Russian intelligence and information warfare, the public took notice. Many reached out for a copy of the syllabus, and began lamenting that they couldn’t take her course. This led to the creation of a series of free lessons and presentations for the public through The Freedom Academy – which is Professor Rangappa’s popular Substack.

In this episode, we unpack key concepts taught by The Freedom Academy, including: how propaganda reaches us; the Alien Enemies Act of 1798; due process; civic literacy; the characteristics of truth tellers; transparency and accountability as pillars of democracy; and what happens when public trust erodes.

Our guest is: Asha Rangappa, who is assistant dean and a senior lecturer at Yale University’s Jackson School of Global Affairs and a former Associate Dean at Yale Law School. Prior to her current position, Asha served as a Special Agent in the New York Division of the FBI, specializing in counterintelligence investigations. Her work involved assessing threats to national security, conducting classified investigations on suspected foreign agents and performing undercover work. While in the FBI, Asha gained experience in electronic surveillance, interview and interrogation techniques, firearms and the use of deadly force. She received her law degree from Yale Law School where she was a Coker Fellow in Constitutional Law, and served as a law clerk to the Honorable Juan R. Torruella on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit in San Juan, Puerto Rico. She is admitted to the State Bar of New York (2003) and Connecticut (2003). Asha has published op-eds in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post among others and is currently a legal contributor for ABC News. She is on the board of editors of Just Security and a member of the Council of Foreign Relations. She created the popular Substack called The Freedom Academy.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell. She works as a developmental editor for scholarly projects.

Playlist for listeners:

Immigration Realities

Understanding Disinformation

The Ungrateful Refugee

Where is home?

Who gets believed?

Belonging

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Professor Asha Rangappa began posting online about the lessons she was teaching in the Yale University course on Russian intelligence and information warfare, the public took notice. Many reached out for a copy of the syllabus, and began lamenting that they couldn’t take her course. This led to the creation of a series of free lessons and presentations for the public through The Freedom Academy – which is Professor Rangappa’s popular Substack.

In this episode, we unpack key concepts taught by The Freedom Academy, including: how propaganda reaches us; the Alien Enemies Act of 1798; due process; civic literacy; the characteristics of truth tellers; transparency and accountability as pillars of democracy; and what happens when public trust erodes.

Our guest is: Asha Rangappa, who is assistant dean and a senior lecturer at Yale University’s Jackson School of Global Affairs and a former Associate Dean at Yale Law School. Prior to her current position, Asha served as a Special Agent in the New York Division of the FBI, specializing in counterintelligence investigations. Her work involved assessing threats to national security, conducting classified investigations on suspected foreign agents and performing undercover work. While in the FBI, Asha gained experience in electronic surveillance, interview and interrogation techniques, firearms and the use of deadly force. She received her law degree from Yale Law School where she was a Coker Fellow in Constitutional Law, and served as a law clerk to the Honorable Juan R. Torruella on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit in San Juan, Puerto Rico. She is admitted to the State Bar of New York (2003) and Connecticut (2003). Asha has published op-eds in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post among others and is currently a legal contributor for ABC News. She is on the board of editors of Just Security and a member of the Council of Foreign Relations. She created the popular Substack called The Freedom Academy.

Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell. She works as a developmental editor for scholarly projects.

Playlist for listeners:

Immigration Realities

Understanding Disinformation

The Ungrateful Refugee

Where is home?

Who gets believed?

Belonging

Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Professor Asha Rangappa began posting online about the lessons she was teaching in the Yale University course on Russian intelligence and information warfare, the public took notice. Many reached out for a copy of the syllabus, and began lamenting that they couldn’t take her course. This led to the creation of a series of free lessons and presentations for the public through <a href="https://asharangappa.substack.com/">The Freedom Academy </a>– which is Professor Rangappa’s popular Substack.</p>
<p>In this episode, we unpack key concepts taught by The Freedom Academy, including: how propaganda reaches us; the Alien Enemies Act of 1798; due process; civic literacy; the characteristics of truth tellers; transparency and accountability as pillars of democracy; and what happens when public trust erodes.</p>
<p>Our guest is: Asha Rangappa, who is assistant dean and a senior lecturer at Yale University’s Jackson School of Global Affairs and a former Associate Dean at Yale Law School. Prior to her current position, Asha served as a Special Agent in the New York Division of the FBI, specializing in counterintelligence investigations. Her work involved assessing threats to national security, conducting classified investigations on suspected foreign agents and performing undercover work. While in the FBI, Asha gained experience in electronic surveillance, interview and interrogation techniques, firearms and the use of deadly force. She received her law degree from Yale Law School where she was a Coker Fellow in Constitutional Law, and served as a law clerk to the Honorable Juan R. Torruella on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit in San Juan, Puerto Rico. She is admitted to the State Bar of New York (2003) and Connecticut (2003). Asha has published op-eds in <em>The New York Times</em>, <em>The Wall Street Journal</em> and <em>The Washington Post</em> among others and is currently a legal contributor for ABC News. She is on the board of editors of <em>Just Securit</em>y and a member of the Council of Foreign Relations. She created the popular Substack called The Freedom Academy.</p>
<p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who is the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell. She works as a developmental editor for scholarly projects.</p>
<p>Playlist for listeners:</p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/immigration-realities">Immigration Realities</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/understanding-disinformation">Understanding Disinformation</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-ungrateful-refugee">The Ungrateful Refugee</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/where-is-home">Where is home?</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/who-gets-believed">Who gets believed?</a></p>
<p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/belonging-the-science-of-creating-connection-and-bridging-divides">Belonging</a></p>
<p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And thank you for listening!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3200</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ca630024-44f9-11f0-8543-e35b0087e14d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6228587548.mp3?updated=1749450405" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey P. Rogg, "The Spy and the State: The History of American Intelligence" (Oxford UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Intelligence is all around us. We read about it in the news, wonder who is spying on us through our phones or computers, and want to know what is happening in the shadows. The US Intelligence Community or IC, as insiders call it, is more powerful than ever, but also more vulnerable than it has been in decades. It is facing the threat of rival intelligence services from countries like Russia and China while fighting to keep up with new technology and the private sector. Still, the IC's greatest struggle is always with the American people, who expect it to keep them safe but not at the cost of their liberty and principles. This foundational problem is at the center of The Spy and the State: The History of American Intelligence (Oxford University Press, 2025). Based on original research and a new interpretation of US history, this masterful book offers a complete history of American intelligence from the Revolutionary War to the present day. Jeffrey Rogg explores the origins and evolution of intelligence in America, including its overlooked role in some of the key events that shaped the nation and the historical underpinnings of intelligence controversies that have shaken the country to its constitutional core. With the American public in mind, he introduces the concept of US civil-intelligence relations to explain the interaction between intelligence and the society it serves.While answering questions from the past, The Spy and the State poses new questions for the future that the United States must confront as intelligence gains ever greater importance in the twenty-first century.

Jeffrey P. Rogg is Senior Research Fellow at the Global and National Security Institute at the University of South Florida. He previously held academic positions at the Joint Special Operations University at US Special Operations Command, the Department of Intelligence and Security Studies at The Citadel, and the National Security Affairs Department at the US Naval War College.

Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Intelligence is all around us. We read about it in the news, wonder who is spying on us through our phones or computers, and want to know what is happening in the shadows. The US Intelligence Community or IC, as insiders call it, is more powerful than ever, but also more vulnerable than it has been in decades. It is facing the threat of rival intelligence services from countries like Russia and China while fighting to keep up with new technology and the private sector. Still, the IC's greatest struggle is always with the American people, who expect it to keep them safe but not at the cost of their liberty and principles. This foundational problem is at the center of The Spy and the State: The History of American Intelligence (Oxford University Press, 2025). Based on original research and a new interpretation of US history, this masterful book offers a complete history of American intelligence from the Revolutionary War to the present day. Jeffrey Rogg explores the origins and evolution of intelligence in America, including its overlooked role in some of the key events that shaped the nation and the historical underpinnings of intelligence controversies that have shaken the country to its constitutional core. With the American public in mind, he introduces the concept of US civil-intelligence relations to explain the interaction between intelligence and the society it serves.While answering questions from the past, The Spy and the State poses new questions for the future that the United States must confront as intelligence gains ever greater importance in the twenty-first century.

Jeffrey P. Rogg is Senior Research Fellow at the Global and National Security Institute at the University of South Florida. He previously held academic positions at the Joint Special Operations University at US Special Operations Command, the Department of Intelligence and Security Studies at The Citadel, and the National Security Affairs Department at the US Naval War College.

Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Intelligence is all around us. We read about it in the news, wonder who is spying on us through our phones or computers, and want to know what is happening in the shadows. The US Intelligence Community or IC, as insiders call it, is more powerful than ever, but also more vulnerable than it has been in decades. It is facing the threat of rival intelligence services from countries like Russia and China while fighting to keep up with new technology and the private sector. Still, the IC's greatest struggle is always with the American people, who expect it to keep them safe but not at the cost of their liberty and principles. This foundational problem is at the center of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197678732">The Spy and the State: The History of American Intelligence</a> (Oxford University Press, 2025). Based on original research and a new interpretation of US history, this masterful book offers a complete history of American intelligence from the Revolutionary War to the present day. Jeffrey Rogg explores the origins and evolution of intelligence in America, including its overlooked role in some of the key events that shaped the nation and the historical underpinnings of intelligence controversies that have shaken the country to its constitutional core. With the American public in mind, he introduces the concept of US civil-intelligence relations to explain the interaction between intelligence and the society it serves.While answering questions from the past, <em>The Spy and the State</em> poses new questions for the future that the United States must confront as intelligence gains ever greater importance in the twenty-first century.</p>
<p>Jeffrey P. Rogg is Senior Research Fellow at the Global and National Security Institute at the University of South Florida. He previously held academic positions at the Joint Special Operations University at US Special Operations Command, the Department of Intelligence and Security Studies at The Citadel, and the National Security Affairs Department at the US Naval War College.</p>
<p>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3898</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9e676522-43dd-11f0-9308-fbc3d1c488f0]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1278731792.mp3?updated=1749327947" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth N. Saunders, "The Insiders' Game: How Elites Make War and Peace" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>One of the most widely held views of democratic leaders is that they are cautious about using military force because voters can hold them accountable, ultimately making democracies more peaceful. How, then, are leaders able to wage war in the face of popular opposition, or end conflicts when the public still supports them? The Insiders’ Game (Princeton University Press, 2024) sheds light on this enduring puzzle, arguing that the primary constraints on decisions about war and peace come from elites, not the public.Elizabeth Saunders focuses on three groups of elites—presidential advisers, legislators, and military officials—to show how the dynamics of this insiders’ game are key to understanding the use of force in American foreign policy. She explores how elite preferences differ from those of ordinary voters and how leaders must bargain with elites to secure their support for war. Saunders provides insights into why leaders start and prolong conflicts the public does not want but also demonstrates how elites can force leaders to change course and end wars.Tracing presidential decisions about the use of force from the Cold War through the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Saunders reveals how the elite politics of war are a central feature of democracy. The Insiders’ Game shifts the focus of democratic accountability from the voting booth to the halls of power.

Our guest is Elizabeth N. Saunders, Professor of Political Science at Columbia University and a member of the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the most widely held views of democratic leaders is that they are cautious about using military force because voters can hold them accountable, ultimately making democracies more peaceful. How, then, are leaders able to wage war in the face of popular opposition, or end conflicts when the public still supports them? The Insiders’ Game (Princeton University Press, 2024) sheds light on this enduring puzzle, arguing that the primary constraints on decisions about war and peace come from elites, not the public.Elizabeth Saunders focuses on three groups of elites—presidential advisers, legislators, and military officials—to show how the dynamics of this insiders’ game are key to understanding the use of force in American foreign policy. She explores how elite preferences differ from those of ordinary voters and how leaders must bargain with elites to secure their support for war. Saunders provides insights into why leaders start and prolong conflicts the public does not want but also demonstrates how elites can force leaders to change course and end wars.Tracing presidential decisions about the use of force from the Cold War through the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Saunders reveals how the elite politics of war are a central feature of democracy. The Insiders’ Game shifts the focus of democratic accountability from the voting booth to the halls of power.

Our guest is Elizabeth N. Saunders, Professor of Political Science at Columbia University and a member of the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies.

Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the most widely held views of democratic leaders is that they are cautious about using military force because voters can hold them accountable, ultimately making democracies more peaceful. How, then, are leaders able to wage war in the face of popular opposition, or end conflicts when the public still supports them? <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-insiders-game-how-elites-make-war-and-peace-elizabeth-n-saunders/20158787"><em>The Insiders’ Game</em> </a>(Princeton University Press, 2024<em>) </em>sheds light on this enduring puzzle, arguing that the primary constraints on decisions about war and peace come from elites, not the public.<br>Elizabeth Saunders focuses on three groups of elites—presidential advisers, legislators, and military officials—to show how the dynamics of this insiders’ game are key to understanding the use of force in American foreign policy. She explores how elite preferences differ from those of ordinary voters and how leaders must bargain with elites to secure their support for war. Saunders provides insights into why leaders start and prolong conflicts the public does not want but also demonstrates how elites can force leaders to change course and end wars.<br>Tracing presidential decisions about the use of force from the Cold War through the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Saunders reveals how the elite politics of war are a central feature of democracy. <em>The Insiders’ Game</em> shifts the focus of democratic accountability from the voting booth to the halls of power.</p>
<p>Our guest is <a href="https://profsaunders.com/">Elizabeth N. Saunders</a>, Professor of Political Science at Columbia University and a member of the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies.</p>
<p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2821</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[401f1fb6-43e0-11f0-8ba3-0311078dc1c8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7340366702.mp3?updated=1749329124" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephan Kieninger, "Dynamic Détente: The United States and Europe, 1964-1975" (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2016)</title>
      <description>This book examines the dynamic evolution of Western détente policies which sought to transform Europe and overcome its Cold War division through more communication and engagement. Kieninger challenges the traditional Cold War narrative that détente prolonged the division of Europe and precipitated America’s decline in the aftermath of the Vietnam War. Rather, he argues that policymakers in the U.S. Department of State and in Western Europe envisaged the stability enabled by détente as a precondition for change, as Communist regimes saw a sense of security as a prerequisite for opening up their societies to Western influence over time. Kieninger identifies the Helsinki Accords, Lyndon Johnson’s bridge building, and Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik as efforts aimed at constructive changes in Eastern Europe through a multiplication of contacts, communication, and cooperation on all societal levels. This study also illuminates the longevity of America’s policy of peaceful change against the background of the nuclear stalemate and the military status quo.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This book examines the dynamic evolution of Western détente policies which sought to transform Europe and overcome its Cold War division through more communication and engagement. Kieninger challenges the traditional Cold War narrative that détente prolonged the division of Europe and precipitated America’s decline in the aftermath of the Vietnam War. Rather, he argues that policymakers in the U.S. Department of State and in Western Europe envisaged the stability enabled by détente as a precondition for change, as Communist regimes saw a sense of security as a prerequisite for opening up their societies to Western influence over time. Kieninger identifies the Helsinki Accords, Lyndon Johnson’s bridge building, and Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik as efforts aimed at constructive changes in Eastern Europe through a multiplication of contacts, communication, and cooperation on all societal levels. This study also illuminates the longevity of America’s policy of peaceful change against the background of the nuclear stalemate and the military status quo.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This book examines the dynamic evolution of Western détente policies which sought to transform Europe and overcome its Cold War division through more communication and engagement. Kieninger challenges the traditional Cold War narrative that détente prolonged the division of Europe and precipitated America’s decline in the aftermath of the Vietnam War. Rather, he argues that policymakers in the U.S. Department of State and in Western Europe envisaged the stability enabled by détente as a precondition for change, as Communist regimes saw a sense of security as a prerequisite for opening up their societies to Western influence over time. Kieninger identifies the Helsinki Accords, Lyndon Johnson’s bridge building, and Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik as efforts aimed at constructive changes in Eastern Europe through a multiplication of contacts, communication, and cooperation on all societal levels. This study also illuminates the longevity of America’s policy of peaceful change against the background of the nuclear stalemate and the military status quo.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2591</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3ce0869e-41d0-11f0-8097-53753da01c0a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3705198173.mp3?updated=1749102685" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>NATO, the Indo-Pacific, and the Future of Burden-Sharing: A Conversation with Brian Blankenship</title>
      <description>Professor Brian Blankenship comes back to the New Books Network to talk about what his book, The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics (Cornell University Press, 2023), might be able to tell us about the quickly changing nature of US military alliances across the globe. We discuss the implications of Europe's burgeoning rearmament, the prospect of a collective defense pact in the Indo-Pacific, and how changing technologies and threats might affect burden-sharing in future alliances.

Brian D. Blankenship is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Professor Brian Blankenship comes back to the New Books Network to talk about what his book, The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics (Cornell University Press, 2023), might be able to tell us about the quickly changing nature of US military alliances across the globe. We discuss the implications of Europe's burgeoning rearmament, the prospect of a collective defense pact in the Indo-Pacific, and how changing technologies and threats might affect burden-sharing in future alliances.

Brian D. Blankenship is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Professor Brian Blankenship comes back to the New Books Network to talk about what his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501772474">The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics</a><em> </em>(Cornell University Press, 2023), might be able to tell us about the quickly changing nature of US military alliances across the globe. We discuss the implications of Europe's burgeoning rearmament, the prospect of a collective defense pact in the Indo-Pacific, and how changing technologies and threats might affect burden-sharing in future alliances.</p>
<p>Brian D. Blankenship is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Miami.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2731</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ea47f64c-4189-11f0-8750-e3d25be6bb08]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3134733120.mp3?updated=1749072058" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jill Kastner and William C. Wohlforth, "A Measure Short of War: A Brief History of Great Power Subversion" (Oxford UP, 2025) </title>
      <description>In 2016 the United States was stunned by evidence of Russian meddling in the U.S. presidential election. But it shouldn’t have been. Subversion—domestic interference to undermine or manipulate a rival—is as old as statecraft itself. In A Measure Short of War: A Brief History of Great Power Subversion (Oxford UP, 2025) Jill Kastner and William C. Wohlforth provide a compelling ride through the history of subversion. They examine subversion’s allure, its operational possibilities, and argue that, in our high stakes, changing technological landscape, a clear-eyed understanding of the history and parameters of subversion can help polities defend against it.

Jill Kastner is a scholar in the Department of War Studies at Kings College London. She has a doctorate in History from Harvard University. She specializes in Cold War crises in Berlin and the Middle East. Her work has appeared in The Nation and Foreign Affairs.

William C Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor of Government at Dartmouth College in Hanover, NH. His most recent books are America Abroad: The United States’ Global Role in the 21st Century (2018), Written with Stephen G Brooks, and The History of International Relations and Russian Foreign Policy in the 20th century (2020), co edited with Anatoly V. Torkunov and Boris F Martynov.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2016 the United States was stunned by evidence of Russian meddling in the U.S. presidential election. But it shouldn’t have been. Subversion—domestic interference to undermine or manipulate a rival—is as old as statecraft itself. In A Measure Short of War: A Brief History of Great Power Subversion (Oxford UP, 2025) Jill Kastner and William C. Wohlforth provide a compelling ride through the history of subversion. They examine subversion’s allure, its operational possibilities, and argue that, in our high stakes, changing technological landscape, a clear-eyed understanding of the history and parameters of subversion can help polities defend against it.

Jill Kastner is a scholar in the Department of War Studies at Kings College London. She has a doctorate in History from Harvard University. She specializes in Cold War crises in Berlin and the Middle East. Her work has appeared in The Nation and Foreign Affairs.

William C Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor of Government at Dartmouth College in Hanover, NH. His most recent books are America Abroad: The United States’ Global Role in the 21st Century (2018), Written with Stephen G Brooks, and The History of International Relations and Russian Foreign Policy in the 20th century (2020), co edited with Anatoly V. Torkunov and Boris F Martynov.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2016 the United States was stunned by evidence of Russian meddling in the U.S. presidential election. But it shouldn’t have been. Subversion—domestic interference to undermine or manipulate a rival—is as old as statecraft itself. In<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197683163"> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197683163">A Measure Short of War: A Brief History of Great Power Subversion</a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2025) Jill Kastner and William C. Wohlforth provide a compelling ride through the history of subversion. They examine subversion’s allure, its operational possibilities, and argue that, in our high stakes, changing technological landscape, a clear-eyed understanding of the history and parameters of subversion can help polities defend against it.</p>
<p>Jill Kastner is a scholar in the Department of War Studies at Kings College London. She has a doctorate in History from Harvard University. She specializes in Cold War crises in Berlin and the Middle East. Her work has appeared in <em>The Nation </em>and <em>Foreign Affairs</em>.</p>
<p>William C Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor of Government at Dartmouth College in Hanover, NH. His most recent books are <em>America Abroad: The United States’ Global Role in the 21st</em> Century (2018), Written with Stephen G Brooks, and <em>The History of International Relations and Russian Foreign Policy in the 20th century</em> (2020), co edited with Anatoly V. Torkunov and Boris F Martynov.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3533</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cc9bb2c6-4104-11f0-8945-3bef18599a7d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3989344199.mp3?updated=1749015286" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brando Simeo Starkey, "Their Accomplices Wore Robes: How the Supreme Court Chained Black America to the Bottom of a Racial Caste System" (Doubleday, 2025)</title>
      <description>Their Accomplices Wore Robes: ﻿How the Supreme Court Chained Black America to the Bottom of a Racial Caste System (Doubleday, 2025) takes readers from the Civil War era to the present and describes how the Supreme Court, even more than the presidency or Congress, aligned with the enemies of Black progress to undermine the promise of the Constitution’s Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.The Reconstruction Amendments, which sought to abolish slavery, establish equal protection under the law, and protect voting rights, converted the Constitution into a potent anti-caste document. But in the years since, the Supreme Court has refused to allow the amendments to fulfill that promise. Time and again, when petitioned to make the nation’s founding conceit, that all men are created equal, real for Black Americans, the nine black robes have chosen white supremacy over racial fairness.

Their Accomplices Wore Robes brings to life dozens of cases and their rich casts of characters to explain how America arrived at this point and how society might arrive somewhere better, even as today’s federal courts lurch rightward.

Brando Simeo Starkey is a writer and scholar. A graduate of Harvard Law School and a member of the New York Bar, he taught law at Villanova Law School and wrote for several years for ESPN’s The Undefeated (now Andscape). Born and raised in Cincinnati, he lives in Southern California with his wife and two sons. You can find him online at The Braveverse, and on his YouTube channel of the same name.

You can find the host, Sullivan Summer, online, on Instagram, and at Substack, where she and Brando continue their conversation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Their Accomplices Wore Robes: ﻿How the Supreme Court Chained Black America to the Bottom of a Racial Caste System (Doubleday, 2025) takes readers from the Civil War era to the present and describes how the Supreme Court, even more than the presidency or Congress, aligned with the enemies of Black progress to undermine the promise of the Constitution’s Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.The Reconstruction Amendments, which sought to abolish slavery, establish equal protection under the law, and protect voting rights, converted the Constitution into a potent anti-caste document. But in the years since, the Supreme Court has refused to allow the amendments to fulfill that promise. Time and again, when petitioned to make the nation’s founding conceit, that all men are created equal, real for Black Americans, the nine black robes have chosen white supremacy over racial fairness.

Their Accomplices Wore Robes brings to life dozens of cases and their rich casts of characters to explain how America arrived at this point and how society might arrive somewhere better, even as today’s federal courts lurch rightward.

Brando Simeo Starkey is a writer and scholar. A graduate of Harvard Law School and a member of the New York Bar, he taught law at Villanova Law School and wrote for several years for ESPN’s The Undefeated (now Andscape). Born and raised in Cincinnati, he lives in Southern California with his wife and two sons. You can find him online at The Braveverse, and on his YouTube channel of the same name.

You can find the host, Sullivan Summer, online, on Instagram, and at Substack, where she and Brando continue their conversation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780385547383"><em>Their Accomplices Wore Robes: ﻿How the Supreme Court Chained Black America to the Bottom of a Racial Caste System</em> </a>(Doubleday, 2025) takes readers from the Civil War era to the present and describes how the Supreme Court, even more than the presidency or Congress, aligned with the enemies of Black progress to undermine the promise of the Constitution’s Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments.<br>The Reconstruction Amendments, which sought to abolish slavery, establish equal protection under the law, and protect voting rights, converted the Constitution into a potent anti-caste document. But in the years since, the Supreme Court has refused to allow the amendments to fulfill that promise. Time and again, when petitioned to make the nation’s founding conceit, that all men are created equal, real for Black Americans, the nine black robes have chosen white supremacy over racial fairness.</p>
<p><em>Their Accomplices Wore Robes</em> brings to life dozens of cases and their rich casts of characters to explain how America arrived at this point and how society might arrive somewhere better, even as today’s federal courts lurch rightward.</p>
<p>Brando Simeo Starkey is a writer and scholar. A graduate of Harvard Law School and a member of the New York Bar, he taught law at Villanova Law School and wrote for several years for ESPN’s The Undefeated (now Andscape). Born and raised in Cincinnati, he lives in Southern California with his wife and two sons. You can find him online at <a href="https://thebraveverse.com/">The Braveverse</a>, and on his <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@TheBraveverse">YouTube channel</a> of the same name.</p>
<p>You can find the host, Sullivan Summer, <a href="https://sullivansummer.com/">online</a>, on <a href="https://www.instagram.com/thesullivansummer/">Instagram</a>, and at <a href="https://sullivansummer.substack.com/">Substack</a>, where she and Brando continue their conversation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3519</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[67f013c8-40f8-11f0-b274-9bab3fd63af6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6783255276.mp3?updated=1749009963" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James Graham Wilson, "America's Cold Warrior: Paul Nitze and National Security from Roosevelt to Reagan" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In America's Cold Warrior, James Graham Wilson traces Paul Nitze's career path in national security after World War II, a time when many of his mentors and peers returned to civilian life. Serving in eight presidential administrations, Nitze commanded White House attention even when he was out of government, especially with his withering criticism of Jimmy Carter during Carter's presidency. While Nitze is perhaps best known for leading the formulation of NSC-68, which Harry Truman signed in 1950, Wilson contends that Nitze's most significant contribution to American peace and security came in the painstaking work done in the 1980s to negotiate successful treaties with the Soviets to reduce nuclear weapons while simultaneously deflecting skeptics surrounding Ronald Reagan. America's Cold Warrior connects Nitze's career and concerns about strategic vulnerability to the post-9/11 era and the challenges of the 2020s, where the United States finds itself locked in geopolitical competition with the People's Republic of China and Russia.

Short Bio:

James Graham Wilson is a Supervisory Historian in the Office of the Historian at the Department of State.

He has compiled 11 volumes in the Foreign Relations of the United States series, including the sequence of National Security Policy volumes covering 1977–1992.

He is the author of America’s Cold Warrior: Paul Nitze and National Security from Roosevelt to Reagan (Cornell Press, 2024) and The Triumph of Improvisation: Gorbachev’s Adaptability, Reagan’s Engagement, and the End of the Cold War (Cornell Press, 2014).

He received his PhD from the University of Virginia in 2011, where he studied with Melvyn Leffler.

Mentioned:

Susan Colbourn, Euromissiles: The Nuclear Weapons That Nearly Destroyed NATO (2022).

Robert F. Kennedy, Thirteen Days (1969).

Nicholas Thompson, The Hawk and the Dove (2010).

Also mentioned:

Foreign Relations of the United States Volumes, here.

The President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, here.

Luca Trenta is an Associate Professor in International Relations at Swansea University, in Wales (UK).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In America's Cold Warrior, James Graham Wilson traces Paul Nitze's career path in national security after World War II, a time when many of his mentors and peers returned to civilian life. Serving in eight presidential administrations, Nitze commanded White House attention even when he was out of government, especially with his withering criticism of Jimmy Carter during Carter's presidency. While Nitze is perhaps best known for leading the formulation of NSC-68, which Harry Truman signed in 1950, Wilson contends that Nitze's most significant contribution to American peace and security came in the painstaking work done in the 1980s to negotiate successful treaties with the Soviets to reduce nuclear weapons while simultaneously deflecting skeptics surrounding Ronald Reagan. America's Cold Warrior connects Nitze's career and concerns about strategic vulnerability to the post-9/11 era and the challenges of the 2020s, where the United States finds itself locked in geopolitical competition with the People's Republic of China and Russia.

Short Bio:

James Graham Wilson is a Supervisory Historian in the Office of the Historian at the Department of State.

He has compiled 11 volumes in the Foreign Relations of the United States series, including the sequence of National Security Policy volumes covering 1977–1992.

He is the author of America’s Cold Warrior: Paul Nitze and National Security from Roosevelt to Reagan (Cornell Press, 2024) and The Triumph of Improvisation: Gorbachev’s Adaptability, Reagan’s Engagement, and the End of the Cold War (Cornell Press, 2014).

He received his PhD from the University of Virginia in 2011, where he studied with Melvyn Leffler.

Mentioned:

Susan Colbourn, Euromissiles: The Nuclear Weapons That Nearly Destroyed NATO (2022).

Robert F. Kennedy, Thirteen Days (1969).

Nicholas Thompson, The Hawk and the Dove (2010).

Also mentioned:

Foreign Relations of the United States Volumes, here.

The President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, here.

Luca Trenta is an Associate Professor in International Relations at Swansea University, in Wales (UK).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>In </strong><em><strong>America's Cold Warrior</strong></em><strong>, James Graham Wilson traces Paul Nitze's career path in national security after World War II, a time when many of his mentors and peers returned to civilian life.</strong> Serving in eight presidential administrations, Nitze commanded White House attention even when he was out of government, especially with his withering criticism of Jimmy Carter during Carter's presidency. While Nitze is perhaps best known for leading the formulation of NSC-68, which Harry Truman signed in 1950, Wilson contends that Nitze's most significant contribution to American peace and security came in the painstaking work done in the 1980s to negotiate successful treaties with the Soviets to reduce nuclear weapons while simultaneously deflecting skeptics surrounding Ronald Reagan. <em>America's Cold Warrior </em>connects Nitze's career and concerns about strategic vulnerability to the post-9/11 era and the challenges of the 2020s, where the United States finds itself locked in geopolitical competition with the People's Republic of China and Russia.</p>
<p>Short Bio:</p>
<p>James Graham Wilson is a Supervisory Historian in the <strong>Office of the Historian</strong> at the Department of State.</p>
<p>He has compiled 11 volumes in the Foreign Relations of the United States series, including the sequence of National Security Policy volumes covering 1977–1992.</p>
<p>He is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501776076">America’s Cold Warrior: Paul Nitze and National Security from Roosevelt to Reagan</a> (Cornell Press, 2024) and <em>The Triumph of Improvisation: Gorbachev’s Adaptability, Reagan’s Engagement, and the End of the Cold War</em> (Cornell Press, 2014).</p>
<p>He received his PhD from the University of Virginia in 2011, where he studied with Melvyn Leffler.</p>
<p>Mentioned:</p>
<p>Susan Colbourn, <a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501766022/euromissiles/"><em>Euromissiles: The Nuclear Weapons That Nearly Destroyed NATO</em></a> (2022).</p>
<p>Robert F. Kennedy, <a href="https://www.abebooks.co.uk/Thirteen-Days-Memoir-Cuban-Missile-Crisis/30643504298/bd"><em>Thirteen Days</em></a> (1969).</p>
<p>Nicholas Thompson, <a href="https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780312658861/thehawkandthedove/"><em>The Hawk and the Dove</em></a> (2010).</p>
<p>Also mentioned:</p>
<p>Foreign Relations of the United States Volumes, <a href="https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments">here</a>.</p>
<p>The President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection, <a href="https://www.archives.gov/research/jfk">here</a>.</p>
<p><em>Luca Trenta is an Associate Professor in International Relations at Swansea University, in Wales (UK).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4267</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6162880575.mp3?updated=1748980003" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt, "The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq" (Stanford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look.

Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus.

Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look.

Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus.

Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503627918">The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq </a>(Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The <em>Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy</em> weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look.</p>
<p>Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus.</p>
<p>Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4869</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>S4 E40 Interpretations of the Second Amendment: A Conversation with Joel Alicea</title>
      <description>The Supreme Court’s ruling in 2022 changed the established methodology for evaluating Second Amendment cases. What was the existing methodology, and what does this shift signify for future interpretations?

We sit down with Joel Alicea, Professor of Law and Director, the Center for the Constitution and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at the Columbus School of Law at the Catholic University of America.

We discuss the implication of the Supreme Court's 2022 decision in New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen and the new methodology relates to originalist interpretations. He answers questions on how courts define “tradition” when using it as legal reasoning, and the limitations it can pose. Finally, Alicea offers a nuanced perspective on the application of gun rights in America with recognition of America’s complicated relationship with firearms.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Supreme Court’s ruling in 2022 changed the established methodology for evaluating Second Amendment cases. What was the existing methodology, and what does this shift signify for future interpretations?

We sit down with Joel Alicea, Professor of Law and Director, the Center for the Constitution and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at the Columbus School of Law at the Catholic University of America.

We discuss the implication of the Supreme Court's 2022 decision in New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen and the new methodology relates to originalist interpretations. He answers questions on how courts define “tradition” when using it as legal reasoning, and the limitations it can pose. Finally, Alicea offers a nuanced perspective on the application of gun rights in America with recognition of America’s complicated relationship with firearms.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Supreme Court’s ruling in 2022 changed the established methodology for evaluating Second Amendment cases. What was the existing methodology, and what does this shift signify for future interpretations?</p>
<p>We sit down with Joel Alicea, Professor of Law and Director, the Center for the Constitution and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at the Columbus School of Law at the Catholic University of America.</p>
<p>We discuss the implication of the Supreme Court's 2022 decision in <em>New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen</em> and the new methodology relates to originalist interpretations. He answers questions on how courts define “tradition” when using it as legal reasoning, and the limitations it can pose. Finally, Alicea offers a nuanced perspective on the application of gun rights in America with recognition of America’s complicated relationship with firearms.</p>
<p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2363</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6dbc9f4c-3bcb-11f0-a16b-afbde205b79d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8680203067.mp3?updated=1748440733" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jaime Lee Kucinskas, "The Loyalty Trap: Conflicting Loyalties of Civil Servants Under Increasing Autocracy" (Columbia UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The Loyalty Trap: Conflicting Loyalties of Civil Servants Under Increasing Autocracy (Columbia University Press, 2025) explores how civil servants navigated competing pressures and duties amid the chaos of the first Trump administration, drawing on in-depth interviews with senior officials in the most contested agencies over the course of a tumultuous term. A revealing investigation that is now more relevant than ever.

Jaime Kucinskas is Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology at Hamilton College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Jun 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Loyalty Trap: Conflicting Loyalties of Civil Servants Under Increasing Autocracy (Columbia University Press, 2025) explores how civil servants navigated competing pressures and duties amid the chaos of the first Trump administration, drawing on in-depth interviews with senior officials in the most contested agencies over the course of a tumultuous term. A revealing investigation that is now more relevant than ever.

Jaime Kucinskas is Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology at Hamilton College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231208154">The Loyalty Trap: Conflicting Loyalties of Civil Servants Under Increasing Autocracy</a> (Columbia University Press, 2025) explores how civil servants navigated competing pressures and duties amid the chaos of the first Trump administration, drawing on in-depth interviews with senior officials in the most contested agencies over the course of a tumultuous term. A revealing investigation that is now more relevant than ever.<br></p>
<p>Jaime Kucinskas is Associate Professor of the Department of Sociology at Hamilton College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1608</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8411cf80-3cdc-11f0-ba3b-9fa2e18788b3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9575396432.mp3?updated=1748558008" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Karida L. Brown, "The Battle for the Black Mind" (Legacy Lit, 2025)</title>
      <description>A gripping chronicle of the relentless fight for Black educational freedom--and the bold strategies to protect, nourish, and empower Black minds. The Battle for the Black Mind (Legacy Lit, 2025) is an explosive historical account of the struggle for educational justice in America. Drawing on over a decade of archival research, personal reflection, and keen sociological insight, this book traces a century of segregated schooling, examining how early efforts to control Black minds through education systems has laid the foundation for the systemic inequities we still live with today. NAACP Image Award-winning author Dr. Karida L. Brown, takes readers from the rural South to the bustling cities of the North and connects the dots between the experiences of Black students and educators across the nation. From the founding of early Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), such as Hampton, Atlanta, and Tuskegee University, to the rise of the Black freedom struggle, The Battle for the Black Mind weaves together the stories of pioneering Black leaders and the institutions they built to educate future generations. Far from dwelling solely on oppression, this book offers powerful insight into how Black people have always fought to create environments where Black minds could thrive. Brown concludes with an urgent and empowering call to action, equipping everyday Americans with practical steps--both big and small--to ensure that Black minds can continue to flourish, even as our education system itself comes under attack. Grounded in both historical rigor and astute social commentary, The Battle for the Black Mind speaks directly to today's national fight over the American classroom, making it clear that the battle for Black minds is far from over. This book will resonate deeply if one understands the transformative power of education and is invested in understanding how education has always played a role in shaping the moral conscience of America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 31 May 2025 13:37:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A gripping chronicle of the relentless fight for Black educational freedom--and the bold strategies to protect, nourish, and empower Black minds. The Battle for the Black Mind (Legacy Lit, 2025) is an explosive historical account of the struggle for educational justice in America. Drawing on over a decade of archival research, personal reflection, and keen sociological insight, this book traces a century of segregated schooling, examining how early efforts to control Black minds through education systems has laid the foundation for the systemic inequities we still live with today. NAACP Image Award-winning author Dr. Karida L. Brown, takes readers from the rural South to the bustling cities of the North and connects the dots between the experiences of Black students and educators across the nation. From the founding of early Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), such as Hampton, Atlanta, and Tuskegee University, to the rise of the Black freedom struggle, The Battle for the Black Mind weaves together the stories of pioneering Black leaders and the institutions they built to educate future generations. Far from dwelling solely on oppression, this book offers powerful insight into how Black people have always fought to create environments where Black minds could thrive. Brown concludes with an urgent and empowering call to action, equipping everyday Americans with practical steps--both big and small--to ensure that Black minds can continue to flourish, even as our education system itself comes under attack. Grounded in both historical rigor and astute social commentary, The Battle for the Black Mind speaks directly to today's national fight over the American classroom, making it clear that the battle for Black minds is far from over. This book will resonate deeply if one understands the transformative power of education and is invested in understanding how education has always played a role in shaping the moral conscience of America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A gripping chronicle of the relentless fight for Black educational freedom--and the bold strategies to protect, nourish, and empower Black minds. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538768433">The Battle for the Black Mind</a><em> </em>(Legacy Lit, 2025) is an explosive historical account of the struggle for educational justice in America. Drawing on over a decade of archival research, personal reflection, and keen sociological insight, this book traces a century of segregated schooling, examining how early efforts to control Black minds through education systems has laid the foundation for the systemic inequities we still live with today. NAACP Image Award-winning author Dr. Karida L. Brown, takes readers from the rural South to the bustling cities of the North and connects the dots between the experiences of Black students and educators across the nation. From the founding of early Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), such as Hampton, Atlanta, and Tuskegee University, to the rise of the Black freedom struggle, <em>The Battle for the Black Mind</em> weaves together the stories of pioneering Black leaders and the institutions they built to educate future generations. Far from dwelling solely on oppression, this book offers powerful insight into how Black people have always fought to create environments where Black minds could thrive. Brown concludes with an urgent and empowering call to action, equipping everyday Americans with practical steps--both big and small--to ensure that Black minds can continue to flourish, even as our education system itself comes under attack. Grounded in both historical rigor and astute social commentary, <em>The Battle for the Black Mind</em> speaks directly to today's national fight over the American classroom, making it clear that the battle for Black minds is far from over. This book will resonate deeply if one understands the transformative power of education and is invested in understanding how education has always played a role in shaping the moral conscience of America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3593</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[59409ec2-3b00-11f0-a112-33c3e53b6066]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3837789416.mp3?updated=1748353606" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael D. Gambone, "The New Praetorians: American Veterans, Society, and Service from Vietnam to the Forever War" (U Massachusetts Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Contemporary veterans belong to an exclusive American group. Celebrated by most of the country, they are nevertheless often poorly understood by the same people who applaud their service. Following the introduction of an all-volunteer force after the war in Vietnam, only a tiny fraction of Americans now join the armed services, making the contemporary soldier, and the veteran by extension, increasingly less representative of mainstream society. Veterans have come to comprise their own distinct tribe--modern praetorians, permanently set apart from society by what they have seen and experienced. In an engrossing narrative that considers the military, economic, political, and social developments affecting military service after Vietnam, Michael D. Gambone investigates how successive generations have intentionally shaped their identity as veterans. The New Praetorians: American Veterans, Society, and Service from Vietnam to the Forever War (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021) also highlights the impact of their homecoming, the range of educational opportunities open to veterans, the health care challenges they face, and the unique experiences of minority and women veterans. This groundbreaking study illustrates an important and often neglected group that is key to our understanding of American social history and civil-military affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 31 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Contemporary veterans belong to an exclusive American group. Celebrated by most of the country, they are nevertheless often poorly understood by the same people who applaud their service. Following the introduction of an all-volunteer force after the war in Vietnam, only a tiny fraction of Americans now join the armed services, making the contemporary soldier, and the veteran by extension, increasingly less representative of mainstream society. Veterans have come to comprise their own distinct tribe--modern praetorians, permanently set apart from society by what they have seen and experienced. In an engrossing narrative that considers the military, economic, political, and social developments affecting military service after Vietnam, Michael D. Gambone investigates how successive generations have intentionally shaped their identity as veterans. The New Praetorians: American Veterans, Society, and Service from Vietnam to the Forever War (University of Massachusetts Press, 2021) also highlights the impact of their homecoming, the range of educational opportunities open to veterans, the health care challenges they face, and the unique experiences of minority and women veterans. This groundbreaking study illustrates an important and often neglected group that is key to our understanding of American social history and civil-military affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Contemporary veterans belong to an exclusive American group. Celebrated by most of the country, they are nevertheless often poorly understood by the same people who applaud their service. Following the introduction of an all-volunteer force after the war in Vietnam, only a tiny fraction of Americans now join the armed services, making the contemporary soldier, and the veteran by extension, increasingly less representative of mainstream society. Veterans have come to comprise their own distinct tribe--modern praetorians, permanently set apart from society by what they have seen and experienced. In an engrossing narrative that considers the military, economic, political, and social developments affecting military service after Vietnam, Michael D. Gambone investigates how successive generations have intentionally shaped their identity as veterans. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625346100">The New Praetorians: American Veterans, Society, and Service from Vietnam to the Forever War</a><em> </em>(University of Massachusetts Press, 2021) also highlights the impact of their homecoming, the range of educational opportunities open to veterans, the health care challenges they face, and the unique experiences of minority and women veterans. This groundbreaking study illustrates an important and often neglected group that is key to our understanding of American social history and civil-military affairs.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2852</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0f19b9dc-3cc7-11f0-8cc4-8ba6d8c6c9fc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2715009424.mp3?updated=1748548999" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postcript: Calibrating the Outrage-Democratic Erosion, Legality, and Politics</title>
      <description>We’ve been focusing on the dynamics of democratic backsliding in the United States and beyond. In this episode of Postscript: Conversations on Politics and Political Science, Susan talks the co-founder and co-director of the Democratic Erosion Consortium, Dr. Robert Blair about how the Consortium offers FREE resources to teachers, students, journalists, policy makers, and any interested person – including shared syllabus, readings, assignments, YouTube virtual roundtables, and policy briefs. Rob defines democratic erosion and offers critical insights on the importance of interdisciplinarity, calibrating outrage, and distinguishing between policy disputes and the erosion of democracy. He offers a clear-headed analysis of what is legal v. what breaks down democracy that is not to be missed. We conclude with thoughts on what everyone can do protect democracy.

Dr. Robert Blair is Associate Professor of Political Science and International and Public Affairs at Brown University and co-founder and co-director of the Democratic Erosion Consortium. He studies the consolidation of state authority after civil war, with an emphasis on rule of law and security institutions, as well as the causes and consequences of democratic backsliding. His book, Peacekeeping, Policing, and the Rule of Law after Civil War, was published in 2020 with Cambridge University Press and his articles appear in political science outlets such as American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, Journal of Politics, Comparative Political Studies, and International Organization but also science journals such as Science, Nature Human Behaviour, or Current Opinion in Psychology.

Mentioned:


  
Inside Higher Ed piece on grants terminated by the Trump administration, including one that funded the Democratic Erosion Consortium

  “An Events-Based Approach to Understanding Democratic Erosion,” P/S Political Science &amp; Politics by Rob, Hannah Baron, Jessica Gottlieb, and Laura Paler summarizes their data collection efforts on democratic backsliding

  A special issue of P/S Political Science &amp; Politics on the study of democratic backsliding

  An academic article on combatting misinformation from Current Opinion in Psychology by Rob, Jessica Gottlieb, Brendan Nyhan, Laura Paler, Pablo Argote, and Charlene J. Stainfield

  
Democratic Erosion Project website and data set


  Chris Geidner, Law Dork: Supreme Court, Law, Politics, and More Substack

  Center for Systemic Peace’s Polity Project coding authority characteristics of states in the world system

  University of Notre Dame’s V-Dem Project measuring democracy

  Rob mentioned Brazil as a fruitful comparison for the US. He is particularly focused on how the courts can defend democratic institutions and processes – and how hard it can be to know where to draw the line between courts protecting vs. assailing democracy, and to know when the line has been crossed. Two gift articles from The New York Times here and here.

  Contact info for Rob: robert_blair@brown.edu


  Follow Rob and Democratic Erosion Consortium on social media: @robert_a_blair on X, @DemErosionDEC on X, @robertblair.bsky.social on BlueSky, @demerosiondec.bsky.social on BlueSky


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 30 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We’ve been focusing on the dynamics of democratic backsliding in the United States and beyond. In this episode of Postscript: Conversations on Politics and Political Science, Susan talks the co-founder and co-director of the Democratic Erosion Consortium, Dr. Robert Blair about how the Consortium offers FREE resources to teachers, students, journalists, policy makers, and any interested person – including shared syllabus, readings, assignments, YouTube virtual roundtables, and policy briefs. Rob defines democratic erosion and offers critical insights on the importance of interdisciplinarity, calibrating outrage, and distinguishing between policy disputes and the erosion of democracy. He offers a clear-headed analysis of what is legal v. what breaks down democracy that is not to be missed. We conclude with thoughts on what everyone can do protect democracy.

Dr. Robert Blair is Associate Professor of Political Science and International and Public Affairs at Brown University and co-founder and co-director of the Democratic Erosion Consortium. He studies the consolidation of state authority after civil war, with an emphasis on rule of law and security institutions, as well as the causes and consequences of democratic backsliding. His book, Peacekeeping, Policing, and the Rule of Law after Civil War, was published in 2020 with Cambridge University Press and his articles appear in political science outlets such as American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, Journal of Politics, Comparative Political Studies, and International Organization but also science journals such as Science, Nature Human Behaviour, or Current Opinion in Psychology.

Mentioned:


  
Inside Higher Ed piece on grants terminated by the Trump administration, including one that funded the Democratic Erosion Consortium

  “An Events-Based Approach to Understanding Democratic Erosion,” P/S Political Science &amp; Politics by Rob, Hannah Baron, Jessica Gottlieb, and Laura Paler summarizes their data collection efforts on democratic backsliding

  A special issue of P/S Political Science &amp; Politics on the study of democratic backsliding

  An academic article on combatting misinformation from Current Opinion in Psychology by Rob, Jessica Gottlieb, Brendan Nyhan, Laura Paler, Pablo Argote, and Charlene J. Stainfield

  
Democratic Erosion Project website and data set


  Chris Geidner, Law Dork: Supreme Court, Law, Politics, and More Substack

  Center for Systemic Peace’s Polity Project coding authority characteristics of states in the world system

  University of Notre Dame’s V-Dem Project measuring democracy

  Rob mentioned Brazil as a fruitful comparison for the US. He is particularly focused on how the courts can defend democratic institutions and processes – and how hard it can be to know where to draw the line between courts protecting vs. assailing democracy, and to know when the line has been crossed. Two gift articles from The New York Times here and here.

  Contact info for Rob: robert_blair@brown.edu


  Follow Rob and Democratic Erosion Consortium on social media: @robert_a_blair on X, @DemErosionDEC on X, @robertblair.bsky.social on BlueSky, @demerosiondec.bsky.social on BlueSky


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We’ve been focusing on the dynamics of democratic backsliding in the United States and beyond. In this episode of <em>Postscript: Conversations on Politics and Political Science</em>, Susan talks the co-founder and co-director of the Democratic Erosion Consortium, Dr. Robert Blair about how the Consortium offers FREE resources to teachers, students, journalists, policy makers, and any interested person – including shared syllabus, readings, assignments, YouTube virtual roundtables, and policy briefs. Rob defines democratic erosion and offers critical insights on the importance of interdisciplinarity, calibrating outrage, and distinguishing between policy disputes and the erosion of democracy. He offers a clear-headed analysis of what is legal v. what breaks down democracy that is not to be missed. We conclude with thoughts on what <em>everyone </em>can do protect democracy.</p>
<p><a href="https://democratic-erosion.org/team/robert-blair/">Dr. Robert Blair</a> is Associate Professor of Political Science and International and Public Affairs at Brown University and co-founder and co-director of the <a href="https://democratic-erosion.org/">Democratic Erosion Consortium</a>. He studies the consolidation of state authority after civil war, with an emphasis on rule of law and security institutions, as well as the causes and consequences of democratic backsliding. His book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108799812">Peacekeeping, Policing, and the Rule of Law after Civil War</a>, was published in 2020 with Cambridge University Press and his articles appear in political science outlets such as <em>American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science</em>, <em>Journal of Politics, Comparative Political Studies, </em>and <em>International Organization </em>but also science journals such as <em>Science</em>, <em>Nature Human</em> <em>Behaviour</em>, or <em>Current Opinion in Psychology</em>.</p>
<p>Mentioned:</p>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.insidehighered.com/opinion/views/2025/04/07/federal-grant-cuts-researchers-own-words-opinion">Inside Higher Ed piece on grants terminated by the Trump administration</a>, including one that funded the Democratic Erosion Consortium</li>
  <li>“<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/an-eventsbased-approach-to-understanding-democratic-erosion/C480012CCF036A733DAD3A1766B2E2C0">An Events-Based Approach to Understanding Democratic Erosion</a>,” <em>P/S Political Science &amp; Politics</em> by Rob, Hannah Baron, Jessica Gottlieb, and Laura Paler summarizes their data collection efforts on democratic backsliding</li>
  <li>A <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/%E2%80%A2%09https:/www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/issue/12A606668335B19419BDDCBE19E68266">special issue of <em>P/S Political Science &amp; Politics</em></a> on the study of democratic backsliding</li>
  <li>An academic article on <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352250X2300177X?dgcid=author">combatting misinformation from <em>Current Opinion in Psychology</em></a> by Rob, Jessica Gottlieb, Brendan Nyhan, Laura Paler, Pablo Argote, and Charlene J. Stainfield</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://democratic-erosion.org/about/">Democratic Erosion Project website</a> and <a href="https://democratic-erosion.org/dataset/">data set</a>
</li>
  <li>Chris Geidner, <a href="https://www.lawdork.com/">Law Dork: Supreme Court, Law, Politics, and More</a> Substack</li>
  <li>Center for Systemic Peace’s <a href="https://www.systemicpeace.org/polityproject.html">Polity Project</a> coding authority characteristics of states in the world system</li>
  <li>University of Notre Dame’s <a href="https://kellogg.nd.edu/research/major-research-initiatives/varieties-democracy-project">V-Dem Project</a> measuring democracy</li>
  <li>Rob mentioned Brazil as a fruitful comparison for the US. He is particularly focused on how the courts can defend democratic institutions and processes – and how hard it can be to know where to draw the line between courts protecting vs. assailing democracy, and to know when the line has been crossed. Two gift articles from <em>The New York Times</em> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/16/world/americas/brazil-supreme-court-expanded-powers-democracy.html?unlocked_article_code=1.G08.ol7k.kKcFGSvQfcKo&amp;smid=url-share">here</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/26/world/americas/bolsonaro-brazil-supreme-court.html?unlocked_article_code=1.G08.lToi.uaQSQR1dYRgi&amp;smid=url-share">here</a>.</li>
  <li>Contact info for Rob: <a href="mailto:robert_blair@brown.edu">robert_blair@brown.edu</a>
</li>
  <li>Follow Rob and Democratic Erosion Consortium on social media: @robert_a_blair on X, @DemErosionDEC on X, @robertblair.bsky.social on BlueSky, @demerosiondec.bsky.social on BlueSky</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2545</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d8543c9c-33e3-11f0-9f0f-afeb28ea2feb]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6954662792.mp3?updated=1747639846" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Amit Ron and Abraham A. Singer, "Everyone's Business: What Companies Owe Society" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The ethics of the company in a highly politicized time. Businesses are increasingly social actors. They fund political campaigns, take stances on social issues, and wave the flags of identity groups. As a highly polarized public demands political alignment from the businesses where they spend their money, what's a company to do? Everyone's Business: What Companies Owe Society (University of Chicago Press, 2024) revises our understanding of business ethics in a world of unchecked corporate power. Political theorists Amit Ron and Abraham Singer show that the increasingly human-like role of companies in modern life is both the fundamental problem and inescapable fact of business ethics: corporate power makes business ethics necessary, and business ethics must strive to mitigate corporate power. Ron and Singer argue forcefully that the primary social responsibility of the modern business is to democracy, not politics. By wielding their newfound social influence on democratic institutions--elections, public debate, protest--businesses can be legitimated forces for good. Pragmatic and urgent, Everyone's Business offers an essential new framework for how we manufacture profit--and democracy--in our increasingly divided shared spaces.

Amit Ron is associate professor of political science at Arizona State University.

Abraham Singer is assistant professor of business at Loyola University Chicago. He is the author of The Form of the Firm: A Normative Political Theory of the Corporation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The ethics of the company in a highly politicized time. Businesses are increasingly social actors. They fund political campaigns, take stances on social issues, and wave the flags of identity groups. As a highly polarized public demands political alignment from the businesses where they spend their money, what's a company to do? Everyone's Business: What Companies Owe Society (University of Chicago Press, 2024) revises our understanding of business ethics in a world of unchecked corporate power. Political theorists Amit Ron and Abraham Singer show that the increasingly human-like role of companies in modern life is both the fundamental problem and inescapable fact of business ethics: corporate power makes business ethics necessary, and business ethics must strive to mitigate corporate power. Ron and Singer argue forcefully that the primary social responsibility of the modern business is to democracy, not politics. By wielding their newfound social influence on democratic institutions--elections, public debate, protest--businesses can be legitimated forces for good. Pragmatic and urgent, Everyone's Business offers an essential new framework for how we manufacture profit--and democracy--in our increasingly divided shared spaces.

Amit Ron is associate professor of political science at Arizona State University.

Abraham Singer is assistant professor of business at Loyola University Chicago. He is the author of The Form of the Firm: A Normative Political Theory of the Corporation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The ethics of the company in a highly politicized time. Businesses are increasingly social actors. They fund political campaigns, take stances on social issues, and wave the flags of identity groups. As a highly polarized public demands political alignment from the businesses where they spend their money, what's a company to do? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226819839">Everyone's Business: What Companies Owe Society</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2024) revises our understanding of business ethics in a world of unchecked corporate power. Political theorists Amit Ron and Abraham Singer show that the increasingly human-like role of companies in modern life is both the fundamental problem and inescapable fact of business ethics: corporate power makes business ethics necessary, and business ethics must strive to mitigate corporate power. Ron and Singer argue forcefully that the primary social responsibility of the modern business is to democracy, not politics. By wielding their newfound social influence on democratic institutions--elections, public debate, protest--businesses can be legitimated forces for good. Pragmatic and urgent, <em>Everyone's Business</em> offers an essential new framework for how we manufacture profit--and democracy--in our increasingly divided shared spaces.</p>
<p>Amit Ron is associate professor of political science at Arizona State University.</p>
<p>Abraham Singer is assistant professor of business at Loyola University Chicago. He is the author of <em>The Form of the Firm: A Normative Political Theory of the Corporation.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3155</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[147a28fa-3be4-11f0-b3a8-ffa28cba7a24]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8293613787.mp3?updated=1750968894" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>False Dawn: A Conversation with George Selgin on Recovering from the Great Depression</title>
      <description>Join us on Madison's Notes as we sit down with George Selgin, senior fellow and director emeritus of the Cato Institute’s Center for Monetary and Financial Alternatives and professor emeritus of economics at the University of Georgia. In this insightful conversation, Selgin unpacks the myths and realities of FDR’s New Deal through the lens of his book, False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery, 1933–1947 (University of Chicago Press, 2025). While the New Deal is often celebrated as a bold and successful response to the Great Depression, Selgin argues that many of its policies actually prolonged economic suffering—with unemployment remaining staggeringly high years later. Drawing on extensive historical and economic analysis, he separates the New Deal’s successes from its failures, examines the distinct roles of fiscal and monetary policy, and reveals the overlooked factor that truly ended the Great Depression (hint: it wasn’t just WWII).

This episode challenges conventional narratives and offers crucial lessons for navigating future economic crises. Tune in for a nuanced discussion on why we must assess policy decisions carefully—learning from the past to build a more resilient future.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 29 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>150</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with George Selgin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Join us on Madison's Notes as we sit down with George Selgin, senior fellow and director emeritus of the Cato Institute’s Center for Monetary and Financial Alternatives and professor emeritus of economics at the University of Georgia. In this insightful conversation, Selgin unpacks the myths and realities of FDR’s New Deal through the lens of his book, False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery, 1933–1947 (University of Chicago Press, 2025). While the New Deal is often celebrated as a bold and successful response to the Great Depression, Selgin argues that many of its policies actually prolonged economic suffering—with unemployment remaining staggeringly high years later. Drawing on extensive historical and economic analysis, he separates the New Deal’s successes from its failures, examines the distinct roles of fiscal and monetary policy, and reveals the overlooked factor that truly ended the Great Depression (hint: it wasn’t just WWII).

This episode challenges conventional narratives and offers crucial lessons for navigating future economic crises. Tune in for a nuanced discussion on why we must assess policy decisions carefully—learning from the past to build a more resilient future.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Join us on <em>Madison's Notes</em> as we sit down with George Selgin, senior fellow and director emeritus of the Cato Institute’s Center for Monetary and Financial Alternatives and professor emeritus of economics at the University of Georgia. In this insightful conversation, Selgin unpacks the myths and realities of FDR’s New Deal through the lens of his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226832937">False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery, 1933–1947</a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2025).<em> </em>While the New Deal is often celebrated as a bold and successful response to the Great Depression, Selgin argues that many of its policies actually prolonged economic suffering—with unemployment remaining staggeringly high years later. Drawing on extensive historical and economic analysis, he separates the New Deal’s successes from its failures, examines the distinct roles of fiscal and monetary policy, and reveals the overlooked factor that <em>truly</em> ended the Great Depression (hint: it wasn’t just WWII).</p>
<p>This episode challenges conventional narratives and offers crucial lessons for navigating future economic crises. Tune in for a nuanced discussion on why we must assess policy decisions carefully—learning from the past to build a more resilient future.</p>
<p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3616</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b4315d96-302c-11f0-b2fc-4b20934fdcae]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>William Haldeman, "Meeting the Moment: Inspiring Presidential Leadership That Transformed America" (SUNY Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The histories presented in Meeting the Moment: Inspiring Presidential Leadership That Transformed America  (SUNY Press, 2024) are of a select group of US presidents, their inspired leadership characteristics, and how they may inspire us today. The traits these presidents possessed were cultivated over a lifetime of lived experience and immortalized through the power of the presidential word-speeches, letters, and addresses-which collectively represent the most transcendent documents in American history. Viewed through the lens of nuance, complication, human emotion, pathos, and drama, William Haldeman sets forth the lives of these presidents in ways to help inform our own lives, from leveraging our experience and instincts to making the right calls when they matter the most. Grounded in an interdisciplinary approach, Haldeman appeals to both scholars and general audience readers alike, offering a refreshing view of presidential leadership that not only elevates leadership as a central part of the scholarly field, but also broadly engages American presidency enthusiasts and readers of history, biography, politics, and leadership development.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>293</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William Haldeman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The histories presented in Meeting the Moment: Inspiring Presidential Leadership That Transformed America  (SUNY Press, 2024) are of a select group of US presidents, their inspired leadership characteristics, and how they may inspire us today. The traits these presidents possessed were cultivated over a lifetime of lived experience and immortalized through the power of the presidential word-speeches, letters, and addresses-which collectively represent the most transcendent documents in American history. Viewed through the lens of nuance, complication, human emotion, pathos, and drama, William Haldeman sets forth the lives of these presidents in ways to help inform our own lives, from leveraging our experience and instincts to making the right calls when they matter the most. Grounded in an interdisciplinary approach, Haldeman appeals to both scholars and general audience readers alike, offering a refreshing view of presidential leadership that not only elevates leadership as a central part of the scholarly field, but also broadly engages American presidency enthusiasts and readers of history, biography, politics, and leadership development.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The histories presented in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798855800180"><em>Meeting the Moment: Inspiring Presidential Leadership That Transformed America </em></a> (SUNY Press, 2024) are of a select group of US presidents, their inspired leadership characteristics, and how they may inspire us today. The traits these presidents possessed were cultivated over a lifetime of lived experience and immortalized through the power of the presidential word-speeches, letters, and addresses-which collectively represent the most transcendent documents in American history. Viewed through the lens of nuance, complication, human emotion, pathos, and drama, William Haldeman sets forth the lives of these presidents in ways to help inform our own lives, from leveraging our experience and instincts to making the right calls when they matter the most. Grounded in an interdisciplinary approach, Haldeman appeals to both scholars and general audience readers alike, offering a refreshing view of presidential leadership that not only elevates leadership as a central part of the scholarly field, but also broadly engages American presidency enthusiasts and readers of history, biography, politics, and leadership development.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9b59c27a-2e7b-11f0-9273-3390802fe5f9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2107485973.mp3?updated=1746977485" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Do Autocrats Stay in Power: A Discussion with Johannes Gerschewski</title>
      <description>In this episode Licia Cianetti talks to Johannes Gerschewski about his book The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule (Cambridge UP, 2023). We discuss how autocrats try to either hyper-politicise or de-politicise their rule in order to stay in power, whether the word “fascist” is useful today, and what the two logics identified in the book might tell us about politics in contemporary autocratising democracies. As we recorded during Johannes’s stay at Thomas Mann House in LA, soon after the US 2024 elections, a lot of this had unavoidably to do with Trump. *This episode was recorded soon after the US elections, before the LA fires and Trump's second inauguration*

Johannes Gerschewski is research fellow at the WZB and academic coordinator of the Theory Network at the Cluster of Excellence SCRIPTS. In his research, he works both theoretically and empirically on questions of legitimacy, stability, and crisis proneness of democratic and autocratic regimes.

Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her most recent work on these themes is “What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies” (with Gianni Del Panta and Catherine Owen) published in Democratization in 2025.

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode Licia Cianetti talks to Johannes Gerschewski about his book The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule (Cambridge UP, 2023). We discuss how autocrats try to either hyper-politicise or de-politicise their rule in order to stay in power, whether the word “fascist” is useful today, and what the two logics identified in the book might tell us about politics in contemporary autocratising democracies. As we recorded during Johannes’s stay at Thomas Mann House in LA, soon after the US 2024 elections, a lot of this had unavoidably to do with Trump. *This episode was recorded soon after the US elections, before the LA fires and Trump's second inauguration*

Johannes Gerschewski is research fellow at the WZB and academic coordinator of the Theory Network at the Cluster of Excellence SCRIPTS. In his research, he works both theoretically and empirically on questions of legitimacy, stability, and crisis proneness of democratic and autocratic regimes.

Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her most recent work on these themes is “What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies” (with Gianni Del Panta and Catherine Owen) published in Democratization in 2025.

The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode Licia Cianetti talks to Johannes Gerschewski about his <em>book </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009199384">The Two Logics of Autocratic Rule</a> (Cambridge UP, 2023). We discuss how autocrats try to either hyper-politicise or de-politicise their rule in order to stay in power, whether the word “fascist” is useful today, and what the two logics identified in the book might tell us about politics in contemporary autocratising democracies. As we recorded during Johannes’s stay at Thomas Mann House in LA, soon after the US 2024 elections, a lot of this had unavoidably to do with Trump<em>. *This episode was recorded soon after the US elections, before the LA fires and Trump's second inauguration*</em></p>
<p><a href="https://www.wzb.eu/en/persons/johannes-gerschewski">Johannes Gerschewski</a> is research fellow at the WZB and academic coordinator of the Theory Network at the Cluster of Excellence SCRIPTS. In his research, he works both theoretically and empirically on questions of legitimacy, stability, and crisis proneness of democratic and autocratic regimes.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cianetti-licia.aspx">Licia Cianetti</a> is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her most recent work on these themes is “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/metrics/10.1080/13510347.2025.2483418?scroll=top#metrics-summary">What is a “regime”? Three definitions and their implications for the future of regime studies</a>” (with Gianni Del Panta and Catherine Owen) published in <em>Democratization </em>in 2025.</p>
<p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2092</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[afb67e96-2d15-11f0-96d2-631c5b87c011]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Empire of Gain: Inside Trump’s Billion-Dollar Crypto Hustle</title>
      <description>Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones are joined by crypto journalist Matt Binder and longtime observer of U.S. politics and policy Edward Luce to explore the staggering wealth being generated by the Trump family’s crypto empire.

We also hear from Sergei Sergienko, a crypto entrepreneur who has made and lost hundreds of millions in the crypto markets. Sergei has also faced down gangsters who tried to extort his wealth—an attack that mirrors a recent spate of kidnappings and abductions of crypto players in Paris.

Join us for a modern tale of global grift that is changing how the American presidency can function and do deals on the world stage.

Guests


  
Matt Binder – Journalist and host of the Scam Economy podcast

  
Edward Luce – U.S. national editor and columnist at the Financial Times. His forthcoming biography of Zbigniew Brzezinski, Zbig: The Life of Zbig Brzezinski, America’s Great Power Prophet, will be published in May 2025 by Simon &amp; Schuster (U.S.) and Bloomsbury (U.K.).

  
Sergei Sergienko – CEO at Chrono.tech; Australian entrepreneur and leading blockchain expert


Producer: Pearse LynchExecutive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones are joined by crypto journalist Matt Binder and longtime observer of U.S. politics and policy Edward Luce to explore the staggering wealth being generated by the Trump family’s crypto empire.

We also hear from Sergei Sergienko, a crypto entrepreneur who has made and lost hundreds of millions in the crypto markets. Sergei has also faced down gangsters who tried to extort his wealth—an attack that mirrors a recent spate of kidnappings and abductions of crypto players in Paris.

Join us for a modern tale of global grift that is changing how the American presidency can function and do deals on the world stage.

Guests


  
Matt Binder – Journalist and host of the Scam Economy podcast

  
Edward Luce – U.S. national editor and columnist at the Financial Times. His forthcoming biography of Zbigniew Brzezinski, Zbig: The Life of Zbig Brzezinski, America’s Great Power Prophet, will be published in May 2025 by Simon &amp; Schuster (U.S.) and Bloomsbury (U.K.).

  
Sergei Sergienko – CEO at Chrono.tech; Australian entrepreneur and leading blockchain expert


Producer: Pearse LynchExecutive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones are joined by crypto journalist Matt Binder and longtime observer of U.S. politics and policy Edward Luce to explore the staggering wealth being generated by the Trump family’s crypto empire.</p>
<p>We also hear from Sergei Sergienko, a crypto entrepreneur who has made and lost hundreds of millions in the crypto markets. Sergei has also faced down gangsters who tried to extort his wealth—an attack that mirrors a recent spate of kidnappings and abductions of crypto players in Paris.</p>
<p>Join us for a modern tale of global grift that is changing how the American presidency can function and do deals on the world stage.</p>
<p><strong>Guests</strong></p>
<ul>
  <li>
<strong>Matt Binder</strong> – Journalist and host of the <em>Scam Economy</em> podcast</li>
  <li>
<strong>Edward Luce</strong> – U.S. national editor and columnist at the <em>Financial Times</em>. His forthcoming biography of Zbigniew Brzezinski, <em>Zbig: The Life of Zbig Brzezinski, America’s Great Power Prophet</em>, will be published in May 2025 by Simon &amp; Schuster (U.S.) and Bloomsbury (U.K.).</li>
  <li>
<strong>Sergei Sergienko</strong> – CEO at Chrono.tech; Australian entrepreneur and leading blockchain expert</li>
</ul>
<p><strong>Producer:</strong> Pearse Lynch<br><strong>Executive Producer:</strong> Lucinda Knight</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3110</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a93be796-374b-11f0-bb78-2b2429050a8c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9022862041.mp3?updated=1747946169" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Book Talk 66: Political Hope, with Loren Goldman</title>
      <description>How to find hope in these times? I spoke with political scientist Loren Goldman about the principle of political hope: why we should have hope, how to have hope in dark times, and how political hope differs from naïve optimism, faith in progress, or passive reliance on a hidden logic that will save us in the end. Goldman, who is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania, is the author of The Principle of Political Hope (Oxford University Press, 2023), where he reveals hope to be an indispensable aspect of much continental and American political thought, especially in the works of Immanuel Kant, John Dewey, Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, Ernst Bloch, Richard Rorty, and others. Our conversation on Goldman’s study of hope ends with three concrete lessons to counter hopelessness, cynicism, and despair.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How to find hope in these times? I spoke with political scientist Loren Goldman about the principle of political hope: why we should have hope, how to have hope in dark times, and how political hope differs from naïve optimism, faith in progress, or passive reliance on a hidden logic that will save us in the end. Goldman, who is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania, is the author of The Principle of Political Hope (Oxford University Press, 2023), where he reveals hope to be an indispensable aspect of much continental and American political thought, especially in the works of Immanuel Kant, John Dewey, Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, Ernst Bloch, Richard Rorty, and others. Our conversation on Goldman’s study of hope ends with three concrete lessons to counter hopelessness, cynicism, and despair.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How to find hope in these times? I spoke with political scientist Loren Goldman about the principle of political hope: why we should have hope, how to have hope in dark times, and how political hope differs from naïve optimism, faith in progress, or passive reliance on a hidden logic that will save us in the end. Goldman, who is <a href="https://live-sas-www-polisci.pantheon.sas.upenn.edu/people/standing-faculty/loren-goldman">Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania</a>, is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197675823">The Principle of Political Hope</a> (Oxford University Press, 2023), where he reveals hope to be an indispensable aspect of much continental and American political thought, especially in the works of Immanuel Kant, John Dewey, Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, Ernst Bloch, Richard Rorty, and others. Our conversation on Goldman’s study of hope ends with three concrete lessons to counter hopelessness, cynicism, and despair.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5173</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[06d36f7a-33f8-11f0-9afe-7b2528d5aabf]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2978990619.mp3?updated=1747580967" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Executive Power and the President Who Would Not Be King: A Conversation with Michael McConnell</title>
      <description>In this episode of Madison’s Notes, Michael McConnell examines the gap between the Founders’ vision of a limited presidency and today’s expansive executive power. Drawing on his book The President Who Would Not Be King (Princeton University Press, 2022), we discuss how the Constitution’s safeguards against monarchical authority have eroded over the past century—and what steps might restore balance to our system of government. From war powers to administrative overreach, the conversation tackles the urgent question: How did we get here, and what can be done?

Michael McConnell is a renowned constitutional scholar, Stanford Law professor, and former federal judge on the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals. A leading voice on originalism and separation of powers, his work bridges historical intent and modern legal debates, making him the perfect guide for this critical discussion.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>151</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of Madison’s Notes, Michael McConnell examines the gap between the Founders’ vision of a limited presidency and today’s expansive executive power. Drawing on his book The President Who Would Not Be King (Princeton University Press, 2022), we discuss how the Constitution’s safeguards against monarchical authority have eroded over the past century—and what steps might restore balance to our system of government. From war powers to administrative overreach, the conversation tackles the urgent question: How did we get here, and what can be done?

Michael McConnell is a renowned constitutional scholar, Stanford Law professor, and former federal judge on the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals. A leading voice on originalism and separation of powers, his work bridges historical intent and modern legal debates, making him the perfect guide for this critical discussion.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, Michael McConnell examines the gap between the Founders’ vision of a limited presidency and today’s expansive executive power. Drawing on his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691234199"><em>The President Who Would Not Be King</em> </a>(Princeton University Press, 2022), we discuss how the Constitution’s safeguards against monarchical authority have eroded over the past century—and what steps might restore balance to our system of government. From war powers to administrative overreach, the conversation tackles the urgent question: How did we get here, and what can be done?</p>
<p>Michael McConnell is a renowned constitutional scholar, Stanford Law professor, and former federal judge on the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals. A leading voice on originalism and separation of powers, his work bridges historical intent and modern legal debates, making him the perfect guide for this critical discussion.</p>
<p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3125</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[32219c3a-3662-11f0-95b6-97ec6ef41482]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5415998615.mp3?updated=1747845696" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Barry et al., "Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices and Dynamics" (Routledge, 2025)</title>
      <description>Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices and Dynamics (Routledge, 2025) is an excellent edited volume exploring the various ways in which governments and constitutional structures operate in the spaces that are not necessarily articulated in law, edict, or formal documents. This is not a text about the folks who gathered together in 1787 in Philadelphia, or even those who wrote new constitutional structures after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Conventions means the rules that govern the interactions between political actors and the governments they inhabit. In many ways, this refers to the kinds of norms that have grown up around different parts of the systems of government. The strength and endurance of those rules or norms can change over time and in response to crises or dynamic changes. Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics explores these thick and thin dimensions of the governing structures from a comparative perspective, taking up Anglo and American systems in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The book also examines the cases of Hungary and Czechia (the Czech Republic), two post-Cold War systems; and finally, also, China.

In considering these constitutional conventions, we can think of them as structures or engagement that is not enforced by the courts, since these are not, per se, written constitutional laws. In long standing liberal democracies, there is an inclination towards adhering to conventions. But when these conventions are under strain, how they work, or maintain “regular order” becomes a critical test within the established governmental systems. Constitutional Conventions provides another dimension of significant interest in the discussion of how China works within these kinds of conventions within the process in which political individuals come up through the governmental and party systems and move into leadership roles. The comparative case study of Hungary and Czechia indicates that even in somewhat similar structures, the conventions and norms are not always the same.

Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics is an important analysis of the ways in which governmental structures work beyond what is written or built as the official system. The discussions cover theoretical, practical, and comparative dimensions of our understandings of the processes and functions of governments.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or send her missives at Bluesky @gorenlj.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>767</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices and Dynamics (Routledge, 2025) is an excellent edited volume exploring the various ways in which governments and constitutional structures operate in the spaces that are not necessarily articulated in law, edict, or formal documents. This is not a text about the folks who gathered together in 1787 in Philadelphia, or even those who wrote new constitutional structures after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Conventions means the rules that govern the interactions between political actors and the governments they inhabit. In many ways, this refers to the kinds of norms that have grown up around different parts of the systems of government. The strength and endurance of those rules or norms can change over time and in response to crises or dynamic changes. Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics explores these thick and thin dimensions of the governing structures from a comparative perspective, taking up Anglo and American systems in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The book also examines the cases of Hungary and Czechia (the Czech Republic), two post-Cold War systems; and finally, also, China.

In considering these constitutional conventions, we can think of them as structures or engagement that is not enforced by the courts, since these are not, per se, written constitutional laws. In long standing liberal democracies, there is an inclination towards adhering to conventions. But when these conventions are under strain, how they work, or maintain “regular order” becomes a critical test within the established governmental systems. Constitutional Conventions provides another dimension of significant interest in the discussion of how China works within these kinds of conventions within the process in which political individuals come up through the governmental and party systems and move into leadership roles. The comparative case study of Hungary and Czechia indicates that even in somewhat similar structures, the conventions and norms are not always the same.

Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics is an important analysis of the ways in which governmental structures work beyond what is written or built as the official system. The discussions cover theoretical, practical, and comparative dimensions of our understandings of the processes and functions of governments.

Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or send her missives at Bluesky @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032828336">Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices and Dynamics</a> (Routledge, 2025) is an excellent edited volume exploring the various ways in which governments and constitutional structures operate in the spaces that are not necessarily articulated in law, edict, or formal documents. This is not a text about the folks who gathered together in 1787 in Philadelphia, or even those who wrote new constitutional structures after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Conventions means the rules that govern the interactions between political actors and the governments they inhabit. In many ways, this refers to the kinds of norms that have grown up around different parts of the systems of government. The strength and endurance of those rules or norms can change over time and in response to crises or dynamic changes. <em>Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics </em>explores these thick and thin dimensions of the governing structures from a comparative perspective, taking up Anglo and American systems in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The book also examines the cases of Hungary and Czechia (the Czech Republic), two post-Cold War systems; and finally, also, China.</p>
<p>In considering these constitutional conventions, we can think of them as structures or engagement that is not enforced by the courts, since these are not, per se, written constitutional laws. In long standing liberal democracies, there is an inclination towards adhering to conventions. But when these conventions are under strain, how they work, or maintain “regular order” becomes a critical test within the established governmental systems. <em>Constitutional Conventions</em> provides another dimension of significant interest in the discussion of how China works within these kinds of conventions within the process in which political individuals come up through the governmental and party systems and move into leadership roles. The comparative case study of Hungary and Czechia indicates that even in somewhat similar structures, the conventions and norms are not always the same.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.routledge.com/Constitutional-Conventions-Theories-Practices-and-Dynamics/Barry-Miragliotta-Nwokora-Patapan/p/book/9781032828336?srsltid=AfmBOopd_4GSkR9uwK27O2f_wM-kDWm-YGv_sgM76YI5jKAvdlzYRZnt"><em>Constitutional Conventions: Theories, Practices, and Dynamics</em></a> is an important analysis of the ways in which governmental structures work beyond what is written or built as the official system. The discussions cover theoretical, practical, and comparative dimensions of our understandings of the processes and functions of governments.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> </a><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or send her missives at Bluesky </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2974</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Quentin Skinner, "Liberty as Independence: The Making and Unmaking of a Political Ideal" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>What does liberty entail? How have concepts of liberty changed over time? And what are the global consequences?

Liberty as Independence: The Making and Unmaking of a Political Ideal (Cambridge UP, 2025) surveys the history of rival views of liberty from antiquity to modern times. Quentin Skinner traces the understanding of liberty as independence from the classical ideal to early modern Britain, culminating in the claims of the Whig oligarchy to have transformed this idea into reality. Yet, with the Whig vision of a free state and civil society undermined by the American Revolution of 1776, Skinner explores how claims that liberty was fulfilled by an absence of physical or coercive restraint came to prominence. Liberty as Independence examines new dimensions of these rival views, considering the connections between debates on liberty and debates on slavery, and demonstrating how these ideas were harnessed in feminist discussions surrounding limitations on the liberty of women. The concept of liberty is inherently global, and Skinner argues strongly for the reinstatement of the understanding of liberty as independence.


  Illustrates the connections between philosophical debates surrounding liberty and the sociopolitical contexts in which they took place

  Provides a comprehensive analysis and bibliography of rival ways of thinking about liberty

  Explores the contribution of the American Revolution to discussions on the idea of liberty


Quentin Skinner is Emeritus Professor of Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. He was at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton between 1974 and 1979, and was Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge between 1996 and 2008. He is the author and editor of numerous books on Renaissance and Modern Intellectual History, and the recipient of many awards including the Wolfson Prize for History and a Balzan Prize. Previous publications include the two-volume study, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge, 1978), Liberty before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1998) and, most recently, From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics (Cambridge, 2018).

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>246</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Quentin Skinner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What does liberty entail? How have concepts of liberty changed over time? And what are the global consequences?

Liberty as Independence: The Making and Unmaking of a Political Ideal (Cambridge UP, 2025) surveys the history of rival views of liberty from antiquity to modern times. Quentin Skinner traces the understanding of liberty as independence from the classical ideal to early modern Britain, culminating in the claims of the Whig oligarchy to have transformed this idea into reality. Yet, with the Whig vision of a free state and civil society undermined by the American Revolution of 1776, Skinner explores how claims that liberty was fulfilled by an absence of physical or coercive restraint came to prominence. Liberty as Independence examines new dimensions of these rival views, considering the connections between debates on liberty and debates on slavery, and demonstrating how these ideas were harnessed in feminist discussions surrounding limitations on the liberty of women. The concept of liberty is inherently global, and Skinner argues strongly for the reinstatement of the understanding of liberty as independence.


  Illustrates the connections between philosophical debates surrounding liberty and the sociopolitical contexts in which they took place

  Provides a comprehensive analysis and bibliography of rival ways of thinking about liberty

  Explores the contribution of the American Revolution to discussions on the idea of liberty


Quentin Skinner is Emeritus Professor of Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. He was at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton between 1974 and 1979, and was Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge between 1996 and 2008. He is the author and editor of numerous books on Renaissance and Modern Intellectual History, and the recipient of many awards including the Wolfson Prize for History and a Balzan Prize. Previous publications include the two-volume study, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge, 1978), Liberty before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1998) and, most recently, From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics (Cambridge, 2018).

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What does liberty entail? How have concepts of liberty changed over time? And what are the global consequences?<br></p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781107027732"><em>Liberty as Independence: The Making and Unmaking of a Political Ideal</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2025) surveys the history of rival views of liberty from antiquity to modern times. Quentin Skinner traces the understanding of liberty as independence from the classical ideal to early modern Britain, culminating in the claims of the Whig oligarchy to have transformed this idea into reality. Yet, with the Whig vision of a free state and civil society undermined by the American Revolution of 1776, Skinner explores how claims that liberty was fulfilled by an absence of physical or coercive restraint came to prominence. Liberty as Independence examines new dimensions of these rival views, considering the connections between debates on liberty and debates on slavery, and demonstrating how these ideas were harnessed in feminist discussions surrounding limitations on the liberty of women. The concept of liberty is inherently global, and Skinner argues strongly for the reinstatement of the understanding of liberty as independence.</p>
<ul>
  <li>Illustrates the connections between philosophical debates surrounding liberty and the sociopolitical contexts in which they took place</li>
  <li>Provides a comprehensive analysis and bibliography of rival ways of thinking about liberty</li>
  <li>Explores the contribution of the American Revolution to discussions on the idea of liberty</li>
</ul>
<p>Quentin Skinner is Emeritus Professor of Humanities at Queen Mary University of London. He was at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton between 1974 and 1979, and was Regius Professor of History at the University of Cambridge between 1996 and 2008. He is the author and editor of numerous books on Renaissance and Modern Intellectual History, and the recipient of many awards including the Wolfson Prize for History and a Balzan Prize. Previous publications include the two-volume study, The Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge, 1978), Liberty before Liberalism (Cambridge, 1998) and, most recently, From Humanism to Hobbes: Studies in Rhetoric and Politics (Cambridge, 2018).</p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p>
<p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3323</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Price of Free Speech: Politics and Power on Campus</title>
      <description>Hosts Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones explore the mounting political and financial pressures confronting higher education on both sides of the Atlantic. In the U.S., it unpacks the unprecedented clash between the Trump administration and Harvard, raising broader questions about academic freedom, ideological conformity, and the role of government oversight. In the U.K., the conversation turns to the sector’s growing reliance on international students and foreign funding—particularly from China—and the implications for institutional independence and research integrity. Together, the episodes chart the uneasy intersection of education, economics, and geopolitics in today’s universities.Guests:-Tyler Coward is the lead counsel for government affairs at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).-Rose Stephenson is Director of Policy and Advocacy at Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI)Producer: Pearse LynchExecutive Producer: Lucinda Knight
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      <pubDate>Mon, 19 May 2025 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Tyler Coward and Rose Stephenson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hosts Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones explore the mounting political and financial pressures confronting higher education on both sides of the Atlantic. In the U.S., it unpacks the unprecedented clash between the Trump administration and Harvard, raising broader questions about academic freedom, ideological conformity, and the role of government oversight. In the U.K., the conversation turns to the sector’s growing reliance on international students and foreign funding—particularly from China—and the implications for institutional independence and research integrity. Together, the episodes chart the uneasy intersection of education, economics, and geopolitics in today’s universities.Guests:-Tyler Coward is the lead counsel for government affairs at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).-Rose Stephenson is Director of Policy and Advocacy at Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI)Producer: Pearse LynchExecutive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hosts Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones explore the mounting political and financial pressures confronting higher education on both sides of the Atlantic. In the U.S., it unpacks the unprecedented clash between the Trump administration and Harvard, raising broader questions about academic freedom, ideological conformity, and the role of government oversight. In the U.K., the conversation turns to the sector’s growing reliance on international students and foreign funding—particularly from China—and the implications for institutional independence and research integrity. Together, the episodes chart the uneasy intersection of education, economics, and geopolitics in today’s universities.<br>Guests:<br>-Tyler Coward is the lead counsel for government affairs at the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE).<br>-Rose Stephenson is Director of Policy and Advocacy at Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI)<br>Producer: Pearse Lynch<br>Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2014</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7a7bdd04-31c3-11f0-a624-e38e7584ca1a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7286407469.mp3?updated=1747337702" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Eric Heinze, "Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left" (MIT Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.” 

In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left’s own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground.

Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 18 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.” 

In Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left’s own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground.

Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What has gone wrong with the left—and what leftists must do if they want to change politics, ethics, and minds. Leftists have long taught that people in the West must take responsibility for centuries of classism, racism, colonialism, patriarchy, and other gross injustices. Of course, right-wingers constantly ridicule this claim for its “wokeness.” </p>
<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262049580">Coming Clean: The Rise of Critical Theory and the Future of the Left</a> ( MIT Press, 2025), Eric Heinze rejects the idea that we should be less woke. In fact, we need more wokeness, but of a new kind. Yes, we must teach about these bleak pasts, but we must also educate the public about the left’s own support for regimes that damaged and destroyed millions of lives for over a century—Stalin in the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong in China, Pol Pot in Cambodia, or the Kim dynasty in North Korea. Criticisms of Western wrongdoing are certainly important, yet Heinze explains that leftists have rarely engaged in the kinds of open and public self-scrutiny that they demand from others. Citing examples as different as the Ukraine war, LGBTQ+ people in Cuba, the concept of “hatred,” and the problem of leftwing antisemitism, Heinze explains why and how the left must change its memory politics if it is to claim any ethical high ground.</p>
<p>Eric Heinze is Professor of Law and Humanities at Queen Mary University of London.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4314</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeanne Sheehan, "American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government Post January 6" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024)</title>
      <description>American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government Post January 6 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024) analyzes the roots of widespread disenchantment with American government. While blame often falls on the individuals in office, they are not operating in isolation. Rather they are working within a system designed by the Framers with one goal in mind, protectionism. Although the Framers got much right, their commitment to protection of liberty led them to design a system replete with divisions of power. Whatever its merits at the founding, the government today is frequently described as dysfunctional and far too often unresponsive to the majority, unaccountable, and unable to deliver for its people. 

For those disillusioned with the current state of government and committed to effectuating meaningful change, this book advocates in favor of a fundamental reassessment of the system's primary objectives, followed by deliberation as to how it should be restructured accordingly. It not only presents specific reform proposals, but it ends with a stark warning: until and unless we embrace reasoned structural reform, we cannot be surprised if at some point the people become so frustrated that they either disengage, fight back, or seek solace in autocratic alternatives. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 17 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>208</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeanne Sheehan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government Post January 6 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024) analyzes the roots of widespread disenchantment with American government. While blame often falls on the individuals in office, they are not operating in isolation. Rather they are working within a system designed by the Framers with one goal in mind, protectionism. Although the Framers got much right, their commitment to protection of liberty led them to design a system replete with divisions of power. Whatever its merits at the founding, the government today is frequently described as dysfunctional and far too often unresponsive to the majority, unaccountable, and unable to deliver for its people. 

For those disillusioned with the current state of government and committed to effectuating meaningful change, this book advocates in favor of a fundamental reassessment of the system's primary objectives, followed by deliberation as to how it should be restructured accordingly. It not only presents specific reform proposals, but it ends with a stark warning: until and unless we embrace reasoned structural reform, we cannot be surprised if at some point the people become so frustrated that they either disengage, fight back, or seek solace in autocratic alternatives. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031667107">American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government Post January 6</a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024) analyzes the roots of widespread disenchantment with American government. While blame often falls on the individuals in office, they are not operating in isolation. Rather they are working within a system designed by the Framers with one goal in mind, protectionism. Although the Framers got much right, their commitment to protection of liberty led them to design a system replete with divisions of power. Whatever its merits at the founding, the government today is frequently described as dysfunctional and far too often unresponsive to the majority, unaccountable, and unable to deliver for its people. </p>
<p>For those disillusioned with the current state of government and committed to effectuating meaningful change, this book advocates in favor of a fundamental reassessment of the system's primary objectives, followed by deliberation as to how it should be restructured accordingly. It not only presents specific reform proposals, but it ends with a stark warning: until and unless we embrace reasoned structural reform, we cannot be surprised if at some point the people become so frustrated that they either disengage, fight back, or seek solace in autocratic alternatives. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2053</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer Holt, "Cloud Policy: A History of Regulating Pipelines, Platforms, and Data" (MIT Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>How the United States' regulation of broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and data—together understood as “the cloud”—has eroded civil liberties, democratic principles, and the foundation of the public interest over the past century.

Cloud Policy: A History of Regulating Pipelines, Platforms, and Data (MIT Press, 2024) is a policy history that chronicles how the past century of regulating media infrastructure in the United States has eroded global civil liberties as well as democratic principles and the foundation of the public interest. Jennifer Holt explores the long arc of regulating broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and the data centers that serve as the cloud's storage facilities—an evolution that is connected to the development of nineteenth- and twentieth-century media and networks, including railroads, highways, telephony, radio, and television. In the process, Cloud Policy unearths the lasting inscriptions of policy written for an analog era and markets that no longer exist on the contemporary governance of digital cloud infrastructure.Cloud Policy brings together numerous perspectives that have thus far remained largely siloed in their respective fields of law, policy, economics, and media studies. The resulting interdisciplinary argument reveals a properly scaled view of the massive challenge facing policymakers today. Holt also addresses the evolving role of the state in the regulation of global cloud infrastructure and the growing influence of corporate gatekeepers and private sector self-governance. Cloud policy's trajectory, as Holt explains, has enacted a transformation in the cultural valuation of infrastructure as civic good, turning it into a tool of commercial profit generation. Despite these current predicaments, the book's historical lens ultimately helps the reader to envision restorative interventions and new forms of activism to create a more equitable future for infrastructure policy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the United States' regulation of broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and data—together understood as “the cloud”—has eroded civil liberties, democratic principles, and the foundation of the public interest over the past century.

Cloud Policy: A History of Regulating Pipelines, Platforms, and Data (MIT Press, 2024) is a policy history that chronicles how the past century of regulating media infrastructure in the United States has eroded global civil liberties as well as democratic principles and the foundation of the public interest. Jennifer Holt explores the long arc of regulating broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and the data centers that serve as the cloud's storage facilities—an evolution that is connected to the development of nineteenth- and twentieth-century media and networks, including railroads, highways, telephony, radio, and television. In the process, Cloud Policy unearths the lasting inscriptions of policy written for an analog era and markets that no longer exist on the contemporary governance of digital cloud infrastructure.Cloud Policy brings together numerous perspectives that have thus far remained largely siloed in their respective fields of law, policy, economics, and media studies. The resulting interdisciplinary argument reveals a properly scaled view of the massive challenge facing policymakers today. Holt also addresses the evolving role of the state in the regulation of global cloud infrastructure and the growing influence of corporate gatekeepers and private sector self-governance. Cloud policy's trajectory, as Holt explains, has enacted a transformation in the cultural valuation of infrastructure as civic good, turning it into a tool of commercial profit generation. Despite these current predicaments, the book's historical lens ultimately helps the reader to envision restorative interventions and new forms of activism to create a more equitable future for infrastructure policy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the United States' regulation of broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and data—together understood as “the cloud”—has eroded civil liberties, democratic principles, and the foundation of the public interest over the past century.</p>
<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262548069">Cloud Policy: A History of Regulating Pipelines, Platforms, and Data</a><em> </em>(MIT Press, 2024) is a policy history that chronicles how the past century of regulating media infrastructure in the United States has eroded global civil liberties as well as democratic principles and the foundation of the public interest. Jennifer Holt explores the long arc of regulating broadband pipelines, digital platforms, and the data centers that serve as the cloud's storage facilities—an evolution that is connected to the development of nineteenth- and twentieth-century media and networks, including railroads, highways, telephony, radio, and television. In the process, <em>Cloud Policy </em>unearths the lasting inscriptions of policy written for an analog era and markets that no longer exist on the contemporary governance of digital cloud infrastructure.<br><em>Cloud Policy</em> brings together numerous perspectives that have thus far remained largely siloed in their respective fields of law, policy, economics, and media studies. The resulting interdisciplinary argument reveals a properly scaled view of the massive challenge facing policymakers today. Holt also addresses the evolving role of the state in the regulation of global cloud infrastructure and the growing influence of corporate gatekeepers and private sector self-governance. Cloud policy's trajectory, as Holt explains, has enacted a transformation in the cultural valuation of infrastructure as civic good, turning it into a tool of commercial profit generation. Despite these current predicaments, the book's historical lens ultimately helps the reader to envision restorative interventions and new forms of activism to create a more equitable future for infrastructure policy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3945</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ryan J. Vander Wielen et al., "The House that Fox News Built?: Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The influence of partisan news is presumed to be powerful, but evidence for its effects on political elites is limited, often based more on anecdotes than science. Using a rigorous quasi-experimental research design, observational data, and open science practices, The House that Fox News Built?: Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News (Cambridge UP, 2024) carefully demonstrates how the re-emergence and rise of partisan cable news in the US affected the behavior of political elites during the rise and proliferation of Fox News across media markets between 1996 and 2010. Despite widespread concerns over the ills of partisan news, evidence provides a nuanced, albeit cautionary tale. On one hand, findings suggest that the rise of Fox indeed changed elite political behavior in recent decades. At the same time, the limited conditions under which Fox News' influence occurred suggests that concerns about the network's power may be overstated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>207</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rany Vander Wielen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The influence of partisan news is presumed to be powerful, but evidence for its effects on political elites is limited, often based more on anecdotes than science. Using a rigorous quasi-experimental research design, observational data, and open science practices, The House that Fox News Built?: Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News (Cambridge UP, 2024) carefully demonstrates how the re-emergence and rise of partisan cable news in the US affected the behavior of political elites during the rise and proliferation of Fox News across media markets between 1996 and 2010. Despite widespread concerns over the ills of partisan news, evidence provides a nuanced, albeit cautionary tale. On one hand, findings suggest that the rise of Fox indeed changed elite political behavior in recent decades. At the same time, the limited conditions under which Fox News' influence occurred suggests that concerns about the network's power may be overstated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The influence of partisan news is presumed to be powerful, but evidence for its effects on political elites is limited, often based more on anecdotes than science. Using a rigorous quasi-experimental research design, observational data, and open science practices, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009432078">The House that Fox News Built?: Representation, Political Accountability, and the Rise of Partisan News</a> (Cambridge UP, 2024) carefully demonstrates how the re-emergence and rise of partisan cable news in the US affected the behavior of political elites during the rise and proliferation of Fox News across media markets between 1996 and 2010. Despite widespread concerns over the ills of partisan news, evidence provides a nuanced, albeit cautionary tale. On one hand, findings suggest that the rise of Fox indeed changed elite political behavior in recent decades. At the same time, the limited conditions under which Fox News' influence occurred suggests that concerns about the network's power may be overstated.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1789</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Constitutional Crisis or a Stalemate?</title>
      <description>At the 100 day mark of Donald Trump’s second term as president, the political scientists at Bright Line Watch released their 25th report on the state of American democracy entitled “Threats to democracy and academic freedom after Trump’s second first 100 days.” Based on polling both experts (760 political scientists) and the public (representative sample of 2000 Americans), the Bright Line Watch researchers find that the Trump administration has challenged constitutional and democratic norms on a wide range of issues, including the scope of executive power and the authority of courts to check it, individual freedom of expression, due process and habeas corpus, immigration, and academic freedom. In this episode of POSTSCRIPT: Conversations on Politics and Political Science, two of Bright Line Watch’s co-directors analyze the latest report – and what it means for American democracy. Topics include democratic performance, threats to democracy and academic freedom and self-censorship.

Dr. John Carey (he/him) is the Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences at Dartmouth College. He is the author of 6 books and dozens of articles on democratic institutions, representation, and political beliefs.

Dr. Gretchen Helmke is the Thomas H. Jackson Distinguished University Professor in the Department of Political Science and faculty director of the Democracy Center at the University of Rochester. Her research focuses on democracy and the rule of law in Latin America and the United States. Her new co-authored article definition and measuring democratic norms is forthcoming in the Annual Review of Political Science. She has been named a Guggenheim Fellow for 2025.

Mentioned:


  Bright Line Watch’s April 2025 report, Threats to Democracy and Academic Freedom after Trump's Second First 100 Days (based on parallel surveys of 760 political scientists and a representative sample of 2,000 Americans fielded in April).



  
Bright Line Watch homepage with data and past reports

  John Carey on NPR’s All Things Considered, 4/22 discussing the latest report.

  Adam Przeworski’s Substack Diary (free to subscribe and read)

  
Democratic Erosion Project (with dataset that Gretchen mentioned)

  Susan’s New Books Network conversation with Dr. Sue Stokes on the importance of integrating comparative politics and American politics.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>41</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>John Carey and Gretchen Helmke on the State of American Democracy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the 100 day mark of Donald Trump’s second term as president, the political scientists at Bright Line Watch released their 25th report on the state of American democracy entitled “Threats to democracy and academic freedom after Trump’s second first 100 days.” Based on polling both experts (760 political scientists) and the public (representative sample of 2000 Americans), the Bright Line Watch researchers find that the Trump administration has challenged constitutional and democratic norms on a wide range of issues, including the scope of executive power and the authority of courts to check it, individual freedom of expression, due process and habeas corpus, immigration, and academic freedom. In this episode of POSTSCRIPT: Conversations on Politics and Political Science, two of Bright Line Watch’s co-directors analyze the latest report – and what it means for American democracy. Topics include democratic performance, threats to democracy and academic freedom and self-censorship.

Dr. John Carey (he/him) is the Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences at Dartmouth College. He is the author of 6 books and dozens of articles on democratic institutions, representation, and political beliefs.

Dr. Gretchen Helmke is the Thomas H. Jackson Distinguished University Professor in the Department of Political Science and faculty director of the Democracy Center at the University of Rochester. Her research focuses on democracy and the rule of law in Latin America and the United States. Her new co-authored article definition and measuring democratic norms is forthcoming in the Annual Review of Political Science. She has been named a Guggenheim Fellow for 2025.

Mentioned:


  Bright Line Watch’s April 2025 report, Threats to Democracy and Academic Freedom after Trump's Second First 100 Days (based on parallel surveys of 760 political scientists and a representative sample of 2,000 Americans fielded in April).



  
Bright Line Watch homepage with data and past reports

  John Carey on NPR’s All Things Considered, 4/22 discussing the latest report.

  Adam Przeworski’s Substack Diary (free to subscribe and read)

  
Democratic Erosion Project (with dataset that Gretchen mentioned)

  Susan’s New Books Network conversation with Dr. Sue Stokes on the importance of integrating comparative politics and American politics.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the 100 day mark of Donald Trump’s second term as president, the political scientists at <em>Bright Line Watch</em> released their 25th report on the state of American democracy entitled “Threats to democracy and academic freedom after Trump’s second first 100 days.” Based on polling both experts (760 political scientists) and the public (representative sample of 2000 Americans), the Bright Line Watch researchers find that the Trump administration has challenged constitutional and democratic norms on a wide range of issues, including the <a href="https://harvardlawreview.org/blog/2025/04/president-trump-in-the-era-of-exclusive-powers/">scope of executive power</a> and the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/17/opinion/ross-douthat-interesting-times-jack-goldsmith.html">authority of courts to check it</a>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/04/07/nx-s1-5327154/free-speech-trump-first-amendment">individual freedom of expression</a>, <a href="https://www.chicagotribune.com/2025/04/18/column-donald-trump-due-process-el-salvador-prison-shackelford/">due process</a> and <a href="https://lawandcrime.com/high-profile/torture-in-el-salvador-with-u-s-taxpayer-dollars-habeas-petition-directly-challenges-mans-indefinite-detention-in-notorious-legal-black-hole-foreign-prison/">habeas corpus</a>, <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/apr/18/people-detained-deported-trump-immigration-crackdown">immigration</a>, and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/article/trump-university-college.html">academic freedom</a>. In this episode of <em>POSTSCRIPT: Conversations on Politics and Political Science</em>, two of <em>Bright Line Watch</em>’s co-directors analyze the latest report – and what it means for American democracy. Topics include democratic performance, threats to democracy and academic freedom and self-censorship.</p>
<p><a href="https://sites.dartmouth.edu/jcarey/">Dr. John Carey</a> (he/him) is the Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences at Dartmouth College. He is the author of 6 books and dozens of articles on democratic institutions, representation, and political beliefs.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.gretchenhelmke.com/">Dr. Gretchen Helmke</a> is the Thomas H. Jackson Distinguished University Professor in the Department of Political Science and faculty director of the Democracy Center at the University of Rochester. Her research focuses on democracy and the rule of law in Latin America and the United States. Her new co-authored article definition and measuring democratic norms is forthcoming in the <em>Annual Review of Political Science</em>. She has been named a Guggenheim Fellow for 2025.</p>
<p>Mentioned:</p>
<ul>
  <li>Bright Line Watch’s April 2025 report, <a href="https://brightlinewatch.org/threats-to-democracy-and-academic-freedom-after-trumps-second-first-100-days/">Threats to Democracy and Academic Freedom after Trump's Second First 100 Days</a> (based on parallel surveys of 760 political scientists and a representative sample of 2,000 Americans fielded in April).</li>
</ul>
<ul>
  <li>
<a href="https://brightlinewatch.org/">Bright Line Watch homepage</a> with data and past reports</li>
  <li>John Carey on <a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/04/22/nx-s1-5340753/trump-democracy-authoritarianism-competive-survey-political-scientist">NPR’s <em>All Things Considered</em></a>, 4/22 discussing the latest report.</li>
  <li><a href="https://adamprzeworski.substack.com/p/week-11">Adam Przeworski’s Substack Diary (free to subscribe and read)</a></li>
  <li>
<a href="https://democratic-erosion.org/">Democratic Erosion Project</a> (with dataset that Gretchen mentioned)</li>
  <li>Susan’s New Books Network <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-political-scientists-ring-alarm-bell-over-trumps-second-administration#entry:390044@1:url">conversation with Dr. Sue Stokes on the importance of integrating comparative politics and American politic</a>s.</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2791</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[99ec1f88-2db2-11f0-bfa5-1b1f1ac652f0]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pollyanna Rhee, "Natural Attachments: The Domestication of American Environmentalism, 1920–1970" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>A massive oil spill in the Pacific Ocean near Santa Barbara, California, in 1969 quickly became a landmark in the history of American environmentalism, helping to inspire the creation of both the Environmental Protection Agency and Earth Day. But what role did the history of Santa Barbara itself play in this? In Natural Attachments: The Domestication of American Environmentalism, 1920–1970 (U Chicago Press, 2025), Pollyanna Rhee shows, the city’s past and demographics were essential to the portrayal of the oil spill as momentous. Moreover, well-off and influential Santa Barbarans were positioned to “domesticate” the larger environmental movement by embodying the argument that individual homes and families—not society as a whole—needed protection from environmental abuses. This soon would put environmental rhetoric and power to fundamentally conservative—not radical—ends.

Pollyanna Rhee is assistant professor of landscape architecture at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, and affiliate faculty in history, sustainable design, and theory and interpretive criticism. Twitter. 

Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>209</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Pollyanna Rhee</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A massive oil spill in the Pacific Ocean near Santa Barbara, California, in 1969 quickly became a landmark in the history of American environmentalism, helping to inspire the creation of both the Environmental Protection Agency and Earth Day. But what role did the history of Santa Barbara itself play in this? In Natural Attachments: The Domestication of American Environmentalism, 1920–1970 (U Chicago Press, 2025), Pollyanna Rhee shows, the city’s past and demographics were essential to the portrayal of the oil spill as momentous. Moreover, well-off and influential Santa Barbarans were positioned to “domesticate” the larger environmental movement by embodying the argument that individual homes and families—not society as a whole—needed protection from environmental abuses. This soon would put environmental rhetoric and power to fundamentally conservative—not radical—ends.

Pollyanna Rhee is assistant professor of landscape architecture at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, and affiliate faculty in history, sustainable design, and theory and interpretive criticism. Twitter. 

Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A massive oil spill in the Pacific Ocean near Santa Barbara, California, in 1969 quickly became a landmark in the history of American environmentalism, helping to inspire the creation of both the Environmental Protection Agency and Earth Day. But what role did the history of Santa Barbara itself play in this? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226840635"><em>Natural Attachments: The Domestication of American Environmentalism, 1920–1970</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2025), Pollyanna Rhee shows, the city’s past and demographics were essential to the portrayal of the oil spill as momentous. Moreover, well-off and influential Santa Barbarans were positioned to “domesticate” the larger environmental movement by embodying the argument that individual homes and families—not society as a whole—needed protection from environmental abuses. This soon would put environmental rhetoric and power to fundamentally conservative—not radical—ends.</p>
<p><strong>Pollyanna Rhee</strong> is assistant professor of landscape architecture at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, and affiliate faculty in history, sustainable design, and theory and interpretive criticism. <a href="https://x.com/parhee">Twitter</a>. </p>
<p><em>Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/brianfhamilton">Twitter</a><em>. </em><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/">Website</a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2570</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[42c865b6-2837-11f0-a44d-831a6829b41f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2442482752.mp3?updated=1746288523" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ken Conca, "After the Floods: The Search for Resilience in Ellicott City" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>One small town, two "thousand-year floods" in the span of two years: how does a community become resilient in the face of the ever-increasing risks of climate change?Small towns across America and around the world face mounting challenges with flood risk, a result of not only climate change but also poorly adapted landscapes, sprawl, overdevelopment and poor planning. After the Floods: The Search for Resilience in Ellicott City (Oxford UP, 2024) is about Ellicott City, a small town in central Maryland that experienced two devastating flash floods just 22 months apart. Despite the town's many advantages—wealth, access to expertise, a mobilized community, and a stout identity steeped in 250 years of history—Ellicott City found itself mired in a deeply divisive argument over what to do in the aftermath. As a resident, Ken Conca bore firsthand witness to the conflict that took root when the flood waters receded.While this book is about one residential suburb, the dilemmas that it faces over how to adapt to climate change are coming soon to a small town near you. On one level a story about re-engineering a landscape, After the Floods ultimately grapples with uncertainty over local history, justice, democracy, and identity. What can we know about future risks to our communities? What is the meaning of place and history when preservation goals come into conflict with flood protection? What should we protect? Who gets to speak for the community? In Ellicott City's search for answers, we can find important lessons for other small communities that must begin preparing for future climate risks.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Hannah Pool whose research focuses on human mobilities. She is a senior researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Studies of Societies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ken Conca</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One small town, two "thousand-year floods" in the span of two years: how does a community become resilient in the face of the ever-increasing risks of climate change?Small towns across America and around the world face mounting challenges with flood risk, a result of not only climate change but also poorly adapted landscapes, sprawl, overdevelopment and poor planning. After the Floods: The Search for Resilience in Ellicott City (Oxford UP, 2024) is about Ellicott City, a small town in central Maryland that experienced two devastating flash floods just 22 months apart. Despite the town's many advantages—wealth, access to expertise, a mobilized community, and a stout identity steeped in 250 years of history—Ellicott City found itself mired in a deeply divisive argument over what to do in the aftermath. As a resident, Ken Conca bore firsthand witness to the conflict that took root when the flood waters receded.While this book is about one residential suburb, the dilemmas that it faces over how to adapt to climate change are coming soon to a small town near you. On one level a story about re-engineering a landscape, After the Floods ultimately grapples with uncertainty over local history, justice, democracy, and identity. What can we know about future risks to our communities? What is the meaning of place and history when preservation goals come into conflict with flood protection? What should we protect? Who gets to speak for the community? In Ellicott City's search for answers, we can find important lessons for other small communities that must begin preparing for future climate risks.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Hannah Pool whose research focuses on human mobilities. She is a senior researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Studies of Societies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One small town, two "thousand-year floods" in the span of two years: how does a community become resilient in the face of the ever-increasing risks of climate change?<br>Small towns across America and around the world face mounting challenges with flood risk, a result of not only climate change but also poorly adapted landscapes, sprawl, overdevelopment and poor planning. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197788073">After the Floods: The Search for Resilience in Ellicott City</a> (Oxford UP, 2024) is about Ellicott City, a small town in central Maryland that experienced two devastating flash floods just 22 months apart. Despite the town's many advantages—wealth, access to expertise, a mobilized community, and a stout identity steeped in 250 years of history—Ellicott City found itself mired in a deeply divisive argument over what to do in the aftermath. As a resident, Ken Conca bore firsthand witness to the conflict that took root when the flood waters receded.<br>While this book is about one residential suburb, the dilemmas that it faces over how to adapt to climate change are coming soon to a small town near you. On one level a story about re-engineering a landscape, <em>After the Floods</em> ultimately grapples with uncertainty over local history, justice, democracy, and identity. What can we know about future risks to our communities? What is the meaning of place and history when preservation goals come into conflict with flood protection? What should we protect? Who gets to speak for the community? In Ellicott City's search for answers, we can find important lessons for other small communities that must begin preparing for future climate risks.</p>
<p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Hannah Pool whose research focuses on human mobilities. She is a senior researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Studies of Societies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2821</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6482410198.mp3?updated=1746887376" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Ruth Braunstein, "My Tax Dollars: The Morality of Taxpaying in America" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In My Tax Dollars: The Morality of Taxpaying in America (Princeton University Press, 2025), Ruth Braunstein maps the contested moral landscape in which Americans experience and make sense of the tax system. Braunstein tells the stories of Americans who view taxpaying as more than a mundane chore: antigovernment tax defiers who challenge the legitimacy of the tax system, antiwar activists who resist the use of their taxes to fund war, antiabortion activists against “taxpayer funded abortions,” and a diverse group of people who promote taxpaying as a moral good.

Though taxpaying is often portrayed as dull and technical, exposure to collective rituals, civic education, propaganda, and protest transforms the practice for many Americans into either a sacred rite of citizenship or a profane threat to what they hold dear. These sacred and profane meanings can apply to the act of taxpaying itself or to the specific uses of tax dollars. Despite intense disagreement about these meanings, politically diverse Americans engaged in both taxpaying and tax resistance valorize the individual taxpayer and “my tax dollars.”Braunstein explores the profound implications of this meaning making for tax consent, the legitimacy of the tax system, and citizens’ broader understandings of their political relationships. Going beyond the usual focus on tax policy, Braunstein’s innovative view of taxation through the lens of cultural sociology shows how citizens in value-diverse societies coalesce around shared visions of the sacred and fears of the profane.

Interviewee: Ruth Braunstein is Associate Professor of sociology at the University of Connecticut.

Host: Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 11 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>412</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ruth Braunstein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In My Tax Dollars: The Morality of Taxpaying in America (Princeton University Press, 2025), Ruth Braunstein maps the contested moral landscape in which Americans experience and make sense of the tax system. Braunstein tells the stories of Americans who view taxpaying as more than a mundane chore: antigovernment tax defiers who challenge the legitimacy of the tax system, antiwar activists who resist the use of their taxes to fund war, antiabortion activists against “taxpayer funded abortions,” and a diverse group of people who promote taxpaying as a moral good.

Though taxpaying is often portrayed as dull and technical, exposure to collective rituals, civic education, propaganda, and protest transforms the practice for many Americans into either a sacred rite of citizenship or a profane threat to what they hold dear. These sacred and profane meanings can apply to the act of taxpaying itself or to the specific uses of tax dollars. Despite intense disagreement about these meanings, politically diverse Americans engaged in both taxpaying and tax resistance valorize the individual taxpayer and “my tax dollars.”Braunstein explores the profound implications of this meaning making for tax consent, the legitimacy of the tax system, and citizens’ broader understandings of their political relationships. Going beyond the usual focus on tax policy, Braunstein’s innovative view of taxation through the lens of cultural sociology shows how citizens in value-diverse societies coalesce around shared visions of the sacred and fears of the profane.

Interviewee: Ruth Braunstein is Associate Professor of sociology at the University of Connecticut.

Host: Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691254982"><em>My Tax Dollars:</em> </a><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691254982">The Morality of Taxpaying in America</a> (Princeton University Press, 2025), Ruth Braunstein maps the contested moral landscape in which Americans experience and make sense of the tax system. Braunstein tells the stories of Americans who view taxpaying as more than a mundane chore: antigovernment tax defiers who challenge the legitimacy of the tax system, antiwar activists who resist the use of their taxes to fund war, antiabortion activists against “taxpayer funded abortions,” and a diverse group of people who promote taxpaying as a moral good.<br></p>
<p>Though taxpaying is often portrayed as dull and technical, exposure to collective rituals, civic education, propaganda, and protest transforms the practice for many Americans into either a sacred rite of citizenship or a profane threat to what they hold dear. These sacred and profane meanings can apply to the act of taxpaying itself or to the specific uses of tax dollars. Despite intense disagreement about these meanings, politically diverse Americans engaged in both taxpaying and tax resistance valorize the individual taxpayer and “my tax dollars.”<br>Braunstein explores the profound implications of this meaning making for tax consent, the legitimacy of the tax system, and citizens’ broader understandings of their political relationships. Going beyond the usual focus on tax policy, Braunstein’s innovative view of taxation through the lens of cultural sociology shows how citizens in value-diverse societies coalesce around shared visions of the sacred and fears of the profane.</p>
<p>Interviewee: Ruth Braunstein is Associate Professor of sociology at the University of Connecticut.</p>
<p>Host: Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4218</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f951b7be-2b67-11f0-b642-bfc3b101c2ff]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8805744500.mp3?updated=1746639418" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nolan L. Cabrera and Robert S. Chang, "Banned: The Fight for Mexican American Studies in the Streets and in the Courts" (Cambridge UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>In Banned: The Fight for Mexican American Studies in the Streets and in the Courts (Cambridge UP, 2025), readers are taken on a journey through the intense racial politics surrounding the banning of Mexican American Studies in Tucson, Arizona. This book details the state-sponsored racism that led to the elimination of this highly successful program, and the grassroots and legal resistance that followed. Through extensive research and firsthand narratives, readers will gain a deep understanding of the controversy surrounding this historic case. The legal challenge successfully overturned the Arizona law and became a central symbol in the modern-day Ethnic Studies renaissance. This work is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the power of community activism, the importance of fighting for educational equity, and why the example of Tucson created an alternative blueprint for how we can challenge states that are currently banning critical race theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 10 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>251</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nolan L. Cabrera and Robert S. Chang</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Banned: The Fight for Mexican American Studies in the Streets and in the Courts (Cambridge UP, 2025), readers are taken on a journey through the intense racial politics surrounding the banning of Mexican American Studies in Tucson, Arizona. This book details the state-sponsored racism that led to the elimination of this highly successful program, and the grassroots and legal resistance that followed. Through extensive research and firsthand narratives, readers will gain a deep understanding of the controversy surrounding this historic case. The legal challenge successfully overturned the Arizona law and became a central symbol in the modern-day Ethnic Studies renaissance. This work is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the power of community activism, the importance of fighting for educational equity, and why the example of Tucson created an alternative blueprint for how we can challenge states that are currently banning critical race theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009563581">Banned: The Fight for Mexican American Studies in the Streets and in the Courts </a>(Cambridge UP, 2025), readers are taken on a journey through the intense racial politics surrounding the banning of Mexican American Studies in Tucson, Arizona. This book details the state-sponsored racism that led to the elimination of this highly successful program, and the grassroots and legal resistance that followed. Through extensive research and firsthand narratives, readers will gain a deep understanding of the controversy surrounding this historic case. The legal challenge successfully overturned the Arizona law and became a central symbol in the modern-day Ethnic Studies renaissance. This work is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the power of community activism, the importance of fighting for educational equity, and why the example of Tucson created an alternative blueprint for how we can challenge states that are currently banning critical race theory.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2016</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Katherine Stewart, "Money, Lies, and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy" (Bloomsbury, 2025)</title>
      <description>Today, and for the past several years, many people both here and abroad have been trying to make sense of the radical right and its financial and ideological grip on the Republican party. Why is it that so many Americans have turned against democracy? What explains the authoritarian reaction of so many American citizens, even when that reaction works so directly against their basic interests? How is it that this anti-democratic trend has escaped the explanatory frameworks of pundits and scholars alike? Perhaps we need to re-frame the narrative about the MAGA movement and the various constituencies that have somehow conspired to undermine democratic values and replace them with radical libertarian principles joined by theocratic, White nationalist, and anti-intellectual ideals.

Addressing these concerns, Katherine Stewart has written Money, Lies, and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy (Bloomsbury Press, 2025).

Casting a light on the religious right’s “Funders, Thinkers, Sergeants, Infantry, and Power Players,” Stewart recounts her effort “to record what I have seen and heard from the leaders and supporters of the antidemocratic movement in the auditoriums and breakout rooms at national conferences, around the table at informal gatherings of activists, in the living rooms of the rank and file, and in the pews of hard-line churches. The story features a rowdy mix of personalities: ‘apostles’ of Jesus, atheist billionaires, reactionary Catholic theologians, pseudo-Platonic intellectuals, woman-hating opponents of ‘the gynocracy,’ high-powered evangelical networkers, Jewish devotees of Ayn Rand, pronatalists preoccupied with a dearth of (White) babies, COVID truthers, and battalions of ‘spirit warriors’ who appear to be inventing a new style of religion even as they set about undermining democracy at its foundations.” Over and against the idea that religion is a relatively insignificant factor in the rise of the radical political right, Stewart makes plain how Christian nationalism is “front and center” in the effort to solidify the power of the MAGA movement and Donald Trump’s presidency.

Richard B. Miller is the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Emeritus Professor of Religion, Politics and Ethics at the University of Chicago. He previously taught in the Department of Religious Studies at Indiana University where he also served as Director of the Poynter Center for the Study of Ethics and American Institutions. The author of numerous articles and books, the most of which is Why Study Religion? (NY: Oxford University Press, 2021). Bluesky.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 09 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Katherine Stewart</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today, and for the past several years, many people both here and abroad have been trying to make sense of the radical right and its financial and ideological grip on the Republican party. Why is it that so many Americans have turned against democracy? What explains the authoritarian reaction of so many American citizens, even when that reaction works so directly against their basic interests? How is it that this anti-democratic trend has escaped the explanatory frameworks of pundits and scholars alike? Perhaps we need to re-frame the narrative about the MAGA movement and the various constituencies that have somehow conspired to undermine democratic values and replace them with radical libertarian principles joined by theocratic, White nationalist, and anti-intellectual ideals.

Addressing these concerns, Katherine Stewart has written Money, Lies, and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy (Bloomsbury Press, 2025).

Casting a light on the religious right’s “Funders, Thinkers, Sergeants, Infantry, and Power Players,” Stewart recounts her effort “to record what I have seen and heard from the leaders and supporters of the antidemocratic movement in the auditoriums and breakout rooms at national conferences, around the table at informal gatherings of activists, in the living rooms of the rank and file, and in the pews of hard-line churches. The story features a rowdy mix of personalities: ‘apostles’ of Jesus, atheist billionaires, reactionary Catholic theologians, pseudo-Platonic intellectuals, woman-hating opponents of ‘the gynocracy,’ high-powered evangelical networkers, Jewish devotees of Ayn Rand, pronatalists preoccupied with a dearth of (White) babies, COVID truthers, and battalions of ‘spirit warriors’ who appear to be inventing a new style of religion even as they set about undermining democracy at its foundations.” Over and against the idea that religion is a relatively insignificant factor in the rise of the radical political right, Stewart makes plain how Christian nationalism is “front and center” in the effort to solidify the power of the MAGA movement and Donald Trump’s presidency.

Richard B. Miller is the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Emeritus Professor of Religion, Politics and Ethics at the University of Chicago. He previously taught in the Department of Religious Studies at Indiana University where he also served as Director of the Poynter Center for the Study of Ethics and American Institutions. The author of numerous articles and books, the most of which is Why Study Religion? (NY: Oxford University Press, 2021). Bluesky.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today, and for the past several years, many people both here and abroad have been trying to make sense of the radical right and its financial and ideological grip on the Republican party. Why is it that so many Americans have turned against democracy? What explains the authoritarian reaction of so many American citizens, even when that reaction works so directly against their basic interests? How is it that this anti-democratic trend has escaped the explanatory frameworks of pundits and scholars alike? Perhaps we need to re-frame the narrative about the MAGA movement and the various constituencies that have somehow conspired to undermine democratic values and replace them with radical libertarian principles joined by theocratic, White nationalist, and anti-intellectual ideals.</p>
<p>Addressing these concerns, Katherine Stewart has written <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781635578546">Money, Lies, and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy</a><em> </em>(Bloomsbury Press, 2025).</p>
<p>Casting a light on the religious right’s “Funders, Thinkers, Sergeants, Infantry, and Power Players,” Stewart recounts her effort “to record what I have seen and heard from the leaders and supporters of the antidemocratic movement in the auditoriums and breakout rooms at national conferences, around the table at informal gatherings of activists, in the living rooms of the rank and file, and in the pews of hard-line churches. The story features a rowdy mix of personalities: ‘apostles’ of Jesus, atheist billionaires, reactionary Catholic theologians, pseudo-Platonic intellectuals, woman-hating opponents of ‘the gynocracy,’ high-powered evangelical networkers, Jewish devotees of Ayn Rand, pronatalists preoccupied with a dearth of (White) babies, COVID truthers, and battalions of ‘spirit warriors’ who appear to be inventing a new style of religion even as they set about undermining democracy at its foundations.” Over and against the idea that religion is a relatively insignificant factor in the rise of the radical political right, Stewart makes plain how Christian nationalism is “front and center” in the effort to solidify the power of the MAGA movement and Donald Trump’s presidency.</p>
<p><a href="https://voices.uchicago.edu/richardbmiller/">Richard B. Miller</a> is the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Emeritus Professor of Religion, Politics and Ethics at the University of Chicago. He previously taught in the Department of Religious Studies at Indiana University where he also served as Director of the Poynter Center for the Study of Ethics and American Institutions. The author of numerous articles and books, the most of which is <em>Why Study Religion? </em>(NY: Oxford University Press, 2021). <a href="https://bsky.app/profile/richardbmiller24sf.bsky.social">Bluesky</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3351</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Threats to Universities and What We Can Do: A Conversation with Brandice Canes Wrone</title>
      <description>Universities are under attack, but what exactly are the threats? How does free speech in the last 10 years compare to today? What do we stand to lose if higher education collapses?

In this episode, Brandice Canes-Wrone dives into the major threats facing universities—from defunding to restrictions on free expression—and what we can do to solve them. We explore the history of universities, from their religious roots to the transformative impact of the GI Bill, examine how America’s global leadership is tied to the strength of its higher education system, and discuss why universities must remain vital spaces for intellectual experimentation, free inquiry, and personal growth.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>149</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Universities are under attack, but what exactly are the threats? How does free speech in the last 10 years compare to today? What do we stand to lose if higher education collapses?

In this episode, Brandice Canes-Wrone dives into the major threats facing universities—from defunding to restrictions on free expression—and what we can do to solve them. We explore the history of universities, from their religious roots to the transformative impact of the GI Bill, examine how America’s global leadership is tied to the strength of its higher education system, and discuss why universities must remain vital spaces for intellectual experimentation, free inquiry, and personal growth.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Universities are under attack, but what exactly are the threats? How does free speech in the last 10 years compare to today? What do we stand to lose if higher education collapses?</p>
<p>In this episode, Brandice Canes-Wrone dives into the major threats facing universities—from defunding to restrictions on free expression—and what we can do to solve them. We explore the history of universities, from their religious roots to the transformative impact of the GI Bill, examine how America’s global leadership is tied to the strength of its higher education system, and discuss why universities must remain vital spaces for intellectual experimentation, free inquiry, and personal growth.</p>
<p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[54d43c62-2850-11f0-b472-03246d572fe9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6174640382.mp3?updated=1746298587" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin Schrader, "Fight to Live, Live to Fight Veteran Activism after War: Veteran Activism after War" (SUNY Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>While veterans are often talked about, in Fight to Live, Live to Fight Veteran Activism after War: Veteran Activism after War (SUNY Press, 2019), Dr. Benjamin Schrader flips this this perspective by focusing on veterans telling their own stories. These veterans are not "broken" or "damaged and dangerous" from their experiences in war, rather they are active agents in their own healing and demilitarization. Schrader weaves his own experiences in the US military and then as a member of activist communities with the stories of other activist veterans across the United States. He critically examines US foreign and domestic policy through the narratives of post-9/11 military veterans who have turned to social justice activism after leaving the military. These veterans are involved in a wide array of activism, including antiwar organizing, economic justice, sexual violence prevention, immigration issues, and veteran healing through art. In the process of attempting to demilitarize their communities and themselves, these veterans turned activists remake their understandings of bravery and patriotism. This is an accessible and engaging work that may be read and appreciated not just by scholars, but also students and anyone interested in understanding the lives of veterans and the effects of war.

Benjamin Schrader, Ph.D. is the Director of the Adult Learner and Veteran Services at Colorado State University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>267</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin Schrader</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While veterans are often talked about, in Fight to Live, Live to Fight Veteran Activism after War: Veteran Activism after War (SUNY Press, 2019), Dr. Benjamin Schrader flips this this perspective by focusing on veterans telling their own stories. These veterans are not "broken" or "damaged and dangerous" from their experiences in war, rather they are active agents in their own healing and demilitarization. Schrader weaves his own experiences in the US military and then as a member of activist communities with the stories of other activist veterans across the United States. He critically examines US foreign and domestic policy through the narratives of post-9/11 military veterans who have turned to social justice activism after leaving the military. These veterans are involved in a wide array of activism, including antiwar organizing, economic justice, sexual violence prevention, immigration issues, and veteran healing through art. In the process of attempting to demilitarize their communities and themselves, these veterans turned activists remake their understandings of bravery and patriotism. This is an accessible and engaging work that may be read and appreciated not just by scholars, but also students and anyone interested in understanding the lives of veterans and the effects of war.

Benjamin Schrader, Ph.D. is the Director of the Adult Learner and Veteran Services at Colorado State University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While veterans are often talked about, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781438475196">Fight to Live, Live to Fight Veteran Activism after War: Veteran Activism after War</a><em> </em>(SUNY Press, 2019), Dr. Benjamin Schrader flips this this perspective by focusing on veterans telling their own stories. These veterans are not "broken" or "damaged and dangerous" from their experiences in war, rather they are active agents in their own healing and demilitarization. Schrader weaves his own experiences in the US military and then as a member of activist communities with the stories of other activist veterans across the United States. He critically examines US foreign and domestic policy through the narratives of post-9/11 military veterans who have turned to social justice activism after leaving the military. These veterans are involved in a wide array of activism, including antiwar organizing, economic justice, sexual violence prevention, immigration issues, and veteran healing through art. In the process of attempting to demilitarize their communities and themselves, these veterans turned activists remake their understandings of bravery and patriotism. This is an accessible and engaging work that may be read and appreciated not just by scholars, but also students and anyone interested in understanding the lives of veterans and the effects of war.</p>
<p>Benjamin Schrader, Ph.D. is the Director of the Adult Learner and Veteran Services at Colorado State University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3211</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5672414986.mp3?updated=1746030690" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Democracy for Sale: Death by Dark Money</title>
      <description>On this edition of Ctrl Alt Deceit: Democracy in Danger, we are live at the Royal United Services Institute.

Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones are joined by a world-class panel to discuss the dangers posed by the waves of dark money threatening to overwhelm our democratic institutions.Panelists:--Tom Keatinge, Director, Centre for Finance and Security, RUSI--Darren Hughes, Chief Executive, Electoral Reform Society--Gina Neff, Executive Director, Minderoo Centre for Technology &amp; Democracy at the University of Cambridge, and Professor of Responsible AI, Queen Mary University London

Producer: Pearse Lynch

Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>9</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Tom Keatinge, Darren Hughes, and Gina Neff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On this edition of Ctrl Alt Deceit: Democracy in Danger, we are live at the Royal United Services Institute.

Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones are joined by a world-class panel to discuss the dangers posed by the waves of dark money threatening to overwhelm our democratic institutions.Panelists:--Tom Keatinge, Director, Centre for Finance and Security, RUSI--Darren Hughes, Chief Executive, Electoral Reform Society--Gina Neff, Executive Director, Minderoo Centre for Technology &amp; Democracy at the University of Cambridge, and Professor of Responsible AI, Queen Mary University London

Producer: Pearse Lynch

Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On this edition of Ctrl Alt Deceit: Democracy in Danger, we are live at the Royal United Services Institute.</p>
<p>Nina Dos Santos and Owen Bennett Jones are joined by a world-class panel to discuss the dangers posed by the waves of dark money threatening to overwhelm our democratic institutions.<br>Panelists:<br>--Tom Keatinge, Director, Centre for Finance and Security, RUSI<br>--Darren Hughes, Chief Executive, Electoral Reform Society<br>--Gina Neff, Executive Director, Minderoo Centre for Technology &amp; Democracy at the University of Cambridge, and Professor of Responsible AI, Queen Mary University London</p>
<p>Producer: Pearse Lynch</p>
<p>Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4144</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cfab6f52-26b4-11f0-964c-87900b6e435d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9168470744.mp3?updated=1746122601" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephen H. Legomsky, "Reimagining the American Union: The Case for Abolishing State Government" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Since American president Donald Trump was elected to a second term, it is common to hear citizens, journalists, and public officials distinguish between the laws and leaders of their states and the national government. Those who oppose Trump’s policies with regard to reproductive rights, gun violence, LGBTQ+, education, police, and voting often present state constitutions, courts, laws, culture, and leaders as a bulwark against Trump’s autocratic rule. 

But Professor Stephen H. Legomsky sees it differently. His new book, Reimagining the American Union: The Case for Abolishing State Government (Cambridge University Press 2025) argues that – if we care about democracy – we should imagine an America without state government. No longer a union of arbitrarily constructed states, the country would become a union of one American people. Reimagining the American Union understands state government as the root cause of the gravest threats to American democracy. While some of those threats are baked into the Constitution, the book argues that others are the product of state legislatures abusing their powers through gerrymanders, voter suppression, and other less-publicized manipulations that often target African-Americans and other minority voters. Reimagining the American Union interrogates how having national, state and local legislative bodies, taxation, bureaucracy, and regulation wastes taxpayer money and burdens the citizenry. After assessing the supposed benefits of state government, Professor Legomsky argues for a new, unitary American republic with only national and local governments.

Stephen H. Legomsky is the John S. Lehmann University Professor Emeritus at the Washington University School of Law. Professor Legomsky has published scholarly books on immigration and refugee law, courts, and constitutional law. He served in the Obama Administration as Chief Counsel of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services and later as Senior Counselor to Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson. He was a member of President-Elect Biden’s transition team, has testified often before Congress, and has worked with state, local, UN, and foreign governments.

Mentioned:


  Cambridge University press is offering a 20% discount here (until October)

  Susan’s NBN interview with Richard Kreitner on Break It Up: Secession, Division, and The Secret History of America’s Imperfect Union


  Jonathan A. Rodden’s Why Cities Lose: The Deep Roots of the Urban-Rural Political Divide (Basic Books 2019)

  
Hendrik Hertzberg’s review of Robert A. Dahl’s How Democratic Is the American Constitution (Yale)

  
Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court case that overturned the Voting Rights Act of 1965’s pre-clearance requirement for historically discriminating districts


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>768</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephen H. Legomsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since American president Donald Trump was elected to a second term, it is common to hear citizens, journalists, and public officials distinguish between the laws and leaders of their states and the national government. Those who oppose Trump’s policies with regard to reproductive rights, gun violence, LGBTQ+, education, police, and voting often present state constitutions, courts, laws, culture, and leaders as a bulwark against Trump’s autocratic rule. 

But Professor Stephen H. Legomsky sees it differently. His new book, Reimagining the American Union: The Case for Abolishing State Government (Cambridge University Press 2025) argues that – if we care about democracy – we should imagine an America without state government. No longer a union of arbitrarily constructed states, the country would become a union of one American people. Reimagining the American Union understands state government as the root cause of the gravest threats to American democracy. While some of those threats are baked into the Constitution, the book argues that others are the product of state legislatures abusing their powers through gerrymanders, voter suppression, and other less-publicized manipulations that often target African-Americans and other minority voters. Reimagining the American Union interrogates how having national, state and local legislative bodies, taxation, bureaucracy, and regulation wastes taxpayer money and burdens the citizenry. After assessing the supposed benefits of state government, Professor Legomsky argues for a new, unitary American republic with only national and local governments.

Stephen H. Legomsky is the John S. Lehmann University Professor Emeritus at the Washington University School of Law. Professor Legomsky has published scholarly books on immigration and refugee law, courts, and constitutional law. He served in the Obama Administration as Chief Counsel of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services and later as Senior Counselor to Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson. He was a member of President-Elect Biden’s transition team, has testified often before Congress, and has worked with state, local, UN, and foreign governments.

Mentioned:


  Cambridge University press is offering a 20% discount here (until October)

  Susan’s NBN interview with Richard Kreitner on Break It Up: Secession, Division, and The Secret History of America’s Imperfect Union


  Jonathan A. Rodden’s Why Cities Lose: The Deep Roots of the Urban-Rural Political Divide (Basic Books 2019)

  
Hendrik Hertzberg’s review of Robert A. Dahl’s How Democratic Is the American Constitution (Yale)

  
Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court case that overturned the Voting Rights Act of 1965’s pre-clearance requirement for historically discriminating districts


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since American president Donald Trump was elected to a second term, it is common to hear citizens, journalists, and public officials distinguish between the laws and leaders of <em>their states </em>and the national government. Those who oppose Trump’s policies with regard to reproductive rights, gun violence, LGBTQ+, education, police, and voting often present state constitutions, courts, laws, culture, and leaders as a bulwark against Trump’s autocratic rule. </p>
<p>But Professor Stephen H. Legomsky sees it differently. His new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009581417">Reimagining the American Union: The Case for Abolishing State Government</a> (Cambridge University Press 2025) argues that – if we care about democracy – we should imagine an America without state government. No longer a union of arbitrarily constructed states, the country would become a union of one American people. <em>Reimagining the American Union</em> understands state government as the root cause of the gravest threats to American democracy. While some of those threats are baked into the Constitution, the book argues that others are the product of state legislatures abusing their powers through gerrymanders, voter suppression, and other less-publicized manipulations that often target African-Americans and other minority voters. <em>Reimagining the American Union</em> interrogates how having national, state and local legislative bodies, taxation, bureaucracy, and regulation wastes taxpayer money and burdens the citizenry. After assessing the supposed benefits of state government, Professor Legomsky argues for a new, unitary American republic with only national and local governments.</p>
<p><a href="https://law.washu.edu/faculty-staff-directory/profile/stephen-h-legomsky/">Stephen H. Legomsky</a> is the John S. Lehmann University Professor Emeritus at the Washington University School of Law. Professor Legomsky has published scholarly books on immigration and refugee law, courts, and constitutional law. He served in the Obama Administration as Chief Counsel of U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services and later as Senior Counselor to Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson. He was a member of President-Elect Biden’s transition team, has testified often before Congress, and has worked with state, local, UN, and foreign governments.</p>
<p>Mentioned:</p>
<ul>
  <li>Cambridge University press is offering <a href="https://image.updates.cambridge.org/lib/fe97157477670d7d70/m/1/1390b6eb-0817-43a7-b02c-ec9159377789.pdf">a 20% discount here</a> (until October)</li>
  <li>Susan’s NBN interview with Richard Kreitner on <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/break-it-up#entry:47208@1:url"><em>Break It Up: Secession, Division, and The Secret History of America’s Imperfect Union</em></a>
</li>
  <li>Jonathan A. Rodden’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/why-cities-lose-the-deep-roots-of-the-urban-rural-political-divide-jonathan-a-rodden/18068047?ean=9781541644274&amp;next=t"><em>Why Cities Lose: The Deep Roots of the Urban-Rural Political Divide</em></a> (Basic Books 2019)</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2002/07/29/framed-up">Hendrik Hertzberg’s review</a> of Robert A. Dahl’s <em>How Democratic Is the American Constitution</em> (Yale)</li>
  <li>
<a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2012/12-96"><em>Shelby County v. Holder</em></a>, the Supreme Court case that overturned the Voting Rights Act of 1965’s pre-clearance requirement for historically discriminating districts</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3435</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[062b9a28-237e-11f0-a5c9-43cdb124d9f9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3966589909.mp3?updated=1745769176" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jerome Powell: “We don't think you're a straight shooter"</title>
      <description>More than any one institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

This eighth and final episode covers the life and times of the current chair, Jerome ("Jay") Powell - the technocratic lawyer-turned-banker who managed the global economy through two unprecedented disasters: the Covid pandemic and Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies. As the episodes about Martin, Burns, and Volcker all attest, Powell isn't the first chairman to face political blowback. But he is the first to be publicly denounced as “Mr Too Late” and a “major loser” by a president intent on removing him from office before his term ends in mid-2026.

To discuss Powell, Tim is joined by Nick Timiraos, author of Trillion Dollar Triage: How Jay Powell and the Fed Battled a President and a Pandemic and Prevented Economic Disaster (Little, Brown, 2022).

“If people think you're not going to act in the country's best interest, that's bad for the Fed,” he says. “The next time the Fed decides it needs to do something that actually is ‘exigent and unusual’, people will say: ‘Well, wait a minute, the last time you did this, we thought you were a toady for the Democrats or a toady for the Republicans. We don't think you're a straight shooter. We're not going to let you raise interest rates by 25 basis points. We're not going to give you money to backstop your purchases of corporate credit’. Those are the kind of medium and long term risks from a fight with the White House. I think, for Powell, the worst outcome is that people don't think you have an independent central bank anymore. Your monetary policy won't be credible. Why not just roll that thing into the Treasury Department if that's what you're going to do?”

Since 2017, Nick Timiraos has been the chief economics correspondent at The Wall Street Journal and has developed an unrivalled reputation as the "Fed whisperer".
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 04 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>177</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Chair: In the Room at the Federal Reserve Episode 8</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any one institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

This eighth and final episode covers the life and times of the current chair, Jerome ("Jay") Powell - the technocratic lawyer-turned-banker who managed the global economy through two unprecedented disasters: the Covid pandemic and Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies. As the episodes about Martin, Burns, and Volcker all attest, Powell isn't the first chairman to face political blowback. But he is the first to be publicly denounced as “Mr Too Late” and a “major loser” by a president intent on removing him from office before his term ends in mid-2026.

To discuss Powell, Tim is joined by Nick Timiraos, author of Trillion Dollar Triage: How Jay Powell and the Fed Battled a President and a Pandemic and Prevented Economic Disaster (Little, Brown, 2022).

“If people think you're not going to act in the country's best interest, that's bad for the Fed,” he says. “The next time the Fed decides it needs to do something that actually is ‘exigent and unusual’, people will say: ‘Well, wait a minute, the last time you did this, we thought you were a toady for the Democrats or a toady for the Republicans. We don't think you're a straight shooter. We're not going to let you raise interest rates by 25 basis points. We're not going to give you money to backstop your purchases of corporate credit’. Those are the kind of medium and long term risks from a fight with the White House. I think, for Powell, the worst outcome is that people don't think you have an independent central bank anymore. Your monetary policy won't be credible. Why not just roll that thing into the Treasury Department if that's what you're going to do?”

Since 2017, Nick Timiraos has been the chief economics correspondent at The Wall Street Journal and has developed an unrivalled reputation as the "Fed whisperer".
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any one institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p>
<p>In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.</p>
<p>This eighth and final episode covers the life and times of the current chair, Jerome ("Jay") Powell - the technocratic lawyer-turned-banker who managed the global economy through two unprecedented disasters: the Covid pandemic and Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies. As the episodes about Martin, Burns, and Volcker all attest, Powell isn't the first chairman to face political blowback. But he is the first to be publicly denounced as “Mr Too Late” and a “major loser” by a president intent on removing him from office before his term ends in mid-2026.</p>
<p>To discuss Powell, Tim is joined by Nick Timiraos, author of <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/trillion-dollar-triage-how-jay-powell-and-the-fed-battled-a-president-and-a-pandemic-and-prevented-economic-disaster-nick-timiraos/6493929?ean=9780316272810">Trillion Dollar Triage: How Jay Powell and the Fed Battled a President and a Pandemic and Prevented Economic Disaster</a> (Little, Brown, 2022).</p>
<p>“If people think you're not going to act in the country's best interest, that's bad for the Fed,” he says. “The next time the Fed decides it needs to do something that actually is ‘exigent and unusual’, people will say: ‘Well, wait a minute, the last time you did this, we thought you were a toady for the Democrats or a toady for the Republicans. We don't think you're a straight shooter. We're not going to let you raise interest rates by 25 basis points. We're not going to give you money to backstop your purchases of corporate credit’. Those are the kind of medium and long term risks from a fight with the White House. I think, for Powell, the worst outcome is that people don't think you have an independent central bank anymore. Your monetary policy won't be credible. Why not just roll that thing into the Treasury Department if that's what you're going to do?”</p>
<p>Since 2017, Nick Timiraos has been the chief economics correspondent at The Wall Street Journal and has developed an unrivalled reputation as the "Fed whisperer".</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2955</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8fa0d95e-2783-11f0-aace-337d38f2f677]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4483367449.mp3?updated=1746210816" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Janet Yellen: “She had a view that the world was on fire”</title>
      <description>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

The third episode of the second series covers Janet Yellen – not only the first woman to become Fed Chair but the first person of either sex to lead the Fed, the Treasury, and the Council of Economic Advisors. To discuss Ben Bernanke’s successor, Tim is joined by Jon Hilsenrath, author of Yellen: The Trailblazing Economist Who Navigated an Era of Upheaval (Harper Collins, 2022).

“Bernanke was a consensus builder,” says Hilsenrath. “He wasn't the kind of guy who was going to push people on a personal level out of their comfort zones … Yellen was a bit of a bulldog there, but she was also a bulldog with the Fed staff. I mean, she had a view that the world was on fire and that they, you know, and that they had to be moving like people putting out a fire”.

In 2023, Hilsenrath left the Wall Street Journal after a 26-year career during which he developed a market reputation as a pre-eminent Fed-watcher. He’s still watching the Fed but now for his own advisory firm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 03 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>173</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/ce2d99ca-25ce-11f0-8a73-434dbf1c7b93/image/08751e144d5ccec30f9c57e6b2b2bb88.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Chair: In the Room at the Federal Reserve Episode 7</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

The third episode of the second series covers Janet Yellen – not only the first woman to become Fed Chair but the first person of either sex to lead the Fed, the Treasury, and the Council of Economic Advisors. To discuss Ben Bernanke’s successor, Tim is joined by Jon Hilsenrath, author of Yellen: The Trailblazing Economist Who Navigated an Era of Upheaval (Harper Collins, 2022).

“Bernanke was a consensus builder,” says Hilsenrath. “He wasn't the kind of guy who was going to push people on a personal level out of their comfort zones … Yellen was a bit of a bulldog there, but she was also a bulldog with the Fed staff. I mean, she had a view that the world was on fire and that they, you know, and that they had to be moving like people putting out a fire”.

In 2023, Hilsenrath left the Wall Street Journal after a 26-year career during which he developed a market reputation as a pre-eminent Fed-watcher. He’s still watching the Fed but now for his own advisory firm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p>
<p>In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.</p>
<p>The third episode of the second series covers Janet Yellen – not only the first woman to become Fed Chair but the first <em>person</em> of either sex to lead the Fed, the Treasury, and the Council of Economic Advisors. To discuss Ben Bernanke’s successor, Tim is joined by Jon Hilsenrath, author of <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/yellen-the-trailblazing-economist-who-navigated-an-era-of-upheaval-jon-hilsenrath/7016622?ean=9780063162464">Yellen: The Trailblazing Economist Who Navigated an Era of Upheaval</a> (Harper Collins, 2022).</p>
<p>“Bernanke was a consensus builder,” says Hilsenrath. “He wasn't the kind of guy who was going to push people on a personal level out of their comfort zones … Yellen was a bit of a bulldog there, but she was also a bulldog with the Fed staff. I mean, she had a view that the world was on fire and that they, you know, and that they had to be moving like people putting out a fire”.</p>
<p>In 2023, Hilsenrath left the Wall Street Journal after a 26-year career during which he developed a market reputation as a pre-eminent Fed-watcher. He’s still watching the Fed but now for his own advisory firm.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3463</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ben Bernanke: “Like being a paleontologist”</title>
      <description>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

Episode two of the second series covers the life and crisis-era times of Ben Bernanke, the man who filled Alan Greenspan’s big shoes and ran the Fed from 2006 to 2014. A shy but world-renowned monetary economist and historian of the Great Depression, Bernanke was left holding the proverbial bomb when the financial system came close to collapse in 2008. To discuss Bernanke, Tim is joined by David Wessel, author of In FED We Trust: Ben Bernanke's War on the Great Panic (Crown, 2010).

“It wasn't obvious when he was appointed to the Fed in 2006 that having somebody who had spent their life studying the Great Depression would be well equipped to be Alan Greenspan's successor,” says Wessel. “I have sometimes said it was a like being a paleontologist. It's very nice that you know a lot about dinosaurs, but what use is that to us today until one day a Stegosaurus appears on the horizon. And it was remarkable good fortune for the country and the world that there was a guy who happened to have studied all the mistakes that the Fed made in the 1920s and the 1930s in a position to do something about it when a situation, not all that dissimilar, appears both to his surprise and to almost everybody else's”.

Wessel is two-time Pulitzer Prize winning journalist who now runs the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution. For 30 years, he worked at the Wall Street Journal - reporting mostly from Washington and covering economics and the Fed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>172</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/b74cb1aa-25ce-11f0-ad66-a36284f3c533/image/08751e144d5ccec30f9c57e6b2b2bb88.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Chair: In the Room at the Federal Reserve 6</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

Episode two of the second series covers the life and crisis-era times of Ben Bernanke, the man who filled Alan Greenspan’s big shoes and ran the Fed from 2006 to 2014. A shy but world-renowned monetary economist and historian of the Great Depression, Bernanke was left holding the proverbial bomb when the financial system came close to collapse in 2008. To discuss Bernanke, Tim is joined by David Wessel, author of In FED We Trust: Ben Bernanke's War on the Great Panic (Crown, 2010).

“It wasn't obvious when he was appointed to the Fed in 2006 that having somebody who had spent their life studying the Great Depression would be well equipped to be Alan Greenspan's successor,” says Wessel. “I have sometimes said it was a like being a paleontologist. It's very nice that you know a lot about dinosaurs, but what use is that to us today until one day a Stegosaurus appears on the horizon. And it was remarkable good fortune for the country and the world that there was a guy who happened to have studied all the mistakes that the Fed made in the 1920s and the 1930s in a position to do something about it when a situation, not all that dissimilar, appears both to his surprise and to almost everybody else's”.

Wessel is two-time Pulitzer Prize winning journalist who now runs the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution. For 30 years, he worked at the Wall Street Journal - reporting mostly from Washington and covering economics and the Fed.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p>
<p>In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.</p>
<p>Episode two of the second series covers the life and crisis-era times of Ben Bernanke, the man who filled Alan Greenspan’s big shoes and ran the Fed from 2006 to 2014. A shy but world-renowned monetary economist and historian of the Great Depression, Bernanke was left holding the proverbial bomb when the financial system came close to collapse in 2008. To discuss Bernanke, Tim is joined by David Wessel, author of <a href="https://www.amazon.com/FED-We-Trust-Bernankes-Great/dp/0307459691/ref=sr_1_1?crid=33QWV8HA53XAN&amp;dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.E4suER8a6Z7i7IGjLukKni3jn6wdFXp708JSuF3oG-nGjHj071QN20LucGBJIEps.JcWz1_-ryRnmyqu_XRvKlD0AdZlu6BFUunrIGkwhtww&amp;dib_tag=se&amp;keywords=bernanke+wessel&amp;qid=1744731403&amp;sprefix=bernanke+wessel%2Caps%2C159&amp;sr=8-1">In FED We Trust: Ben Bernanke's War on the Great Panic</a> (Crown, 2010).</p>
<p>“It wasn't obvious when he was appointed to the Fed in 2006 that having somebody who had spent their life studying the Great Depression would be well equipped to be Alan Greenspan's successor,” says Wessel. “I have sometimes said it was a like being a paleontologist. It's very nice that you know a lot about dinosaurs, but what use is that to us today until one day a Stegosaurus appears on the horizon. And it was remarkable good fortune for the country and the world that there was a guy who happened to have studied all the mistakes that the Fed made in the 1920s and the 1930s in a position to do something about it when a situation, not all that dissimilar, appears both to his surprise and to almost everybody else's”.</p>
<p>Wessel is two-time Pulitzer Prize winning journalist who now runs the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy at the Brookings Institution. For 30 years, he worked at the Wall Street Journal - reporting mostly from Washington and covering economics and the Fed.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2607</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2396783383.mp3?updated=1746108028" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alan Greenspan: “The man who knew”</title>
      <description>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

The first episode of the second series explores Alan Greenspan, the chairman who followed Paul Volcker and ran the Fed from 1987 until 2006. Once bestowed with “Maestro” status, Greenspan – who turns 100 in March 2026 – has seen his reputation deflate in the wake of the post-2008 financial crisis. To discuss the fallen Maestro, Tim is joined by Sebastian Mallaby, author of The Man Who Knew: The Life and Times of Alan Greenspan (Bloomsbury, 2016).

“Greenspan was the man who knew,” says Mallaby. “He was the man who knew that bubbles were extremely destructive, and yet he was not the man who acted against those bubbles. So, whilst he was great on inflation and on stabilising the price of eggs, he was not good on asset-price inflation or stabilising the price of nest eggs”.

A former journalist at The Economist and the Washington Post, Mallaby is the prize-winning author of The World's Banker – a portrait of the World Bank under James Wolfensohn – and More Money Than God: Hedge Funds and the Making of a New Elite. He is now the Paul A. Volcker senior fellow for international economics at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 May 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>174</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a05b1950-25ce-11f0-af03-ef6326a7ae3f/image/08751e144d5ccec30f9c57e6b2b2bb88.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Chair: In the Room at the Federal Reserve Episode 5</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.

In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.

The first episode of the second series explores Alan Greenspan, the chairman who followed Paul Volcker and ran the Fed from 1987 until 2006. Once bestowed with “Maestro” status, Greenspan – who turns 100 in March 2026 – has seen his reputation deflate in the wake of the post-2008 financial crisis. To discuss the fallen Maestro, Tim is joined by Sebastian Mallaby, author of The Man Who Knew: The Life and Times of Alan Greenspan (Bloomsbury, 2016).

“Greenspan was the man who knew,” says Mallaby. “He was the man who knew that bubbles were extremely destructive, and yet he was not the man who acted against those bubbles. So, whilst he was great on inflation and on stabilising the price of eggs, he was not good on asset-price inflation or stabilising the price of nest eggs”.

A former journalist at The Economist and the Washington Post, Mallaby is the prize-winning author of The World's Banker – a portrait of the World Bank under James Wolfensohn – and More Money Than God: Hedge Funds and the Making of a New Elite. He is now the Paul A. Volcker senior fellow for international economics at the Council on Foreign Relations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other single institution, the US Federal Reserve drives global capital markets with its decisions and communications. While its interest rates are set by a committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p>
<p>In the first series of The Chair, Tim Gwynn Jones talked to authors of books about the Fed's foundational Chairs – Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker. In this second series, he covers the people who chaired the Fed through the post-1990 period of financialisation, globalisation, and – perhaps today – deglobalisation.</p>
<p>The first episode of the second series explores Alan Greenspan, the chairman who followed Paul Volcker and ran the Fed from 1987 until 2006. Once bestowed with “Maestro” status, Greenspan – who turns 100 in March 2026 – has seen his reputation deflate in the wake of the post-2008 financial crisis. To discuss the fallen Maestro, Tim is joined by Sebastian Mallaby, author of <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/the-man-who-knew-the-life-times-of-alan-greenspan-sebastian-mallaby/4281449?ean=9781408830956">The Man Who Knew: The Life and Times of Alan Greenspan</a> (Bloomsbury, 2016).</p>
<p>“Greenspan was the man who knew,” says Mallaby. “He was the man who knew that bubbles were extremely destructive, and yet he was not the man who acted against those bubbles. So, whilst he was great on inflation and on stabilising the price of eggs, he was not good on asset-price inflation or stabilising the price of nest eggs”.</p>
<p>A former journalist at The Economist and the Washington Post, Mallaby is the prize-winning author of The World's Banker – a portrait of the World Bank under James Wolfensohn – and More Money Than God: Hedge Funds and the Making of a New Elite. He is now the Paul A. Volcker senior fellow for international economics at the Council on Foreign Relations.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2888</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1055713161.mp3?updated=1746103478" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Institutional Corruption in News Media: A Conversation with William English</title>
      <description>Why has trust in the news media declined? How can we combat biased reporting and the spread of misinformation? And how do these challenges compare to the media landscape during America’s founding era?

Join us as we explore these pressing questions with William English, a political economist and Associate Professor of Strategy, Economics, Ethics, and Public Policy at Georgetown University’s McDonough School of Business.

Professor English will discuss his long-standing research on the intersection of ethics, media, and politics, including the Founding Fathers’ views on press freedom and its vital role in maintaining democracy. He’ll also examine the growing problem of “hermeneutic unintelligibility”—where conflicting worldviews make meaningful dialogue between opposing groups nearly impossible. Finally, he’ll explore potential technological solutions, such as open-source protocols, that could help restore trust and transparency in media.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>148</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William English</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why has trust in the news media declined? How can we combat biased reporting and the spread of misinformation? And how do these challenges compare to the media landscape during America’s founding era?

Join us as we explore these pressing questions with William English, a political economist and Associate Professor of Strategy, Economics, Ethics, and Public Policy at Georgetown University’s McDonough School of Business.

Professor English will discuss his long-standing research on the intersection of ethics, media, and politics, including the Founding Fathers’ views on press freedom and its vital role in maintaining democracy. He’ll also examine the growing problem of “hermeneutic unintelligibility”—where conflicting worldviews make meaningful dialogue between opposing groups nearly impossible. Finally, he’ll explore potential technological solutions, such as open-source protocols, that could help restore trust and transparency in media.

Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.

Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why has trust in the news media declined? How can we combat biased reporting and the spread of misinformation? And how do these challenges compare to the media landscape during America’s founding era?</p>
<p>Join us as we explore these pressing questions with William English, a political economist and Associate Professor of Strategy, Economics, Ethics, and Public Policy at Georgetown University’s McDonough School of Business.</p>
<p>Professor English will discuss his long-standing research on the intersection of ethics, media, and politics, including the Founding Fathers’ views on press freedom and its vital role in maintaining democracy. He’ll also examine the growing problem of “hermeneutic unintelligibility”—where conflicting worldviews make meaningful dialogue between opposing groups nearly impossible. Finally, he’ll explore potential technological solutions, such as open-source protocols, that could help restore trust and transparency in media.</p>
<p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p>
<p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3655</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c8c6caf6-2506-11f0-9326-bb23fe34d59c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9816330175.mp3?updated=1745937401" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Caitlin Killian, "Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts" (Bloomsbury, 2025)</title>
      <description>In today's post-Roe v. Wade world, U.S. maternal mortality is on the rise and laws regarding contraception, involuntary sterilization, access to reproductive health services, and criminalization of people who are gestating are changing by the minute. Today I’m joined by Dr. Caitlin Killian, the editor of and one of the contributors to a new book from Bloomsbury Academic, Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts: A Reader. I’m also pleased to host two of the chapter authors, Drs. Nancy Hiemstra and Jaya Keaney.

Using a reproductive justice framework, Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts walks students through the social landscape around reproduction through the life course. Chapters by cutting-edge reproductive scholars, practitioners, and advocates address the social control of fertility and pregnancy, the promises and perils of assisted reproductive technologies, experiences of pregnancy, miscarriage, abortion, and birth, and how individuals make sense of and respond to the cultural, social, and political forces that condition their reproductive lives. The book takes an intersectional approach and considers how gender, sexuality, fatness, disability, class, race, and immigration status impact both an individual's health and the healthcare they receive. The reader includes timely topics such as increased legal limitations on abortion, transpeople and reproduction, and new developments in assisted reproduction and family formation. The book can support undergraduate and graduate courses on families, gender, public health, reproduction, and sexuality – and I’m pleased to have contributed a chapter.

Dr. Caitlin Killian is a Professor of Sociology at Drew University specializing in gender, families, reproduction, and immigration. We featured her book, Failing Moms: Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers (Polity 2023) previously on New Books Network. Her articles have appeared in Contexts magazine and The Conversation, as well as numerous academic journals, and she has done work for the United Nations on sexual and reproductive health and rights and on Syrian refugee women

Dr. Nancy Hiemstra is a political, cultural, and feminist geographer and Associate Professor in the Department of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University. Her scholarship focuses on how border and immigration policies shape patterns and consequences of human mobility. Her 2019 book Detain and Deport: The Chaotic U.S. Immigration Enforcement Regime examined the U.S. detention and deportation system, and her forthcoming book (with Deirdre Conlon) Immigration Detention Inc: The Big Business of Locking Up Migrants scrutinizes how profit making goals drive the expanding use of detention.

Dr Jaya Keaney is Lecturer in Gender Studies in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne. She writes, researches, and teaches in the fields of feminist technoscience, queer and feminist theory, and cultural studies. Her research across these fields explores reproduction, racism, and queer feminist practices of embodiment and inheritance. Jaya is the author of Making Gaybies: Queer Reproduction and Multiracial Feeling (Duke University Press, 2023), which was a finalist for the 2024 Rachel Carson Prize. Her writing has also appeared in journals such as Body and Society, Science Technology &amp; Human Values, and the Duke University Press edited collection Long Term: Essays on Queer Commitment (2021).

Mentioned:


  Susan’s interview with Caitlin on Failing Moms: The Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers (Polity, 2024).


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>767</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Caitlin Killian, Nancy Hiemstra and Jaya Keaney</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In today's post-Roe v. Wade world, U.S. maternal mortality is on the rise and laws regarding contraception, involuntary sterilization, access to reproductive health services, and criminalization of people who are gestating are changing by the minute. Today I’m joined by Dr. Caitlin Killian, the editor of and one of the contributors to a new book from Bloomsbury Academic, Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts: A Reader. I’m also pleased to host two of the chapter authors, Drs. Nancy Hiemstra and Jaya Keaney.

Using a reproductive justice framework, Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts walks students through the social landscape around reproduction through the life course. Chapters by cutting-edge reproductive scholars, practitioners, and advocates address the social control of fertility and pregnancy, the promises and perils of assisted reproductive technologies, experiences of pregnancy, miscarriage, abortion, and birth, and how individuals make sense of and respond to the cultural, social, and political forces that condition their reproductive lives. The book takes an intersectional approach and considers how gender, sexuality, fatness, disability, class, race, and immigration status impact both an individual's health and the healthcare they receive. The reader includes timely topics such as increased legal limitations on abortion, transpeople and reproduction, and new developments in assisted reproduction and family formation. The book can support undergraduate and graduate courses on families, gender, public health, reproduction, and sexuality – and I’m pleased to have contributed a chapter.

Dr. Caitlin Killian is a Professor of Sociology at Drew University specializing in gender, families, reproduction, and immigration. We featured her book, Failing Moms: Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers (Polity 2023) previously on New Books Network. Her articles have appeared in Contexts magazine and The Conversation, as well as numerous academic journals, and she has done work for the United Nations on sexual and reproductive health and rights and on Syrian refugee women

Dr. Nancy Hiemstra is a political, cultural, and feminist geographer and Associate Professor in the Department of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University. Her scholarship focuses on how border and immigration policies shape patterns and consequences of human mobility. Her 2019 book Detain and Deport: The Chaotic U.S. Immigration Enforcement Regime examined the U.S. detention and deportation system, and her forthcoming book (with Deirdre Conlon) Immigration Detention Inc: The Big Business of Locking Up Migrants scrutinizes how profit making goals drive the expanding use of detention.

Dr Jaya Keaney is Lecturer in Gender Studies in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne. She writes, researches, and teaches in the fields of feminist technoscience, queer and feminist theory, and cultural studies. Her research across these fields explores reproduction, racism, and queer feminist practices of embodiment and inheritance. Jaya is the author of Making Gaybies: Queer Reproduction and Multiracial Feeling (Duke University Press, 2023), which was a finalist for the 2024 Rachel Carson Prize. Her writing has also appeared in journals such as Body and Society, Science Technology &amp; Human Values, and the Duke University Press edited collection Long Term: Essays on Queer Commitment (2021).

Mentioned:


  Susan’s interview with Caitlin on Failing Moms: The Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers (Polity, 2024).


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In today's post-<em>Roe v. Wade</em> world, U.S. maternal mortality is on the rise and laws regarding contraception, involuntary sterilization, access to reproductive health services, and criminalization of people who are gestating are changing by the minute. Today I’m joined by Dr. Caitlin Killian, the editor of and one of the contributors to a new book from Bloomsbury Academic, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798881801533">Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts: A Reader</a>. I’m also pleased to host two of the chapter authors, Drs. Nancy Hiemstra and Jaya Keaney.</p>
<p>Using a reproductive justice framework, <em>Understanding Reproduction in Social Contexts </em>walks students through the social landscape around reproduction through the life course. Chapters by cutting-edge reproductive scholars, practitioners, and advocates address the social control of fertility and pregnancy, the promises and perils of assisted reproductive technologies, experiences of pregnancy, miscarriage, abortion, and birth, and how individuals make sense of and respond to the cultural, social, and political forces that condition their reproductive lives. The book takes an intersectional approach and considers how gender, sexuality, fatness, disability, class, race, and immigration status impact both an individual's health and the healthcare they receive. The reader includes timely topics such as increased legal limitations on abortion, transpeople and reproduction, and new developments in assisted reproduction and family formation. The book can support undergraduate and graduate courses on families, gender, public health, reproduction, and sexuality – and I’m pleased to have contributed a chapter.</p>
<p><a href="http://caitlinkillian.com/">Dr. Caitlin Killian</a> is a Professor of Sociology at Drew University specializing in gender, families, reproduction, and immigration. We featured her book, <em>Failing Moms: Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers</em> (Polity 2023) previously on New Books Network. Her articles have appeared in <em>Contexts</em> magazine and <em>The Conversation</em>, as well as numerous academic journals, and she has done work for the United Nations on sexual and reproductive health and rights and on Syrian refugee women</p>
<p><a href="https://www.stonybrook.edu/commcms/wgss/people/nancyhiemstra">Dr. Nancy Hiemstra</a> is a political, cultural, and feminist geographer and Associate Professor in the Department of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University. Her scholarship focuses on how border and immigration policies shape patterns and consequences of human mobility. Her 2019 book <em>Detain and Deport: The Chaotic U.S. Immigration Enforcement Regime </em>examined the U.S. detention and deportation system, and her forthcoming book (with Deirdre Conlon) <em>Immigration Detention Inc: The Big Business of Locking Up Migrants </em>scrutinizes how profit making goals drive the expanding use of detention.</p>
<p><a href="https://findanexpert.unimelb.edu.au/profile/955699-jaya-keaney">Dr Jaya Keaney</a> is Lecturer in Gender Studies in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Melbourne. She writes, researches, and teaches in the fields of feminist technoscience, queer and feminist theory, and cultural studies. Her research across these fields explores reproduction, racism, and queer feminist practices of embodiment and inheritance. Jaya is the author of <a href="https://www.dukeupress.edu/making-gaybies"><em>Making Gaybies: Queer Reproduction and Multiracial Feeling</em></a> (Duke University Press, 2023), which was a finalist for the 2024 Rachel Carson Prize. Her writing has also appeared in journals such as <em>Body and Society,</em> <em>Science Technology &amp; Human Values, </em>and the Duke University Press edited collection <em>Long Term: Essays on Queer Commitment </em>(2021).</p>
<p>Mentioned:</p>
<ul>
  <li>Susan’s interview with Caitlin on <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/failing-moms#entry:286921@1:url"><em>Failing Moms: The Social Condemnation and Criminalization of Mothers</em></a> (Polity, 2024).</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3892</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Good Father Syndrome: Why Strongmen Still Seduce</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey speaks with Stephen Hanson and Jeffrey Kopstein, co-authors of The Assault on the State: How the Global Attack on Modern Government Endangers Our Future (Polity Press, 2024). In this conversation, they discuss how today’s right-wing movements, from the United States to Hungary, are waging a new form of politics that undermines the very foundations of the modern, rules-based state. Drawing on Max Weber’s concept of “patrimonialism,” Hanson and Kopstein explore how these leaders erode public trust, demolish impersonal bureaucracies, and replace rational governance with personal loyalty and whim. Along the way, they examine the role of conspiracy theories, the rise of “deep state” narratives, and the uneasy alliances connecting libertarians, Christian nationalists, and advocates of an all-powerful executive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>165</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Stephen E. Hanson and Jeffrey Kopstein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey speaks with Stephen Hanson and Jeffrey Kopstein, co-authors of The Assault on the State: How the Global Attack on Modern Government Endangers Our Future (Polity Press, 2024). In this conversation, they discuss how today’s right-wing movements, from the United States to Hungary, are waging a new form of politics that undermines the very foundations of the modern, rules-based state. Drawing on Max Weber’s concept of “patrimonialism,” Hanson and Kopstein explore how these leaders erode public trust, demolish impersonal bureaucracies, and replace rational governance with personal loyalty and whim. Along the way, they examine the role of conspiracy theories, the rise of “deep state” narratives, and the uneasy alliances connecting libertarians, Christian nationalists, and advocates of an all-powerful executive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey speaks with Stephen Hanson and Jeffrey Kopstein, co-authors of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509563159">The Assault on the State: How the Global Attack on Modern Government Endangers Our Future </a>(Polity Press, 2024). In this conversation, they discuss how today’s right-wing movements, from the United States to Hungary, are waging a new form of politics that undermines the very foundations of the modern, rules-based state. Drawing on Max Weber’s concept of “patrimonialism,” Hanson and Kopstein explore how these leaders erode public trust, demolish impersonal bureaucracies, and replace rational governance with personal loyalty and whim. Along the way, they examine the role of conspiracy theories, the rise of “deep state” narratives, and the uneasy alliances connecting libertarians, Christian nationalists, and advocates of an all-powerful executive.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1910</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Vote Gap: What’s Pulling Young Men and Women Apart?</title>
      <description>Why are young men leaning right while young women shift left? Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones speak with NYU’s Scott Galloway, political analyst Sophie Stowers, and commentator Oliver Dean to explore the forces behind this growing divide.
Whether it’s a broken social contract where young people no longer believe they will lead better, more prosperous lives than their parents or the work of algorithms that feed off rage and division, the implications are profound.
This podcast was recorded live at NYU London, in front of an audience of students who are part of a generation searching for increasingly radical solutions to fix society.
Guests

Scott Galloway is a Professor of Marketing at NYU Stern School of Business where he teaches Brand Strategy and Digital Marketing to second-year MBA students. He is also a Bestselling author, professor and entrepreneur.

Sophie Stowers - A Research Associate at UK in a Changing Europe. Her background is in British and European politics, and her research focuses on UK-EU relations, British politics and parties, and public opinion. She previously worked as a Parliamentary Assistant.

Oliver Dean a political commentator with Young Voices UK. He studies History and Politics at the London School of Economics and Political Science where he is the Treasurer of the LSE Hayek Society.
Producer: Pearse Lynch
Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 27 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>CTRL ALT DECEIT: Democracy in Danger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why are young men leaning right while young women shift left? Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones speak with NYU’s Scott Galloway, political analyst Sophie Stowers, and commentator Oliver Dean to explore the forces behind this growing divide.
Whether it’s a broken social contract where young people no longer believe they will lead better, more prosperous lives than their parents or the work of algorithms that feed off rage and division, the implications are profound.
This podcast was recorded live at NYU London, in front of an audience of students who are part of a generation searching for increasingly radical solutions to fix society.
Guests

Scott Galloway is a Professor of Marketing at NYU Stern School of Business where he teaches Brand Strategy and Digital Marketing to second-year MBA students. He is also a Bestselling author, professor and entrepreneur.

Sophie Stowers - A Research Associate at UK in a Changing Europe. Her background is in British and European politics, and her research focuses on UK-EU relations, British politics and parties, and public opinion. She previously worked as a Parliamentary Assistant.

Oliver Dean a political commentator with Young Voices UK. He studies History and Politics at the London School of Economics and Political Science where he is the Treasurer of the LSE Hayek Society.
Producer: Pearse Lynch
Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why are young men leaning right while young women shift left? Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones speak with NYU’s Scott Galloway, political analyst Sophie Stowers, and commentator Oliver Dean to explore the forces behind this growing divide.</p><p>Whether it’s a broken social contract where young people no longer believe they will lead better, more prosperous lives than their parents or the work of algorithms that feed off rage and division, the implications are profound.</p><p>This podcast was recorded live at NYU London, in front of an audience of students who are part of a generation searching for increasingly radical solutions to fix society.</p><p>Guests</p><p><br></p><p>Scott Galloway is a Professor of Marketing at NYU Stern School of Business where he teaches Brand Strategy and Digital Marketing to second-year MBA students. He is also a Bestselling author, professor and entrepreneur.</p><p><br></p><p>Sophie Stowers - A Research Associate at UK in a Changing Europe. Her background is in British and European politics, and her research focuses on UK-EU relations, British politics and parties, and public opinion. She previously worked as a Parliamentary Assistant.</p><p><br></p><p>Oliver Dean a political commentator with Young Voices UK. He studies History and Politics at the London School of Economics and Political Science where he is the Treasurer of the LSE Hayek Society.</p><p>Producer: Pearse Lynch</p><p>Executive Producer: Lucinda Knight</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3333</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Randy Laist and Brian Dixon, "Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time of Crisis" (Fourth Horseman, 2024)</title>
      <description>Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time of Crisis takes on the idea and terminology of freedom, examining our understanding of this concept and our relationship to the word itself as well as what it means to society, culture, and politics. Randy Laist and Brian A. Dixon, two scholars who often explore popular culture to better understand the society and politics all around us, have brought their admirable skills to Figures of Freedom, where they have assembled a broad array of contributors exploring freedom in a host of different venues and artifacts. The thrust of the book is to examine representations of freedom in the early 21st century, and the authors look at this evolving nature of freedom in popular culture 21st century texts, where they trace this shifting discourse across time and geography.
Broad questions are at the heart of Figures of Freedom: who gets to be free? What is freedom? How does freedom work or play out in different situations and settings? Is freedom itself an archaic idea in the face of rising dictatorships and authoritarian governments, where voices of freedom are being silenced? Freedom is often a concept and term that one understands from an individualistic perspective—my freedom is constrained by governmental actions or limited by societal norms or protected by the Bill of Rights. Liberty, which is often connected to freedom, especially in American discourse, is considered by these authors as more communal, and as part of a delicate balance within the U.S. constitutional system, but the advocacy for individual freedom has eclipsed liberty in the 21st century. Laist and Dixon frame their book by examining some of the facets of freedom, which may be ugly (Elizabeth Anker’s conception in her 2022 book), or masculinized (Linda Zerilli’s idea in her 2005 book), or colonial (Mimi Thi Nguyen thoughts in her 2012 book), or otherwise characterized by some quality constraining some dimensions of freedom. The contributing authors take up many of these concepts and use them to explore these ideas within a variety of narrative popular culture artifacts from the first part of the 21st century. These include, but are not limited to, Matthew Weiner’s television series Mad Men, Don DeLillo’s Zero K, Jonathan Franzen’s Freedom, Ta-Nehisi Coate’s Between the World and Me, Colson Whitehead’s Underground Railroad, Pixar’s Toy Story films, Sam Esmail’s television series Mr. Robot, and many more.
Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time on Crisis wrestles with what it means to be free and how we, as citizens, consume this idea through many of our cultural artifacts. At times, we may feel free but are, in fact, limited by unseen or unknown political, cultural, or societal constraints. Laist and Dixon compel us to consider our own understanding of freedom, particular in context of the idea of liberty, and how these ideas are shaped and shifted by the world around us, especially in the ways we see freedom represented within film and literary narratives.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). Email her at lgoren@carrollu.edu or find her at Bluesky: @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 26 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time of Crisis takes on the idea and terminology of freedom, examining our understanding of this concept and our relationship to the word itself as well as what it means to society, culture, and politics. Randy Laist and Brian A. Dixon, two scholars who often explore popular culture to better understand the society and politics all around us, have brought their admirable skills to Figures of Freedom, where they have assembled a broad array of contributors exploring freedom in a host of different venues and artifacts. The thrust of the book is to examine representations of freedom in the early 21st century, and the authors look at this evolving nature of freedom in popular culture 21st century texts, where they trace this shifting discourse across time and geography.
Broad questions are at the heart of Figures of Freedom: who gets to be free? What is freedom? How does freedom work or play out in different situations and settings? Is freedom itself an archaic idea in the face of rising dictatorships and authoritarian governments, where voices of freedom are being silenced? Freedom is often a concept and term that one understands from an individualistic perspective—my freedom is constrained by governmental actions or limited by societal norms or protected by the Bill of Rights. Liberty, which is often connected to freedom, especially in American discourse, is considered by these authors as more communal, and as part of a delicate balance within the U.S. constitutional system, but the advocacy for individual freedom has eclipsed liberty in the 21st century. Laist and Dixon frame their book by examining some of the facets of freedom, which may be ugly (Elizabeth Anker’s conception in her 2022 book), or masculinized (Linda Zerilli’s idea in her 2005 book), or colonial (Mimi Thi Nguyen thoughts in her 2012 book), or otherwise characterized by some quality constraining some dimensions of freedom. The contributing authors take up many of these concepts and use them to explore these ideas within a variety of narrative popular culture artifacts from the first part of the 21st century. These include, but are not limited to, Matthew Weiner’s television series Mad Men, Don DeLillo’s Zero K, Jonathan Franzen’s Freedom, Ta-Nehisi Coate’s Between the World and Me, Colson Whitehead’s Underground Railroad, Pixar’s Toy Story films, Sam Esmail’s television series Mr. Robot, and many more.
Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time on Crisis wrestles with what it means to be free and how we, as citizens, consume this idea through many of our cultural artifacts. At times, we may feel free but are, in fact, limited by unseen or unknown political, cultural, or societal constraints. Laist and Dixon compel us to consider our own understanding of freedom, particular in context of the idea of liberty, and how these ideas are shaped and shifted by the world around us, especially in the ways we see freedom represented within film and literary narratives.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). Email her at lgoren@carrollu.edu or find her at Bluesky: @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.fourthhorsemanpress.com/library/figures-of-freedom"><em>Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time of Crisis</em></a> takes on the idea and terminology of freedom, examining our understanding of this concept and our relationship to the word itself as well as what it means to society, culture, and politics. Randy Laist and Brian A. Dixon, two scholars who often explore popular culture to better understand the society and politics all around us, have brought their admirable skills to Figures of Freedom, where they have assembled a broad array of contributors exploring freedom in a host of different venues and artifacts. The thrust of the book is to examine representations of freedom in the early 21st century, and the authors look at this evolving nature of freedom in popular culture 21st century texts, where they trace this shifting discourse across time and geography.</p><p>Broad questions are at the heart of <a href="https://www.fourthhorsemanpress.com/library/figures-of-freedom"><em>Figures of Freedom</em></a>: who gets to be free? What is freedom? How does freedom work or play out in different situations and settings? Is freedom itself an archaic idea in the face of rising dictatorships and authoritarian governments, where voices of freedom are being silenced? Freedom is often a concept and term that one understands from an individualistic perspective—my freedom is constrained by governmental actions or limited by societal norms or protected by the Bill of Rights. Liberty, which is often connected to freedom, especially in American discourse, is considered by these authors as more communal, and as part of a delicate balance within the U.S. constitutional system, but the advocacy for individual freedom has eclipsed liberty in the 21st century. Laist and Dixon frame their book by examining some of the facets of freedom, which may be ugly (Elizabeth Anker’s conception in her 2022 book), or masculinized (Linda Zerilli’s idea in her 2005 book), or colonial (Mimi Thi Nguyen thoughts in her 2012 book), or otherwise characterized by some quality constraining some dimensions of freedom. The contributing authors take up many of these concepts and use them to explore these ideas within a variety of narrative popular culture artifacts from the first part of the 21st century. These include, but are not limited to, Matthew Weiner’s television series <em>Mad Men</em>, Don DeLillo’s <em>Zero K</em>, Jonathan Franzen’s <em>Freedom</em>, Ta-Nehisi Coate’s <em>Between the World and Me</em>, Colson Whitehead’s <em>Underground Railroad</em>, Pixar’s <em>Toy Story</em> films, Sam Esmail’s television series <em>Mr. Robot</em>, and many more.</p><p><a href="https://www.fourthhorsemanpress.com/library/figures-of-freedom"><em>Figures of Freedom: Representations of Agency in a Time on Crisis</em></a> wrestles with what it means to be free and how we, as citizens, consume this idea through many of our cultural artifacts. At times, we may feel free but are, in fact, limited by unseen or unknown political, cultural, or societal constraints. Laist and Dixon compel us to consider our own understanding of freedom, particular in context of the idea of liberty, and how these ideas are shaped and shifted by the world around us, especially in the ways we see freedom represented within film and literary narratives.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). Email her at lgoren@carrollu.edu or find her at Bluesky: @gorenlj.bsky.social</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2886</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Russell Blackford, "How We Became Post-Liberal: The Rise and Fall of Toleration" (Bloomsbury, 2023)</title>
      <description>Liberalism is in trouble. As a set of ideas, it has lost much of its historical authority in guiding public policy and personal behaviour. In this post-liberal climate, Russell Blackford asks whether liberalism is truly over.
How We Became Post-Liberal: The Rise and Fall of Toleration (Bloomsbury, 2023) examines how Western liberal democracies became nations where traditional liberal principles of toleration (religious and otherwise), individual liberty and freedom of speech are frequently dismissed as outdated or twisted to support conservative policies. Blackford traces the lineage of liberalism from problems of toleration that emerged when Christianity triumphed in the late centuries of classical antiquity, with comparison to non-Western civilizations. The political and philosophical story culminates in the recent development – over the past 30 to 50 years – of post-liberal ideologies in the West. At each stage, Blackford discusses arguments for and against liberal principles, identifying why no argument to date has been totally successful in convincing opponents, while maintaining that liberalism's ideas and language are still worth saving.
From campus wars over academic freedom to the Charlie Hebdo attack and the murder of Samuel Paty, this is an indispensable guide for anyone wanting to understand the why, what and how of the post-liberal world.
Russell Blackford is a philosopher, legal scholar, literary critic based at the University of Newcastle, New South Wales, Australia. He is the author of Freedom of Religion and the Secular State (2012), Humanity Enhanced (2014), The Mystery of Moral Authority (2016), and Science Fiction and the Moral Imagination (2017). In 2014, he was inducted as a Laureate of the International Academy of Humanism.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.

Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word.

Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>527</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Russell Blackford</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Liberalism is in trouble. As a set of ideas, it has lost much of its historical authority in guiding public policy and personal behaviour. In this post-liberal climate, Russell Blackford asks whether liberalism is truly over.
How We Became Post-Liberal: The Rise and Fall of Toleration (Bloomsbury, 2023) examines how Western liberal democracies became nations where traditional liberal principles of toleration (religious and otherwise), individual liberty and freedom of speech are frequently dismissed as outdated or twisted to support conservative policies. Blackford traces the lineage of liberalism from problems of toleration that emerged when Christianity triumphed in the late centuries of classical antiquity, with comparison to non-Western civilizations. The political and philosophical story culminates in the recent development – over the past 30 to 50 years – of post-liberal ideologies in the West. At each stage, Blackford discusses arguments for and against liberal principles, identifying why no argument to date has been totally successful in convincing opponents, while maintaining that liberalism's ideas and language are still worth saving.
From campus wars over academic freedom to the Charlie Hebdo attack and the murder of Samuel Paty, this is an indispensable guide for anyone wanting to understand the why, what and how of the post-liberal world.
Russell Blackford is a philosopher, legal scholar, literary critic based at the University of Newcastle, New South Wales, Australia. He is the author of Freedom of Religion and the Secular State (2012), Humanity Enhanced (2014), The Mystery of Moral Authority (2016), and Science Fiction and the Moral Imagination (2017). In 2014, he was inducted as a Laureate of the International Academy of Humanism.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.

Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word.

Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Liberalism is in trouble. As a set of ideas, it has lost much of its historical authority in guiding public policy and personal behaviour. In this post-liberal climate, Russell Blackford asks whether liberalism is truly over.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781350322943">How We Became Post-Liberal: The Rise and Fall of Toleration</a> (Bloomsbury, 2023) examines how Western liberal democracies became nations where traditional liberal principles of toleration (religious and otherwise), individual liberty and freedom of speech are frequently dismissed as outdated or twisted to support conservative policies. Blackford traces the lineage of liberalism from problems of toleration that emerged when Christianity triumphed in the late centuries of classical antiquity, with comparison to non-Western civilizations. The political and philosophical story culminates in the recent development – over the past 30 to 50 years – of post-liberal ideologies in the West. At each stage, Blackford discusses arguments for and against liberal principles, identifying why no argument to date has been totally successful in convincing opponents, while maintaining that liberalism's ideas and language are still worth saving.</p><p>From campus wars over academic freedom to the Charlie Hebdo attack and the murder of Samuel Paty, this is an indispensable guide for anyone wanting to understand the why, what and how of the post-liberal world.</p><p>Russell Blackford is a philosopher, legal scholar, literary critic based at the University of Newcastle, New South Wales, Australia. He is the author of <em>Freedom of Religion and the Secular State </em>(2012), <em>Humanity Enhanced</em> (2014), <em>The Mystery of Moral Authority </em>(2016), and <em>Science Fiction and the Moral Imagination </em>(2017). In 2014, he was inducted as a Laureate of the International Academy of Humanism.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p><p><br></p><p><em>Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download </em><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/18YFnB006Nb1ON9_LF2tKvDJjir4d6lLB/view?usp=sharing"><em>this poster here</em></a><em> to spread the word.</em></p><p><br></p><p><em>Please share this interview on </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/newbooksnetwork"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/new-books-network/"><em>LinkedIn</em></a><em>, or </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/newbooksnetwork.bsky.social"><em>Bluesky</em></a><em>. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/"><em>here</em></a><em> to receive our weekly newsletter.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4668</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steven Hahn, "Illiberal America: A History" (Norton, 2024)</title>
      <description>If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That’s not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals.
A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That’s not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology.
Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis.
Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.

Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word.

Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter.

150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video.

Learn how to make the most of our library.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>526</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Hahn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That’s not us,' think again. In Illiberal America: A History (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals.
A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That’s not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology.
Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis.
Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.

Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download this poster here to spread the word.

Please share this interview on Instagram, LinkedIn, or Bluesky. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack here to receive our weekly newsletter.

150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our promotional video.

Learn how to make the most of our library.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If your reaction to the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the Capitol was to think, 'That’s not us,' think again. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393635928">Illiberal America: A History</a> (Norton, 2024), a Pulitzer Prize–winning historian uncovers a powerful illiberalism as deep-seated in the American past as the founding ideals.</p><p>A storm of illiberalism, building in the United States for years, unleashed its destructive force in the Capitol insurrection of January 6, 2021. The attack on American democracy and images of mob violence led many to recoil, thinking “That’s not us.” But now we must think again, for Steven Hahn shows in his startling new history that illiberalism has deep roots in our past. To those who believe that the ideals announced in the Declaration of Independence set us apart as a nation, Hahn shows that Americans have long been animated by competing values, equally deep-seated, in which the illiberal will of the community overrides individual rights, and often protects itself by excluding perceived threats, whether on grounds of race, religion, gender, economic status, or ideology.</p><p>Driven by popular movements and implemented through courts and legislation, illiberalism is part of the American bedrock. The United States was born a republic of loosely connected states and localities that demanded control of their domestic institutions, including slavery. As white settlement expanded west and immigration exploded in eastern cities, the democracy of the 1830s fueled expulsions of Blacks, Native Americans, Catholics, Mormons, and abolitionists. After the Civil War, southern states denied new constitutional guarantees of civil rights and enforced racial exclusions in everyday life. Illiberalism was modernized during the Progressive movement through advocates of eugenics who aimed to reduce the numbers of racial and ethnic minorities as well as the poor. The turmoil of the 1960s enabled George Wallace to tap local fears of unrest and build support outside the South, a politics adopted by Richard Nixon in 1968. Today, with illiberalism shaping elections and policy debates over guns, education, and abortion, it is urgent to understand its long history, and how that history bears on the present crisis.</p><p>Steven Hahn is an acclaimed historian whose works include A Nation Under Our Feet, winner of the Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize, and A Nation Without Borders. He is professor of history at New York University.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p><p><br></p><p><em>Let's face it, most of the popular podcasts out there are dumb. NBN features scholars (like you!), providing an enriching alternative to students. We partner with presses like Oxford, Princeton, and Cambridge to make academic research accessible to all. Please consider sharing the New Books Network with your students. Download </em><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/18YFnB006Nb1ON9_LF2tKvDJjir4d6lLB/view?usp=sharing"><em>this poster here</em></a><em> to spread the word.</em></p><p><br></p><p><em>Please share this interview on </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/newbooksnetwork"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/new-books-network/"><em>LinkedIn</em></a><em>, or </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/newbooksnetwork.bsky.social"><em>Bluesky</em></a><em>. Don't forget to subscribe to our Substack </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.substack.com/"><em>here</em></a><em> to receive our weekly newsletter.</em></p><p><br></p><p><em>150 million lifetime downloads. Advertise on the New Books Network. Watch our </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XHIutaAFfOY"><em>promotional video</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><br></p><p><em>Learn how to </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Bt7amE3ojGs&amp;t=2s"><em>make the most of our library</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2998</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Political Scientists Ring Alarm Bell Over Trump’s Second Administration</title>
      <description>After being sworn in as the 47th president, President Donald Trump quickly altered American government – and political discourse. He issued a slew of executive orders that affected how American government functions and he spoke about officers of the government, federal agencies, executive power, the press, the Constitution, and the rule of law in ways that surprised citizens, journalists, and many scholars. Postscript has devoted three podcasts to how professional historians have assessed Trump’s actions. Today, we look at how political scientists understand the second Trump presidency and how they have organized to amplify their concerns. Over 1200 trained political scientists signed a statement that lays out alarming changes to American government – and today’s podcast features the incoming president of the American Political Science Association, Dr. Susan Stokes, to discuss the statement and what it means for so many political scientists to sign it. With her forthcoming book, The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies (Princeton University Press), Sue Stokes is the perfect person to assess democratic erosion and autocracy. Our conversation provides insights into the state of American politics, resources for people who want to oppose democratic erosion, and particular suggestions for teachers – and sneak peak into her new book.
Dr. Susan Stokes is the Tiffany and Margaret Blake Distinguished Service Professor of political science and Director of the Chicago Center on Democracy at The University of Chicago. She is a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. She is co-director of Bright Line Watch, a group of political scientists who monitor democratic practices, their resilience, and potential threats. Dr. Stokes has spent her career unpacking how democracy functions in developing societies, distributive politics, and comparative political behavior. Her books include Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism: The Puzzle of Distributive Politics (Cambridge, 2013), and Why Bother? Rethinking Participation in Elections and Protests, co-authored with S. Erdem Aytaç (Cambridge, 2019).

Mentioned:


Statement signed by over 1200 political scientists (closed for signatures)


Bright Line Watch: political scientists monitor democratic practices, resilience, and potential threats


APSA “take action” suggestions (really helpful if you are calling or writing your leaders)

APSA public statements and letters

Nancy Bermeo, “On Democratic Backsliding,” Journal of Democracy (2016)

Timothy Snyder, On Freedom (2024) and On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century (2017)

Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Force a Democracy for All (2024), New Books Interview with Levitsky and Ziblatt by Karyne Messina


Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, How Democracies Die (2018), New Books Interview with Daniel Ziblatt by Jenna Spinelle


Brendan Nyhan’s work and commentary


Democratic Erosion Consortium (nonpartisan effort with resources)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>40</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Susan Stokes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After being sworn in as the 47th president, President Donald Trump quickly altered American government – and political discourse. He issued a slew of executive orders that affected how American government functions and he spoke about officers of the government, federal agencies, executive power, the press, the Constitution, and the rule of law in ways that surprised citizens, journalists, and many scholars. Postscript has devoted three podcasts to how professional historians have assessed Trump’s actions. Today, we look at how political scientists understand the second Trump presidency and how they have organized to amplify their concerns. Over 1200 trained political scientists signed a statement that lays out alarming changes to American government – and today’s podcast features the incoming president of the American Political Science Association, Dr. Susan Stokes, to discuss the statement and what it means for so many political scientists to sign it. With her forthcoming book, The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies (Princeton University Press), Sue Stokes is the perfect person to assess democratic erosion and autocracy. Our conversation provides insights into the state of American politics, resources for people who want to oppose democratic erosion, and particular suggestions for teachers – and sneak peak into her new book.
Dr. Susan Stokes is the Tiffany and Margaret Blake Distinguished Service Professor of political science and Director of the Chicago Center on Democracy at The University of Chicago. She is a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. She is co-director of Bright Line Watch, a group of political scientists who monitor democratic practices, their resilience, and potential threats. Dr. Stokes has spent her career unpacking how democracy functions in developing societies, distributive politics, and comparative political behavior. Her books include Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism: The Puzzle of Distributive Politics (Cambridge, 2013), and Why Bother? Rethinking Participation in Elections and Protests, co-authored with S. Erdem Aytaç (Cambridge, 2019).

Mentioned:


Statement signed by over 1200 political scientists (closed for signatures)


Bright Line Watch: political scientists monitor democratic practices, resilience, and potential threats


APSA “take action” suggestions (really helpful if you are calling or writing your leaders)

APSA public statements and letters

Nancy Bermeo, “On Democratic Backsliding,” Journal of Democracy (2016)

Timothy Snyder, On Freedom (2024) and On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century (2017)

Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Force a Democracy for All (2024), New Books Interview with Levitsky and Ziblatt by Karyne Messina


Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, How Democracies Die (2018), New Books Interview with Daniel Ziblatt by Jenna Spinelle


Brendan Nyhan’s work and commentary


Democratic Erosion Consortium (nonpartisan effort with resources)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After being sworn in as the 47th president, President Donald Trump quickly altered American government – and political discourse. He issued a slew of executive orders that affected how American government functions and he spoke about officers of the government, federal agencies, executive power, the press, the Constitution, and the rule of law in ways that surprised citizens, journalists, and many scholars. <em>Postscript </em>has devoted three podcasts to how professional historians have assessed Trump’s actions. Today, we look at how political scientists understand the second Trump presidency and how they have organized to amplify their concerns. Over 1200 trained political scientists signed a statement that lays out alarming changes to American government – and today’s podcast features the incoming president of the American Political Science Association, Dr. Susan Stokes, to discuss the statement and what it means for so many political scientists to sign it. With her forthcoming book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-backsliders-why-leaders-undermine-their-own-democracies-susan-c-stokes/DHRH5yzALqKURrT5?ean=9780691271545&amp;next=t"><em>The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies</em></a> (Princeton University Press), Sue Stokes is the perfect person to assess democratic erosion and autocracy. Our conversation provides insights into the state of American politics, resources for people who want to oppose democratic erosion, and particular suggestions for teachers – and sneak peak into her new book.</p><p><a href="https://susan-stokes.com/">Dr. Susan Stokes</a> is the Tiffany and Margaret Blake Distinguished Service Professor of political science and Director of the Chicago Center on Democracy at The University of Chicago. She is a member of the National Academy of Sciences and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. She is co-director of Bright Line Watch, a group of political scientists who monitor democratic practices, their resilience, and potential threats. Dr. Stokes has spent her career unpacking how democracy functions in developing societies, distributive politics, and comparative political behavior. Her books include <em>Brokers, Voters, and Clientelism: The Puzzle of Distributive Politics</em> (Cambridge, 2013), and <em>Why Bother? Rethinking Participation in Elections and Protests</em>, co-authored with S. Erdem Aytaç (Cambridge, 2019).</p><p><br></p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://sites.google.com/view/ps-2025-statement/statement?authuser=0">Statement signed by over 1200 political scientists</a> (closed for signatures)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://brightlinewatch.org/">Bright Line Watch</a>: political scientists monitor democratic practices, resilience, and potential threats</li>
<li>
<a href="https://apsanet.org/programs/advocacy-program/member-action/">APSA “take action” suggestions</a> (really helpful if you are calling or writing your leaders)</li>
<li><a href="https://apsanet.org/about/apsa-public-statements-and-letters/">APSA public statements and letters</a></li>
<li>Nancy Bermeo, <a href="https://muse.jhu.edu/article/607612">“On Democratic Backsliding,” <em>Journal of Democracy</em></a> (2016)</li>
<li>Timothy Snyder, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/on-freedom-timothy-snyder/20984814?ean=9780593728727&amp;next=t"><em>On Freedom</em></a> (2024) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/on-tyranny-twenty-lessons-from-the-twentieth-century-timothy-snyder/16520165?ean=9780804190114&amp;next=t"><em>On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century</em></a> (2017)</li>
<li>Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, <em>Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Force a Democracy for All </em>(2024), <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/tyranny-of-the-minority-2#entry:344764@1:url">New Books Interview with Levitsky and Ziblatt by Karyne Messina</a>
</li>
<li>Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, <em>How Democracies Die</em> (2018), <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/steven-levitsky-and-daniel-ziblatt-how-democracies-die-crown-2018#entry:8570@1:url">New Books Interview with Daniel Ziblatt by Jenna Spinelle</a>
</li>
<li><a href="https://www.brendan-nyhan.com/blog/">Brendan Nyhan’s work and commentary</a></li>
<li>
<a href="mailto:https://democratic-erosion.org">Democratic Erosion Consortium</a> (nonpartisan effort with resources)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8666674509.mp3?updated=1745079228" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reginald K. Ellis et al., "Black Citizens and American Democracy: Fighting for the Soul of a Nation" (UP of Florida, 2025)</title>
      <description>In 2020, Black Americans continued a centuries-long pursuit of racial equality and justice in the streets and at the polls. Arguing that this year was not a deviation from the historic Civil Rights Movement, the contributors to this collection examine the important work of Black men and women during the previous decades to shape, expand, and preserve a multiracial American democracy.
The authors of these chapters show that Black Americans have long pushed local and national leaders to ensure that all citizens reap the full benefits of the Constitution. They discuss Black women's roles in advancing national voting rights; how Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) developed "race leaders"; discriminatory news coverage and actions against it; antipoverty efforts; and the racial and gender dynamics of activist organizations.
These studies show how Black activism from the mid-twentieth century to the present has led to positive changes for all Americans, holding the nation to its democratic ideals and promises. Black Citizens and American Democracy (UP of Florida, 2025) compels recognition of many unsung people who have risked their lives and livelihoods for the good of the country.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>205</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Reginald K. Ellis and Peter B. Levy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2020, Black Americans continued a centuries-long pursuit of racial equality and justice in the streets and at the polls. Arguing that this year was not a deviation from the historic Civil Rights Movement, the contributors to this collection examine the important work of Black men and women during the previous decades to shape, expand, and preserve a multiracial American democracy.
The authors of these chapters show that Black Americans have long pushed local and national leaders to ensure that all citizens reap the full benefits of the Constitution. They discuss Black women's roles in advancing national voting rights; how Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) developed "race leaders"; discriminatory news coverage and actions against it; antipoverty efforts; and the racial and gender dynamics of activist organizations.
These studies show how Black activism from the mid-twentieth century to the present has led to positive changes for all Americans, holding the nation to its democratic ideals and promises. Black Citizens and American Democracy (UP of Florida, 2025) compels recognition of many unsung people who have risked their lives and livelihoods for the good of the country.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2020, Black Americans continued a centuries-long pursuit of racial equality and justice in the streets and at the polls. Arguing that this year was not a deviation from the historic Civil Rights Movement, the contributors to this collection examine the important work of Black men and women during the previous decades to shape, expand, and preserve a multiracial American democracy.</p><p>The authors of these chapters show that Black Americans have long pushed local and national leaders to ensure that all citizens reap the full benefits of the Constitution. They discuss Black women's roles in advancing national voting rights; how Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) developed "race leaders"; discriminatory news coverage and actions against it; antipoverty efforts; and the racial and gender dynamics of activist organizations.</p><p>These studies show how Black activism from the mid-twentieth century to the present has led to positive changes for all Americans, holding the nation to its democratic ideals and promises. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813080987">Black Citizens and American Democracy</a> (UP of Florida, 2025) compels recognition of many unsung people who have risked their lives and livelihoods for the good of the country.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1668</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d50f3be2-1c8f-11f0-a8b3-77a2a144f410]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3852365167.mp3?updated=1745006331" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Rosino, "Democracy Is Awkward: Grappling with Racism Inside American Grassroots Political Organizing" (UNC Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>In uncertain times, confronting pressing problems such as racial oppression and the environmental crisis requires everyday people to come together and wield political power for the greater good. Yet, as Michael Rosino shows in Democracy Is Awkward (UNC Press, 2025), progressive political organizations in the United States have frequently failed to achieve social change. 
Why? Rosino posits that it is because of the unwillingness of white progressives at the grassroots level to share power with progressives of color. Using rich ethnographic data, Rosino focuses on participants in a real grassroots progressive political party in the northeastern United States. While the organization's goals included racial equity and the inclusion of people of color, its membership and leadership remained disproportionately white, and the group had mixed success in prioritizing and carrying out its racial justice agenda. By highlighting the connections between racial inequality, grassroots democracy, and political participation, Rosino weaves in the voices and experiences of party members and offers insights for building more robust and empowering spaces of grassroots democratic engagement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>202</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Rosino</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In uncertain times, confronting pressing problems such as racial oppression and the environmental crisis requires everyday people to come together and wield political power for the greater good. Yet, as Michael Rosino shows in Democracy Is Awkward (UNC Press, 2025), progressive political organizations in the United States have frequently failed to achieve social change. 
Why? Rosino posits that it is because of the unwillingness of white progressives at the grassroots level to share power with progressives of color. Using rich ethnographic data, Rosino focuses on participants in a real grassroots progressive political party in the northeastern United States. While the organization's goals included racial equity and the inclusion of people of color, its membership and leadership remained disproportionately white, and the group had mixed success in prioritizing and carrying out its racial justice agenda. By highlighting the connections between racial inequality, grassroots democracy, and political participation, Rosino weaves in the voices and experiences of party members and offers insights for building more robust and empowering spaces of grassroots democratic engagement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In uncertain times, confronting pressing problems such as racial oppression and the environmental crisis requires everyday people to come together and wield political power for the greater good. Yet, as Michael Rosino shows in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469685632">Democracy Is Awkward</a> (UNC Press, 2025), progressive political organizations in the United States have frequently failed to achieve social change. </p><p>Why? Rosino posits that it is because of the unwillingness of white progressives at the grassroots level to share power with progressives of color. Using rich ethnographic data, Rosino focuses on participants in a real grassroots progressive political party in the northeastern United States. While the organization's goals included racial equity and the inclusion of people of color, its membership and leadership remained disproportionately white, and the group had mixed success in prioritizing and carrying out its racial justice agenda. By highlighting the connections between racial inequality, grassroots democracy, and political participation, Rosino weaves in the voices and experiences of party members and offers insights for building more robust and empowering spaces of grassroots democratic engagement.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1639</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7f1399d6-1ad7-11f0-a7c5-675efd4f196f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1515440163.mp3?updated=1744817877" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Constitutional Private Law: A Conversation with Garrett West</title>
      <description>What is constitutional private law, and how does it differ from the way we traditionally think about constitutional issues? When an individual employed by the government breaks the law, do we sue the person or the government? And what do these choices reveal about justice, accountability, and constitutional interpretation?
This week Madison’s Notes welcomes Garrett West, Associate Professor of Law at Yale Law School, for a deep dive into constitutional private law, an often-overlooked dimension of constitutional theory. While most discussions focus on government power and structure, this episode explores how constitutional principles might extend into private relationships and disputes.
West breaks down essential legal vocabulary, examines unexpected historical shifts in constitutional doctrine, and analyzes how courts have grappled with applying constitutional norms beyond the state. From torts and remedies to federal courts and administrative law, this conversation challenges conventional boundaries and asks: Where does the Constitution’s authority end?
A must-listen for anyone interested in legal theory, civil liberties, and the evolving role of constitutional law in private life.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is constitutional private law, and how does it differ from the way we traditionally think about constitutional issues? When an individual employed by the government breaks the law, do we sue the person or the government? And what do these choices reveal about justice, accountability, and constitutional interpretation?
This week Madison’s Notes welcomes Garrett West, Associate Professor of Law at Yale Law School, for a deep dive into constitutional private law, an often-overlooked dimension of constitutional theory. While most discussions focus on government power and structure, this episode explores how constitutional principles might extend into private relationships and disputes.
West breaks down essential legal vocabulary, examines unexpected historical shifts in constitutional doctrine, and analyzes how courts have grappled with applying constitutional norms beyond the state. From torts and remedies to federal courts and administrative law, this conversation challenges conventional boundaries and asks: Where does the Constitution’s authority end?
A must-listen for anyone interested in legal theory, civil liberties, and the evolving role of constitutional law in private life.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is constitutional private law, and how does it differ from the way we traditionally think about constitutional issues? When an individual employed by the government breaks the law, do we sue the person or the government? And what do these choices reveal about justice, accountability, and constitutional interpretation?</p><p>This week Madison’s Notes welcomes Garrett West, Associate Professor of Law at Yale Law School, for a deep dive into constitutional private law, an often-overlooked dimension of constitutional theory. While most discussions focus on government power and structure, this episode explores how constitutional principles might extend into private relationships and disputes.</p><p>West breaks down essential legal vocabulary, examines unexpected historical shifts in constitutional doctrine, and analyzes how courts have grappled with applying constitutional norms beyond the state. From torts and remedies to federal courts and administrative law, this conversation challenges conventional boundaries and asks: Where does the Constitution’s authority end?</p><p>A must-listen for anyone interested in legal theory, civil liberties, and the evolving role of constitutional law in private life.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3211</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[41bcd62c-1a07-11f0-82b2-d359bec06d20]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9031037508.mp3?updated=1744727712" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Neil Kraus, "The Fantasy Economy: Neoliberalism, Inequality, and the Education Reform Movement" (Temple UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Wage stagnation, growing inequality, and even poverty itself have resulted from decades of neoliberal decision making, not the education system, writes Neil Kraus in his urgent call to action, The Fantasy Economy: Neoliberalism, Inequality, and the Education Reform Movement (Temple UP, 2023).

Kraus claims the idea that both the education system and labor force are chronically deficient was aggressively and incorrectly promoted starting in the Reagan era, when corporate interests and education reformers emphasized education as the exclusive mechanism providing the citizenry with economic opportunity. However, as this critical book reveals, that is a misleading articulation of the economy and education system rooted in the economic self-interests of corporations and the wealthy.

The Fantasy Economy challenges the basic assumptions of the education reform movement of the last few decades. Kraus insists that education cannot control the labor market and unreliable corporate narratives fuel this misinformation. Moreover, misguided public policies, such as accountability and school choice, along with an emphasis on workforce development and STEM over broad-based liberal arts education, have only produced greater inequality.

Ultimately, The Fantasy Economy argues that education should be understood as a social necessity, not an engine of the neoliberal agenda. Kraus' book advocates for a change in conventional thinking about economic opportunity and the purpose of education in a democracy.

Neil Kraus is Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin, River Falls. He is the author of Majoritarian Cities: Policy Making and Inequality in Urban Politics and Race, Neighborhoods, and Community Power: Buffalo Politics, 1934-1997.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Wage stagnation, growing inequality, and even poverty itself have resulted from decades of neoliberal decision making, not the education system, writes Neil Kraus in his urgent call to action, The Fantasy Economy: Neoliberalism, Inequality, and the Education Reform Movement (Temple UP, 2023).

Kraus claims the idea that both the education system and labor force are chronically deficient was aggressively and incorrectly promoted starting in the Reagan era, when corporate interests and education reformers emphasized education as the exclusive mechanism providing the citizenry with economic opportunity. However, as this critical book reveals, that is a misleading articulation of the economy and education system rooted in the economic self-interests of corporations and the wealthy.

The Fantasy Economy challenges the basic assumptions of the education reform movement of the last few decades. Kraus insists that education cannot control the labor market and unreliable corporate narratives fuel this misinformation. Moreover, misguided public policies, such as accountability and school choice, along with an emphasis on workforce development and STEM over broad-based liberal arts education, have only produced greater inequality.

Ultimately, The Fantasy Economy argues that education should be understood as a social necessity, not an engine of the neoliberal agenda. Kraus' book advocates for a change in conventional thinking about economic opportunity and the purpose of education in a democracy.

Neil Kraus is Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin, River Falls. He is the author of Majoritarian Cities: Policy Making and Inequality in Urban Politics and Race, Neighborhoods, and Community Power: Buffalo Politics, 1934-1997.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Wage stagnation, growing inequality, and even poverty itself have resulted from decades of neoliberal decision making, not the education system, writes Neil Kraus in his urgent call to action, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439923719">The Fantasy Economy: Neoliberalism, Inequality, and the Education Reform Movement </a>(Temple UP, 2023).</p><p><br></p><p>Kraus claims the idea that both the education system and labor force are chronically deficient was aggressively and incorrectly promoted starting in the Reagan era, when corporate interests and education reformers emphasized education as the exclusive mechanism providing the citizenry with economic opportunity. However, as this critical book reveals, that is a misleading articulation of the economy and education system rooted in the economic self-interests of corporations and the wealthy.</p><p><br></p><p>The Fantasy Economy challenges the basic assumptions of the education reform movement of the last few decades. Kraus insists that education cannot control the labor market and unreliable corporate narratives fuel this misinformation. Moreover, misguided public policies, such as accountability and school choice, along with an emphasis on workforce development and STEM over broad-based liberal arts education, have only produced greater inequality.</p><p><br></p><p>Ultimately, The Fantasy Economy argues that education should be understood as a social necessity, not an engine of the neoliberal agenda. Kraus' book advocates for a change in conventional thinking about economic opportunity and the purpose of education in a democracy.</p><p><br></p><p>Neil Kraus is Professor of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin, River Falls. He is the author of Majoritarian Cities: Policy Making and Inequality in Urban Politics and Race, Neighborhoods, and Community Power: Buffalo Politics, 1934-1997.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4343</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[34812cd2-1869-11f0-b5c0-df652a8d57de]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4184427926.mp3?updated=1744551091" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Colleen A. Dunlavy, "Small, Medium, Large: How Government Made the U.S.into a Manufacturing Powerhouse" (Polity Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Small, Medium, Large: How Government Made the U.S. into a Manufacturing Powerhouse, published by Polity Books in 2024, offers a bold reinterpretation of American industrial history. Challenging the myth of free-market supremacy, the book reveals how strategic state intervention—from wartime production to Cold War R&amp;D—shaped the rise of U.S. manufacturing. It highlights the role of public investment, procurement, and policy in scaling firms and fostering innovation. Timely and incisive, this is essential reading for anyone interested in rethinking industrial strategy, reshoring production, or understanding how the state can drive economic transformation in an age of geopolitical and technological change.

This book made Martin Wolf's list of Best Summer Books of 2024 in the Financial Times and was noted briefly in a recent Foreign Affairs article on industrial policy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>127</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Colleen A. Dunlavy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Small, Medium, Large: How Government Made the U.S. into a Manufacturing Powerhouse, published by Polity Books in 2024, offers a bold reinterpretation of American industrial history. Challenging the myth of free-market supremacy, the book reveals how strategic state intervention—from wartime production to Cold War R&amp;D—shaped the rise of U.S. manufacturing. It highlights the role of public investment, procurement, and policy in scaling firms and fostering innovation. Timely and incisive, this is essential reading for anyone interested in rethinking industrial strategy, reshoring production, or understanding how the state can drive economic transformation in an age of geopolitical and technological change.

This book made Martin Wolf's list of Best Summer Books of 2024 in the Financial Times and was noted briefly in a recent Foreign Affairs article on industrial policy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509561735"><em>Small, Medium, Large: How Government Made the U.S. into a Manufacturing Powerhouse</em></a>, published by Polity Books in 2024, offers a bold reinterpretation of American industrial history. Challenging the myth of free-market supremacy, the book reveals how strategic state intervention—from wartime production to Cold War R&amp;D—shaped the rise of U.S. manufacturing. It highlights the role of public investment, procurement, and policy in scaling firms and fostering innovation. Timely and incisive, this is essential reading for anyone interested in rethinking industrial strategy, reshoring production, or understanding how the state can drive economic transformation in an age of geopolitical and technological change.</p><p><br></p><p>This book made Martin Wolf's list of<a href="https://www.ft.com/content/057e57c5-cc38-4a74-b8c7-2e934d8883b7"> Best Summer Books of 2024</a> in the Financial Times and was noted briefly in a recent <em>Foreign Affairs</em> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/industrial-policy-needs-immigration-policy">article on industrial policy</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2447</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d08967f0-1708-11f0-a600-87b0de0590f5]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8856824457.mp3?updated=1744399348" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Is Liberal Democracy Dying?</title>
      <description>Live from the Frontline Club in London, Ctrl Alt Deceit is back for its second season. 

Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones host a fascinating discussion on the myriad threats to democracy, particularly in light of Trump's re-election. 

Joined by Gabriel Gatehouse is an award-winning BBC journalist and broadcaster, formerly International Editor of Newsnight and host of the award winning podcast The Coming Storm.

And 

Connor Tomlinson is a commentator and writer, contributing to Ayaan Hirsi Ali's Courage Media and presenting the Deprogrammed podcast at the New Culture Forum. He previously hosted Tomlinson Talks on LotusEaters.com

In this provocative and timely discussion, big ideas collide as our panel tackles the fault lines shaking the foundations of the democratic world.

As power shifts, authoritarianism rises, and ideological battles intensify, is liberal democracy collapsing under its own contradictions—or is it still the best system we’ve got?
From Silicon Valley’s techno-libertarian ambitions to the push for a return to a more rigidly defined Western identity, our panel will explore the competing visions for the future. Has democracy been hijacked by global institutions that sideline voters? Was the dream of a liberal world order always doomed to fail? And if democracy is in decline—what comes next?


Producer: Pearse Lynch
Exec Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 13 Apr 2025 07:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/17780e98-16c6-11f0-94f9-870f00baa2b7/image/d2f49cc4f547a3ca6ef037887344dc18.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>CTRL ALT DECEIT: Democracy in Danger I Democratys </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Live from the Frontline Club in London, Ctrl Alt Deceit is back for its second season. 

Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones host a fascinating discussion on the myriad threats to democracy, particularly in light of Trump's re-election. 

Joined by Gabriel Gatehouse is an award-winning BBC journalist and broadcaster, formerly International Editor of Newsnight and host of the award winning podcast The Coming Storm.

And 

Connor Tomlinson is a commentator and writer, contributing to Ayaan Hirsi Ali's Courage Media and presenting the Deprogrammed podcast at the New Culture Forum. He previously hosted Tomlinson Talks on LotusEaters.com

In this provocative and timely discussion, big ideas collide as our panel tackles the fault lines shaking the foundations of the democratic world.

As power shifts, authoritarianism rises, and ideological battles intensify, is liberal democracy collapsing under its own contradictions—or is it still the best system we’ve got?
From Silicon Valley’s techno-libertarian ambitions to the push for a return to a more rigidly defined Western identity, our panel will explore the competing visions for the future. Has democracy been hijacked by global institutions that sideline voters? Was the dream of a liberal world order always doomed to fail? And if democracy is in decline—what comes next?


Producer: Pearse Lynch
Exec Producer: Lucinda Knight
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Live from the Frontline Club in London, Ctrl Alt Deceit is back for its second season. </p><p><br></p><p>Hosts Nina dos Santos and Owen Bennett-Jones host a fascinating discussion on the myriad threats to democracy, particularly in light of Trump's re-election. </p><p><br></p><p>Joined by Gabriel Gatehouse is an award-winning BBC journalist and broadcaster, formerly International Editor of Newsnight and host of the award winning podcast The Coming Storm.</p><p><br></p><p>And </p><p><br></p><p>Connor Tomlinson is a commentator and writer, contributing to Ayaan Hirsi Ali's Courage Media and presenting the Deprogrammed podcast at the New Culture Forum. He previously hosted Tomlinson Talks on LotusEaters.com</p><p><br></p><p>In this provocative and timely discussion, big ideas collide as our panel tackles the fault lines shaking the foundations of the democratic world.</p><p><br></p><p>As power shifts, authoritarianism rises, and ideological battles intensify, is liberal democracy collapsing under its own contradictions—or is it still the best system we’ve got?</p><p>From Silicon Valley’s techno-libertarian ambitions to the push for a return to a more rigidly defined Western identity, our panel will explore the competing visions for the future. Has democracy been hijacked by global institutions that sideline voters? Was the dream of a liberal world order always doomed to fail? And if democracy is in decline—what comes next?</p><p><br></p><p><br></p><p>Producer: Pearse Lynch</p><p>Exec Producer: Lucinda Knight</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4002</itunes:duration>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[17780e98-16c6-11f0-94f9-870f00baa2b7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1945279659.mp3?updated=1744355173" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Engage and Evade in 2025: Asad L. Asad on Latino Immigrants in America</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Asad L. Asad, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Stanford University. He is the author of Engage and Evade: How Latino Immigrant Families Manage Surveillance in Everyday Life (Princeton UP, 2023). A highly relevant book, Engage and Evade documents the interactions between undocumented people and the agents and institutions of government. One might expect undocumented people to avoid the IRS, but as Asad demonstrates, many engage with government institutions in the hopes that positive interactions and compliance might help their immigration cases down the road. Published in 2023, immigration policy and treatment of undocumented people by the government has shifted dramatically in a short time. I’m grateful today to be able to speak with Asad about this thoughtful book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Asad L. Asad</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Asad L. Asad, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Stanford University. He is the author of Engage and Evade: How Latino Immigrant Families Manage Surveillance in Everyday Life (Princeton UP, 2023). A highly relevant book, Engage and Evade documents the interactions between undocumented people and the agents and institutions of government. One might expect undocumented people to avoid the IRS, but as Asad demonstrates, many engage with government institutions in the hopes that positive interactions and compliance might help their immigration cases down the road. Published in 2023, immigration policy and treatment of undocumented people by the government has shifted dramatically in a short time. I’m grateful today to be able to speak with Asad about this thoughtful book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Asad L. Asad, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Stanford University. He is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691182285"><em>Engage and Evade: How Latino Immigrant Families Manage Surveillance in Everyday Life</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2023). A highly relevant book, Engage and Evade documents the interactions between undocumented people and the agents and institutions of government. One might expect undocumented people to avoid the IRS, but as Asad demonstrates, many engage with government institutions in the hopes that positive interactions and compliance might help their immigration cases down the road. Published in 2023, immigration policy and treatment of undocumented people by the government has shifted dramatically in a short time. I’m grateful today to be able to speak with Asad about this thoughtful book.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3108</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[24683eac-163a-11f0-86ab-2394a8e941b8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8466467879.mp3?updated=1744310081" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James Davison Hunter, "Democracy and Solidarity: On the Cultural Roots of America's Political Crisis" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment.”

James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” thirty years ago, tells us in Democracy and Solidarity: On the Cultural Roots of America's Political Crisis (Yale UP, 2024) that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved. While a deepening political polarization is the most obvious sign of this, the true problem is not polarization per se but the absence of cultural resources to work through what divides us. The destructive logic that has filled the void only makes bridging our differences more challenging. In the end, all political regimes require some level of unity. If it cannot be generated organically, it will be imposed by force.

Can America’s political crisis be fixed? Can an Enlightenment-era institution—liberal democracy—survive and thrive in a post-Enlightenment world? If, for some, salvaging the older sources of national solidarity is neither possible sociologically, nor desirable politically or ethically, what cultural resources will support liberal democracy in the future?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>139</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James Davison Hunter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment.”

James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” thirty years ago, tells us in Democracy and Solidarity: On the Cultural Roots of America's Political Crisis (Yale UP, 2024) that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved. While a deepening political polarization is the most obvious sign of this, the true problem is not polarization per se but the absence of cultural resources to work through what divides us. The destructive logic that has filled the void only makes bridging our differences more challenging. In the end, all political regimes require some level of unity. If it cannot be generated organically, it will be imposed by force.

Can America’s political crisis be fixed? Can an Enlightenment-era institution—liberal democracy—survive and thrive in a post-Enlightenment world? If, for some, salvaging the older sources of national solidarity is neither possible sociologically, nor desirable politically or ethically, what cultural resources will support liberal democracy in the future?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Liberal democracy in America has always contained contradictions—most notably, a noble but abstract commitment to freedom, justice, and equality that, tragically, has seldom been realized in practice. While these contradictions have caused dissent and even violence, there was always an underlying and evolving solidarity drawn from the cultural resources of America’s “hybrid Enlightenment.”</p><p><br></p><p>James Davison Hunter, who introduced the concept of “culture wars” thirty years ago, tells us in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300274370"><em>Democracy and Solidarity: On the Cultural Roots of America's Political Crisis</em> </a>(Yale UP, 2024) that those historic sources of national solidarity have now largely dissolved. While a deepening political polarization is the most obvious sign of this, the true problem is not polarization per se but the absence of cultural resources to work through what divides us. The destructive logic that has filled the void only makes bridging our differences more challenging. In the end, all political regimes require some level of unity. If it cannot be generated organically, it will be imposed by force.</p><p><br></p><p>Can America’s political crisis be fixed? Can an Enlightenment-era institution—liberal democracy—survive and thrive in a post-Enlightenment world? If, for some, salvaging the older sources of national solidarity is neither possible sociologically, nor desirable politically or ethically, what cultural resources will support liberal democracy in the future?</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2263</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6a42c020-1494-11f0-b634-13b9cf618866]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7810233650.mp3?updated=1744129140" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kathleen Thelen, "Attention, Shoppers!: American Retail Capitalism and the Origins of the Amazon Economy" (Princeton UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>The United States is widely recognized as the quintessential consumer society, one where huge companies like Walmart and Amazon are famous for enticing customers with cheap goods and speedy delivery. Attention, Shoppers!: American Retail Capitalism and the Origins of the Amazon Economy (Princeton University Press, 2025) traces the origins and evolution of American retail capitalism from the late nineteenth century to today, uncovering the roots of a bitter equilibrium where large low-cost retailers dominate and vast numbers of low-income families now rely on them to make ends meet.
Offering a comparative perspective on the history of American political economy, Dr. Kathleen Thelen shows how large-scale retailers in the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden faced a far less hospitable regulatory environment than companies in the United States, which enjoyed judicial forbearance and often active government support. As American companies grew in scale and scope, they assembled an ever-expanding political coalition that could be weaponized to head off regulatory efforts, leveraging their market strength to squeeze suppliers and workers and even engaging in outright rule breaking when they encountered resistance.
Placing the rise of the Amazon economy in a broader comparative-historical context, Attention, Shoppers! reveals how large discount retailers have successfully exploited a uniquely permissive regulatory landscape to create a shopper’s paradise built on cheap labor and mass consumption.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 08 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>124</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kathleen Thelen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States is widely recognized as the quintessential consumer society, one where huge companies like Walmart and Amazon are famous for enticing customers with cheap goods and speedy delivery. Attention, Shoppers!: American Retail Capitalism and the Origins of the Amazon Economy (Princeton University Press, 2025) traces the origins and evolution of American retail capitalism from the late nineteenth century to today, uncovering the roots of a bitter equilibrium where large low-cost retailers dominate and vast numbers of low-income families now rely on them to make ends meet.
Offering a comparative perspective on the history of American political economy, Dr. Kathleen Thelen shows how large-scale retailers in the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden faced a far less hospitable regulatory environment than companies in the United States, which enjoyed judicial forbearance and often active government support. As American companies grew in scale and scope, they assembled an ever-expanding political coalition that could be weaponized to head off regulatory efforts, leveraging their market strength to squeeze suppliers and workers and even engaging in outright rule breaking when they encountered resistance.
Placing the rise of the Amazon economy in a broader comparative-historical context, Attention, Shoppers! reveals how large discount retailers have successfully exploited a uniquely permissive regulatory landscape to create a shopper’s paradise built on cheap labor and mass consumption.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States is widely recognized as the quintessential consumer society, one where huge companies like Walmart and Amazon are famous for enticing customers with cheap goods and speedy delivery. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691266527"><em>Attention, Shoppers!: American Retail Capitalism and the Origins of the Amazon Economy</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2025) traces the origins and evolution of American retail capitalism from the late nineteenth century to today, uncovering the roots of a bitter equilibrium where large low-cost retailers dominate and vast numbers of low-income families now rely on them to make ends meet.</p><p>Offering a comparative perspective on the history of American political economy, Dr. Kathleen Thelen shows how large-scale retailers in the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, and Sweden faced a far less hospitable regulatory environment than companies in the United States, which enjoyed judicial forbearance and often active government support. As American companies grew in scale and scope, they assembled an ever-expanding political coalition that could be weaponized to head off regulatory efforts, leveraging their market strength to squeeze suppliers and workers and even engaging in outright rule breaking when they encountered resistance.</p><p>Placing the rise of the Amazon economy in a broader comparative-historical context, <em>Attention, Shoppers!</em> reveals how large discount retailers have successfully exploited a uniquely permissive regulatory landscape to create a shopper’s paradise built on cheap labor and mass consumption.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2883</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5454641620.mp3?updated=1741811688" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin M. Studebaker, "Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies" (Edinburgh UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Liberal democracies don’t age gracefully. Established systems of governance like those of the UK and the US which once served as blueprints are today experiencing a profound crisis of legitimacy. In Britain, a landslide general election result was quickly followed by a catastrophic tumble in approval ratings. In the US presidential campaign, meanwhile, voters were told that democracy itself was on the ballot, with both candidates suggesting the election might well be the last one ever.
The consensus underpinning the world’s most powerful democracies is, indeed, waning. The populaces have developed a deep dissatisfaction with their governments’ political procedures, yet no credible alternatives have emerged. In his latest book Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies (Edinburgh UP, 2024), Benjamin Studebaker argues that the kinds of disagreements which historically led to political violence today instead just linger throughout the state and society. Without alternatives, liberal democracy’s legitimation crisis leads to neither reform nor revolution.
Studebaker depicts a legitimacy crisis rife with state capacity problems, in which citizens tell each other many conflicting legitimation stories as they search for ways to live with a dissatisfying political system they cannot replace. As different factions try to ‘save’ democracy in their own ways, they appear authoritarian to one another. Efforts to build legitimacy thus only spark greater inequality, pluralism, and ever-tighter gridlock.
Benjamin Studebaker is a political theorist. He holds a PhD in Politics and International Studies from the University of Cambridge. He has written for Aeon, Sublation, Compact, Current Affairs, The Bellows, and Huffington Post, among others. He hosts Political Theory 101 and co-hosts the film podcast The Lack.
Benjamin is also the author of The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy which we spoke about in 2023.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview Benjamin M. Studebaker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Liberal democracies don’t age gracefully. Established systems of governance like those of the UK and the US which once served as blueprints are today experiencing a profound crisis of legitimacy. In Britain, a landslide general election result was quickly followed by a catastrophic tumble in approval ratings. In the US presidential campaign, meanwhile, voters were told that democracy itself was on the ballot, with both candidates suggesting the election might well be the last one ever.
The consensus underpinning the world’s most powerful democracies is, indeed, waning. The populaces have developed a deep dissatisfaction with their governments’ political procedures, yet no credible alternatives have emerged. In his latest book Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies (Edinburgh UP, 2024), Benjamin Studebaker argues that the kinds of disagreements which historically led to political violence today instead just linger throughout the state and society. Without alternatives, liberal democracy’s legitimation crisis leads to neither reform nor revolution.
Studebaker depicts a legitimacy crisis rife with state capacity problems, in which citizens tell each other many conflicting legitimation stories as they search for ways to live with a dissatisfying political system they cannot replace. As different factions try to ‘save’ democracy in their own ways, they appear authoritarian to one another. Efforts to build legitimacy thus only spark greater inequality, pluralism, and ever-tighter gridlock.
Benjamin Studebaker is a political theorist. He holds a PhD in Politics and International Studies from the University of Cambridge. He has written for Aeon, Sublation, Compact, Current Affairs, The Bellows, and Huffington Post, among others. He hosts Political Theory 101 and co-hosts the film podcast The Lack.
Benjamin is also the author of The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy which we spoke about in 2023.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Liberal democracies don’t age gracefully. Established systems of governance like those of the UK and the US which once served as blueprints are today experiencing a profound crisis of legitimacy. In Britain, a landslide general election result was quickly followed by a catastrophic tumble in approval ratings. In the US presidential campaign, meanwhile, voters were told that democracy itself was on the ballot, with both candidates suggesting the election might well be the last one ever.</p><p>The consensus underpinning the world’s most powerful democracies is, indeed, waning. The populaces have developed a deep dissatisfaction with their governments’ political procedures, yet no credible alternatives have emerged. In his latest book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781399534680"><em>Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies</em></a><em> </em>(Edinburgh UP, 2024), Benjamin Studebaker argues that the kinds of disagreements which historically led to political violence today instead just linger throughout the state and society. Without alternatives, liberal democracy’s legitimation crisis leads to neither reform nor revolution.</p><p>Studebaker depicts a legitimacy crisis rife with state capacity problems, in which citizens tell each other many conflicting legitimation stories as they search for ways to live with a dissatisfying political system they cannot replace. As different factions try to ‘save’ democracy in their own ways, they appear authoritarian to one another. Efforts to build legitimacy thus only spark greater inequality, pluralism, and ever-tighter gridlock.</p><p>Benjamin Studebaker is a political theorist. He holds a PhD in Politics and International Studies from the University of Cambridge. He has written for Aeon, Sublation, Compact, Current Affairs, The Bellows, and Huffington Post, among others. He hosts <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/3JwcqFCSwC9gwR6rUXwFFQ">Political Theory 101</a> and co-hosts the film podcast <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/7mXhhxC6BiUSXcjnwFWkB7">The Lack</a>.</p><p>Benjamin is also the author of <em>The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy</em> which <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-chronic-crisis-of-american-democracy#entry:233898@1:url">we spoke about in 2023</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3666</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f6b23464-1232-11f0-9c32-4ff16386fd6d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5261701754.mp3?updated=1743867897" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Rauch, "Cross Purposes: Christianity's Broken Bargain with Democracy" (Yale UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Jonathan Rauch, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution and a contributing editor of The Atlantic. We are discussing his latest book, Cross Purposes: Christianity’s Broken Bargain with Democracy (Yale UP, 2025). The enmity between secular liberals and religious conservatives is a source of chaos in American democracy. Religious conservatives blame secular liberals for creating a decadent society without traditional norms. Secular liberals accuse religious conservatives of intolerance and hatred. Both sides want to do away with the other, when we actually need to try to understand each other. Jonathan’s book offers a powerful critique of our uncompromising ways.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>205</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Rauch</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Jonathan Rauch, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution and a contributing editor of The Atlantic. We are discussing his latest book, Cross Purposes: Christianity’s Broken Bargain with Democracy (Yale UP, 2025). The enmity between secular liberals and religious conservatives is a source of chaos in American democracy. Religious conservatives blame secular liberals for creating a decadent society without traditional norms. Secular liberals accuse religious conservatives of intolerance and hatred. Both sides want to do away with the other, when we actually need to try to understand each other. Jonathan’s book offers a powerful critique of our uncompromising ways.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Jonathan Rauch, a senior fellow in governance studies at the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brookings_Institution">Brookings Institution</a> and a contributing editor of The Atlantic. We are discussing his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300273540">Cross Purposes: Christianity’s Broken Bargain with Democracy</a> (Yale UP, 2025). The enmity between secular liberals and religious conservatives is a source of chaos in American democracy. Religious conservatives blame secular liberals for creating a decadent society without traditional norms. Secular liberals accuse religious conservatives of intolerance and hatred. Both sides want to do away with the other, when we actually need to try to understand each other. Jonathan’s book offers a powerful critique of our uncompromising ways.</p><p>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3083</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b15e1516-0fb9-11f0-8618-5ff4b81ca839]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5725903254.mp3?updated=1743596520" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sam Klug, "The Internal Colony: Race and the American Politics of Global Decolonization" (U Chicago Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>In The Internal Colony: Race and the American Politics of Global Decolonization (University of Chicago Press, 2025), Dr. Sam Klug reveals the central but underappreciated importance of global decolonization to the divergence between mainstream liberalism and the Black freedom movement in postwar America. Dr. Klug reconsiders what has long been seen as a matter of primarily domestic policy in light of a series of debates concerning self-determination, postcolonial economic development, and the meanings of colonialism and decolonization. These debates deeply influenced the discord between Black activists and state policymakers and formed a crucial dividing line in national politics in the 1960s and 1970s.
The result is a history that broadens our understanding of ideological formation—particularly how Americans conceptualized racial power and political economy—by revealing a much wider and more dynamic network of influences. Linking intellectual, political, and social movement history, The Internal Colony illuminates how global decolonization transformed the terms of debate over race and social class in the twentieth-century United States.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Internal Colony: Race and the American Politics of Global Decolonization (University of Chicago Press, 2025), Dr. Sam Klug reveals the central but underappreciated importance of global decolonization to the divergence between mainstream liberalism and the Black freedom movement in postwar America. Dr. Klug reconsiders what has long been seen as a matter of primarily domestic policy in light of a series of debates concerning self-determination, postcolonial economic development, and the meanings of colonialism and decolonization. These debates deeply influenced the discord between Black activists and state policymakers and formed a crucial dividing line in national politics in the 1960s and 1970s.
The result is a history that broadens our understanding of ideological formation—particularly how Americans conceptualized racial power and political economy—by revealing a much wider and more dynamic network of influences. Linking intellectual, political, and social movement history, The Internal Colony illuminates how global decolonization transformed the terms of debate over race and social class in the twentieth-century United States.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226820514"><em>The Internal Colony: Race and the American Politics of Global Decolonization</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2025), Dr. Sam Klug reveals the central but underappreciated importance of global decolonization to the divergence between mainstream liberalism and the Black freedom movement in postwar America. Dr. Klug reconsiders what has long been seen as a matter of primarily domestic policy in light of a series of debates concerning self-determination, postcolonial economic development, and the meanings of colonialism and decolonization. These debates deeply influenced the discord between Black activists and state policymakers and formed a crucial dividing line in national politics in the 1960s and 1970s.</p><p>The result is a history that broadens our understanding of ideological formation—particularly how Americans conceptualized racial power and political economy—by revealing a much wider and more dynamic network of influences. Linking intellectual, political, and social movement history, <em>The Internal Colony</em> illuminates how global decolonization transformed the terms of debate over race and social class in the twentieth-century United States.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4124</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4636941149.mp3?updated=1743540694" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>We Have Never Been Woke: A Conversation with Musa al-Gharbi</title>
      <description>Why does occupation reliably predict political leanings? What is social capitalism, and how does it span income classes? If social capitalists are sincerely committed to equality and “wokeness,” why do they simultaneously benefit from—and perpetuate—the very inequalities they denounce?
Join us as we dive into Musa al-Gharbi’s provocative new book, We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite (Princeton University Press, 2024). We explore al-Gharbi’s central argument: the disconnect between the stated values of the "symbolic capital elite" and the real-world consequences of their actions, despite their genuine intentions. Al-Gharbi draws parallels to past "great awakenings"—periods of profound cultural upheaval and shifting attitudes toward civil rights. We also examine whether defining "wokeness" is essential to his thesis, and al-Gharbi clarifies some of the most frequently misunderstood aspects of his work.
Musa al-Gharbi is a sociologist and assistant professor in the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University. A columnist for The Guardian, his writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Atlantic, and other major publications.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Apr 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why does occupation reliably predict political leanings? What is social capitalism, and how does it span income classes? If social capitalists are sincerely committed to equality and “wokeness,” why do they simultaneously benefit from—and perpetuate—the very inequalities they denounce?
Join us as we dive into Musa al-Gharbi’s provocative new book, We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite (Princeton University Press, 2024). We explore al-Gharbi’s central argument: the disconnect between the stated values of the "symbolic capital elite" and the real-world consequences of their actions, despite their genuine intentions. Al-Gharbi draws parallels to past "great awakenings"—periods of profound cultural upheaval and shifting attitudes toward civil rights. We also examine whether defining "wokeness" is essential to his thesis, and al-Gharbi clarifies some of the most frequently misunderstood aspects of his work.
Musa al-Gharbi is a sociologist and assistant professor in the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University. A columnist for The Guardian, his writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Atlantic, and other major publications.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why does occupation reliably predict political leanings? What is social capitalism, and how does it span income classes? If social capitalists are sincerely committed to equality and “wokeness,” why do they simultaneously benefit from—and perpetuate—the very inequalities they denounce?</p><p>Join us as we dive into Musa al-Gharbi’s provocative new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691232607"><em>We Have Never Been Woke: The Cultural Contradictions of a New Elite</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2024). We explore al-Gharbi’s central argument: the disconnect between the stated values of the "symbolic capital elite" and the real-world consequences of their actions, despite their genuine intentions. Al-Gharbi draws parallels to past "great awakenings"—periods of profound cultural upheaval and shifting attitudes toward civil rights. We also examine whether defining "wokeness" is essential to his thesis, and al-Gharbi clarifies some of the most frequently misunderstood aspects of his work.</p><p>Musa al-Gharbi is a sociologist and assistant professor in the School of Communication and Journalism at Stony Brook University. A columnist for The Guardian, his writing has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Atlantic, and other major publications.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2737</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: History, Narratives, and Political Power--An Emergency Oral History Project</title>
      <description>President Donald Trump has threatened the federal funding and jobs of institutions and individuals that document, archive, and analyze historical materials. On March 27, 2025, Trump signed “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,” an executive order that directs Vice President JD Vance to eliminate "divisive race-centered ideology" from Smithsonian museums, educational and research centers, and the National Zoo and to “restore” American history.
While Trump has framed these actions as “efficiency” measures or removing bias in favor of women and underrepresented minorities, they are better understood as removing professionals who preserve the images and documents that politicians and public officials use to create powerful narratives.
Today’s guests are two historians featured in a Washington Post article on the firing of federal historians and the new oral history project designed to capture the history of federal firings, layoffs, and the current work climate.
Dr. Jason Chernesky is a historian of medicine, public health, and environmental history whose research focuses on child health issues in the United States. Jason was the historian for the Food and Drug Administration until receiving a termination letter in February 2025. He is now on temporary administrative leave and the creator of the emergency oral history project.
Dr. Beth English is the Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. Beth has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.
Mentioned in the podcast:

OAH’s Emergency Oral History Project for federal workers (fired, on leave, or currently working)


Gift link to the Washington Post article by Kyle Swenson about the oral history project

“Origins of the FDA History Office” on the FDA website

Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans


Joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians


Previous Postscripts with historian Dr. Wendy Rouse (Donald Trump is Erasing History – and what YOU can do about it) and executive directors of AHA and OAH, Drs. Jim Grossman and Beth English (Postscript: Not a Matter of Left or Right: Historians Fighting Censorship)

Donate to the Emergency Oral History Project


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 31 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>President Donald Trump has threatened the federal funding and jobs of institutions and individuals that document, archive, and analyze historical materials. On March 27, 2025, Trump signed “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,” an executive order that directs Vice President JD Vance to eliminate "divisive race-centered ideology" from Smithsonian museums, educational and research centers, and the National Zoo and to “restore” American history.
While Trump has framed these actions as “efficiency” measures or removing bias in favor of women and underrepresented minorities, they are better understood as removing professionals who preserve the images and documents that politicians and public officials use to create powerful narratives.
Today’s guests are two historians featured in a Washington Post article on the firing of federal historians and the new oral history project designed to capture the history of federal firings, layoffs, and the current work climate.
Dr. Jason Chernesky is a historian of medicine, public health, and environmental history whose research focuses on child health issues in the United States. Jason was the historian for the Food and Drug Administration until receiving a termination letter in February 2025. He is now on temporary administrative leave and the creator of the emergency oral history project.
Dr. Beth English is the Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. Beth has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.
Mentioned in the podcast:

OAH’s Emergency Oral History Project for federal workers (fired, on leave, or currently working)


Gift link to the Washington Post article by Kyle Swenson about the oral history project

“Origins of the FDA History Office” on the FDA website

Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans


Joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians


Previous Postscripts with historian Dr. Wendy Rouse (Donald Trump is Erasing History – and what YOU can do about it) and executive directors of AHA and OAH, Drs. Jim Grossman and Beth English (Postscript: Not a Matter of Left or Right: Historians Fighting Censorship)

Donate to the Emergency Oral History Project


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>President Donald Trump has threatened the federal funding and jobs of institutions and individuals that document, archive, and analyze historical materials. On March 27, 2025, Trump signed “Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History,” an executive order that directs Vice President JD Vance to eliminate "divisive race-centered ideology" from Smithsonian museums, educational and research centers, and the National Zoo and to “restore” American history.</p><p>While Trump has framed these actions as “efficiency” measures or removing bias in favor of women and underrepresented minorities, they are better understood as removing professionals who preserve the images and documents that politicians and public officials use to create powerful narratives.</p><p>Today’s guests are two historians featured in <a href="https://wapo.st/4cdjRFQ">a <em>Washington Post</em> article</a> on the firing of federal historians and the new oral history project designed to capture the history of federal firings, layoffs, and the current work climate.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/jason-m-chernesky-phd-bba2b429/">Dr. Jason Chernesky</a> is a historian of medicine, public health, and environmental history whose research focuses on child health issues in the United States. Jason was the historian for the Food and Drug Administration until receiving a termination letter in February 2025. He is now on temporary administrative leave and the creator of the emergency oral history project.</p><p><a href="https://www.oah.org/beth-english/">Dr. Beth English</a> is the Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. Beth has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.</p><p>Mentioned in the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>OAH’s <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/04/federal-employees-oral-history-project/">Emergency Oral History Project</a> for federal workers (fired, on leave, or currently working)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://wapo.st/4cdjRFQ">Gift link to the <em>Washington Post</em> article</a> by Kyle Swenson about the oral history project</li>
<li><a href="https://www.fda.gov/about-fda/origins-fda-history-office">“Origins of the FDA History Office” on the FDA website</a></li>
<li>Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/12/records-at-risk-data-collection-initiative/">Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative</a> for individuals to report removed or changed material</li>
<li><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/03/14/g-s1-54054/arlington-national-cemetery-dei-website">Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans</a></li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.historians.org/">Joint statement from the American Historical Association</a> and <a href="https://www.oah.org/">Organization of American Historians</a>
</li>
<li>Previous <em>Postscripts </em>with historian Dr. Wendy Rouse (<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-donald-trump-is-erasing-history-what-you-can-do-about-it#entry:382471@1:url"><em>Donald Trump is Erasing History – and what YOU can do about it</em></a>) and executive directors of AHA and OAH, Drs. Jim Grossman and Beth English (<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-not-a-matter-of-left-or-right-historians-fighting-censorship#entry:384118@1:url"><em>Postscript: Not a Matter of Left or Right: Historians Fighting Censorship</em></a>)</li>
<li><a href="http://www.oah.org/donate">Donate to the Emergency Oral History Project</a></li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2767</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[54da40d8-0cb9-11f0-8c0a-ef76c698b250]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8493034586.mp3?updated=1743265268" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew Canessa and Manuela Lavinas Picq, "Savages and Citizens: How Indigeneity Shapes the State" (U Arizona Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Although Indigenous peoples are often perceived as standing outside political modernity, Savages and Citizens: How Indigeneity Shapes the State (University of Arizona Press, 2025) by Dr. Andrew Canessa &amp; Dr. Manuela Lavinas Picq takes the provocative view that Indigenous people have been fundamental to how contemporary state sovereignty was imagined, theorized, and practiced.
Delving into European political philosophy, comparative politics, and contemporary international law, this open-access book shows how the concept of indigeneity has shaped the development of the modern state. The exclusion of Indigenous people was not a collateral byproduct; it was a political project in its own right. The book argues that indigeneity is a political identity relational to modern nation-states and that Indigenous politics, although marking the boundary of the state, are co-constitutive of colonial processes of state-making. In showing how indigeneity is central to how the international system of states operates, the book forefronts Indigenous peoples as political actors to reject essentializing views that reduce them to cultural “survivors” rooted in the past.
With insights drawn from diverse global contexts and empirical research from Bolivia and Ecuador, this work advocates for the relevance of Indigenous studies within political science and argues for an ethnography of sovereignty in anthropology. Savages and Citizens makes a compelling case for the centrality of Indigenous perspectives to understand the modern state from political theory to international studies.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>128</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Canessa and Manuela Lavinas Picq</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Although Indigenous peoples are often perceived as standing outside political modernity, Savages and Citizens: How Indigeneity Shapes the State (University of Arizona Press, 2025) by Dr. Andrew Canessa &amp; Dr. Manuela Lavinas Picq takes the provocative view that Indigenous people have been fundamental to how contemporary state sovereignty was imagined, theorized, and practiced.
Delving into European political philosophy, comparative politics, and contemporary international law, this open-access book shows how the concept of indigeneity has shaped the development of the modern state. The exclusion of Indigenous people was not a collateral byproduct; it was a political project in its own right. The book argues that indigeneity is a political identity relational to modern nation-states and that Indigenous politics, although marking the boundary of the state, are co-constitutive of colonial processes of state-making. In showing how indigeneity is central to how the international system of states operates, the book forefronts Indigenous peoples as political actors to reject essentializing views that reduce them to cultural “survivors” rooted in the past.
With insights drawn from diverse global contexts and empirical research from Bolivia and Ecuador, this work advocates for the relevance of Indigenous studies within political science and argues for an ethnography of sovereignty in anthropology. Savages and Citizens makes a compelling case for the centrality of Indigenous perspectives to understand the modern state from political theory to international studies.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on New Books with Miranda Melcher, wherever you get your podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Although Indigenous peoples are often perceived as standing outside political modernity, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780816553969"><em>Savages and Citizens: How Indigeneity Shapes the State</em></a> (University of Arizona Press, 2025) by Dr. Andrew Canessa &amp; Dr. Manuela Lavinas Picq takes the provocative view that Indigenous people have been fundamental to how contemporary state sovereignty was imagined, theorized, and practiced.</p><p>Delving into European political philosophy, comparative politics, and contemporary international law, this open-access book shows how the concept of indigeneity has shaped the development of the modern state. The exclusion of Indigenous people was not a collateral byproduct; it was a political project in its own right. The book argues that indigeneity is a political identity relational to modern nation-states and that Indigenous politics, although marking the boundary of the state, are co-constitutive of colonial processes of state-making. In showing how indigeneity is central to how the international system of states operates, the book forefronts Indigenous peoples as political actors to reject essentializing views that reduce them to cultural “survivors” rooted in the past.</p><p>With insights drawn from diverse global contexts and empirical research from Bolivia and Ecuador, this work advocates for the relevance of Indigenous studies within political science and argues for an ethnography of sovereignty in anthropology. <em>Savages and Citizens</em> makes a compelling case for the centrality of Indigenous perspectives to understand the modern state from political theory to international studies.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. You can find Miranda’s episodes on </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/new-books-with-miranda-melcher"><em>New Books with Miranda Melcher</em></a><em>, wherever you get your podcasts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3491</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5dd1c872-0bcf-11f0-8240-3fe7d3a9b4d4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3654946265.mp3?updated=1743164759" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lincoln A. Mitchell, "Three Years Our Mayor: George Moscone and the Making of Modern San Francisco" (U Nevada Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Those who recognize Mayor George Moscone's name may think of him as the career politician who was assassinated along with Harvey Milk, but there was much more to this influential and fascinating man's story. He was a trailblazing progressive and powerful state legislator who was instrumental in passing legislation on issues ranging from LGBT rights to funding for school lunches. Moscone's 1975 campaign for mayor was historically significant because it was the first time a major race was won by a candidate who campaigned aggressively for expanding civil rights for both African Americans and LGBT people. He won his campaign for mayor chiefly because of huge support from those two constituencies. Moscone was also a very colorful character who, in addition to being a successful politician, was a charming and charismatic bon vivant who was deeply embedded in the fabric and culture of San Francisco. He grew up the only son of a single mother in Cow Hollow when it was a working class, largely Italian American neighborhood, and he became the kind of politician who knew bartenders, playground attendants, small business owners, and neighborhood activists in every corner of the city. Moscone's life and the history of San Francisco during the middle half of the twentieth century are deeply intertwined. 
Through illustrating the life of Moscone, author Lincoln A. Mitchell explores how today's San Francisco came into being. Moscone--through his work in the State Senate, victory in the very divisive 1975 mayor's race, and brief tenure as mayor--was a key figure in the city's evolution. The politics surrounding Moscone's election as mayor, governance of the city, and tragic death are still relevant issues. Moscone was a groundbreaking politician whose life was cut short, but his influence on San Francisco can still be felt today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>202</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lincoln A. Mitchell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Those who recognize Mayor George Moscone's name may think of him as the career politician who was assassinated along with Harvey Milk, but there was much more to this influential and fascinating man's story. He was a trailblazing progressive and powerful state legislator who was instrumental in passing legislation on issues ranging from LGBT rights to funding for school lunches. Moscone's 1975 campaign for mayor was historically significant because it was the first time a major race was won by a candidate who campaigned aggressively for expanding civil rights for both African Americans and LGBT people. He won his campaign for mayor chiefly because of huge support from those two constituencies. Moscone was also a very colorful character who, in addition to being a successful politician, was a charming and charismatic bon vivant who was deeply embedded in the fabric and culture of San Francisco. He grew up the only son of a single mother in Cow Hollow when it was a working class, largely Italian American neighborhood, and he became the kind of politician who knew bartenders, playground attendants, small business owners, and neighborhood activists in every corner of the city. Moscone's life and the history of San Francisco during the middle half of the twentieth century are deeply intertwined. 
Through illustrating the life of Moscone, author Lincoln A. Mitchell explores how today's San Francisco came into being. Moscone--through his work in the State Senate, victory in the very divisive 1975 mayor's race, and brief tenure as mayor--was a key figure in the city's evolution. The politics surrounding Moscone's election as mayor, governance of the city, and tragic death are still relevant issues. Moscone was a groundbreaking politician whose life was cut short, but his influence on San Francisco can still be felt today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Those who recognize Mayor George Moscone's name may think of him as the career politician who was assassinated along with Harvey Milk, but there was much more to this influential and fascinating man's story. He was a trailblazing progressive and powerful state legislator who was instrumental in passing legislation on issues ranging from LGBT rights to funding for school lunches. Moscone's 1975 campaign for mayor was historically significant because it was the first time a major race was won by a candidate who campaigned aggressively for expanding civil rights for both African Americans and LGBT people. He won his campaign for mayor chiefly because of huge support from those two constituencies. Moscone was also a very colorful character who, in addition to being a successful politician, was a charming and charismatic bon vivant who was deeply embedded in the fabric and culture of San Francisco. He grew up the only son of a single mother in Cow Hollow when it was a working class, largely Italian American neighborhood, and he became the kind of politician who knew bartenders, playground attendants, small business owners, and neighborhood activists in every corner of the city. Moscone's life and the history of San Francisco during the middle half of the twentieth century are deeply intertwined. </p><p>Through illustrating the life of Moscone, author Lincoln A. Mitchell explores how today's San Francisco came into being. Moscone--through his work in the State Senate, victory in the very divisive 1975 mayor's race, and brief tenure as mayor--was a key figure in the city's evolution. The politics surrounding Moscone's election as mayor, governance of the city, and tragic death are still relevant issues. Moscone was a groundbreaking politician whose life was cut short, but his influence on San Francisco can still be felt today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1809</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[96f0c0ac-0a5a-11f0-8a30-fb5fb57866ed]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8875866983.mp3?updated=1743005086" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Not a Matter of Left or Right: Historians Fighting Censorship</title>
      <description>The presidents of the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians join the podcast to talk about the effects of historical censorship, data shredding, meaningful public education – and what everyone can do to fight back.
After being sworn in as the 47th president, Donald Trump issued a slew of executive orders. The order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” declares that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” This order has swiftly affected what people may read on websites or museum panels that describe historical events and artifacts.
As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”
Dr. Beth English is Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. She has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.
Dr. James R. Grossman is executive director of the American Historical Association. Previously, he was vice president for research and education at the Newberry Library, and has taught at University of Chicago and University of California, San Diego. Among his many publications are the award-winning books, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration and A Chance to Make Good: African-Americans, 1900–1929. His articles and short essays have focused on various aspects of American urban history, African American history, ethnicity, higher education, and the place of history in public culture. His public facing scholarship includes work published in the Chicago Tribune, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Time, The Hill, The Chronicle of Higher Education, and Inside Higher Education.
Grossman has consulted on history-related projects generated by the BBC, Smithsonian, and various theater companies, film makers, museums, libraries, and foundations. He has served on the governing boards of the National Humanities Alliance, American Council of Learned Societies, Association of American Colleges and Universities, and Center for Research Libraries.
Mentioned:

OAH’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

For federal workers who are interested in sharing their experiences, OAH’s Emergency Oral History Project


Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans


National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)

Removal of climate data from government websites

Contribute to AHA and OAH



5calls ap for connecting with federal senators and representatives


AHA Action Alert for Iowa residents (and AHA letter to Iowa Senate Education Committee)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>37</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Beth English and James R. Grossman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The presidents of the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians join the podcast to talk about the effects of historical censorship, data shredding, meaningful public education – and what everyone can do to fight back.
After being sworn in as the 47th president, Donald Trump issued a slew of executive orders. The order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” declares that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” This order has swiftly affected what people may read on websites or museum panels that describe historical events and artifacts.
As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”
Dr. Beth English is Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. She has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.
Dr. James R. Grossman is executive director of the American Historical Association. Previously, he was vice president for research and education at the Newberry Library, and has taught at University of Chicago and University of California, San Diego. Among his many publications are the award-winning books, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration and A Chance to Make Good: African-Americans, 1900–1929. His articles and short essays have focused on various aspects of American urban history, African American history, ethnicity, higher education, and the place of history in public culture. His public facing scholarship includes work published in the Chicago Tribune, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Time, The Hill, The Chronicle of Higher Education, and Inside Higher Education.
Grossman has consulted on history-related projects generated by the BBC, Smithsonian, and various theater companies, film makers, museums, libraries, and foundations. He has served on the governing boards of the National Humanities Alliance, American Council of Learned Societies, Association of American Colleges and Universities, and Center for Research Libraries.
Mentioned:

OAH’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

For federal workers who are interested in sharing their experiences, OAH’s Emergency Oral History Project


Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans


National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)

Removal of climate data from government websites

Contribute to AHA and OAH



5calls ap for connecting with federal senators and representatives


AHA Action Alert for Iowa residents (and AHA letter to Iowa Senate Education Committee)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The presidents of the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians join the podcast to talk about the effects of historical censorship, data shredding, meaningful public education – and what everyone can do to fight back.</p><p>After being sworn in as the 47th president, Donald Trump issued a slew of executive orders. The order entitled “<a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/defending-women-from-gender-ideology-extremism-and-restoring-biological-truth-to-the-federal-government/">Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government</a>” declares that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” This order has swiftly affected what people may read on websites or museum panels that describe historical events and artifacts.</p><p>As a <a href="https://www.historians.org/">new joint statement from the American Historical Association</a> and the <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/13/oah-issues-statement-condemning-federal-censorship-of-american-history/">Organization of American Historians</a> recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”</p><p>Dr. Beth English is Executive Director of the Organization of American Historians. Her research and teaching focus on the historical and contemporary labor movement, working-class issues, globalization, deindustrialization, and women in the workplace. She is the author of A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry, and co-editor of Global Women’s Work: Perspectives on Gender and Work in the Global Economy. She has contributed to the Washington Post, NPR, Vox, Huffington Post, The New Republic, and other media outlets.</p><p>Dr. James R. Grossman is executive director of the American Historical Association. Previously, he was vice president for research and education at the Newberry Library, and has taught at University of Chicago and University of California, San Diego. Among his many publications are the award-winning books, <em>Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migration</em> and <em>A Chance to Make Good: African-Americans, 1900–1929</em>. His articles and short essays have focused on various aspects of American urban history, African American history, ethnicity, higher education, and the place of history in public culture. His public facing scholarship includes work published in the <em>Chicago Tribune</em>, <em>New York Times</em>, <em>Los Angeles Times</em>, <em>Time</em>, <em>The Hill</em>, <em>The Chronicle of Higher Education</em>, and <em>Inside Higher Education</em>.</p><p>Grossman has consulted on history-related projects generated by the <em>BBC</em>, Smithsonian, and various theater companies, film makers, museums, libraries, and foundations. He has served on the governing boards of the National Humanities Alliance, American Council of Learned Societies, Association of American Colleges and Universities, and Center for Research Libraries.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>OAH’s <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/12/records-at-risk-data-collection-initiative/">Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative</a> for individuals to report removed or changed material</li>
<li>For federal workers who are interested in sharing their experiences, OAH’s <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/04/federal-employees-oral-history-project/">Emergency Oral History Project</a>
</li>
<li><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/03/14/g-s1-54054/arlington-national-cemetery-dei-website">Arlington National Cemetery website removes histories highlighting Black, Hispanic, and women veterans</a></li>
<li>
<a href="https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=37">National Center for Education Statistics</a> (NCES)</li>
<li><a href="https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/climate-change-transparency-project-foia/2025-02-06/disappearing-data-trump">Removal of climate data from government websites</a></li>
<li>Contribute to <a href="https://www.historians.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/donation-form.pdf">AHA</a> and <a href="https://www.oah.org/about/support-oah/">OAH</a>
</li>
<li>
<a href="https://5calls.org/">5calls ap</a> for connecting with federal senators and representatives</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.historians.org/news/action-alert-iowa-hf-402-sf-322/">AHA Action Alert for Iowa residents</a> (and <a href="https://www.historians.org/news/aha-sends-letter-to-iowa-senate-education-committee-opposing-hf-402-sf-322/">AHA letter to Iowa Senate Education Committee</a>)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2488</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[40e420b4-0712-11f0-900b-93d9480d7dd1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4176221374.mp3?updated=1742839873" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Human Rights in the Trump Era: A Conversation with Kenneth Roth</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, Kenneth Roth, former longtime executive director of Human Rights Watch, joins RBI director John Torpey to discuss Roth’s recent book, Righting Wrongs: Three Decades on the Front Lines Battling Abuse of Governments (Knopf, 2025), which reflects on strategies for defending civil, political, economic, and social rights in an increasingly complex international landscape. Roth explores the implications of Trump's dismantling of USAID, the evolving challenges posed by authoritarian regimes like China, and the critical role social media plays in both exposing and enabling human rights abuses globally. Tune in to hear how Roth maintains optimism about the human rights movement and its continued fight against human rights abuses.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>164</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kenneth Roth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, Kenneth Roth, former longtime executive director of Human Rights Watch, joins RBI director John Torpey to discuss Roth’s recent book, Righting Wrongs: Three Decades on the Front Lines Battling Abuse of Governments (Knopf, 2025), which reflects on strategies for defending civil, political, economic, and social rights in an increasingly complex international landscape. Roth explores the implications of Trump's dismantling of USAID, the evolving challenges posed by authoritarian regimes like China, and the critical role social media plays in both exposing and enabling human rights abuses globally. Tune in to hear how Roth maintains optimism about the human rights movement and its continued fight against human rights abuses.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, Kenneth Roth, former longtime executive director of Human Rights Watch, joins RBI director John Torpey to discuss Roth’s recent book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593801321"><em>Righting Wrongs: Three Decades on the Front Lines Battling Abuse of Governments</em></a><em> </em>(Knopf, 2025), which reflects on strategies for defending civil, political, economic, and social rights in an increasingly complex international landscape. Roth explores the implications of Trump's dismantling of USAID, the evolving challenges posed by authoritarian regimes like China, and the critical role social media plays in both exposing and enabling human rights abuses globally. Tune in to hear how Roth maintains optimism about the human rights movement and its continued fight against human rights abuses.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1907</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[76d358a2-072b-11f0-818e-ab4e18437b02]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3364769374.mp3?updated=1742654648" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>In Covid’s Wake: How our Politics Failed Us--A Conversation with Stephen Macedo (Part 2)</title>
      <description>This week on Madison’s Notes, we continue our discussion with Stephen Macedo, co-author of In COVID’s Wake: How Our Politics Failed Us (Princeton UP, 2025). The book examines the institutional failures during the pandemic, including the politicization of science, inconsistent messaging, and the disproportionate impacts of policies.
We cover key questions: What did “following the science” mean before COVID-19? Macedo explains that science is inherently uncertain, but this nuance was often lost during the pandemic, leading to unrealistic expectations. He also highlights how poor communication about scientific uncertainty eroded public trust.
The conversation addresses contradictory messaging about the origins of COVID-19, with public statements often differing from internal expert discussions. Macedo notes how this disconnect fueled skepticism. He also raises concerns about potential conflicts of interest among health officials and the dangers of concentrating decision-making power in a few unchecked individuals.
Macedo discusses the politicization of masking, which overshadowed scientific evidence and deepened divisions. He advises individuals to seek reputable sources, embrace uncertainty, and remain critical of simplistic narratives. Finally, he stresses the importance of accountability, open debate, and a commitment to democratic values like tolerance and truth as essential for navigating future crises.
This episode offers a concise yet powerful reflection on the lessons of the pandemic and the need for stronger, more transparent governance. Tune in for the full conversation.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>142</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on Madison’s Notes, we continue our discussion with Stephen Macedo, co-author of In COVID’s Wake: How Our Politics Failed Us (Princeton UP, 2025). The book examines the institutional failures during the pandemic, including the politicization of science, inconsistent messaging, and the disproportionate impacts of policies.
We cover key questions: What did “following the science” mean before COVID-19? Macedo explains that science is inherently uncertain, but this nuance was often lost during the pandemic, leading to unrealistic expectations. He also highlights how poor communication about scientific uncertainty eroded public trust.
The conversation addresses contradictory messaging about the origins of COVID-19, with public statements often differing from internal expert discussions. Macedo notes how this disconnect fueled skepticism. He also raises concerns about potential conflicts of interest among health officials and the dangers of concentrating decision-making power in a few unchecked individuals.
Macedo discusses the politicization of masking, which overshadowed scientific evidence and deepened divisions. He advises individuals to seek reputable sources, embrace uncertainty, and remain critical of simplistic narratives. Finally, he stresses the importance of accountability, open debate, and a commitment to democratic values like tolerance and truth as essential for navigating future crises.
This episode offers a concise yet powerful reflection on the lessons of the pandemic and the need for stronger, more transparent governance. Tune in for the full conversation.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on Madison’s Notes, we continue our discussion with Stephen Macedo, co-author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691267135"><em>In COVID’s Wake: How Our Politics Failed Us</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025). The book examines the institutional failures during the pandemic, including the politicization of science, inconsistent messaging, and the disproportionate impacts of policies.</p><p>We cover key questions: What did “following the science” mean before COVID-19? Macedo explains that science is inherently uncertain, but this nuance was often lost during the pandemic, leading to unrealistic expectations. He also highlights how poor communication about scientific uncertainty eroded public trust.</p><p>The conversation addresses contradictory messaging about the origins of COVID-19, with public statements often differing from internal expert discussions. Macedo notes how this disconnect fueled skepticism. He also raises concerns about potential conflicts of interest among health officials and the dangers of concentrating decision-making power in a few unchecked individuals.</p><p>Macedo discusses the politicization of masking, which overshadowed scientific evidence and deepened divisions. He advises individuals to seek reputable sources, embrace uncertainty, and remain critical of simplistic narratives. Finally, he stresses the importance of accountability, open debate, and a commitment to democratic values like tolerance and truth as essential for navigating future crises.</p><p>This episode offers a concise yet powerful reflection on the lessons of the pandemic and the need for stronger, more transparent governance. Tune in for the full conversation.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3177</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7b196ebe-026d-11f0-a82e-37ab41ee5755]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5653184393.mp3?updated=1742133082" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard Buttny, "Unfracked: The Struggle to Ban Fracking in New York" (U Massachusetts Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In this episode, I had the pleasure of speaking with Richard Buttny, Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication and Rhetorical Studies at Syracuse University. With a Ph.D. from the University of Massachusetts, his research interests include environmental communication, discourse analysis, and intercultural communication. Richard's latest book, Unfracked: The Struggle to Ban Fracking in New York, was published by the University of Massachusetts Press in October 2024. About the book: 
Since fracking emerged as a way of extracting natural gas, through intense deep drilling and the use of millions of gallons of water and chemicals to fracture shale, it has been controversial. It is perceived in different ways by different people--by some as an opportunity for increased resources and possibly jobs and other income; by others as a public health and environmental threat; and for many, an unknown. Richard Buttny, a scholar who works on rhetoric and discursive practices, read a story in his local paper in New York about hydrofracking coming to his area and had to research what it was, and what it could mean for his community. Soon he joined neighbors in fighting to have the practice banned state-wide. At the same time, he turned his scholarly eye to the messaging from both sides of the fight, using first-person accounts, interviews, and media coverage.
The activists fighting fracking won. New York is now the only state in the US with sizable deposits of natural gas that has banned hydraulic fracturing, or fracking. Unfracked explains the competing rhetoric and discourses on fracking among New York-based advocates, experts, the grassroots, and political officials. Buttny examines how these positions evolved over time and how eventually the state arrived at a decision to ban this extractive technology. His accessible approach provides both a historical recounting of the key events of this seven-year conflict, along with four in-depth case studies: a grassroots citizen group, a public hearing with medical physicians, a key intergovernmental hearing, and a formal debate among experts. The result is a look at a very recent, important historical moment and a useful examination of environmental activist and fossil fuel advocate rhetoric around an issue that continues to cause debate nationwide.
From my own experience reading it, I wholeheartedly agree that it is a must-read for any scholar in the field and also anyone interested in this issue. Please enjoy getting to learn more about Richard and his work in this interview.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard Buttny</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode, I had the pleasure of speaking with Richard Buttny, Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication and Rhetorical Studies at Syracuse University. With a Ph.D. from the University of Massachusetts, his research interests include environmental communication, discourse analysis, and intercultural communication. Richard's latest book, Unfracked: The Struggle to Ban Fracking in New York, was published by the University of Massachusetts Press in October 2024. About the book: 
Since fracking emerged as a way of extracting natural gas, through intense deep drilling and the use of millions of gallons of water and chemicals to fracture shale, it has been controversial. It is perceived in different ways by different people--by some as an opportunity for increased resources and possibly jobs and other income; by others as a public health and environmental threat; and for many, an unknown. Richard Buttny, a scholar who works on rhetoric and discursive practices, read a story in his local paper in New York about hydrofracking coming to his area and had to research what it was, and what it could mean for his community. Soon he joined neighbors in fighting to have the practice banned state-wide. At the same time, he turned his scholarly eye to the messaging from both sides of the fight, using first-person accounts, interviews, and media coverage.
The activists fighting fracking won. New York is now the only state in the US with sizable deposits of natural gas that has banned hydraulic fracturing, or fracking. Unfracked explains the competing rhetoric and discourses on fracking among New York-based advocates, experts, the grassroots, and political officials. Buttny examines how these positions evolved over time and how eventually the state arrived at a decision to ban this extractive technology. His accessible approach provides both a historical recounting of the key events of this seven-year conflict, along with four in-depth case studies: a grassroots citizen group, a public hearing with medical physicians, a key intergovernmental hearing, and a formal debate among experts. The result is a look at a very recent, important historical moment and a useful examination of environmental activist and fossil fuel advocate rhetoric around an issue that continues to cause debate nationwide.
From my own experience reading it, I wholeheartedly agree that it is a must-read for any scholar in the field and also anyone interested in this issue. Please enjoy getting to learn more about Richard and his work in this interview.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode, I had the pleasure of speaking with Richard Buttny, Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication and Rhetorical Studies at Syracuse University. With a Ph.D. from the University of Massachusetts, his research interests include environmental communication, discourse analysis, and intercultural communication. Richard's latest book,<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625348227"><em>Unfracked: The Struggle to Ban Fracking in New York</em></a>, was published by the University of Massachusetts Press in October 2024. About the book: </p><p>Since fracking emerged as a way of extracting natural gas, through intense deep drilling and the use of millions of gallons of water and chemicals to fracture shale, it has been controversial. It is perceived in different ways by different people--by some as an opportunity for increased resources and possibly jobs and other income; by others as a public health and environmental threat; and for many, an unknown. Richard Buttny, a scholar who works on rhetoric and discursive practices, read a story in his local paper in New York about hydrofracking coming to his area and had to research what it was, and what it could mean for his community. Soon he joined neighbors in fighting to have the practice banned state-wide. At the same time, he turned his scholarly eye to the messaging from both sides of the fight, using first-person accounts, interviews, and media coverage.</p><p>The activists fighting fracking won. New York is now the only state in the US with sizable deposits of natural gas that has banned hydraulic fracturing, or fracking. <em>Unfracked</em> explains the competing rhetoric and discourses on fracking among New York-based advocates, experts, the grassroots, and political officials. Buttny examines how these positions evolved over time and how eventually the state arrived at a decision to ban this extractive technology. His accessible approach provides both a historical recounting of the key events of this seven-year conflict, along with four in-depth case studies: a grassroots citizen group, a public hearing with medical physicians, a key intergovernmental hearing, and a formal debate among experts. The result is a look at a very recent, important historical moment and a useful examination of environmental activist and fossil fuel advocate rhetoric around an issue that continues to cause debate nationwide.</p><p>From my own experience reading it, I wholeheartedly agree that it is a must-read for any scholar in the field and also anyone interested in this issue. Please enjoy getting to learn more about Richard and his work in this interview.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2776</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f37065de-029a-11f0-85ca-b32ed634c9a8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9034406014.mp3?updated=1742153134" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Luca Trenta, "The President's Kill List: Assassination and Us Foreign Policy Since 1945" (Edinburgh UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Investigative reporter Bob Woodward once noted that assassination was the Scarlett letter of American politics because targeted killings challenge the image of the United States as a liberal democracy and the driving force behind a rules-based international order. In his new book, Luca Trenta documents how assassination and assassination attempts have been a persistent feature in US foreign policy. The US government has relied on a variety of direct methods as well as more indirectly laying the groundwork for local assassins. 
Using primary documents and interviews, The President’s Kill List meticulously documents how policymakers decided on assassination and the level of Presidential control over these decisions. The book analyzes the evolution of assassination policies and reveals how successive administrations - through private justifications and public legitimations - ensured that assassination remained an available tool. The podcast includes insightful comments on assassination and the Trump administration. The paperback is coming out in May 2025.
Dr. Luca Trenta is an Associate Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political and Cultural Studies at Swansea University. His previous publications include an earlier book, Risk and Presidential Decision-making: The Emergence of Foreign Policy Crises (Routledge, 2016) and he hosts Out of the Shadows, interviewing authors and experts in intelligence and covert operations. In his public-facing scholarship, Dr. Trenta has appeared in a History Channel documentary called Secret Wars Uncovered (2020) and he regularly contributes to and collaborates with media outlets such as the BBC.
Mentioned:

Joseph Burkholder Smith, Portrait of a Cold Warrior (1976)

John Frankenheimer, The Manchurian Candidate (1962)

The Ford-Colby-Kissinger meeting is at page 35 here and Luca’s story about the meeting is here



“Family Jewels” document of CIA employee responses to James Schlesinger asking to report activities outside CIA charter (1973)

Rebecca Sanders, Plausible Legality: Legal Culture and Political Imperative in the Global War on Terror (2018)


The Church Committee Report (Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (1976)

Hugh Wilford, The CIA: An Imperial History (2024)

Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (2008)

Tim Weiner, The Mission: The CIA in the 21st Century (2024)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>757</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Luca Trenta</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Investigative reporter Bob Woodward once noted that assassination was the Scarlett letter of American politics because targeted killings challenge the image of the United States as a liberal democracy and the driving force behind a rules-based international order. In his new book, Luca Trenta documents how assassination and assassination attempts have been a persistent feature in US foreign policy. The US government has relied on a variety of direct methods as well as more indirectly laying the groundwork for local assassins. 
Using primary documents and interviews, The President’s Kill List meticulously documents how policymakers decided on assassination and the level of Presidential control over these decisions. The book analyzes the evolution of assassination policies and reveals how successive administrations - through private justifications and public legitimations - ensured that assassination remained an available tool. The podcast includes insightful comments on assassination and the Trump administration. The paperback is coming out in May 2025.
Dr. Luca Trenta is an Associate Professor of International Relations in the Department of Political and Cultural Studies at Swansea University. His previous publications include an earlier book, Risk and Presidential Decision-making: The Emergence of Foreign Policy Crises (Routledge, 2016) and he hosts Out of the Shadows, interviewing authors and experts in intelligence and covert operations. In his public-facing scholarship, Dr. Trenta has appeared in a History Channel documentary called Secret Wars Uncovered (2020) and he regularly contributes to and collaborates with media outlets such as the BBC.
Mentioned:

Joseph Burkholder Smith, Portrait of a Cold Warrior (1976)

John Frankenheimer, The Manchurian Candidate (1962)

The Ford-Colby-Kissinger meeting is at page 35 here and Luca’s story about the meeting is here



“Family Jewels” document of CIA employee responses to James Schlesinger asking to report activities outside CIA charter (1973)

Rebecca Sanders, Plausible Legality: Legal Culture and Political Imperative in the Global War on Terror (2018)


The Church Committee Report (Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (1976)

Hugh Wilford, The CIA: An Imperial History (2024)

Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA (2008)

Tim Weiner, The Mission: The CIA in the 21st Century (2024)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Investigative reporter Bob Woodward once noted that assassination was the Scarlett letter of American politics because targeted killings challenge the image of the United States as a liberal democracy and the driving force behind a rules-based international order. In his new book, Luca Trenta documents how assassination and assassination attempts have been a persistent feature in US foreign policy. The US government has relied on a variety of direct methods as well as more indirectly laying the groundwork for local assassins. </p><p>Using primary documents and interviews, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781399519496"><em>The President’s Kill List</em></a><em> </em>meticulously documents how policymakers decided on assassination and the level of Presidential control over these decisions. The book analyzes the evolution of assassination policies and reveals how successive administrations - through private justifications and public legitimations - ensured that assassination remained an available tool. The podcast includes insightful comments on assassination and the Trump administration. The paperback is coming out in May 2025.</p><p><a href="https://www.swansea.ac.uk/staff/l.trenta/">Dr. Luca Trenta</a> is an Associate Professor of International Relations <em>i</em>n the Department of Political and Cultural Studies at Swansea University. His previous publications include an earlier book, <em>Risk and Presidential Decision-making: The Emergence of Foreign Policy Crises </em>(Routledge, 2016) and he hosts Out of the Shadows, interviewing authors and experts in intelligence and covert operations. In his public-facing scholarship, Dr. Trenta has appeared in a History Channel documentary called <em>Secret Wars Uncovered </em>(2020) and he regularly contributes to and collaborates with media outlets such as the BBC.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Joseph Burkholder Smith, <a href="https://www.abebooks.com/book-search/title/portrait-cold-warrior/author/joseph-burkholder-smith/"><em>Portrait of a Cold Warrior</em></a> (1976)</li>
<li>John Frankenheimer, <em>The Manchurian Candidate</em> (1962)</li>
<li>The Ford-Colby-Kissinger meeting is at <a href="https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/sites/default/files/pdf_documents/library/document/0312/1552390.pdf">page 35 here</a> and <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/16161262.2018.1430431">Luca’s story about the meeting is here</a>
</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/collection/family-jewels#:~:text=Widely%20known%20as%20the%20%22Family,inconsistent%20with%20the%20Agency's%20charter.">“Family Jewels”</a> document of CIA employee responses to James Schlesinger asking to report activities outside CIA charter (1973)</li>
<li>Rebecca Sanders, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/plausible-legality-legal-culture-and-political-imperative-in-the-global-war-on-terror-rebecca-sanders/21764343?ean=9780190870553&amp;next=t">Plausible Legality: Legal Culture and Political Imperative in the Global War on Terror</a> (2018)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.intelligence.senate.gov/sites/default/files/94465.pdf">The Church Committee Report</a> (Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (1976)</li>
<li>Hugh Wilford, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-cia-an-imperial-history-hugh-wilford/20664615?ean=9781541645912&amp;next=t"><em>The CIA: An Imperial History</em></a> (2024)</li>
<li>Tim Weiner, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/legacy-of-ashes-the-history-of-the-cia-tim-weiner/8582123?ean=9780307389008&amp;gad_source=1&amp;gbraid=0AAAAACfld41PyiPXK7q6QUeP2QTm9WNYd&amp;gclid=Cj0KCQjwm7q-BhDRARIsACD6-fW1v4sqc0l2U2Phdg_SWAiY4kN18_mq15ZwIpK0FQDt5WJLNWm2sNMaApONEALw_wcB"><em>Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA</em></a> (2008)</li>
<li>Tim Weiner, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-mission-the-cia-in-the-21st-century-tim-weiner/22062129"><em>The Mission: The CIA in the 21st Century</em></a> (2024)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3617</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[17d47ee8-01c3-11f0-8b53-03386e2cff89]]></guid>
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      <title>Postscript: Donald Trump is Erasing History – What YOU Can Do about it</title>
      <description>On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...”
The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”
To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan’s NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here.
Mentioned in the Podcast:

Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites

LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians

Wendy’s blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog


5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives

GLBT Historical Association

Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Wendy L. Rouse</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...”
The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”
To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan’s NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here.
Mentioned in the Podcast:

Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material

Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites

LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians

Wendy’s blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog


5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives

GLBT Historical Association

Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “<a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/defending-women-from-gender-ideology-extremism-and-restoring-biological-truth-to-the-federal-government/">Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government</a>.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...”</p><p>The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a <a href="https://www.historians.org/">new joint statement from the American Historical Association</a> and <a href="https://www.oah.org/">Organization of American Historians</a> recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site’s history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.”</p><p>To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. <a href="https://wendylrouse.com/">Wendy L. Rouse</a>, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including <em>Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women’s Suffrage Movement</em> published by NYU Press in 2022. <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/public-faces-secret-lives#entry:176437@1:url">Susan’s NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here</a>.</p><p>Mentioned in the Podcast:</p><ul>
<li>Organization of American Historians (OAH)’s <a href="https://www.oah.org/2025/03/12/records-at-risk-data-collection-initiative/">Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative</a> for individuals to report removed or changed material</li>
<li>Reports by <a href="https://apnews.com/article/dei-purge-images-pentagon-diversity-women-black-8efcfaec909954f4a24bad0d49c78074">AP</a> about scrubbing military websites and <a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/03/05/nx-s1-5318767/nps-lgbtq-transgender-history">NPR</a> on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites</li>
<li>LBGTQ Historian <a href="http://clgbthistory.org/">statements </a>and <a href="https://outhistory.org/exhibits/show/herebefore/powerofourhistory">articles</a> including <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1qHqQix_XkmiXVb6dclAPQNMSElDuIMsqV3gUN_Byxxo/edit?tab=t.0">letter</a> signed by 360 historians</li>
<li>Wendy’s blogposts on <a href="https://outhistory.org/exhibits/show/suff/yetmore">OutHistory </a>and the <a href="https://nyupress.org/blog/2025/03/11/rewriting-womens-history-how-the-national-parks-service-erased-transgender-people-from-my-research-by-wendy-l-rouse/">NYU Press</a> blog</li>
<li>
<a href="https://5calls.org/">5calls ap</a> for connecting with senators and representatives</li>
<li><a href="https://www.glbthistory.org/">GLBT Historical Association</a></li>
<li>Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have <a href="https://lambdalegal.org/newsroom/sf_us_20250220_lgbtq-hiv-advocates-file-lawsuit-challenging-trump-orders-to-erase-trans-people-defund-services/">filed a lawsuit</a> challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8f916378-0025-11f0-8405-5f6f510c85a2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9196082929.mp3?updated=1741882364" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: How Trump’s Executive Order Contradicts Birthright Citizenship</title>
      <description>Birthright citizenship is established in the first sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution – yet Donald Trump’s recent Executive Order 14160 denies some types of birthright citizenship. The Order contradicts over a century of American law, legal practice, and constitutional interpretation. Three groups have opposed the order as unconstitutional and challenged it in the courts: and cities, civil rights organizations, and labor organizations. In the podcast, three scholars to help Susan and Lilly interrogate the meaning of natural born citizenship, the political ramifications of Trump’s order, and the complicated history of natural born citizenship in the United States.
Dr. Anna O. Law is the Herbert Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights and Associate Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College, City University of New York.
Julie Novkov is Dean of Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy and Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, University at Albany, SUNY.
Carol Nackenoff is the Emerita Richter Professor of Political Science, Swarthmore College
Mentioned:


Calvin’s Case (1608)

Donald Trump’s Executive order 14160


Julie and Carol’s 2021 book American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship and their NBN interview with Susan.

Anna’s 2025 FREE open-access article “The Civil War and Reconstruction Amendments’ Effects on Citizenship and Migration”

Anna’s NBN conversation with Heath Brown on her 2017 book, The Immigration Battle in American Courts


Lilly’s conversation with Martha Jones about her book, Birthright Citizens: A History of Race and Rights in Antebellum America


Kate Masur, Until Justice Be Done: America’s First Civil Rights Movement, from Revolution to Reconstruction (2021)

Lilly’s NBN conversation with Elizabeth Cohen and Cyril Ghosh about their 2019 book Citizenship



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>35</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Anna O. Law, Julie Novkov, and Carol Nackenoff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Birthright citizenship is established in the first sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution – yet Donald Trump’s recent Executive Order 14160 denies some types of birthright citizenship. The Order contradicts over a century of American law, legal practice, and constitutional interpretation. Three groups have opposed the order as unconstitutional and challenged it in the courts: and cities, civil rights organizations, and labor organizations. In the podcast, three scholars to help Susan and Lilly interrogate the meaning of natural born citizenship, the political ramifications of Trump’s order, and the complicated history of natural born citizenship in the United States.
Dr. Anna O. Law is the Herbert Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights and Associate Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College, City University of New York.
Julie Novkov is Dean of Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy and Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, University at Albany, SUNY.
Carol Nackenoff is the Emerita Richter Professor of Political Science, Swarthmore College
Mentioned:


Calvin’s Case (1608)

Donald Trump’s Executive order 14160


Julie and Carol’s 2021 book American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship and their NBN interview with Susan.

Anna’s 2025 FREE open-access article “The Civil War and Reconstruction Amendments’ Effects on Citizenship and Migration”

Anna’s NBN conversation with Heath Brown on her 2017 book, The Immigration Battle in American Courts


Lilly’s conversation with Martha Jones about her book, Birthright Citizens: A History of Race and Rights in Antebellum America


Kate Masur, Until Justice Be Done: America’s First Civil Rights Movement, from Revolution to Reconstruction (2021)

Lilly’s NBN conversation with Elizabeth Cohen and Cyril Ghosh about their 2019 book Citizenship



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Birthright citizenship is established in the first sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution – yet Donald Trump’s recent Executive Order 14160 denies some types of birthright citizenship. The Order contradicts over a century of American law, legal practice, and constitutional interpretation. Three groups have opposed the order as unconstitutional and challenged it in the courts: and cities, civil rights organizations, and labor organizations. In the podcast, three scholars to help Susan and Lilly interrogate the meaning of natural born citizenship, the political ramifications of Trump’s order, and the complicated history of natural born citizenship in the United States.</p><p>Dr. Anna O. Law is the Herbert Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights and Associate Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College, City University of New York.</p><p>Julie Novkov is Dean of Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy and Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, University at Albany, SUNY.</p><p>Carol Nackenoff is the Emerita Richter Professor of Political Science, Swarthmore College</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/cdonahue/courses/lhsemelh/materials/CalvinsCase.pdf">Calvin’s Case</a> (1608)</li>
<li>Donald Trump’s <a href="https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2025-02007.pdf">Executive order 14160</a>
</li>
<li>Julie and Carol’s 2021 book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/american-by-birth#entry:87899@1:url"><em>American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship</em></a> and their <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/american-by-birth#entry:87899@1:url">NBN interview with Susan</a>.</li>
<li>Anna’s 2025 FREE open-access article “<a href="https://repository.law.wisc.edu/s/uwlaw/media/323610">The Civil War and Reconstruction Amendments’ Effects on Citizenship and Migration</a>”</li>
<li>Anna’s NBN conversation with Heath Brown on her 2017 book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/anna-law-the-immigration-battle-in-american-courts-cambridge-up-2014#entry:13544@1:url"><em>The Immigration Battle in American Courts</em></a>
</li>
<li>Lilly’s conversation with Martha Jones about her book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/martha-s-jones-birthright-citizens-a-history-of-race-and-rights-in-antebellum-america-cambridge-up-2018-2#entry:9109@1:url"><em>Birthright Citizens: A History of Race and Rights in Antebellum America</em></a>
</li>
<li>Kate Masur, <em>Until Justice Be Done: America’s First Civil Rights Movement, from Revolution to Reconstruction</em> (2021)</li>
<li>Lilly’s NBN conversation with Elizabeth Cohen and Cyril Ghosh about their 2019 book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/elizabeth-f-cohen-and-cyril-ghosh-citizenship-polity-2019#entry:7264@1:url"><em>Citizenship</em></a>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2379</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6dc4040a-ff3d-11ef-bf3b-9329b86551ea]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4665708234.mp3?updated=1741783108" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>In Covid’s Wake: How our Politics Failed Us: A Conversation with Frances Lee</title>
      <description>In the first part of our two-part conversation on Madison’s Notes, we speak with Frances Lee, Professor of Politics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, about her co-authored book In COVID’s Wake (Princeton UP, 2025). The book offers a comprehensive and candid political assessment of how institutions performed during the pandemic. It explores how governments, influenced by Wuhan’s lockdown, deviated from existing pandemic plans, leading to policies that often favored the “laptop class” while leaving essential workers vulnerable. Extended school closures disproportionately affected less-privileged families, and the politicization of science marginalized dissent. Lee and her co-author, Stephen Macedo, argue that future crises must uphold the values of liberal democracy: tolerance, respect for evidence, and a commitment to truth.
This discussion dives into key questions raised in the book, including the importance of conducting a post-mortem of the pandemic response. Lee highlighted how polarization in the two-party system complicates evaluations of what worked and what didn’t. We also explored the role of states as “laboratories” for different responses and whether meaningful comparisons can be drawn between them. Lee reflected on why pre-existing pandemic plans were abandoned and how the pandemic strained the public’s trust in media, policy advisors, and academic institutions. The ambiguity of desired policy outcomes, she noted, often hindered rational cost-benefit analysis, further complicating the response.
Lee emphasized the value of embracing complexity and ambiguity in conversations about societal and political issues. By examining the pandemic’s lessons, “In COVID’s Wake” challenges readers to consider how we can better prepare for future crises while staying true to democratic principles.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>141</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the first part of our two-part conversation on Madison’s Notes, we speak with Frances Lee, Professor of Politics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, about her co-authored book In COVID’s Wake (Princeton UP, 2025). The book offers a comprehensive and candid political assessment of how institutions performed during the pandemic. It explores how governments, influenced by Wuhan’s lockdown, deviated from existing pandemic plans, leading to policies that often favored the “laptop class” while leaving essential workers vulnerable. Extended school closures disproportionately affected less-privileged families, and the politicization of science marginalized dissent. Lee and her co-author, Stephen Macedo, argue that future crises must uphold the values of liberal democracy: tolerance, respect for evidence, and a commitment to truth.
This discussion dives into key questions raised in the book, including the importance of conducting a post-mortem of the pandemic response. Lee highlighted how polarization in the two-party system complicates evaluations of what worked and what didn’t. We also explored the role of states as “laboratories” for different responses and whether meaningful comparisons can be drawn between them. Lee reflected on why pre-existing pandemic plans were abandoned and how the pandemic strained the public’s trust in media, policy advisors, and academic institutions. The ambiguity of desired policy outcomes, she noted, often hindered rational cost-benefit analysis, further complicating the response.
Lee emphasized the value of embracing complexity and ambiguity in conversations about societal and political issues. By examining the pandemic’s lessons, “In COVID’s Wake” challenges readers to consider how we can better prepare for future crises while staying true to democratic principles.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the first part of our two-part conversation on <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, we speak with Frances Lee, Professor of Politics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, about her co-authored book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691267135"><em>In COVID’s Wake</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2025). The book offers a comprehensive and candid political assessment of how institutions performed during the pandemic. It explores how governments, influenced by Wuhan’s lockdown, deviated from existing pandemic plans, leading to policies that often favored the “laptop class” while leaving essential workers vulnerable. Extended school closures disproportionately affected less-privileged families, and the politicization of science marginalized dissent. Lee and her co-author, Stephen Macedo, argue that future crises must uphold the values of liberal democracy: tolerance, respect for evidence, and a commitment to truth.</p><p>This discussion dives into key questions raised in the book, including the importance of conducting a post-mortem of the pandemic response. Lee highlighted how polarization in the two-party system complicates evaluations of what worked and what didn’t. We also explored the role of states as “laboratories” for different responses and whether meaningful comparisons can be drawn between them. Lee reflected on why pre-existing pandemic plans were abandoned and how the pandemic strained the public’s trust in media, policy advisors, and academic institutions. The ambiguity of desired policy outcomes, she noted, often hindered rational cost-benefit analysis, further complicating the response.</p><p>Lee emphasized the value of embracing complexity and ambiguity in conversations about societal and political issues. By examining the pandemic’s lessons, “In COVID’s Wake<em>”</em> challenges readers to consider how we can better prepare for future crises while staying true to democratic principles.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2757</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Postscript: All talk and no action? How political scientists respond to racism and authoritarianism?</title>
      <description>After the murder of George Floyd, the United States had the largest protests in the nation’s history. Other public and private responses included corporations, organizations, and communities making policies, issuing statements, and engaging in conversations. Some political science departments issued statements. My guests today are three political scientists who looked at the substance of those statements – and reflected on what it means about the discipline of political science. Their article “An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd” appeared in the prestigious APSR (American Political Science Review) published by Cambridge University Press. In the podcast, the authors analyze what political scientists did – and did not do – and what their statements might tell us about how political scientists understand race, racism, and power. We also reflect on how political scientists have reacted to the second Trump presidency in a joint statement.
Dr. Nadia E. Brown is Professor of Government and Director of the Women's and Gender Studies Program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown's research interests lie broadly in identity politics, legislative studies, and Black women's studies. While trained as a political scientist, her scholarship on intersectionality seeks to push beyond disciplinary constraints to think more holistically about the politics of identity. She previously discussed in one of her books on the NBN: Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites (co-authored with Danielle Casarez Lemi).
Dr. Fernando Tormos-Aponte is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Pittsburgh and Policy Lead for the Just Transition Alliance. Dr. Tormos-Aponte specializes in environmental and racial justice, intersectional solidarity, identity politics, social policy, and transnational politics. Dr. Tormos-Aponte’s research on social movements focuses on how social movements cope with internal divisions and gain political influence. Tormos-Aponte also investigates civil society claims about the uneven government response across communities. His work in this area examines the causes and consequences of government neglect of socially vulnerable communities during disaster recoveries.
Dr. Janelle Wong is Professor of Government and Politics and Professor of American Studies at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is also the Director of the Asian American Studies Program. Dr. Wong’s research focuses on race, immigration, and political mobilization. As a scholar and teacher, Wong has worked closely with social service, labor, civil rights, and media organizations that serve the Asian American population. She has talked about her book on the NBN Immigrants, Evangelicals, and Politics in an Era of Demographic Change and also her work on The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey as part of Heath Brown’s Co-Authored series.
Mentioned:

Brown, Tormos-Aponte, and Wong, “An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd” in APSR, Cambridge


APSA Letter with 1202 signatures from political science PhDs expressing urgent concern about threats to the basic design of American government and democracy. Add your name here.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>32</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Nadia Brown, Fernando Tormos-Aponte, and Janelle Wong</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After the murder of George Floyd, the United States had the largest protests in the nation’s history. Other public and private responses included corporations, organizations, and communities making policies, issuing statements, and engaging in conversations. Some political science departments issued statements. My guests today are three political scientists who looked at the substance of those statements – and reflected on what it means about the discipline of political science. Their article “An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd” appeared in the prestigious APSR (American Political Science Review) published by Cambridge University Press. In the podcast, the authors analyze what political scientists did – and did not do – and what their statements might tell us about how political scientists understand race, racism, and power. We also reflect on how political scientists have reacted to the second Trump presidency in a joint statement.
Dr. Nadia E. Brown is Professor of Government and Director of the Women's and Gender Studies Program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown's research interests lie broadly in identity politics, legislative studies, and Black women's studies. While trained as a political scientist, her scholarship on intersectionality seeks to push beyond disciplinary constraints to think more holistically about the politics of identity. She previously discussed in one of her books on the NBN: Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites (co-authored with Danielle Casarez Lemi).
Dr. Fernando Tormos-Aponte is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Pittsburgh and Policy Lead for the Just Transition Alliance. Dr. Tormos-Aponte specializes in environmental and racial justice, intersectional solidarity, identity politics, social policy, and transnational politics. Dr. Tormos-Aponte’s research on social movements focuses on how social movements cope with internal divisions and gain political influence. Tormos-Aponte also investigates civil society claims about the uneven government response across communities. His work in this area examines the causes and consequences of government neglect of socially vulnerable communities during disaster recoveries.
Dr. Janelle Wong is Professor of Government and Politics and Professor of American Studies at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is also the Director of the Asian American Studies Program. Dr. Wong’s research focuses on race, immigration, and political mobilization. As a scholar and teacher, Wong has worked closely with social service, labor, civil rights, and media organizations that serve the Asian American population. She has talked about her book on the NBN Immigrants, Evangelicals, and Politics in an Era of Demographic Change and also her work on The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey as part of Heath Brown’s Co-Authored series.
Mentioned:

Brown, Tormos-Aponte, and Wong, “An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd” in APSR, Cambridge


APSA Letter with 1202 signatures from political science PhDs expressing urgent concern about threats to the basic design of American government and democracy. Add your name here.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After the murder of George Floyd, the United States had the largest protests in the nation’s history. Other public and private responses included corporations, organizations, and communities making policies, issuing statements, and engaging in conversations. Some political science departments issued statements. My guests today are three political scientists who looked at the substance of those statements – and reflected on what it means about the discipline of political science. Their article <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/an-incomplete-recognition-an-analysis-of-political-science-department-statements-after-the-murder-of-george-floyd/E08240CB9657DF3D47B4F4EE48927471">“An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd”</a> appeared in the prestigious APSR (American Political Science Review) published by Cambridge University Press. In the podcast, the authors analyze what political scientists did – and did not do – and what their statements might tell us about how political scientists understand race, racism, and power. We also reflect on how political scientists have reacted to the second Trump presidency in a joint statement.</p><p><a href="https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/0031Q00002QQ02IQAT/nadia-brown">Dr. Nadia E. Brown</a> is Professor of Government and Director of the Women's and Gender Studies Program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown's research interests lie broadly in identity politics, legislative studies, and Black women's studies. While trained as a political scientist, her scholarship on intersectionality seeks to push beyond disciplinary constraints to think more holistically about the politics of identity. She previously discussed in one of her books on the NBN: <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/sister-style#entry:50542@1:url"><em>Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites</em></a> (co-authored with Danielle Casarez Lemi).</p><p><a href="http://www.fernandotormos.com/">Dr. Fernando Tormos-Aponte</a> is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of Pittsburgh and Policy Lead for the Just Transition Alliance. Dr. Tormos-Aponte specializes in environmental and racial justice, intersectional solidarity, identity politics, social policy, and transnational politics. Dr. Tormos-Aponte’s research on social movements focuses on how social movements cope with internal divisions and gain political influence. Tormos-Aponte also investigates civil society claims about the uneven government response across communities. His work in this area examines the causes and consequences of government neglect of socially vulnerable communities during disaster recoveries.</p><p><a href="https://www.aast.umd.edu/bio-janelle-wong">Dr. Janelle Wong</a> is Professor of Government and Politics and Professor of American Studies at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is also the Director of the Asian American Studies Program. Dr. Wong’s research focuses on race, immigration, and political mobilization. As a scholar and teacher, Wong has worked closely with social service, labor, civil rights, and media organizations that serve the Asian American population. She has talked about her book on the NBN <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/janelle-wong-immigrants-evangelicals-and-politics-in-an-era-of-demographic-change-russell-sage-foundation-2018#entry:10194@1:url">Immigrants, Evangelicals, and Politics in an Era of Demographic Change</a> and also her work on <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/co-authored-the-collaborative-multiracial-post-election-survey#entry:2626@1:url">The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey</a> as part of Heath Brown’s <em>Co-Authored</em> series.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Brown, Tormos-Aponte, and Wong, <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/an-incomplete-recognition-an-analysis-of-political-science-department-statements-after-the-murder-of-george-floyd/E08240CB9657DF3D47B4F4EE48927471">“An Incomplete Recognition: An Analysis of Political Science Department Statements after the Murder of George Floyd”</a> in <em>APSR</em>, Cambridge</li>
<li>
<a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1lGk2F6LPMJmcrgAYrZPvUPn7vmPECCqi/view?usp=sharing">APSA Letter with 1202 signatures</a> from political science PhDs expressing urgent concern about threats to the basic design of American government and democracy. Add your name <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfI4whjcUXdIQgmbfAU9pq7YYLepK9DWBz4fHsHyS611riAcw/viewform">here</a>.</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3763</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0852ee86-fc3d-11ef-97bd-57cfbc6d43d6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9848553582.mp3?updated=1741453331" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>"Steadfast Democrats" Five Years Later: A Conversation with Chryl N. Laird</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Chryl Laird, Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park. We are discussing her co-authored book with Ismail White, Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior. Published in 2020, this book remains highly relevant for understanding American political behavior. While Trump did make significant gains among black voters in 2024, particularly male voters, African American voters still overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party. Chryl has appeared on the NBN in the past, so while we will discuss the book, we will also discuss it in the context of today.
Chryl Laird is Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park.
Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Mar 2025 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Chryl Laird, Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park. We are discussing her co-authored book with Ismail White, Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior. Published in 2020, this book remains highly relevant for understanding American political behavior. While Trump did make significant gains among black voters in 2024, particularly male voters, African American voters still overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party. Chryl has appeared on the NBN in the past, so while we will discuss the book, we will also discuss it in the context of today.
Chryl Laird is Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park.
Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Chryl Laird, Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park. We are discussing her co-authored book with Ismail White, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691228983"><em>Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior</em></a><em>.</em> Published in 2020, this book remains highly relevant for understanding American political behavior. While Trump did make significant gains among black voters in 2024, particularly male voters, African American voters still overwhelmingly support the Democratic Party. Chryl has appeared on the NBN in the past, so while we will discuss the book, we will also discuss it in the context of today.</p><p>Chryl Laird is Associate Professor of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland College Park.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3866</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2cfd75a0-fc31-11ef-93d9-47eb6d74534d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7374013977.mp3?updated=1741447468" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Over Ruled: The Human Toll of Too Much Law--A Conversation with Janie Nitze</title>
      <description>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, I spoke with Janie Nitze, co-author of Over Ruled: The Human Toll of Too Much Law (Harper, 2004), a book written alongside Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. Janie, a Harvard-educated attorney and former clerk for Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Neil Gorsuch, discussed the growing complexity of laws in America and their impact on everyday citizens. The book shares stories of ordinary Americans—fishermen in Florida, families in Montana, monks in Louisiana, and more—who find themselves caught in legal mazes created by an overwhelming and often opaque system of regulations.
Janie explained that while laws are necessary to maintain order and freedom, the sheer volume and complexity of modern regulations can undermine those principles. She highlighted how excessive laws, many of which are created by unelected agency officials, disproportionately affect those without wealth or power. Through these stories, Over Ruled shows how overregulation can erode trust in the legal system and create unintended consequences for individuals navigating their lives.
Janie’s perspective, shaped by her work at the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice, and the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, provided a clear look at the challenges of balancing regulation and individual liberty. Over Ruled is a timely exploration of these issues, and this episode offers a deeper understanding of the human cost of too much law. Tune in to hear Janie’s insights and learn more about the stories behind the book.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Mar 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>140</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, I spoke with Janie Nitze, co-author of Over Ruled: The Human Toll of Too Much Law (Harper, 2004), a book written alongside Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. Janie, a Harvard-educated attorney and former clerk for Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Neil Gorsuch, discussed the growing complexity of laws in America and their impact on everyday citizens. The book shares stories of ordinary Americans—fishermen in Florida, families in Montana, monks in Louisiana, and more—who find themselves caught in legal mazes created by an overwhelming and often opaque system of regulations.
Janie explained that while laws are necessary to maintain order and freedom, the sheer volume and complexity of modern regulations can undermine those principles. She highlighted how excessive laws, many of which are created by unelected agency officials, disproportionately affect those without wealth or power. Through these stories, Over Ruled shows how overregulation can erode trust in the legal system and create unintended consequences for individuals navigating their lives.
Janie’s perspective, shaped by her work at the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice, and the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, provided a clear look at the challenges of balancing regulation and individual liberty. Over Ruled is a timely exploration of these issues, and this episode offers a deeper understanding of the human cost of too much law. Tune in to hear Janie’s insights and learn more about the stories behind the book.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the latest episode of <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, I spoke with Janie Nitze, co-author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063238473"><em>Over Ruled: The Human Toll of Too Much Law</em></a><em> </em>(Harper, 2004), a book written alongside Supreme Court Justice Neil Gorsuch. Janie, a Harvard-educated attorney and former clerk for Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Neil Gorsuch, discussed the growing complexity of laws in America and their impact on everyday citizens. The book shares stories of ordinary Americans—fishermen in Florida, families in Montana, monks in Louisiana, and more—who find themselves caught in legal mazes created by an overwhelming and often opaque system of regulations.</p><p>Janie explained that while laws are necessary to maintain order and freedom, the sheer volume and complexity of modern regulations can undermine those principles. She highlighted how excessive laws, many of which are created by unelected agency officials, disproportionately affect those without wealth or power. Through these stories, <em>Over Ruled</em> shows how overregulation can erode trust in the legal system and create unintended consequences for individuals navigating their lives.</p><p>Janie’s perspective, shaped by her work at the Supreme Court, the Department of Justice, and the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, provided a clear look at the challenges of balancing regulation and individual liberty. <em>Over Ruled</em> is a timely exploration of these issues, and this episode offers a deeper understanding of the human cost of too much law. Tune in to hear Janie’s insights and learn more about the stories behind the book.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2613</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy P. R. Weaver, "Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City" (Temple UP, 2025)</title>
      <description>Looking closely at New York City's political development since the 1970s, three "political orders"--conservativism, neoliberalism, and egalitarianism--emerged. In Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City, Timothy Weaver argues that the intercurrent impact of these orders has created a constant battle for power.
Weaver brings these clashes to the fore by showing how New York City politics has been shaped by these conflicting orders. He examines the transformation of the city's political economy in the aftermath of the 1975 fiscal crisis through neoliberal real estate development and privatization, the conservative rise of law-and-order politics in the 1970s to 1990s, and the efforts of the city's egalitarians to respond to each of these shifts through social movements such as Occupy and Black Lives Matter.
Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City (Temple UP, 2025) belies glib assumptions about the city's liberal character. Weaver reveals the metropolis not as a homogenous political whole, but as a site in which the victories and defeats of rival political forces change the terms of local citizenship for the millions of residents who call the city home.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Mar 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>201</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy P. R. Weaver</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Looking closely at New York City's political development since the 1970s, three "political orders"--conservativism, neoliberalism, and egalitarianism--emerged. In Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City, Timothy Weaver argues that the intercurrent impact of these orders has created a constant battle for power.
Weaver brings these clashes to the fore by showing how New York City politics has been shaped by these conflicting orders. He examines the transformation of the city's political economy in the aftermath of the 1975 fiscal crisis through neoliberal real estate development and privatization, the conservative rise of law-and-order politics in the 1970s to 1990s, and the efforts of the city's egalitarians to respond to each of these shifts through social movements such as Occupy and Black Lives Matter.
Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City (Temple UP, 2025) belies glib assumptions about the city's liberal character. Weaver reveals the metropolis not as a homogenous political whole, but as a site in which the victories and defeats of rival political forces change the terms of local citizenship for the millions of residents who call the city home.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Looking closely at New York City's political development since the 1970s, three "political orders"--conservativism, neoliberalism, and egalitarianism--emerged. In <em>Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City</em>, Timothy Weaver argues that the intercurrent impact of these orders has created a constant battle for power.</p><p>Weaver brings these clashes to the fore by showing how New York City politics has been shaped by these conflicting orders. He examines the transformation of the city's political economy in the aftermath of the 1975 fiscal crisis through neoliberal real estate development and privatization, the conservative rise of law-and-order politics in the 1970s to 1990s, and the efforts of the city's egalitarians to respond to each of these shifts through social movements such as Occupy and Black Lives Matter.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439925638"><em>Inequality, Crime, and Resistance in New York City</em></a><em> </em>(Temple UP, 2025) belies glib assumptions about the city's liberal character. Weaver reveals the metropolis not as a homogenous political whole, but as a site in which the victories and defeats of rival political forces change the terms of local citizenship for the millions of residents who call the city home.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1721</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f36e76bc-f46b-11ef-acec-43008c6bec84]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5104596057.mp3?updated=1740593558" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Religious Freedom: A Conversation on the Conservative Tradition with John D. Wilsey</title>
      <description>In this conversation, we sit down with John D. Wilsey, Professor of Church History and Philosophy at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and Senior Fellow at the Center for Religion, Culture, and Democracy, to tackle the urgent and often contentious topic of religious freedom in America. Drawing from his forthcoming book, Religious Freedom: A Conservative Primer (William B. Eerdmans, 2025), Wilsey examines how conservatives have historically understood religious freedom, how those views have evolved, and why the gap between past and present perspectives matters in today’s culture, and how it is the bedrock of American Government.
Wilsey addresses issues at the heart of this debate: How has the conservative understanding of religious freedom shifted, and what are the consequences of that shift?
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>139</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this conversation, we sit down with John D. Wilsey, Professor of Church History and Philosophy at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and Senior Fellow at the Center for Religion, Culture, and Democracy, to tackle the urgent and often contentious topic of religious freedom in America. Drawing from his forthcoming book, Religious Freedom: A Conservative Primer (William B. Eerdmans, 2025), Wilsey examines how conservatives have historically understood religious freedom, how those views have evolved, and why the gap between past and present perspectives matters in today’s culture, and how it is the bedrock of American Government.
Wilsey addresses issues at the heart of this debate: How has the conservative understanding of religious freedom shifted, and what are the consequences of that shift?
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this conversation, we sit down with John D. Wilsey, Professor of Church History and Philosophy at The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and Senior Fellow at the Center for Religion, Culture, and Democracy, to tackle the urgent and often contentious topic of religious freedom in America. Drawing from his forthcoming book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780802881908"><em>Religious Freedom: A Conservative Primer</em></a> (William B. Eerdmans, 2025), Wilsey examines how conservatives have historically understood religious freedom, how those views have evolved, and why the gap between past and present perspectives matters in today’s culture, and how it is the bedrock of American Government.</p><p>Wilsey addresses issues at the heart of this debate: How has the conservative understanding of religious freedom shifted, and what are the consequences of that shift?</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2650</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[939343e0-f3ac-11ef-b41b-87892aea8182]]></guid>
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      <title>Aure Schrock on Politics Recoded: The Infrastructural Organizing of Code for America</title>
      <description>Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel, talks with Aure Schrock, an interdisciplinary technology scholar and writing coach and editor at Indelible Voice, about their book, Politics Recoded: The Infrastructural Organizing of Code for America (MIT Press, 2024)
Politics Recoded examines the history and culture of Code for America, an organization that, as one of its leaders put it, aimed “to promote ‘civic hacking,’ and to bring 21st century technology to government.” The book describes how the organization has changed over time from a “tech-forward” vision rooted in techno-libertarianism to an organization that provides something like digital consulting services to governments. The pair also talk about Aure’s writing and editing company, the Indelible Voice, and what it’s like helping scholars refine their vision and voice in academic writing.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>91</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel, talks with Aure Schrock, an interdisciplinary technology scholar and writing coach and editor at Indelible Voice, about their book, Politics Recoded: The Infrastructural Organizing of Code for America (MIT Press, 2024)
Politics Recoded examines the history and culture of Code for America, an organization that, as one of its leaders put it, aimed “to promote ‘civic hacking,’ and to bring 21st century technology to government.” The book describes how the organization has changed over time from a “tech-forward” vision rooted in techno-libertarianism to an organization that provides something like digital consulting services to governments. The pair also talk about Aure’s writing and editing company, the Indelible Voice, and what it’s like helping scholars refine their vision and voice in academic writing.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel, talks with Aure Schrock, an interdisciplinary technology scholar and writing coach and editor at Indelible Voice, about their book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262549455"><em>Politics Recoded: The Infrastructural Organizing of Code for America</em></a> (MIT Press, 2024)</p><p>Politics Recoded examines the history and culture of Code for America, an organization that, as one of its leaders put it, aimed “to promote ‘civic hacking,’ and to bring 21st century technology to government.” The book describes how the organization has changed over time from a “tech-forward” vision rooted in techno-libertarianism to an organization that provides something like digital consulting services to governments. The pair also talk about Aure’s writing and editing company, the Indelible Voice, and what it’s like helping scholars refine their vision and voice in academic writing.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5589</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7b62e1e4-f1f0-11ef-af63-03755a7df762]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9058632700.mp3?updated=1740320732" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Postscript: How to Fight Back: Charting Opposition to the Actions of the Trump Administration </title>
      <description>Shortly after Donald J. Trump was sworn in as the 47th American president, he issued 37 executive orders and, subsequently, the Trump administration has – through formal processes and also through extra-governmental extraordinary practices – triggered what many are calling a governmental and/or constitutional crisis. Dr. Christina Pagel has published two important Substack articles in which she groups the activities of the Trump administration into authoritarian and proto-authoritarian actions – and maps the opposition. Her unbelievable Venn diagram reveals which actions are being met with organized resistance – and which are being left unchallenged. She is a data hound – and her data not only clarifies what is happening in the United States but provides tools for those who wish to effectively oppose it in the U.S. and abroad.
Dr. Christina Pagel is Professor of Operational Research in Health Care, University College London. Operational Research is a pragmatic branch of mathematics to help people solve real-life problems. She is a member of Independent SAGE providing accessible updates on the national and international Covid-19 situation since May 2020. She has published in public-facing venues such as The Conversation and her free Substack, Diving into Data &amp; Decision making. You can follow her on social media.
Mentioned in the podcast:
Christina’s 2/13/25 Substack, "So this is how liberty dies… " Making sense of Trump's first three weeks (categorizing 76 Trump administration actions and demonstrating how they align with authoritarianism).
Christina’s 2/17/25 Substack, How to fight back: charting opposition to the actions of the Trump administration (showing how Blue states, labor organizations, and civil rights groups are doing the most – and what can be learned from them).
The Just Security’s Litigation Tracker based at the Reiss Center on Law and Security at New York University School of Law.
Vox’s 2/12/25 Unexplainable podcast, “Is Science in Danger?” (20 minutes) Noam Hassenfeld interviewing Derek Dowe (chemist/science writer) Transcript or podcast.
Susan’s interview with Corey Brettschneider on his new Norton book The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>33</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Christina Pagel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Shortly after Donald J. Trump was sworn in as the 47th American president, he issued 37 executive orders and, subsequently, the Trump administration has – through formal processes and also through extra-governmental extraordinary practices – triggered what many are calling a governmental and/or constitutional crisis. Dr. Christina Pagel has published two important Substack articles in which she groups the activities of the Trump administration into authoritarian and proto-authoritarian actions – and maps the opposition. Her unbelievable Venn diagram reveals which actions are being met with organized resistance – and which are being left unchallenged. She is a data hound – and her data not only clarifies what is happening in the United States but provides tools for those who wish to effectively oppose it in the U.S. and abroad.
Dr. Christina Pagel is Professor of Operational Research in Health Care, University College London. Operational Research is a pragmatic branch of mathematics to help people solve real-life problems. She is a member of Independent SAGE providing accessible updates on the national and international Covid-19 situation since May 2020. She has published in public-facing venues such as The Conversation and her free Substack, Diving into Data &amp; Decision making. You can follow her on social media.
Mentioned in the podcast:
Christina’s 2/13/25 Substack, "So this is how liberty dies… " Making sense of Trump's first three weeks (categorizing 76 Trump administration actions and demonstrating how they align with authoritarianism).
Christina’s 2/17/25 Substack, How to fight back: charting opposition to the actions of the Trump administration (showing how Blue states, labor organizations, and civil rights groups are doing the most – and what can be learned from them).
The Just Security’s Litigation Tracker based at the Reiss Center on Law and Security at New York University School of Law.
Vox’s 2/12/25 Unexplainable podcast, “Is Science in Danger?” (20 minutes) Noam Hassenfeld interviewing Derek Dowe (chemist/science writer) Transcript or podcast.
Susan’s interview with Corey Brettschneider on his new Norton book The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Shortly after Donald J. Trump was sworn in as the 47th American president, he issued 37 executive orders and, subsequently, the Trump administration has – through formal processes and also through extra-governmental extraordinary practices – triggered what many are calling a governmental and/or constitutional crisis. Dr. Christina Pagel has published two important Substack articles in which she <a href="https://christinapagel.substack.com/p/so-this-is-how-liberty-dies-making">groups the activities of the Trump administration into authoritarian and proto-authoritarian actions</a> – and <a href="https://christinapagel.substack.com/p/how-to-fight-back-charting-opposition">maps the opposition</a>. Her <em>unbelievable </em><a href="https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F04efb2b7-d27b-4e43-98e2-17375a423b37_7406x6615.jpeg">Venn diagram</a> reveals which actions are being met with organized resistance – and which are being left unchallenged. She is a data hound – and her data not only clarifies what is happening in the United States but provides tools for those who wish to <em>effectively </em>oppose it in the U.S. and abroad.</p><p><a href="https://profiles.ucl.ac.uk/4185">Dr. Christina Pagel </a>is Professor of Operational Research in Health Care, University College London. Operational Research is a pragmatic branch of mathematics to help people solve real-life problems. She is a member of Independent SAGE providing accessible updates on the national and international Covid-19 situation since May 2020. She has published in public-facing venues such as <em>The Conversation </em>and her free Substack, <a href="https://substack.com/@chrischirp"><em>Diving into Data &amp; Decision making</em></a>. You can follow her on social media.</p><p>Mentioned in the podcast:</p><p>Christina’s 2/13/25 Substack, <a href="https://christinapagel.substack.com/p/so-this-is-how-liberty-dies-making">"So this is how liberty dies… " Making sense of Trump's first three weeks</a> (categorizing 76 Trump administration actions and demonstrating how they align with authoritarianism).</p><p>Christina’s 2/17/25 Substack, <a href="https://christinapagel.substack.com/p/how-to-fight-back-charting-opposition">How to fight back: charting opposition to the actions of the Trump administration </a>(showing how Blue states, labor organizations, and civil rights groups are doing the most – and what can be learned from them).</p><p>The <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107087/tracker-litigation-legal-challenges-trump-administration/"><em>Just Security</em>’s Litigation Tracker</a> based at the Reiss Center on Law and Security at New York University School of Law.</p><p><em>Vox’s </em>2/12/25 Unexplainable podcast, “Is Science in Danger?” (20 minutes) Noam Hassenfeld interviewing Derek Dowe (chemist/science writer) <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1zUTMO_kTc3YNNo8L1y3mrPA-1DQGPn29ajQ1TD0fPvg/edit?tab=t.0">Transcript</a> or <a href="https://www.vox.com/unexplainable">podcast</a>.</p><p>Susan’s interview with Corey Brettschneider on his new Norton book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-presidents-and-the-people"><em>The Presidents and the</em></a> <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-presidents-and-the-people"><em>People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to</em></a> <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-presidents-and-the-people"><em>Defend It</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3163</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ddc6073a-f128-11ef-8a7f-b74932515e28]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4659654783.mp3?updated=1740235156" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Lori A. Flores, "Awaiting Their Feast: Latinx Food Workers and Activism from World War II to Covid-19" (UNC Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>Though Latinx foodways are eagerly embraced and consumed by people across the United States, the nation exhibits a much more fraught relationship with Latinx people, including the largely underpaid and migrant workers who harvest, process, cook, and sell this desirable food. In Awaiting Their Feast: Latinx Food Workers and Activism from World War II to Covid-19 (UNC Press, 2025)﻿, Lori A. Flores traces how our dual appetite for Latinx food and Latinx food labor has evolved from the World War II era to the COVID-19 pandemic, using the US Northeast as an unexpected microcosm of this national history.
Spanning the experiences of food workers with roots in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Central America, Flores's narrative travels from New Jersey to Maine and examines different links in the food chain, from farming to restaurants to seafood processing to the deliverista rights movement. What unites this eclectic material is Flores's contention that as our appetite for Latinx food has grown exponentially, the visibility of Latinx food workers has demonstrably decreased. This precariat is anything but passive, however, and has historically fought--and is still fighting--against low wages and exploitation, medical neglect, criminalization, and deeply ironic food insecurity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>169</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lori A. Flores</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Though Latinx foodways are eagerly embraced and consumed by people across the United States, the nation exhibits a much more fraught relationship with Latinx people, including the largely underpaid and migrant workers who harvest, process, cook, and sell this desirable food. In Awaiting Their Feast: Latinx Food Workers and Activism from World War II to Covid-19 (UNC Press, 2025)﻿, Lori A. Flores traces how our dual appetite for Latinx food and Latinx food labor has evolved from the World War II era to the COVID-19 pandemic, using the US Northeast as an unexpected microcosm of this national history.
Spanning the experiences of food workers with roots in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Central America, Flores's narrative travels from New Jersey to Maine and examines different links in the food chain, from farming to restaurants to seafood processing to the deliverista rights movement. What unites this eclectic material is Flores's contention that as our appetite for Latinx food has grown exponentially, the visibility of Latinx food workers has demonstrably decreased. This precariat is anything but passive, however, and has historically fought--and is still fighting--against low wages and exploitation, medical neglect, criminalization, and deeply ironic food insecurity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Though Latinx foodways are eagerly embraced and consumed by people across the United States, the nation exhibits a much more fraught relationship with Latinx people, including the largely underpaid and migrant workers who harvest, process, cook, and sell this desirable food. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469679853"><em>Awaiting Their Feast: Latinx Food Workers and Activism from World War II to Covid-19</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2025)﻿, Lori A. Flores traces how our dual appetite for Latinx <em>food</em> and Latinx food <em>labor</em> has evolved from the World War II era to the COVID-19 pandemic, using the US Northeast as an unexpected microcosm of this national history.</p><p>Spanning the experiences of food workers with roots in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Central America, Flores's narrative travels from New Jersey to Maine and examines different links in the food chain, from farming to restaurants to seafood processing to the deliverista rights movement. What unites this eclectic material is Flores's contention that as our appetite for Latinx food has grown exponentially, the visibility of Latinx food workers has demonstrably decreased. This precariat is anything but passive, however, and has historically fought--and is still fighting--against low wages and exploitation, medical neglect, criminalization, and deeply ironic food insecurity.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4605</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e0c4c754-ebbb-11ef-b5db-d7449351feab]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6829792633.mp3?updated=1739638140" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Trump, Anti-DEI and Psychoanalytic Defense Mechanisms</title>
      <description>In this episode my co-host and I had planned to talk about how the new Trump administration could create unity in America. The episode title had been, “Starting with a Clean Slate: How the Trump administration could create unity in America.” By starting anew, without a political agenda, we intended to explore how a new sense of community and pride in America could evolve. However, after the group in charge eliminated Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) programs in a day, we felt we needed to talk about the new way a greater divide in America is evolving and how psychoanalytic defense mechanisms can inform us about new dilemmas we are facing as a nation.
Denial, for example, appeared to be a part of what occurred. By refusing to acknowledge the existence or importance of systemic inequalities that DEI programs aimed to address, dismantling them is essentially denying reality. Since discrimination, inequity and racism are at an all-time high in our country, eliminating programs that were designed to improve them seems to overlook what is really occurring in America.
We also believe similar defense mechanisms are at play. The administration’s justification for ending DEI programs as “illegal” and “wasteful” can be seen as a form of rationalization. This defense mechanism involves creating logical-sounding reasons to justify actions that may be driven by underlying anxieties or biases. By framing DEI initiatives as discriminatory or ineffective, the administration rationalized their decision to eliminate them.
By attacking and dismantling DEI programs, it appears as though they have externalized internal conflicts, making them easier to confront and control. The strong push against DEI initiatives could be interpreted as reaction formation, where the administration overcompensated for underlying anxieties about diversity and inclusion by taking an extreme opposite stance.
Through the employment of these defense mechanisms, the Trump administration may be attempting to manage anxieties related to changing demographics, shifting power dynamics, and the challenges of addressing long-standing societal inequities. However, it’s important to note that these actions have significant real-world consequences for federal employees and the broader goals of creating a more inclusive and equitable society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>257</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Psychoanalytic Perspectives on Racism in America: Episode 7</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode my co-host and I had planned to talk about how the new Trump administration could create unity in America. The episode title had been, “Starting with a Clean Slate: How the Trump administration could create unity in America.” By starting anew, without a political agenda, we intended to explore how a new sense of community and pride in America could evolve. However, after the group in charge eliminated Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) programs in a day, we felt we needed to talk about the new way a greater divide in America is evolving and how psychoanalytic defense mechanisms can inform us about new dilemmas we are facing as a nation.
Denial, for example, appeared to be a part of what occurred. By refusing to acknowledge the existence or importance of systemic inequalities that DEI programs aimed to address, dismantling them is essentially denying reality. Since discrimination, inequity and racism are at an all-time high in our country, eliminating programs that were designed to improve them seems to overlook what is really occurring in America.
We also believe similar defense mechanisms are at play. The administration’s justification for ending DEI programs as “illegal” and “wasteful” can be seen as a form of rationalization. This defense mechanism involves creating logical-sounding reasons to justify actions that may be driven by underlying anxieties or biases. By framing DEI initiatives as discriminatory or ineffective, the administration rationalized their decision to eliminate them.
By attacking and dismantling DEI programs, it appears as though they have externalized internal conflicts, making them easier to confront and control. The strong push against DEI initiatives could be interpreted as reaction formation, where the administration overcompensated for underlying anxieties about diversity and inclusion by taking an extreme opposite stance.
Through the employment of these defense mechanisms, the Trump administration may be attempting to manage anxieties related to changing demographics, shifting power dynamics, and the challenges of addressing long-standing societal inequities. However, it’s important to note that these actions have significant real-world consequences for federal employees and the broader goals of creating a more inclusive and equitable society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode my co-host and I had planned to talk about how the new Trump administration could create unity in America. The episode title had been, “Starting with a Clean Slate: How the Trump administration could create unity in America.” By starting anew, without a political agenda, we intended to explore how a new sense of community and pride in America could evolve. However, after the group in charge eliminated Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) programs in a day, we felt we needed to talk about the new way a greater divide in America is evolving and how psychoanalytic defense mechanisms can inform us about new dilemmas we are facing as a nation.</p><p><em>Denial</em>, for example, appeared to be a part of what occurred. By refusing to acknowledge the existence or importance of systemic inequalities that DEI programs aimed to address, dismantling them is essentially denying reality. Since discrimination, inequity and racism are at an all-time high in our country, eliminating programs that were designed to improve them seems to overlook what is really occurring in America.</p><p>We also believe similar defense mechanisms are at play. The administration’s justification for ending DEI programs as “illegal” and “wasteful” can be seen as a form of <em>rationalization</em>. This defense mechanism involves creating logical-sounding reasons to justify actions that may be driven by underlying anxieties or biases. By framing DEI initiatives as discriminatory or ineffective, the administration rationalized their decision to eliminate them.</p><p>By attacking and dismantling DEI programs, it appears as though they have externalized internal conflicts, making them easier to confront and control. The strong push against DEI initiatives could be interpreted as <em>reaction formation</em>, where the administration overcompensated for underlying anxieties about diversity and inclusion by taking an extreme opposite stance.</p><p>Through the employment of these defense mechanisms, the Trump administration may be attempting to manage anxieties related to changing demographics, shifting power dynamics, and the challenges of addressing long-standing societal inequities. However, it’s important to note that these actions have significant real-world consequences for federal employees and the broader goals of creating a more inclusive and equitable society.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2714</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1ecc7f20-ec7e-11ef-9c2c-77c310a96ae8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9311375687.mp3?updated=1739721666" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melinda Cooper, "Counterrevolution: Extravagance and Austerity in Public Finance" (Zone Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>At the close of the 1970s, government treasuries and central banks took a vow of perpetual self-restraint. To this day, fiscal authorities fret over soaring public debt burdens, while central bankers wring their hands at the slightest sign of rising wages. As the brief reprieve of coronavirus spending made clear, no departure from government austerity will be tolerated without a corresponding act of penance.
Yet we misunderstand the scope of neoliberal public finance if we assume austerity to be its sole setting. Beyond the zero-sum game of direct claims on state budgets lies a realm of indirect government spending that escapes the naked eye. Capital gains are multiply subsidized by a tax system that reserves its greatest rewards for financial asset holders. And for all its airs of haughty asceticism, the Federal Reserve has become adept at facilitating the inflation of asset values while ruthlessly suppressing wages. Neoliberalism is as extravagant as it is austere, and this paradox needs to be grasped if we are to challenge its core modus operandi.
In Counterrevolution: Extravagance and Austerity in Public Finance (Zone Books, 2024) Dr. Melinda Cooper examines the major schools of thought that have shaped neoliberal common sense around public finance. Focusing, in particular, on Virginia school public choice theory and supply-side economics, she shows how these currents produced distinct but ultimately complementary responses to the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. With its intellectual roots in the conservative Southern Democratic tradition, Virginia school public choice theory espoused an austere doctrine of budget balance. The supply-side movement, by contrast, advocated tax cuts without spending restraint and debt issuance without guilt, in an apparent repudiation of austerity. Yet, for all their differences, the two schools converged around the need to rein in the redistributive uses of public spending. Together, they drove a counterrevolution in public finance that deepened the divide between rich and poor and revived the fortunes of dynastic wealth.
Far-reaching as the neoliberal counterrevolution has been, Dr. Cooper still identifies a counterfactual history of unrealized possibilities in the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. She concludes by inviting us to rethink the concept of revolution and raises the question: Is another politics of extravagance possible?
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>60</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melinda Cooper</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the close of the 1970s, government treasuries and central banks took a vow of perpetual self-restraint. To this day, fiscal authorities fret over soaring public debt burdens, while central bankers wring their hands at the slightest sign of rising wages. As the brief reprieve of coronavirus spending made clear, no departure from government austerity will be tolerated without a corresponding act of penance.
Yet we misunderstand the scope of neoliberal public finance if we assume austerity to be its sole setting. Beyond the zero-sum game of direct claims on state budgets lies a realm of indirect government spending that escapes the naked eye. Capital gains are multiply subsidized by a tax system that reserves its greatest rewards for financial asset holders. And for all its airs of haughty asceticism, the Federal Reserve has become adept at facilitating the inflation of asset values while ruthlessly suppressing wages. Neoliberalism is as extravagant as it is austere, and this paradox needs to be grasped if we are to challenge its core modus operandi.
In Counterrevolution: Extravagance and Austerity in Public Finance (Zone Books, 2024) Dr. Melinda Cooper examines the major schools of thought that have shaped neoliberal common sense around public finance. Focusing, in particular, on Virginia school public choice theory and supply-side economics, she shows how these currents produced distinct but ultimately complementary responses to the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. With its intellectual roots in the conservative Southern Democratic tradition, Virginia school public choice theory espoused an austere doctrine of budget balance. The supply-side movement, by contrast, advocated tax cuts without spending restraint and debt issuance without guilt, in an apparent repudiation of austerity. Yet, for all their differences, the two schools converged around the need to rein in the redistributive uses of public spending. Together, they drove a counterrevolution in public finance that deepened the divide between rich and poor and revived the fortunes of dynastic wealth.
Far-reaching as the neoliberal counterrevolution has been, Dr. Cooper still identifies a counterfactual history of unrealized possibilities in the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. She concludes by inviting us to rethink the concept of revolution and raises the question: Is another politics of extravagance possible?
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the close of the 1970s, government treasuries and central banks took a vow of perpetual self-restraint. To this day, fiscal authorities fret over soaring public debt burdens, while central bankers wring their hands at the slightest sign of rising wages. As the brief reprieve of coronavirus spending made clear, no departure from government austerity will be tolerated without a corresponding act of penance.</p><p>Yet we misunderstand the scope of neoliberal public finance if we assume austerity to be its sole setting. Beyond the zero-sum game of direct claims on state budgets lies a realm of indirect government spending that escapes the naked eye. Capital gains are multiply subsidized by a tax system that reserves its greatest rewards for financial asset holders. And for all its airs of haughty asceticism, the Federal Reserve has become adept at facilitating the inflation of asset values while ruthlessly suppressing wages. Neoliberalism is as extravagant as it is austere, and this paradox needs to be grasped if we are to challenge its core modus operandi.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781942130932"><em>Counterrevolution: Extravagance and Austerity in Public Finance</em></a> (Zone Books, 2024) Dr. Melinda Cooper examines the major schools of thought that have shaped neoliberal common sense around public finance. Focusing, in particular, on Virginia school public choice theory and supply-side economics, she shows how these currents produced distinct but ultimately complementary responses to the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. With its intellectual roots in the conservative Southern Democratic tradition, Virginia school public choice theory espoused an austere doctrine of budget balance. The supply-side movement, by contrast, advocated tax cuts without spending restraint and debt issuance without guilt, in an apparent repudiation of austerity. Yet, for all their differences, the two schools converged around the need to rein in the redistributive uses of public spending. Together, they drove a counterrevolution in public finance that deepened the divide between rich and poor and revived the fortunes of dynastic wealth.</p><p>Far-reaching as the neoliberal counterrevolution has been, Dr. Cooper still identifies a counterfactual history of unrealized possibilities in the capitalist crisis of the 1970s. She concludes by inviting us to rethink the concept of revolution and raises the question: Is another politics of extravagance possible?</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4764</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f07518a6-ec75-11ef-a55c-ffc98bfe5808]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9242743930.mp3?updated=1739718781" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Yoni Appelbaum, "Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of Prosperity" (Random House, 2025)</title>
      <description>We take it for granted that good neighborhoods—with good schools and good housing—are inaccessible to all but the very wealthy. But, in America, this wasn’t always the case. Though for most of world history your prospects were tied to where you were born, Americans came up with a revolutionary idea: If you didn’t like your lot in life, you could find a better location and reinvent yourself there. Americans moved to new places with unprecedented frequency, and for 200 years, that remarkable mobility was the linchpin of American economic and social opportunity. Then, as the twentieth century wound down, economic and geographic stasis set in, producing deep social polarization. 
What happened? In Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of Prosperity (Random House, 2025), Yoni Appelbaum introduces us to the reformers who destroyed American mobility with discriminatory zoning laws, federal policies, and community gatekeeping. From the first zoning laws enacted to ghettoize Chinese Americans in nineteenth-century Modesto, California, to the toxic blend of private-sector discrimination and racist public policy that trapped Black families in mid-century Flint, Michigan, Appelbaum shows us how Americans lost the freedom to move. Even Jane Jacobs’s well-intentioned fight against development in Greenwich Village choked off opportunity for strivers—and started a trend that would put desirable neighborhoods out of reach for most of us. And yet he also offers glimmers of hope. Perhaps our problems as a nation aren’t as intractable as they seem. If we tear down the barriers to mobility and return to the social and economic dynamism Americans invented, we might be able to rediscover the tolerance and possibility that made us distinctive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>200</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Yoni Appelbaum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We take it for granted that good neighborhoods—with good schools and good housing—are inaccessible to all but the very wealthy. But, in America, this wasn’t always the case. Though for most of world history your prospects were tied to where you were born, Americans came up with a revolutionary idea: If you didn’t like your lot in life, you could find a better location and reinvent yourself there. Americans moved to new places with unprecedented frequency, and for 200 years, that remarkable mobility was the linchpin of American economic and social opportunity. Then, as the twentieth century wound down, economic and geographic stasis set in, producing deep social polarization. 
What happened? In Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of Prosperity (Random House, 2025), Yoni Appelbaum introduces us to the reformers who destroyed American mobility with discriminatory zoning laws, federal policies, and community gatekeeping. From the first zoning laws enacted to ghettoize Chinese Americans in nineteenth-century Modesto, California, to the toxic blend of private-sector discrimination and racist public policy that trapped Black families in mid-century Flint, Michigan, Appelbaum shows us how Americans lost the freedom to move. Even Jane Jacobs’s well-intentioned fight against development in Greenwich Village choked off opportunity for strivers—and started a trend that would put desirable neighborhoods out of reach for most of us. And yet he also offers glimmers of hope. Perhaps our problems as a nation aren’t as intractable as they seem. If we tear down the barriers to mobility and return to the social and economic dynamism Americans invented, we might be able to rediscover the tolerance and possibility that made us distinctive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We take it for granted that good neighborhoods—with good schools and good housing—are inaccessible to all but the very wealthy. But, in America, this wasn’t always the case. Though for most of world history your prospects were tied to where you were born, Americans came up with a revolutionary idea: If you didn’t like your lot in life, you could find a better location and reinvent yourself there. Americans moved to new places with unprecedented frequency, and for 200 years, that remarkable mobility was the linchpin of American economic and social opportunity. Then, as the twentieth century wound down, economic and geographic stasis set in, producing deep social polarization. </p><p>What happened? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593449301"><em>Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of Prosperity</em></a> (Random House, 2025), Yoni Appelbaum introduces us to the reformers who destroyed American mobility with discriminatory zoning laws, federal policies, and community gatekeeping. From the first zoning laws enacted to ghettoize Chinese Americans in nineteenth-century Modesto, California, to the toxic blend of private-sector discrimination and racist public policy that trapped Black families in mid-century Flint, Michigan, Appelbaum shows us how Americans lost the freedom to move. Even Jane Jacobs’s well-intentioned fight against development in Greenwich Village choked off opportunity for strivers—and started a trend that would put desirable neighborhoods out of reach for most of us. And yet he also offers glimmers of hope. Perhaps our problems as a nation aren’t as intractable as they seem. If we tear down the barriers to mobility and return to the social and economic dynamism Americans invented, we might be able to rediscover the tolerance and possibility that made us distinctive.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1672</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ray Brescia, "The Private Is Political: Identity and Democracy in the Age of Surveillance Capitalism" (NYU Press, 2025)</title>
      <description>As Americans increasingly depend upon their phones, computers, and internet resources, their actions are less private than they believe. Data is routinely sold and shared with companies who want to sell something, political actors who want to analyze behavior, and law enforcement who seek to monitor and limit actions.
In The Private is Political: Identity and Democracy in the Age of Surveillance Capitalism (NYU Press, 2025), law professor Ray Brescia explores the failure of existing legal systems and institutions to protect people’s online presence and identities. Examining the ways in which the digital space is under threat from both governments and private actors, Brescia reveals how the rise of private surveillance prevents individuals from organizing with others who might help to catalyze change in their lives. Brescia argues that we are not far from a world where surveillance chills not just our speech, but our very identities. Surveillance, he suggests, will ultimately stifle our ability to live full lives, realize democracy, and shape the laws that affect our privacy itself.
Brescia writes that “The search for identity and communion with others who share it has never been easier in all of human history. At the same time, our individual and collective identity is also under threat by a surveillance state like none that has ever existed before. This surveillance can be weaponized, not just for profit but also to promote political ends, and undermine efforts to achieve individual and collective self-determination”
The book identifies the harms to individuals from privacy violations, provides an expansive definition of political privacy, and identifies the ‘integrity of identity’ as a central feature of democracy. The Private is Political lays out the features of Surveillance Capitalism and provides a roadmap for “muscular disclosure”: a comprehensive privacy regime to empower consumers to collectively safeguard privacy rights.
Professor Ray Brescia is the Associate Dean for Research &amp; Intellectual Life and the Hon. Harold R. Tyler Professor in Law &amp; Technology at Albany Law School. He is the author of many scholarly works including Lawyer Nation: The Past, Present, and Future of the American Legal Profession (from NYU Press) and The Future of Change: How Technology Shapes Social Revolutions (from Cornell UP). He is also the author of public facing work, most recently “Elon Musk’s DOGE is executing a historically dangerous data breach” on MSNBC. He started his legal career at the Legal Aid Society of New York where he was a Skadden Fellow, and then served as the Associate Director at the Urban Justice Center, also in New York City, where he represented grassroots groups like tenant associations and low-wage worker groups. Ray’s blog is “The Future of Change” and you can find him on LinkedIn.
Mentioned:


Shoshana Zuboff on surveillance capitalism


Supreme Court upholds TikTok ban, Amy Howe, SCOTUSBLOG

Kevin Peter He on “data voodoo dolls”


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>759</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ray Brescia</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As Americans increasingly depend upon their phones, computers, and internet resources, their actions are less private than they believe. Data is routinely sold and shared with companies who want to sell something, political actors who want to analyze behavior, and law enforcement who seek to monitor and limit actions.
In The Private is Political: Identity and Democracy in the Age of Surveillance Capitalism (NYU Press, 2025), law professor Ray Brescia explores the failure of existing legal systems and institutions to protect people’s online presence and identities. Examining the ways in which the digital space is under threat from both governments and private actors, Brescia reveals how the rise of private surveillance prevents individuals from organizing with others who might help to catalyze change in their lives. Brescia argues that we are not far from a world where surveillance chills not just our speech, but our very identities. Surveillance, he suggests, will ultimately stifle our ability to live full lives, realize democracy, and shape the laws that affect our privacy itself.
Brescia writes that “The search for identity and communion with others who share it has never been easier in all of human history. At the same time, our individual and collective identity is also under threat by a surveillance state like none that has ever existed before. This surveillance can be weaponized, not just for profit but also to promote political ends, and undermine efforts to achieve individual and collective self-determination”
The book identifies the harms to individuals from privacy violations, provides an expansive definition of political privacy, and identifies the ‘integrity of identity’ as a central feature of democracy. The Private is Political lays out the features of Surveillance Capitalism and provides a roadmap for “muscular disclosure”: a comprehensive privacy regime to empower consumers to collectively safeguard privacy rights.
Professor Ray Brescia is the Associate Dean for Research &amp; Intellectual Life and the Hon. Harold R. Tyler Professor in Law &amp; Technology at Albany Law School. He is the author of many scholarly works including Lawyer Nation: The Past, Present, and Future of the American Legal Profession (from NYU Press) and The Future of Change: How Technology Shapes Social Revolutions (from Cornell UP). He is also the author of public facing work, most recently “Elon Musk’s DOGE is executing a historically dangerous data breach” on MSNBC. He started his legal career at the Legal Aid Society of New York where he was a Skadden Fellow, and then served as the Associate Director at the Urban Justice Center, also in New York City, where he represented grassroots groups like tenant associations and low-wage worker groups. Ray’s blog is “The Future of Change” and you can find him on LinkedIn.
Mentioned:


Shoshana Zuboff on surveillance capitalism


Supreme Court upholds TikTok ban, Amy Howe, SCOTUSBLOG

Kevin Peter He on “data voodoo dolls”


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As Americans increasingly depend upon their phones, computers, and internet resources, their actions are less private than they believe. Data is routinely sold and shared with companies who want to sell something, political actors who want to analyze behavior, and law enforcement who seek to monitor and limit actions.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479832330"><em>The Private is Political: Identity and Democracy in the Age of Surveillance Capitalism</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2025), law professor Ray Brescia explores the failure of existing legal systems and institutions to protect people’s online presence and identities. Examining the ways in which the digital space is under threat from both governments and private actors, Brescia reveals how the rise of private surveillance prevents individuals from organizing with others who might help to catalyze change in their lives. Brescia argues that we are not far from a world where surveillance chills not just our speech, but our very identities. Surveillance, he suggests, will ultimately stifle our ability to live full lives, realize democracy, and shape the laws that affect our privacy itself.</p><p>Brescia writes that “The search for identity and communion with others who share it has never been easier in all of human history. At the same time, our individual and collective identity is also under threat by a surveillance state like none that has ever existed before. This surveillance can be weaponized, not just for profit but also to promote political ends, and undermine efforts to achieve individual and collective self-determination”</p><p>The book identifies the harms to individuals from privacy violations, provides an expansive definition of <em>political </em>privacy, and identifies the ‘integrity of identity’ as a central feature of democracy. <em>The Private is Political </em>lays out the features of Surveillance Capitalism and provides a roadmap for “muscular disclosure”: a comprehensive privacy regime to empower consumers to collectively safeguard privacy rights.</p><p><a href="https://www.albanylaw.edu/faculty/faculty-directory/raymond-brescia">Professor Ray Brescia</a> is the Associate Dean for Research &amp; Intellectual Life and the Hon. Harold R. Tyler Professor in Law &amp; Technology at Albany Law School. He is the author of many scholarly works including <em>Lawyer Nation: The Past, Present, and Future of the American Legal Profession </em>(from NYU Press) and <em>The Future of Change: How Technology Shapes Social Revolutions </em>(from Cornell UP)<em>. </em>He is also the author of public facing work, most recently<em> “</em><a href="https://www.msnbc.com/opinion/msnbc-opinion/elon-musk-doge-privacy-data-breach-rcna191605">Elon Musk’s DOGE is executing a historically dangerous data breach</a>” on MSNBC. He started his legal career at the Legal Aid Society of New York where he was a Skadden Fellow, and then served as the Associate Director at the Urban Justice Center, also in New York City, where he represented grassroots groups like tenant associations and low-wage worker groups. Ray’s blog is “<a href="https://lawandsocialinnovation.com/">The Future of Change</a>” and you can find him on <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ray-brescia-24bb658/">LinkedIn</a>.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://shoshanazuboff.com/book/">Shoshana Zuboff</a> on surveillance capitalism</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2025/01/supreme-court-upholds-tiktok-ban/">Supreme Court upholds TikTok ban</a>, Amy Howe, SCOTUSBLOG</li>
<li><a href="https://www.kevinpeterhe.com/data-voodoo">Kevin Peter He on “data voodoo dolls”</a></li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3407</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[12e6a582-ebc0-11ef-b6eb-87bf83d63c5a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5421390261.mp3?updated=1739640479" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Samar Al-Bulushi, "War-Making as Worldmaking: Kenya, the United States, and the War on Terror" (Stanford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Since Kenya's invasion of Somalia in 2011, the Kenyan state has been engaged in direct combat with the Somali militant group Al-Shabaab, conducting airstrikes in southern Somalia and deploying heavy-handed police tactics at home. As the hunt for suspects has expanded within Kenya, Kenyan Muslims have been subject to disappearances and extrajudicial killings at the hands of U.S.-trained Kenyan police.
War-Making as Worldmaking: Kenya, the United States, and the War on Terror (Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Samar Al-Bulushi explores the entanglement of militarism, imperialism, and liberal-democratic governance in East Africa today. Dr. Al-Bulushi argues that Kenya's emergence as a key player in the "War on Terror" is closely linked—but not reducible to—the U.S. military's growing proclivity to outsource the labor of war. Attending to the cultural politics of security, Dr. Al-Bulushi illustrates that the war against Al-Shabaab has become a means to produce new fantasies, emotions, and subjectivities about Kenya's place in the world. Meanwhile, Kenya's alignment with the U.S. provides cover for the criminalization and policing of the country's Muslim minority population.
How is life lived in a place that is not understood to be a site of war, yet is often experienced as such by its targets? This book weaves together multiple scales of analysis, asking what a view from East Africa can tell us about the shifting configurations and expansive geographies of post-9/11 imperial warfare.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>121</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samar Al-Bulushi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since Kenya's invasion of Somalia in 2011, the Kenyan state has been engaged in direct combat with the Somali militant group Al-Shabaab, conducting airstrikes in southern Somalia and deploying heavy-handed police tactics at home. As the hunt for suspects has expanded within Kenya, Kenyan Muslims have been subject to disappearances and extrajudicial killings at the hands of U.S.-trained Kenyan police.
War-Making as Worldmaking: Kenya, the United States, and the War on Terror (Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Samar Al-Bulushi explores the entanglement of militarism, imperialism, and liberal-democratic governance in East Africa today. Dr. Al-Bulushi argues that Kenya's emergence as a key player in the "War on Terror" is closely linked—but not reducible to—the U.S. military's growing proclivity to outsource the labor of war. Attending to the cultural politics of security, Dr. Al-Bulushi illustrates that the war against Al-Shabaab has become a means to produce new fantasies, emotions, and subjectivities about Kenya's place in the world. Meanwhile, Kenya's alignment with the U.S. provides cover for the criminalization and policing of the country's Muslim minority population.
How is life lived in a place that is not understood to be a site of war, yet is often experienced as such by its targets? This book weaves together multiple scales of analysis, asking what a view from East Africa can tell us about the shifting configurations and expansive geographies of post-9/11 imperial warfare.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since Kenya's invasion of Somalia in 2011, the Kenyan state has been engaged in direct combat with the Somali militant group Al-Shabaab, conducting airstrikes in southern Somalia and deploying heavy-handed police tactics at home. As the hunt for suspects has expanded within Kenya, Kenyan Muslims have been subject to disappearances and extrajudicial killings at the hands of U.S.-trained Kenyan police.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503640917"><em>War-Making as Worldmaking: Kenya, the United States, and the War on Terror</em></a> (Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Samar Al-Bulushi explores the entanglement of militarism, imperialism, and liberal-democratic governance in East Africa today. Dr. Al-Bulushi argues that Kenya's emergence as a key player in the "War on Terror" is closely linked—but not reducible to—the U.S. military's growing proclivity to outsource the labor of war. Attending to the cultural politics of security, Dr. Al-Bulushi illustrates that the war against Al-Shabaab has become a means to produce new fantasies, emotions, and subjectivities about Kenya's place in the world. Meanwhile, Kenya's alignment with the U.S. provides cover for the criminalization and policing of the country's Muslim minority population.</p><p>How is life lived in a place that is not understood to be a site of war, yet is often experienced as such by its targets? This book weaves together multiple scales of analysis, asking what a view from East Africa can tell us about the shifting configurations and expansive geographies of post-9/11 imperial warfare.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3944</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Allison Rank et al., "Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Lauren C. Bell, Allison Rank, and Carah Ong Whaley have a new edited volume, Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024). This book has four separate sections that guide the reader through different dimensions of teaching civic engagement and the many aspects of this important pedagogical capacity that often falls on the shoulders of political science faculty at universities and colleges in the United States. In our discussion we cover the idea of civic engagement itself as an approach that many of us integrate into our courses in a variety of ways. Civic Pedagogies focuses on this complex topic first through a number of chapters that dive into the theory behind civic engagement and how to think about this concept as a dimension of or the entirety of a college course. The next section of the book takes up a variety of different practical approaches to embedding civic learning into courses. The last two sections of the book explore the challenges and benefits of civically engaged pedagogies and, finally, assessment of civically engaged pedagogies.
This is a thorough and thoughtful book with an impressive array of contributing authors all thinking about not only the importance of civically engaged pedagogies, but also the unique dimensions of this kind of pedagogy. The three editors explain, in our conversation, different points of importances that were fleshed out by the many contributors and their thinking about how best to embed this vital component of education within a democracy. Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics has so many different perspectives that it provides a rich array of options for most educators who want or need to integrate civic pedagogies into their classrooms. In our discussion, we also explore the value of being able to engage on public topics and political questions in a civil manner—both in the classroom itself and then, as students move into their lives beyond college, as members of their communities.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>758</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Allison Rank, Carah Ong Whaley, and Lauren C. Bell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Lauren C. Bell, Allison Rank, and Carah Ong Whaley have a new edited volume, Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024). This book has four separate sections that guide the reader through different dimensions of teaching civic engagement and the many aspects of this important pedagogical capacity that often falls on the shoulders of political science faculty at universities and colleges in the United States. In our discussion we cover the idea of civic engagement itself as an approach that many of us integrate into our courses in a variety of ways. Civic Pedagogies focuses on this complex topic first through a number of chapters that dive into the theory behind civic engagement and how to think about this concept as a dimension of or the entirety of a college course. The next section of the book takes up a variety of different practical approaches to embedding civic learning into courses. The last two sections of the book explore the challenges and benefits of civically engaged pedagogies and, finally, assessment of civically engaged pedagogies.
This is a thorough and thoughtful book with an impressive array of contributing authors all thinking about not only the importance of civically engaged pedagogies, but also the unique dimensions of this kind of pedagogy. The three editors explain, in our conversation, different points of importances that were fleshed out by the many contributors and their thinking about how best to embed this vital component of education within a democracy. Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics has so many different perspectives that it provides a rich array of options for most educators who want or need to integrate civic pedagogies into their classrooms. In our discussion, we also explore the value of being able to engage on public topics and political questions in a civil manner—both in the classroom itself and then, as students move into their lives beyond college, as members of their communities.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Lauren C. Bell, Allison Rank, and Carah Ong Whaley have a new edited volume, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031551543"><em>Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Palgrave Macmillan, 2024). This book has four separate sections that guide the reader through different dimensions of teaching civic engagement and the many aspects of this important pedagogical capacity that often falls on the shoulders of political science faculty at universities and colleges in the United States. In our discussion we cover the idea of civic engagement itself as an approach that many of us integrate into our courses in a variety of ways. <em>Civic Pedagogies</em> focuses on this complex topic first through a number of chapters that dive into the theory behind civic engagement and how to think about this concept as a dimension of or the entirety of a college course. The next section of the book takes up a variety of different practical approaches to embedding civic learning into courses. The last two sections of the book explore the challenges and benefits of civically engaged pedagogies and, finally, assessment of civically engaged pedagogies.</p><p>This is a thorough and thoughtful book with an impressive array of contributing authors all thinking about not only the importance of civically engaged pedagogies, but also the unique dimensions of this kind of pedagogy. The three editors explain, in our conversation, different points of importances that were fleshed out by the many contributors and their thinking about how best to embed this vital component of education within a democracy. <em>Civic Pedagogies: Teaching Civic Engagement in an Era of Divisive Politics</em> has so many different perspectives that it provides a rich array of options for most educators who want or need to integrate civic pedagogies into their classrooms. In our discussion, we also explore the value of being able to engage on public topics and political questions in a civil manner—both in the classroom itself and then, as students move into their lives beyond college, as members of their communities.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2991</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3498220911.mp3?updated=1739455421" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rebecca Davis Gibbons, "The Hegemon's Tool Kit: US Leadership and the Politics of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>At a moment when the nuclear nonproliferation regime is under duress, Rebecca Davis Gibbons provides a trenchant analysis of the international system that has, for more than fifty years, controlled the spread of these catastrophic weapons. The Hegemon's Tool Kit: US Leadership and the Politics of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime (Cornell UP, 2022) details how that regime works and how, disastrously, it might falter.
Experts anticipated that all technologically capable states would build these powerful devices in the early nuclear age. That did not happen. Widespread development of nuclear arms did not occur, in large part, because a global nuclear nonproliferation regime was created. By the late 1960s, the United States and the Soviet Union had drafted the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Across decades, the regime has expanded, with more agreements and more nations participating. As a result, in 2022, only nine states possess nuclear weapons.
Why do most international states adhere to the nuclear nonproliferation regime? The answer lies, Gibbons asserts, in decades of painstaking efforts undertaken by the US government. As the most powerful state during the nuclear age, the United States had many tools with which to persuade other states to join or otherwise support nonproliferation agreements.
The waning of US global influence, Gibbons shows in The Hegemon's Tool Kit, is a key threat to the nonproliferation regime. So, too, is the deepening global divide over progress on nuclear disarmament. To date, the Chinese government is not taking significant steps to support the nuclear nonproliferation regime, and as a result, the regime may face a harmful leadership gap.
Our guest is Rebecca Gibbons, an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern Maine.
Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023), winner of the 2025 ISA-ISSS best book award.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rebecca Davis Gibbons</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At a moment when the nuclear nonproliferation regime is under duress, Rebecca Davis Gibbons provides a trenchant analysis of the international system that has, for more than fifty years, controlled the spread of these catastrophic weapons. The Hegemon's Tool Kit: US Leadership and the Politics of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime (Cornell UP, 2022) details how that regime works and how, disastrously, it might falter.
Experts anticipated that all technologically capable states would build these powerful devices in the early nuclear age. That did not happen. Widespread development of nuclear arms did not occur, in large part, because a global nuclear nonproliferation regime was created. By the late 1960s, the United States and the Soviet Union had drafted the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Across decades, the regime has expanded, with more agreements and more nations participating. As a result, in 2022, only nine states possess nuclear weapons.
Why do most international states adhere to the nuclear nonproliferation regime? The answer lies, Gibbons asserts, in decades of painstaking efforts undertaken by the US government. As the most powerful state during the nuclear age, the United States had many tools with which to persuade other states to join or otherwise support nonproliferation agreements.
The waning of US global influence, Gibbons shows in The Hegemon's Tool Kit, is a key threat to the nonproliferation regime. So, too, is the deepening global divide over progress on nuclear disarmament. To date, the Chinese government is not taking significant steps to support the nuclear nonproliferation regime, and as a result, the regime may face a harmful leadership gap.
Our guest is Rebecca Gibbons, an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern Maine.
Our host is Eleonora Mattiacci, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "Volatile States in International Politics" (Oxford University Press, 2023), winner of the 2025 ISA-ISSS best book award.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At a moment when the nuclear nonproliferation regime is under duress, Rebecca Davis Gibbons provides a trenchant analysis of the international system that has, for more than fifty years, controlled the spread of these catastrophic weapons. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501764851"><em>The Hegemon's Tool Kit: US Leadership and the Politics of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime</em></a> (Cornell UP, 2022) details how that regime works and how, disastrously, it might falter.</p><p>Experts anticipated that all technologically capable states would build these powerful devices in the early nuclear age. That did not happen. Widespread development of nuclear arms did not occur, in large part, because a global nuclear nonproliferation regime was created. By the late 1960s, the United States and the Soviet Union had drafted the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Across decades, the regime has expanded, with more agreements and more nations participating. As a result, in 2022, only nine states possess nuclear weapons.</p><p>Why do most international states adhere to the nuclear nonproliferation regime? The answer lies, Gibbons asserts, in decades of painstaking efforts undertaken by the US government. As the most powerful state during the nuclear age, the United States had many tools with which to persuade other states to join or otherwise support nonproliferation agreements.</p><p>The waning of US global influence, Gibbons shows in The Hegemon's Tool Kit, is a key threat to the nonproliferation regime. So, too, is the deepening global divide over progress on nuclear disarmament. To date, the Chinese government is not taking significant steps to support the nuclear nonproliferation regime, and as a result, the regime may face a harmful leadership gap.</p><p>Our guest is <a href="https://usm.maine.edu/directories/people/rebecca-gibbons/">Rebecca Gibbons</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern Maine.</p><p>Our host is <a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/home">Eleonora Mattiacci</a>, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Amherst College. She is the author of "<a href="https://www.eleonoramattiacci.com/book-project-1">Volatile States in International Politics</a>" (Oxford University Press, 2023), winner of the 2025 ISA-ISSS best book award.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3223</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>American Higher Education Under the Second Trump Administration</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI Director John Torpey speaks with Steven Brint, Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Public Policy at UC Riverside, about the early days of the second Trump administration and its impact on higher education. Brint discusses the administration’s aggressive efforts to reshape federal governance, including its attacks on DEI programs, proposals to tax university endowments, and moves to condition federal funding on ideological compliance. The conversation explores how these policies could undermine academic freedom, international student enrollment, and the global reputation of U.S. universities. Brint also examines the broader crisis of public confidence in higher education, tracing concerns over cost, curriculum relevance, and perceptions of political bias. The episode concludes with a discussion of the risks facing the American university system in an era of rising authoritarianism and political polarization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>159</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Steven Brint</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI Director John Torpey speaks with Steven Brint, Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Public Policy at UC Riverside, about the early days of the second Trump administration and its impact on higher education. Brint discusses the administration’s aggressive efforts to reshape federal governance, including its attacks on DEI programs, proposals to tax university endowments, and moves to condition federal funding on ideological compliance. The conversation explores how these policies could undermine academic freedom, international student enrollment, and the global reputation of U.S. universities. Brint also examines the broader crisis of public confidence in higher education, tracing concerns over cost, curriculum relevance, and perceptions of political bias. The episode concludes with a discussion of the risks facing the American university system in an era of rising authoritarianism and political polarization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>International Horizons</em>, RBI Director John Torpey speaks with Steven Brint, Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Public Policy at UC Riverside, about the early days of the second Trump administration and its impact on higher education. Brint discusses the administration’s aggressive efforts to reshape federal governance, including its attacks on DEI programs, proposals to tax university endowments, and moves to condition federal funding on ideological compliance. The conversation explores how these policies could undermine academic freedom, international student enrollment, and the global reputation of U.S. universities. Brint also examines the broader crisis of public confidence in higher education, tracing concerns over cost, curriculum relevance, and perceptions of political bias. The episode concludes with a discussion of the risks facing the American university system in an era of rising authoritarianism and political polarization.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1884</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c3963926-e704-11ef-ba81-1392af4654f1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1090114700.mp3?updated=1739119946" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hiroshi Motomura, "Borders and Belonging: Toward a Fair, Realistic, and Sustainable Immigration Policy" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Immigration is now a polarizing issue across most advanced democracies. But too much that is written about immigration fails to appreciate the complex responses to the phenomenon. Too many observers assume imaginary consensus, avoid basic questions, or disregard the larger context for human migration.
In Borders and Belonging: Toward a Fair Immigration Policy (Oxford University Press, 2025), Hiroshi Motomura offers a complex and fair-minded account of immigration, its root causes, and the varying responses to it. Taking stock of the issue's complexity, while giving credence to the opinions of immigration critics, he tackles a series of important questions that, when answered, will move us closer to a more realistic and sustainable immigration policy. Motomura begins by affirming a basic concept—national borders—and asks when they might be ethical borders, fostering fairness but also responding realistically to migration patterns and to the political forces that migration generates. In a nation with ethical borders, who should be let in or kept out? How should people forced to migrate be treated? Should newcomers be admitted temporarily or permanently? How should those with lawful immigration status be treated? What is the best role for enforcement in immigration policy? To what extent does the arrival of newcomers hurt long-time residents? What are the "root causes" of immigration and how can we address them?
Realistic about the desire of most citizens for national borders, this book is an indispensable guide for moving toward ethical borders and better immigration policy.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 08 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>238</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hiroshi Motomura</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Immigration is now a polarizing issue across most advanced democracies. But too much that is written about immigration fails to appreciate the complex responses to the phenomenon. Too many observers assume imaginary consensus, avoid basic questions, or disregard the larger context for human migration.
In Borders and Belonging: Toward a Fair Immigration Policy (Oxford University Press, 2025), Hiroshi Motomura offers a complex and fair-minded account of immigration, its root causes, and the varying responses to it. Taking stock of the issue's complexity, while giving credence to the opinions of immigration critics, he tackles a series of important questions that, when answered, will move us closer to a more realistic and sustainable immigration policy. Motomura begins by affirming a basic concept—national borders—and asks when they might be ethical borders, fostering fairness but also responding realistically to migration patterns and to the political forces that migration generates. In a nation with ethical borders, who should be let in or kept out? How should people forced to migrate be treated? Should newcomers be admitted temporarily or permanently? How should those with lawful immigration status be treated? What is the best role for enforcement in immigration policy? To what extent does the arrival of newcomers hurt long-time residents? What are the "root causes" of immigration and how can we address them?
Realistic about the desire of most citizens for national borders, this book is an indispensable guide for moving toward ethical borders and better immigration policy.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Immigration is now a polarizing issue across most advanced democracies. But too much that is written about immigration fails to appreciate the complex responses to the phenomenon. Too many observers assume imaginary consensus, avoid basic questions, or disregard the larger context for human migration.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197743720"><em>Borders and Belonging: Toward a Fair Immigration Policy</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2025), Hiroshi Motomura offers a complex and fair-minded account of immigration, its root causes, and the varying responses to it. Taking stock of the issue's complexity, while giving credence to the opinions of immigration critics, he tackles a series of important questions that, when answered, will move us closer to a more realistic and sustainable immigration policy. Motomura begins by affirming a basic concept—national borders—and asks when they might be ethical borders, fostering fairness but also responding realistically to migration patterns and to the political forces that migration generates. In a nation with ethical borders, who should be let in or kept out? How should people forced to migrate be treated? Should newcomers be admitted temporarily or permanently? How should those with lawful immigration status be treated? What is the best role for enforcement in immigration policy? To what extent does the arrival of newcomers hurt long-time residents? What are the "root causes" of immigration and how can we address them?</p><p>Realistic about the desire of most citizens for national borders, this book is an indispensable guide for moving toward ethical borders and better immigration policy.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3909</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[37bb2f22-e490-11ef-b0df-1376ad4138ce]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5939705946.mp3?updated=1738849697" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Trump’s Second Term and Europe: Nationalism, NATO, and the Future of Transatlantic Relations</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Nathalie Tocci, director of the Institute of International Affairs in Rome, about the implications of Donald Trump’s second administration for Europe. The discussion explores how Trump’s approach to foreign policy—characterized by protectionism, nationalism, and disdain for multilateralism—affects European politics, particularly in relation to NATO, trade, and the far-right’s growing influence. Prof. Tocci highlights how Trump’s return emboldens nationalist movements across the continent, especially in countries like Italy, where leaders such as Giorgia Meloni now feel freer to express their ideological stances. The conversation also examines the evolving European response to Trump, from initial panic to a mix of wishful thinking and cautious strategizing, particularly regarding the future of NATO and the war in Ukraine.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Feb 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>158</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Nathalie Tocci</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Nathalie Tocci, director of the Institute of International Affairs in Rome, about the implications of Donald Trump’s second administration for Europe. The discussion explores how Trump’s approach to foreign policy—characterized by protectionism, nationalism, and disdain for multilateralism—affects European politics, particularly in relation to NATO, trade, and the far-right’s growing influence. Prof. Tocci highlights how Trump’s return emboldens nationalist movements across the continent, especially in countries like Italy, where leaders such as Giorgia Meloni now feel freer to express their ideological stances. The conversation also examines the evolving European response to Trump, from initial panic to a mix of wishful thinking and cautious strategizing, particularly regarding the future of NATO and the war in Ukraine.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>International Horizons</em>, RBI director John Torpey interviews Nathalie Tocci, director of the Institute of International Affairs in Rome, about the implications of Donald Trump’s second administration for Europe. The discussion explores how Trump’s approach to foreign policy—characterized by protectionism, nationalism, and disdain for multilateralism—affects European politics, particularly in relation to NATO, trade, and the far-right’s growing influence. Prof. Tocci highlights how Trump’s return emboldens nationalist movements across the continent, especially in countries like Italy, where leaders such as Giorgia Meloni now feel freer to express their ideological stances. The conversation also examines the evolving European response to Trump, from initial panic to a mix of wishful thinking and cautious strategizing, particularly regarding the future of NATO and the war in Ukraine.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1993</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a433be94-e0d0-11ef-9f4b-fba6848fdaa4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1495512704.mp3?updated=1738437467" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Philip Rathgeb, "How the Radical Right Has Changed Capitalism and Welfare in Europe and the USA" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Radical right parties are no longer political challengers on the fringes of party systems; they have become part of the political mainstream across the Western world. How the Radical Right Has Changed Capitalism and Welfare in Europe and the USA (Oxford UP, 2024) shows how they have used their political power to reform economic and social policies in Continental Europe, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, and the USA. In doing so, it argues that the radical right's core ideology of nativism and authoritarianism informs their socio-economic policy preferences. However, diverse welfare state contexts mediate their socio-economic policy impacts along regime-specific lines, leading to variations of trade protectionism, economic nationalism, traditional familialism, labour market dualism, and welfare chauvinism.
The radical right has used the diverse policy instruments available within their political-economic arrangements to protect threatened labour market insiders and male breadwinners from decline, while creating a racialized and gendered precariat at the same time. This socio-economic agenda of selective status protection restores horizontal inequalities in terms of gender and ethnicity, without addressing vertical inequalities between the rich and the poor.
Combining insights from comparative politics, party politics, comparative political economy, and welfare state research, the book provides novel insights into how the radical right manufactures consent for authoritarian rule by taming the socially corrosive effects of globalised capitalism for key electoral groups, while aiming to exclude the rest from democratic participation.
Philip Rathgeb is an associate professor in Social Policy in the School of Social and Political Science at the University of Edinburgh. Previously, he was a Postdoctoral Researcher in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Konstanz. Philip holds a PhD in Political and Social Sciences from the European University Institute (EUI) and held visiting positions at Harvard University, Lund University, University of Southern Denmark, and the EUI. His research interests are in comparative political economy and comparative politics, with a particular focus on welfare states, industrial relations, and party politics. His first book Strong Governments, Precarious Workers was published with Cornell University Press in 2018.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>508</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Philip Rathgeb</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Radical right parties are no longer political challengers on the fringes of party systems; they have become part of the political mainstream across the Western world. How the Radical Right Has Changed Capitalism and Welfare in Europe and the USA (Oxford UP, 2024) shows how they have used their political power to reform economic and social policies in Continental Europe, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, and the USA. In doing so, it argues that the radical right's core ideology of nativism and authoritarianism informs their socio-economic policy preferences. However, diverse welfare state contexts mediate their socio-economic policy impacts along regime-specific lines, leading to variations of trade protectionism, economic nationalism, traditional familialism, labour market dualism, and welfare chauvinism.
The radical right has used the diverse policy instruments available within their political-economic arrangements to protect threatened labour market insiders and male breadwinners from decline, while creating a racialized and gendered precariat at the same time. This socio-economic agenda of selective status protection restores horizontal inequalities in terms of gender and ethnicity, without addressing vertical inequalities between the rich and the poor.
Combining insights from comparative politics, party politics, comparative political economy, and welfare state research, the book provides novel insights into how the radical right manufactures consent for authoritarian rule by taming the socially corrosive effects of globalised capitalism for key electoral groups, while aiming to exclude the rest from democratic participation.
Philip Rathgeb is an associate professor in Social Policy in the School of Social and Political Science at the University of Edinburgh. Previously, he was a Postdoctoral Researcher in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Konstanz. Philip holds a PhD in Political and Social Sciences from the European University Institute (EUI) and held visiting positions at Harvard University, Lund University, University of Southern Denmark, and the EUI. His research interests are in comparative political economy and comparative politics, with a particular focus on welfare states, industrial relations, and party politics. His first book Strong Governments, Precarious Workers was published with Cornell University Press in 2018.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Radical right parties are no longer political challengers on the fringes of party systems; they have become part of the political mainstream across the Western world. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192866332"><em>How the Radical Right Has Changed Capitalism and Welfare in Europe and the USA</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2024) shows how they have used their political power to reform economic and social policies in Continental Europe, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, and the USA. In doing so, it argues that the radical right's core ideology of nativism and authoritarianism informs their socio-economic policy preferences. However, diverse welfare state contexts mediate their socio-economic policy impacts along regime-specific lines, leading to variations of trade protectionism, economic nationalism, traditional familialism, labour market dualism, and welfare chauvinism.</p><p>The radical right has used the diverse policy instruments available within their political-economic arrangements to protect threatened labour market insiders and male breadwinners from decline, while creating a racialized and gendered precariat at the same time. This socio-economic agenda of selective status protection restores horizontal inequalities in terms of gender and ethnicity, without addressing vertical inequalities between the rich and the poor.</p><p>Combining insights from comparative politics, party politics, comparative political economy, and welfare state research, the book provides novel insights into how the radical right manufactures consent for authoritarian rule by taming the socially corrosive effects of globalised capitalism for key electoral groups, while aiming to exclude the rest from democratic participation.</p><p>Philip Rathgeb is an associate professor in Social Policy in the School of Social and Political Science at the University of Edinburgh. Previously, he was a Postdoctoral Researcher in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at the University of Konstanz. Philip holds a PhD in Political and Social Sciences from the European University Institute (EUI) and held visiting positions at Harvard University, Lund University, University of Southern Denmark, and the EUI. His research interests are in comparative political economy and comparative politics, with a particular focus on welfare states, industrial relations, and party politics. His first book Strong Governments, Precarious Workers was published with Cornell University Press in 2018.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3284</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7397d596-dc06-11ef-9007-4b04a49786e9]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Taylor N. Carlson, "Through the Grapevine: Socially Transmitted Information and Distorted Democracy" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Accurate information is at the heart of democratic functioning. For decades, researchers interested in how information is disseminated have focused on mass media, but the reality is that many Americans today do not learn about politics from direct engagement with the news. Rather, about one-third of Americans learn chiefly from information shared by their peers in conversation or on social media. How does this socially transmitted information differ from that communicated by traditional media? What are the consequences for political attitudes and behavior?
Drawing on evidence from experiments, surveys, and social media, in Through the Grapevine: Socially Transmitted Information and Distorted Democracy (University of Chicago Press, 2024) Dr. Taylor N. Carlson finds that, as information flows first from the media then person to person, it becomes sparse, more biased, less accurate, and more mobilizing. The result is what Carlson calls distorted democracy. Although socially transmitted information does not necessarily render democracy dysfunctional, Through the Grapevine shows how it contributes to a public that is at once underinformed, polarized, and engaged.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>20</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Taylor N. Carlson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Accurate information is at the heart of democratic functioning. For decades, researchers interested in how information is disseminated have focused on mass media, but the reality is that many Americans today do not learn about politics from direct engagement with the news. Rather, about one-third of Americans learn chiefly from information shared by their peers in conversation or on social media. How does this socially transmitted information differ from that communicated by traditional media? What are the consequences for political attitudes and behavior?
Drawing on evidence from experiments, surveys, and social media, in Through the Grapevine: Socially Transmitted Information and Distorted Democracy (University of Chicago Press, 2024) Dr. Taylor N. Carlson finds that, as information flows first from the media then person to person, it becomes sparse, more biased, less accurate, and more mobilizing. The result is what Carlson calls distorted democracy. Although socially transmitted information does not necessarily render democracy dysfunctional, Through the Grapevine shows how it contributes to a public that is at once underinformed, polarized, and engaged.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Accurate information is at the heart of democratic functioning. For decades, researchers interested in how information is disseminated have focused on mass media, but the reality is that many Americans today do not learn about politics from direct engagement with the news. Rather, about one-third of Americans learn chiefly from information shared by their peers in conversation or on social media. How does this socially transmitted information differ from that communicated by traditional media? What are the consequences for political attitudes and behavior?</p><p>Drawing on evidence from experiments, surveys, and social media, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226834177"><em>Through the Grapevine: Socially Transmitted Information and Distorted Democracy</em> </a>(University of Chicago Press, 2024) Dr. Taylor N. Carlson finds that, as information flows first from the media then person to person, it becomes sparse, more biased, less accurate, and more mobilizing. The result is what Carlson calls distorted democracy. Although socially transmitted information does not necessarily render democracy dysfunctional, <em>Through the Grapevine</em> shows how it contributes to a public that is at once underinformed, polarized, and engaged.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3081</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6fe40d38-db26-11ef-9ae6-77f89bc03c23]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1469382026.mp3?updated=1737815068" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Adam Jortner, "A Promised Land: Jewish Patriots, the American Revolution, and the Birth of Religious Freedom" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Adam Jortner, Goodwin-Philpott Professor of History at Auburn University. We are discussing his latest book, A Promised Land: Jewish Patriots, the American Revolution, and the Birth of Religious Freedom (Oxford University Press, 2024). There is a myth that the only religion practiced by the American revolutionaries was Christianity. As Adam demonstrates, there was, in fact, a thriving segment of Jewish participants in the American fight for independence. A thoughtful and surprising new history, I’m pleased to be able to speak with Professor Jortner today.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 25 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adam Jortner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Adam Jortner, Goodwin-Philpott Professor of History at Auburn University. We are discussing his latest book, A Promised Land: Jewish Patriots, the American Revolution, and the Birth of Religious Freedom (Oxford University Press, 2024). There is a myth that the only religion practiced by the American revolutionaries was Christianity. As Adam demonstrates, there was, in fact, a thriving segment of Jewish participants in the American fight for independence. A thoughtful and surprising new history, I’m pleased to be able to speak with Professor Jortner today.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Adam Jortner, Goodwin-Philpott Professor of History at Auburn University. We are discussing his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197536865"><em>A Promised Land: Jewish Patriots, the American Revolution, and the Birth of Religious Freedom</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2024). There is a myth that the only religion practiced by the American revolutionaries was Christianity. As Adam demonstrates, there was, in fact, a thriving segment of Jewish participants in the American fight for independence. A thoughtful and surprising new history, I’m pleased to be able to speak with Professor Jortner today.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3834</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[81d304b0-d9b7-11ef-8e33-ff09992c6b05]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5345839842.mp3?updated=1737650676" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Truth Matters: A Conversation with Robert P. George and Cornel West</title>
      <description>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, we are privileged to join a profound conversation between Robert P. George and Cornel West, two towering figures in political philosophy and social thought. Their discussion, based on their collaborative work Truth Matters, models what robust intellectual engagement and civil discourse can look like, especially when addressing issues that divide Americans today.
In this thought-provoking episode, George and West explore the concept of truth and its centrality to our personal and collective lives. They tackle critical questions surrounding truth’s role in the public square, and how we, as a society, can navigate the growing challenges to free expression and intellectual inquiry.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>134</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, we are privileged to join a profound conversation between Robert P. George and Cornel West, two towering figures in political philosophy and social thought. Their discussion, based on their collaborative work Truth Matters, models what robust intellectual engagement and civil discourse can look like, especially when addressing issues that divide Americans today.
In this thought-provoking episode, George and West explore the concept of truth and its centrality to our personal and collective lives. They tackle critical questions surrounding truth’s role in the public square, and how we, as a society, can navigate the growing challenges to free expression and intellectual inquiry.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the latest episode of <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, we are privileged to join a profound conversation between <em>Robert P. George</em> and <em>Cornel West</em>, two towering figures in political philosophy and social thought. Their discussion, based on their collaborative work <em>Truth Matters</em>, models what robust intellectual engagement and civil discourse can look like, especially when addressing issues that divide Americans today.</p><p>In this thought-provoking episode, George and West explore the concept of truth and its centrality to our personal and collective lives. They tackle critical questions surrounding truth’s role in the public square, and how we, as a society, can navigate the growing challenges to free expression and intellectual inquiry.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2799</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1bbc7950-d5c4-11ef-a8d1-cf0d31a771ca]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1550777835.mp3?updated=1737222558" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>August H. Nimtz and Kyle A. Edwards, "The Communist and the Revolutionary Liberal in the Second American Revolution" (Brill, 2024)</title>
      <description>The last decade has seen a resurgence of interest and urgency to questions of racial oppression and emancipation. We’ve now had about a decade of activists fighting for the idea that Black Lives Matter which eventually culminated in the summer of 2020 with millions taking to the streets. The actual concrete victories have been more of a mixed bag, which leads us to the question: what sort of politics are needed to achieve real emancipation? This led Kyle Edwards and August Nimtz back to the American Civil War, and more specifically to the writings of Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass. Both wrote quite prolifically on the events that were happening and were enthusiastic about its possibilities for the advancement of human freedom, but both brought some very different political values and ideas to their analysis. In studying these two figures together, Edwards and Nimtz are able to show how both a fight for Communism rooted in class struggle and a revolutionary liberalism rose to this profound historical moment. The result is The Communist and the Revolutionary Liberal in the Second American Revolution: Comparing Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass in Real-Time (Brill, 2024), a study with a concrete answer to the question of what sort of politics will be needed going forward.
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series by Brill and Haymarket.
Kyle Edwards is a Curriculum Administrator at the University of Minnesota, and a member of AFSCME 3800.
August Nimtz is a professor in the political science department at the University of Minnesota. He is the author of numerous books, including Marxism versus Liberalism: Comparative Real-Time Political Analysis and The Ballot, the Streets―or Both: From Marx and Engels to Lenin and the October Revolution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>507</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with August H. Nimtz and Kyle A. Edwards</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The last decade has seen a resurgence of interest and urgency to questions of racial oppression and emancipation. We’ve now had about a decade of activists fighting for the idea that Black Lives Matter which eventually culminated in the summer of 2020 with millions taking to the streets. The actual concrete victories have been more of a mixed bag, which leads us to the question: what sort of politics are needed to achieve real emancipation? This led Kyle Edwards and August Nimtz back to the American Civil War, and more specifically to the writings of Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass. Both wrote quite prolifically on the events that were happening and were enthusiastic about its possibilities for the advancement of human freedom, but both brought some very different political values and ideas to their analysis. In studying these two figures together, Edwards and Nimtz are able to show how both a fight for Communism rooted in class struggle and a revolutionary liberalism rose to this profound historical moment. The result is The Communist and the Revolutionary Liberal in the Second American Revolution: Comparing Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass in Real-Time (Brill, 2024), a study with a concrete answer to the question of what sort of politics will be needed going forward.
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series by Brill and Haymarket.
Kyle Edwards is a Curriculum Administrator at the University of Minnesota, and a member of AFSCME 3800.
August Nimtz is a professor in the political science department at the University of Minnesota. He is the author of numerous books, including Marxism versus Liberalism: Comparative Real-Time Political Analysis and The Ballot, the Streets―or Both: From Marx and Engels to Lenin and the October Revolution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The last decade has seen a resurgence of interest and urgency to questions of racial oppression and emancipation. We’ve now had about a decade of activists fighting for the idea that Black Lives Matter which eventually culminated in the summer of 2020 with millions taking to the streets. The actual concrete victories have been more of a mixed bag, which leads us to the question: what sort of politics are needed to achieve real emancipation? This led Kyle Edwards and August Nimtz back to the American Civil War, and more specifically to the writings of Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass. Both wrote quite prolifically on the events that were happening and were enthusiastic about its possibilities for the advancement of human freedom, but both brought some very different political values and ideas to their analysis. In studying these two figures together, Edwards and Nimtz are able to show how both a fight for Communism rooted in class struggle and a revolutionary liberalism rose to this profound historical moment. The result is <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9789004706378"><em>The Communist and the Revolutionary Liberal in the Second American Revolution: Comparing Karl Marx and Frederick Douglass in Real-Time</em></a> (Brill, 2024), a study with a concrete answer to the question of what sort of politics will be needed going forward.</p><p>Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series by <a href="https://brill.com/display/serial/HM?language=en">Brill</a> and <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/series_collections/1-historical-materialism">Haymarket</a>.</p><p>Kyle Edwards is a Curriculum Administrator at the University of Minnesota, and a member of AFSCME 3800.</p><p>August Nimtz is a professor in the political science department at the University of Minnesota. He is the author of numerous books, including <em>Marxism versus Liberalism: Comparative Real-Time Political Analysis</em> and <em>The Ballot, the Streets―or Both: From Marx and Engels to Lenin and the October Revolution</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5899</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1583224540.mp3?updated=1736954493" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Congressional Deliberation: A Conversation with Kevin J. Burns and Jordan T. Cash</title>
      <description>In this episode, we sit down with Professors Jordan T. Cash and Kevin J. Burns to discuss their recently published book, Congressional Deliberation: Major Debates, Speeches, and Writings, 1774–2023 ﻿(Hackett, 2024). Drawing on a wide array of primary sources, the book offers a deep dive into key historical debates and turning points in U.S. congressional history. We explored how the dynamics of deliberation in the House and Senate have shaped fundamental issues like war powers, impeachment, civil rights, and legislative leadership. With their expertise in American political thought, constitutionalism, and the history of political institutions, Professors Cash and Burns provide a rich, scholarly perspective on the role of Congress in the development of the American political system. Whether you’re a student of history or simply curious about the workings of the U.S. government, this conversation offers valuable insights into the continuing evolution of congressional deliberation.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode, we sit down with Professors Jordan T. Cash and Kevin J. Burns to discuss their recently published book, Congressional Deliberation: Major Debates, Speeches, and Writings, 1774–2023 ﻿(Hackett, 2024). Drawing on a wide array of primary sources, the book offers a deep dive into key historical debates and turning points in U.S. congressional history. We explored how the dynamics of deliberation in the House and Senate have shaped fundamental issues like war powers, impeachment, civil rights, and legislative leadership. With their expertise in American political thought, constitutionalism, and the history of political institutions, Professors Cash and Burns provide a rich, scholarly perspective on the role of Congress in the development of the American political system. Whether you’re a student of history or simply curious about the workings of the U.S. government, this conversation offers valuable insights into the continuing evolution of congressional deliberation.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode, we sit down with Professors Jordan T. Cash and Kevin J. Burns to discuss their recently published book, <a href="https://hackettpublishing.com/congressional-deliberation"><em>Congressional Deliberation: Major Debates, Speeches, and Writings, 1774–2023</em></a><em> </em>﻿(Hackett, 2024). Drawing on a wide array of primary sources, the book offers a deep dive into key historical debates and turning points in U.S. congressional history. We explored how the dynamics of deliberation in the House and Senate have shaped fundamental issues like war powers, impeachment, civil rights, and legislative leadership. With their expertise in American political thought, constitutionalism, and the history of political institutions, Professors Cash and Burns provide a rich, scholarly perspective on the role of Congress in the development of the American political system. Whether you’re a student of history or simply curious about the workings of the U.S. government, this conversation offers valuable insights into the continuing evolution of congressional deliberation.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3383</itunes:duration>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1b0641fc-d291-11ef-a4cb-67fa1842894f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7080887463.mp3?updated=1736870665" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathon Wilson-Hartgrove, "White Poverty: How Exposing Myths About Race and Class Can Reconstruct American Democracy" (Liveright, 2024)</title>
      <description>My guest today is Jonathon Wilson-Hartgrove. Wilson-Hartgrove is a writer, preacher, and moral activist. He is an assistant director at the Center for Public Theology and Public Policy at Yale Divinity School. Wilson-Hartgrove lives with his family at the Rutba House, a house of hospitality in Durham, North Carolina that he founded with H his wife, Leah. Wilson-Hartgrove directs the School for Conversion, a popular education center in Durham committed to "making surprising friendships possible," and is an associate minister at St. John's Missionary Baptist Church. Jonathan is the author or coauthor of more than a dozen books, including Reconstructing the Gospel, The Third Reconstruction, and Strangers at My Door. 
About ﻿White Poverty: How Exposing Myths About Race and Class Can Reconstruct American Democracy (Liveright, 2024):
One of the most pernicious and persistent myths in the United States is the association of Black skin with poverty. Though there are forty million more poor white people than Black people, most Americans, both Republicans and Democrats, continue to think of poverty--along with issues like welfare, unemployment, and food stamps--as solely a Black problem. Why is this so? What are the historical causes? And what are the political consequences that result?
These are among the questions that the Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II, a leading advocate for the rights of the poor and the "closest person we have to Dr. King" (Cornel West), addresses in White Poverty, a groundbreaking work that exposes a legacy of historical myths that continue to define both white and Black people, creating in the process what might seem like an insuperable divide. Analyzing what has changed since the 1930s, when the face of American poverty was white, Barber, along with Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove, addresses white poverty as a hugely neglected subject that just might provide the key to mitigating racism and bringing together tens of millions of working class and impoverished Americans.

Thus challenging the very definition of who is poor in America, Barber writes about the lies that prevent us from seeing the pain of poor white families who have been offered little more than their "whiteness" and angry social media posts to sustain them in an economy where the costs of housing, healthcare, and education have skyrocketed while wages have stagnated for all but the very rich. Asserting in Biblically inspired language that there should never be shame in being poor, White Poverty lifts the hope for a new "moral fusion movement" that seeks to unite people "who have been pitted against one another by politicians (and billionaires) who depend on the poorest of us not being here."
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>200</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathon Wilson-Hartgrove</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>My guest today is Jonathon Wilson-Hartgrove. Wilson-Hartgrove is a writer, preacher, and moral activist. He is an assistant director at the Center for Public Theology and Public Policy at Yale Divinity School. Wilson-Hartgrove lives with his family at the Rutba House, a house of hospitality in Durham, North Carolina that he founded with H his wife, Leah. Wilson-Hartgrove directs the School for Conversion, a popular education center in Durham committed to "making surprising friendships possible," and is an associate minister at St. John's Missionary Baptist Church. Jonathan is the author or coauthor of more than a dozen books, including Reconstructing the Gospel, The Third Reconstruction, and Strangers at My Door. 
About ﻿White Poverty: How Exposing Myths About Race and Class Can Reconstruct American Democracy (Liveright, 2024):
One of the most pernicious and persistent myths in the United States is the association of Black skin with poverty. Though there are forty million more poor white people than Black people, most Americans, both Republicans and Democrats, continue to think of poverty--along with issues like welfare, unemployment, and food stamps--as solely a Black problem. Why is this so? What are the historical causes? And what are the political consequences that result?
These are among the questions that the Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II, a leading advocate for the rights of the poor and the "closest person we have to Dr. King" (Cornel West), addresses in White Poverty, a groundbreaking work that exposes a legacy of historical myths that continue to define both white and Black people, creating in the process what might seem like an insuperable divide. Analyzing what has changed since the 1930s, when the face of American poverty was white, Barber, along with Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove, addresses white poverty as a hugely neglected subject that just might provide the key to mitigating racism and bringing together tens of millions of working class and impoverished Americans.

Thus challenging the very definition of who is poor in America, Barber writes about the lies that prevent us from seeing the pain of poor white families who have been offered little more than their "whiteness" and angry social media posts to sustain them in an economy where the costs of housing, healthcare, and education have skyrocketed while wages have stagnated for all but the very rich. Asserting in Biblically inspired language that there should never be shame in being poor, White Poverty lifts the hope for a new "moral fusion movement" that seeks to unite people "who have been pitted against one another by politicians (and billionaires) who depend on the poorest of us not being here."
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>My guest today is Jonathon Wilson-Hartgrove. Wilson-Hartgrove is a writer, preacher, and moral activist. He is an assistant director at the Center for Public Theology and Public Policy at Yale Divinity School. Wilson-Hartgrove lives with his family at the Rutba House, a house of hospitality in Durham, North Carolina that he founded with H his wife, Leah. Wilson-Hartgrove directs the School for Conversion, a popular education center in Durham committed to "making surprising friendships possible," and is an associate minister at St. John's Missionary Baptist Church. Jonathan is the author or coauthor of more than a dozen books, including <em>Reconstructing the Gospel</em>, <em>The Third Reconstruction</em>, and <em>Strangers at My Door</em>. </p><p>About <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324094876">﻿<em>White Poverty: How Exposing Myths About Race and Class Can Reconstruct American Democracy</em></a> (Liveright, 2024):</p><p>One of the most pernicious and persistent myths in the United States is the association of Black skin with poverty. Though there are forty million more poor white people than Black people, most Americans, both Republicans and Democrats, continue to think of poverty--along with issues like welfare, unemployment, and food stamps--as solely a Black problem. Why is this so? What are the historical causes? And what are the political consequences that result?</p><p>These are among the questions that the Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II, a leading advocate for the rights of the poor and the "closest person we have to Dr. King" (Cornel West), addresses in <em>White Poverty</em>, a groundbreaking work that exposes a legacy of historical myths that continue to define both white and Black people, creating in the process what might seem like an insuperable divide. Analyzing what has changed since the 1930s, when the face of American poverty was white, Barber, along with Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove, addresses white poverty as a hugely neglected subject that just might provide the key to mitigating racism and bringing together tens of millions of working class and impoverished Americans.</p><p><br></p><p>Thus challenging the very definition of who is poor in America, Barber writes about the lies that prevent us from seeing the pain of poor white families who have been offered little more than their "whiteness" and angry social media posts to sustain them in an economy where the costs of housing, healthcare, and education have skyrocketed while wages have stagnated for all but the very rich. Asserting in Biblically inspired language that there should never be shame in being poor, White Poverty lifts the hope for a new "moral fusion movement" that seeks to unite people "who have been pitted against one another by politicians (and billionaires) who depend on the poorest of us not being here."</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3076</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Gabriele Badano and Alasia Nuti, "Politicizing Political Liberalism: On the Containment of Illiberal and Antidemocratic Views" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>How should broadly liberal democratic societies stop illiberal and antidemocratic views from gaining influence while honouring liberal democratic values? This question has become particularly pressing after the recent successes of right-wing populist leaders and parties across Europe, in the US, and beyond. Politicizing Political Liberalism: On the Containment of Illiberal and Antidemocratic Views ﻿(Oxford University Press, 2024) by Alasia Nuti and Gabriele Badano develops a normative account of liberal democratic self-defence that denounces the failures of real-world societies without excusing those supporting illiberal and antidemocratic political actors. This account is innovative in focusing not only on the role of the state but also on the duties of nonstate actors including citizens, partisans, and municipalities. Consequently, it also addresses cases where the central government has at least been partly captured by illiberal and antidemocratic agents. Gabriele Badano and Alasia Nuti's approach builds on John Rawls's treatment of political liberalism and his awareness of the need to 'contain' unreasonable views, that is, views denying that society should treat every person as free and equal through a mutually acceptable system of social cooperation where pluralism is to be expected. The authors offer original solutions to vexed problems within political liberalism by putting forward a new account of the relation between ideal and non-ideal theory, explaining why it is justifiable to exclude unreasonable persons from the constituency of public reason, and showing that the strictures of public reason do not apply to those suffering from severe injustice. In doing so, the book further politicizes political liberalism and turns it into a framework that can insightfully respond to the challenges of real politics.
Alasia Nuti is senior Lecturer in Political Theory at the University of York. Her work is situated at the intersection of analytical political theory, critical theory, gender studies and critical race theory
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. 
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      <pubDate>Thu, 09 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alasia Nuti</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How should broadly liberal democratic societies stop illiberal and antidemocratic views from gaining influence while honouring liberal democratic values? This question has become particularly pressing after the recent successes of right-wing populist leaders and parties across Europe, in the US, and beyond. Politicizing Political Liberalism: On the Containment of Illiberal and Antidemocratic Views ﻿(Oxford University Press, 2024) by Alasia Nuti and Gabriele Badano develops a normative account of liberal democratic self-defence that denounces the failures of real-world societies without excusing those supporting illiberal and antidemocratic political actors. This account is innovative in focusing not only on the role of the state but also on the duties of nonstate actors including citizens, partisans, and municipalities. Consequently, it also addresses cases where the central government has at least been partly captured by illiberal and antidemocratic agents. Gabriele Badano and Alasia Nuti's approach builds on John Rawls's treatment of political liberalism and his awareness of the need to 'contain' unreasonable views, that is, views denying that society should treat every person as free and equal through a mutually acceptable system of social cooperation where pluralism is to be expected. The authors offer original solutions to vexed problems within political liberalism by putting forward a new account of the relation between ideal and non-ideal theory, explaining why it is justifiable to exclude unreasonable persons from the constituency of public reason, and showing that the strictures of public reason do not apply to those suffering from severe injustice. In doing so, the book further politicizes political liberalism and turns it into a framework that can insightfully respond to the challenges of real politics.
Alasia Nuti is senior Lecturer in Political Theory at the University of York. Her work is situated at the intersection of analytical political theory, critical theory, gender studies and critical race theory
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How should broadly liberal democratic societies stop illiberal and antidemocratic views from gaining influence while honouring liberal democratic values? This question has become particularly pressing after the recent successes of right-wing populist leaders and parties across Europe, in the US, and beyond. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192859310"><em>Politicizing Political Liberalism: On the Containment of Illiberal and Antidemocratic Views</em></a><em> </em>﻿(Oxford University Press, 2024) by Alasia Nuti and Gabriele Badano develops a normative account of liberal democratic self-defence that denounces the failures of real-world societies without excusing those supporting illiberal and antidemocratic political actors. This account is innovative in focusing not only on the role of the state but also on the duties of nonstate actors including citizens, partisans, and municipalities. Consequently, it also addresses cases where the central government has at least been partly captured by illiberal and antidemocratic agents. Gabriele Badano and Alasia Nuti's approach builds on John Rawls's treatment of political liberalism and his awareness of the need to 'contain' unreasonable views, that is, views denying that society should treat every person as free and equal through a mutually acceptable system of social cooperation where pluralism is to be expected. The authors offer original solutions to vexed problems within political liberalism by putting forward a new account of the relation between ideal and non-ideal theory, explaining why it is justifiable to exclude unreasonable persons from the constituency of public reason, and showing that the strictures of public reason do not apply to those suffering from severe injustice. In doing so, the book further politicizes political liberalism and turns it into a framework that can insightfully respond to the challenges of real politics.</p><p><strong>Alasia Nuti is senior Lecturer in Political Theory at the University of York. Her work is situated at the intersection of analytical political theory, critical theory, gender studies and critical race theory</strong></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3727</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard, "Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108495639"><em>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4904</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Dean Itsuji Saranillio, "Unsustainable Empire: Alternative Histories of Hawai‘i Statehood" (Duke UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In Unsustainable Empire: Alternative Histories of Hawai‘i Statehood (Duke University Press, 2018), Dean Itsuji Saranillio offers a bold challenge to conventional understandings of Hawai‘i’s admission as a U.S. state. Hawai‘i statehood is popularly remembered as a civil rights victory against racist claims that Hawai‘i was undeserving of statehood because it was a largely non-white territory. Yet Native Hawaiian opposition to statehood has been all but forgotten. Saranillio tracks these disparate stories by marshaling a variety of unexpected genres and archives: exhibits at world's fairs, political cartoons, propaganda films, a multimillion-dollar hoax on Hawai‘i’s tourism industry, water struggles, and stories of hauntings, among others. Saranillio shows that statehood was neither the expansion of U.S. democracy nor a strong nation swallowing a weak and feeble island nation, but the result of a U.S. nation whose economy was unsustainable without enacting a more aggressive policy of imperialism. With clarity and persuasive force about historically and ethically complex issues, Unsustainable Empire provides a more complicated understanding of Hawai‘i’s admission as the fiftieth state and why Native Hawaiian place-based alternatives to U.S. empire are urgently needed.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>41</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dean Itsuji Saranillio</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Unsustainable Empire: Alternative Histories of Hawai‘i Statehood (Duke University Press, 2018), Dean Itsuji Saranillio offers a bold challenge to conventional understandings of Hawai‘i’s admission as a U.S. state. Hawai‘i statehood is popularly remembered as a civil rights victory against racist claims that Hawai‘i was undeserving of statehood because it was a largely non-white territory. Yet Native Hawaiian opposition to statehood has been all but forgotten. Saranillio tracks these disparate stories by marshaling a variety of unexpected genres and archives: exhibits at world's fairs, political cartoons, propaganda films, a multimillion-dollar hoax on Hawai‘i’s tourism industry, water struggles, and stories of hauntings, among others. Saranillio shows that statehood was neither the expansion of U.S. democracy nor a strong nation swallowing a weak and feeble island nation, but the result of a U.S. nation whose economy was unsustainable without enacting a more aggressive policy of imperialism. With clarity and persuasive force about historically and ethically complex issues, Unsustainable Empire provides a more complicated understanding of Hawai‘i’s admission as the fiftieth state and why Native Hawaiian place-based alternatives to U.S. empire are urgently needed.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/147800083X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Unsustainable Empire: Alternative Histories of Hawai‘i Statehood</em></a> (Duke University Press, 2018), <a href="https://as.nyu.edu/content/nyu-as/as/faculty/dean-saranillio.html">Dean Itsuji Saranillio</a> offers a bold challenge to conventional understandings of Hawai‘i’s admission as a U.S. state. Hawai‘i statehood is popularly remembered as a civil rights victory against racist claims that Hawai‘i was undeserving of statehood because it was a largely non-white territory. Yet Native Hawaiian opposition to statehood has been all but forgotten. Saranillio tracks these disparate stories by marshaling a variety of unexpected genres and archives: exhibits at world's fairs, political cartoons, propaganda films, a multimillion-dollar hoax on Hawai‘i’s tourism industry, water struggles, and stories of hauntings, among others. Saranillio shows that statehood was neither the expansion of U.S. democracy nor a strong nation swallowing a weak and feeble island nation, but the result of a U.S. nation whose economy was unsustainable without enacting a more aggressive policy of imperialism. With clarity and persuasive force about historically and ethically complex issues, <em>Unsustainable Empire</em> provides a more complicated understanding of Hawai‘i’s admission as the fiftieth state and why Native Hawaiian place-based alternatives to U.S. empire are urgently needed.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4548</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Devin Fergus, “Land of the Fee: Hidden Costs and the Decline of the American Middle Class” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Politicians, economists, and the media have put forth no shortage of explanations for the mounting problem of wealth inequality – a loss of working class jobs, a rise in finance-driven speculative capitalism, and a surge of tax policy decisions that benefit the ultra-rich, among others. While these arguments focus on the macro problems that contribute to growing inequality, they overlook one innocuous but substantial contributor to the widening divide: the explosion of fees accompanying virtually every transaction that people make.
As Devin Fergus, Arvarh E. Strickland Distinguished Professor of History, Black Studies, and Public Affairs at the University of Missouri, shows in Land of the Fee: Hidden Costs and the Decline of the American Middle Class (Oxford University Press, 2018), these perfectly legal fees are buried deep within the verbose agreements between vendors and consumers – agreements that few people fully read or comprehend. The end effect, Fergus argues, is a massive transfer of wealth from the many to the few: large banking corporations, airlines, corporate hotel chains, and other entities of vast wealth. Fergus traces the fee system from its origins in the deregulatory wave of the late 1970s to the present, placing the development within the larger context of escalating income inequality. He organizes the book around four of the basics of existence: housing, work, transportation, and schooling. In each category, industry lobbyists successfully influenced legislatures into transforming the law until surreptitious fees became the norm.
The average consumer is now subject to a dizzying array of charges in areas like mortgage contracts, banking transactions, auto insurance rates, college payments, and payday loans. The fees that accompany these transactions are not subject to usury laws and have effectively redistributed wealth from the lower and middle classes to ultra-wealthy corporations and the individuals at their pinnacles. By exposing this predatory and nearly invisible system of fees, Land of the Fee will reshape our understanding of wealth inequality in America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 05 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>116</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Devin Fergus</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Politicians, economists, and the media have put forth no shortage of explanations for the mounting problem of wealth inequality – a loss of working class jobs, a rise in finance-driven speculative capitalism, and a surge of tax policy decisions that benefit the ultra-rich, among others. While these arguments focus on the macro problems that contribute to growing inequality, they overlook one innocuous but substantial contributor to the widening divide: the explosion of fees accompanying virtually every transaction that people make.
As Devin Fergus, Arvarh E. Strickland Distinguished Professor of History, Black Studies, and Public Affairs at the University of Missouri, shows in Land of the Fee: Hidden Costs and the Decline of the American Middle Class (Oxford University Press, 2018), these perfectly legal fees are buried deep within the verbose agreements between vendors and consumers – agreements that few people fully read or comprehend. The end effect, Fergus argues, is a massive transfer of wealth from the many to the few: large banking corporations, airlines, corporate hotel chains, and other entities of vast wealth. Fergus traces the fee system from its origins in the deregulatory wave of the late 1970s to the present, placing the development within the larger context of escalating income inequality. He organizes the book around four of the basics of existence: housing, work, transportation, and schooling. In each category, industry lobbyists successfully influenced legislatures into transforming the law until surreptitious fees became the norm.
The average consumer is now subject to a dizzying array of charges in areas like mortgage contracts, banking transactions, auto insurance rates, college payments, and payday loans. The fees that accompany these transactions are not subject to usury laws and have effectively redistributed wealth from the lower and middle classes to ultra-wealthy corporations and the individuals at their pinnacles. By exposing this predatory and nearly invisible system of fees, Land of the Fee will reshape our understanding of wealth inequality in America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Politicians, economists, and the media have put forth no shortage of explanations for the mounting problem of wealth inequality – a loss of working class jobs, a rise in finance-driven speculative capitalism, and a surge of tax policy decisions that benefit the ultra-rich, among others. While these arguments focus on the macro problems that contribute to growing inequality, they overlook one innocuous but substantial contributor to the widening divide: the explosion of fees accompanying virtually every transaction that people make.</p><p>As <a href="https://history.missouri.edu/people/fergus">Devin Fergus</a>, Arvarh E. Strickland Distinguished Professor of History, Black Studies, and Public Affairs at the University of Missouri, shows in <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QpWOIyatOJTs5Fo0w3S_36UAAAFlTSBNsAEAAAFKAcSpRgg/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0199970165/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0199970165&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=x..61X5EA8.QRfTbGazOjw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Land of the Fee: Hidden Costs and the Decline of the American Middle Class</a> (Oxford University Press, 2018), these perfectly legal fees are buried deep within the verbose agreements between vendors and consumers – agreements that few people fully read or comprehend. The end effect, Fergus argues, is a massive transfer of wealth from the many to the few: large banking corporations, airlines, corporate hotel chains, and other entities of vast wealth. Fergus traces the fee system from its origins in the deregulatory wave of the late 1970s to the present, placing the development within the larger context of escalating income inequality. He organizes the book around four of the basics of existence: housing, work, transportation, and schooling. In each category, industry lobbyists successfully influenced legislatures into transforming the law until surreptitious fees became the norm.</p><p>The average consumer is now subject to a dizzying array of charges in areas like mortgage contracts, banking transactions, auto insurance rates, college payments, and payday loans. The fees that accompany these transactions are not subject to usury laws and have effectively redistributed wealth from the lower and middle classes to ultra-wealthy corporations and the individuals at their pinnacles. By exposing this predatory and nearly invisible system of fees, Land of the Fee will reshape our understanding of wealth inequality in America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2585</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Todd McGowan, "Universality and Identity Politics" (Columbia UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.
This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, Universality and Identity Politics (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.
Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are The Impossible David Lynch (2007), Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets (2016), and Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the Why Theory podcast, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 04 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>287</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Todd McGowan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.
This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, Universality and Identity Politics (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.
Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are The Impossible David Lynch (2007), Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets (2016), and Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the Why Theory podcast, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.</p><p>This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231197700"><em>Universality and Identity Politics</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.</p><p>Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are <em>The Impossible David Lynch</em> (2007), <em>Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets</em> (2016), and <em>Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution</em> (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/au/podcast/why-theory/id1299863834">Why Theory podcast</a>, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3685</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Simon Miles, "Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War" (Cornell UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In a narrative-redefining approach, Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War (Cornell UP, 2020) dramatically alters how we look at the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Tracking key events in US-Soviet relations across the years between 1980 and 1985, Simon Miles shows that covert engagement gave way to overt conversation as both superpowers determined that open diplomacy was the best means of furthering their own, primarily competitive, goals. Miles narrates the history of these dramatic years, as President Ronald Reagan consistently applied a disciplined carrot-and-stick approach, reaching out to Moscow while at the same time excoriating the Soviet system and building up US military capabilities.
The received wisdom in diplomatic circles is that the beginning of the end of the Cold War came from changing policy preferences and that President Reagan in particular opted for a more conciliatory and less bellicose diplomatic approach. In reality, as Miles vividly demonstrates, Reagan and ranking officials in the National Security Council had determined that the United States enjoyed a strategic margin of error that permitted it to engage Moscow overtly.
As US grand strategy developed, so did that of the Soviet Union. Engaging the Evil Empire covers five critical years of Cold War history when Soviet leaders tried to reduce tensions between the two nations in order to gain economic breathing room and, to ensure domestic political stability, prioritize expenditures on butter over those on guns. Written with style and verve, Miles's bold narrative shifts the focus of Cold War historians away from exclusive attention on Washington by focusing on the years of back-channel communiqués and internal strategy debates in Moscow as well as Budapest, Prague, and East Berlin.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 04 Jan 2025 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Simon Miles</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a narrative-redefining approach, Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War (Cornell UP, 2020) dramatically alters how we look at the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Tracking key events in US-Soviet relations across the years between 1980 and 1985, Simon Miles shows that covert engagement gave way to overt conversation as both superpowers determined that open diplomacy was the best means of furthering their own, primarily competitive, goals. Miles narrates the history of these dramatic years, as President Ronald Reagan consistently applied a disciplined carrot-and-stick approach, reaching out to Moscow while at the same time excoriating the Soviet system and building up US military capabilities.
The received wisdom in diplomatic circles is that the beginning of the end of the Cold War came from changing policy preferences and that President Reagan in particular opted for a more conciliatory and less bellicose diplomatic approach. In reality, as Miles vividly demonstrates, Reagan and ranking officials in the National Security Council had determined that the United States enjoyed a strategic margin of error that permitted it to engage Moscow overtly.
As US grand strategy developed, so did that of the Soviet Union. Engaging the Evil Empire covers five critical years of Cold War history when Soviet leaders tried to reduce tensions between the two nations in order to gain economic breathing room and, to ensure domestic political stability, prioritize expenditures on butter over those on guns. Written with style and verve, Miles's bold narrative shifts the focus of Cold War historians away from exclusive attention on Washington by focusing on the years of back-channel communiqués and internal strategy debates in Moscow as well as Budapest, Prague, and East Berlin.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a narrative-redefining approach, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501751691"><em>Engaging the Evil Empire: Washington, Moscow, and the Beginning of the End of the Cold War</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2020) dramatically alters how we look at the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Tracking key events in US-Soviet relations across the years between 1980 and 1985, Simon Miles shows that covert engagement gave way to overt conversation as both superpowers determined that open diplomacy was the best means of furthering their own, primarily competitive, goals. Miles narrates the history of these dramatic years, as President Ronald Reagan consistently applied a disciplined carrot-and-stick approach, reaching out to Moscow while at the same time excoriating the Soviet system and building up US military capabilities.</p><p>The received wisdom in diplomatic circles is that the beginning of the end of the Cold War came from changing policy preferences and that President Reagan in particular opted for a more conciliatory and less bellicose diplomatic approach. In reality, as Miles vividly demonstrates, Reagan and ranking officials in the National Security Council had determined that the United States enjoyed a strategic margin of error that permitted it to engage Moscow overtly.</p><p>As US grand strategy developed, so did that of the Soviet Union. <em>Engaging the Evil Empire</em> covers five critical years of Cold War history when Soviet leaders tried to reduce tensions between the two nations in order to gain economic breathing room and, to ensure domestic political stability, prioritize expenditures on butter over those on guns. Written with style and verve, Miles's bold narrative shifts the focus of Cold War historians away from exclusive attention on Washington by focusing on the years of back-channel communiqués and internal strategy debates in Moscow as well as Budapest, Prague, and East Berlin.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4346</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mike Madrid, "The Latino Century: How America's Largest Minority Is Transforming Democracy" (Simon and Schuster, 2024)</title>
      <description>In 2020, Latinos became the second largest ethnic voting group in the country. They make up the largest plurality of residents in the most populous states in the union, as well as the fastest segment of the most important swing states in the US Electoral College. Fitting neither the stereotype of the aggrieved minority voter nor the traditional assimilating immigrant group, Latinos are challenging both political parties' notions of race, religious beliefs, economic success, and the American dream. Given their exploding numbers—and their growing ability to determine the fate of local, state, and national elections—you’d think the two major political parties would understand Latino voters. After all, their emergence on the national scene is not a new phenomenon. But they still don’t.
Republicans, not because of their best efforts but rather despite them, are just beginning to see a movement of Latinos toward the GOP. Democrats, for the moment, still win a commanding share of the Latino vote, but that share is dwindling fast. Now, in The Latino Century: How America's Largest Minority Is Transforming Democracy (Simon and Schuster, 2024), veteran political consultant Mike Madrid uses thirty years of research and campaign experience at some of the highest levels on both sides of the aisle to address what might be the most critical questions of our time: Will the rise of Latino voters continue to foment the hyper-partisan and explosive tribalism of our age or will they usher in a new pluralism that advances the arc of social progress? How and why are both political parties so uniquely unprepared for the coming wave of Latino votes? And what must each party do to win those votes?
By answering these questions, The Latino Century explores the true meaning of America at a time of rapid cultural change, the founding principles of self-government and individual responsibility, and one man’s journey through a political party that has turned itself inside out.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>118</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mike Madrid</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2020, Latinos became the second largest ethnic voting group in the country. They make up the largest plurality of residents in the most populous states in the union, as well as the fastest segment of the most important swing states in the US Electoral College. Fitting neither the stereotype of the aggrieved minority voter nor the traditional assimilating immigrant group, Latinos are challenging both political parties' notions of race, religious beliefs, economic success, and the American dream. Given their exploding numbers—and their growing ability to determine the fate of local, state, and national elections—you’d think the two major political parties would understand Latino voters. After all, their emergence on the national scene is not a new phenomenon. But they still don’t.
Republicans, not because of their best efforts but rather despite them, are just beginning to see a movement of Latinos toward the GOP. Democrats, for the moment, still win a commanding share of the Latino vote, but that share is dwindling fast. Now, in The Latino Century: How America's Largest Minority Is Transforming Democracy (Simon and Schuster, 2024), veteran political consultant Mike Madrid uses thirty years of research and campaign experience at some of the highest levels on both sides of the aisle to address what might be the most critical questions of our time: Will the rise of Latino voters continue to foment the hyper-partisan and explosive tribalism of our age or will they usher in a new pluralism that advances the arc of social progress? How and why are both political parties so uniquely unprepared for the coming wave of Latino votes? And what must each party do to win those votes?
By answering these questions, The Latino Century explores the true meaning of America at a time of rapid cultural change, the founding principles of self-government and individual responsibility, and one man’s journey through a political party that has turned itself inside out.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2020, Latinos became the second largest ethnic voting group in the country. They make up the largest plurality of residents in the most populous states in the union, as well as the fastest segment of the most important swing states in the US Electoral College. Fitting neither the stereotype of the aggrieved minority voter nor the traditional assimilating immigrant group, Latinos are challenging both political parties' notions of race, religious beliefs, economic success, and the American dream. Given their exploding numbers—and their growing ability to determine the fate of local, state, and national elections—you’d think the two major political parties would understand Latino voters. After all, their emergence on the national scene is not a new phenomenon. But they still don’t.</p><p>Republicans, not because of their best efforts but rather despite them, are just beginning to see a movement of Latinos toward the GOP. Democrats, for the moment, still win a commanding share of the Latino vote, but that share is dwindling fast. Now, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668015261"><em>The Latino Century: How America's Largest Minority Is Transforming Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Simon and Schuster, 2024), veteran political consultant Mike Madrid uses thirty years of research and campaign experience at some of the highest levels on both sides of the aisle to address what might be the most critical questions of our time: Will the rise of Latino voters continue to foment the hyper-partisan and explosive tribalism of our age or will they usher in a new pluralism that advances the arc of social progress? How and why are both political parties so uniquely unprepared for the coming wave of Latino votes? And what must each party do to win those votes?</p><p>By answering these questions, <em>The Latino Century</em> explores the true meaning of America at a time of rapid cultural change, the founding principles of self-government and individual responsibility, and one man’s journey through a political party that has turned itself inside out.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Leah Downey, "Our Money: Monetary Policy as If Democracy Matters" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>How the creation of money and monetary policy can be more democratic.
The power to create money is foundational to the state. In the United States, that power has been largely delegated to private banks governed by an independent central bank. Putting monetary policy in the hands of a set of insulated, nonelected experts has fueled the popular rejection of expertise as well as a widespread dissatisfaction with democratically elected officials. 
In Our Money: Monetary Policy as If Democracy Matters (Princeton UP, 2024), Leah Downey makes a principled case against central bank independence (CBI) by both challenging the economic theory behind it and developing a democratic rationale for sustaining the power of the legislature to determine who can create money and on what terms. How states govern money creation has an impact on the capacity of the people and their elected officials to steer policy over time. In a healthy democracy, Downey argues, the balance of power over money creation matters.
Downey applies and develops democratic theory through an exploration of monetary policy. In so doing, she develops a novel theory of independent agencies in the context of democratic government, arguing that states can employ expertise without being ruled by experts. Downey argues that it is through iterative governance, the legislature knowing and regularly showing its power over policy, that the people can retain their democratic power to guide policy in the modern state. As for contemporary macroeconomic arguments in defense of central bank independence, Downey suggests that the purported economic benefits do not outweigh the democratic costs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>111</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Leah Downey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the creation of money and monetary policy can be more democratic.
The power to create money is foundational to the state. In the United States, that power has been largely delegated to private banks governed by an independent central bank. Putting monetary policy in the hands of a set of insulated, nonelected experts has fueled the popular rejection of expertise as well as a widespread dissatisfaction with democratically elected officials. 
In Our Money: Monetary Policy as If Democracy Matters (Princeton UP, 2024), Leah Downey makes a principled case against central bank independence (CBI) by both challenging the economic theory behind it and developing a democratic rationale for sustaining the power of the legislature to determine who can create money and on what terms. How states govern money creation has an impact on the capacity of the people and their elected officials to steer policy over time. In a healthy democracy, Downey argues, the balance of power over money creation matters.
Downey applies and develops democratic theory through an exploration of monetary policy. In so doing, she develops a novel theory of independent agencies in the context of democratic government, arguing that states can employ expertise without being ruled by experts. Downey argues that it is through iterative governance, the legislature knowing and regularly showing its power over policy, that the people can retain their democratic power to guide policy in the modern state. As for contemporary macroeconomic arguments in defense of central bank independence, Downey suggests that the purported economic benefits do not outweigh the democratic costs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the creation of money and monetary policy can be more democratic.</p><p>The power to create money is foundational to the state. In the United States, that power has been largely delegated to private banks governed by an independent central bank. Putting monetary policy in the hands of a set of insulated, nonelected experts has fueled the popular rejection of expertise as well as a widespread dissatisfaction with democratically elected officials. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691244433"><em>Our Money: Monetary Policy as If Democracy Matters </em></a>(Princeton UP, 2024), Leah Downey makes a principled case against central bank independence (CBI) by both challenging the economic theory behind it and developing a democratic rationale for sustaining the power of the legislature to determine who can create money and on what terms. How states govern money creation has an impact on the capacity of the people and their elected officials to steer policy over time. In a healthy democracy, Downey argues, the balance of power over money creation matters.</p><p>Downey applies and develops democratic theory through an exploration of monetary policy. In so doing, she develops a novel theory of independent agencies in the context of democratic government, arguing that states can employ expertise without being ruled by experts. Downey argues that it is through iterative governance, the legislature knowing and regularly showing its power over policy, that the people can retain their democratic power to guide policy in the modern state. As for contemporary macroeconomic arguments in defense of central bank independence, Downey suggests that the purported economic benefits do not outweigh the democratic costs.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2405</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Free Inquiry in the Academy and Beyond</title>
      <description>In this episode of Madison’s Notes, we’re joined by Professors Amna Khalid and Jeff Snyder for a thought-provoking discussion on the state of free speech in today’s polarized climate. We explore the role of the university as a space for critical inquiry, the challenges to academic freedom, and the growing tensions between open discourse and political pressures. Professors Khalid and Snyder share their perspectives on the biggest threats to free speech today, offering insight into how institutions of higher learning can navigate these complex issues while remaining true to their educational mission. Tune in for a deep dive into the intersection of free expression, education, and the broader societal forces shaping our public discourse.
Amna Khalid is an Associate Professor in the department of History at Carleton College. She specializes in modern South Asian history, the history of medicine and the global history of free expression. Khalid is the author of multiple book chapters on the history of public health in nineteenth-century India, with an emphasis on the connections between Hindu pilgrimages and the spread of epidemics. She completed a Bachelor’s Degree at Lahore University of Management Sciences and earned both an MPhil in Development Studies and a DPhil in History from Oxford University. Growing up under a series of military dictatorships in Pakistan, Khalid has a strong interest in issues relating to free expression. She hosts a podcast and accompanying blog called “Banished,” which explores censorship controversies in the past and present.
Jeff Snyder is an Associate Professor in the department of Educational Studies at Carleton College. He is a historian of education, whose work examines questions about race, national identity and the purpose of public education in a diverse, democratic society. Snyder is the author of the book, Making Black History: The Color Line, Culture and Race in the Age of Jim Crow. He holds a BA from Carleton, an EdM in Learning and Teaching from the Harvard Graduate School of Education and a PhD in the History of Education from New York University. Before pursuing graduate studies, Snyder taught English to Speakers of Other Languages in the Czech Republic, France, China, India, Nepal and the United States.

Khalid and Snyder speak regularly together about academic freedom, free speech and campus politics at colleges and universities across the country. They write frequently on these issues for newspapers and magazines, including The Chronicle of Higher Education, The New Republic and The Washington Post. During the 2022/23 academic year, Khalid and Snyder were fellows with the University of California National Center for Free Speech and Civic Engagement. Their research focused on threats to academic freedom in Florida, the state at the epicenter of the conservative “culture wars” movement to encourage state intervention in public school classrooms. Based on interviews they conducted with Florida faculty members, Khalid and Snyder submitted an amicus brief supporting the plaintiffs who are challenging the Stop WOKE Act.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>131</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Amna Khalid and Jeff Snyder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of Madison’s Notes, we’re joined by Professors Amna Khalid and Jeff Snyder for a thought-provoking discussion on the state of free speech in today’s polarized climate. We explore the role of the university as a space for critical inquiry, the challenges to academic freedom, and the growing tensions between open discourse and political pressures. Professors Khalid and Snyder share their perspectives on the biggest threats to free speech today, offering insight into how institutions of higher learning can navigate these complex issues while remaining true to their educational mission. Tune in for a deep dive into the intersection of free expression, education, and the broader societal forces shaping our public discourse.
Amna Khalid is an Associate Professor in the department of History at Carleton College. She specializes in modern South Asian history, the history of medicine and the global history of free expression. Khalid is the author of multiple book chapters on the history of public health in nineteenth-century India, with an emphasis on the connections between Hindu pilgrimages and the spread of epidemics. She completed a Bachelor’s Degree at Lahore University of Management Sciences and earned both an MPhil in Development Studies and a DPhil in History from Oxford University. Growing up under a series of military dictatorships in Pakistan, Khalid has a strong interest in issues relating to free expression. She hosts a podcast and accompanying blog called “Banished,” which explores censorship controversies in the past and present.
Jeff Snyder is an Associate Professor in the department of Educational Studies at Carleton College. He is a historian of education, whose work examines questions about race, national identity and the purpose of public education in a diverse, democratic society. Snyder is the author of the book, Making Black History: The Color Line, Culture and Race in the Age of Jim Crow. He holds a BA from Carleton, an EdM in Learning and Teaching from the Harvard Graduate School of Education and a PhD in the History of Education from New York University. Before pursuing graduate studies, Snyder taught English to Speakers of Other Languages in the Czech Republic, France, China, India, Nepal and the United States.

Khalid and Snyder speak regularly together about academic freedom, free speech and campus politics at colleges and universities across the country. They write frequently on these issues for newspapers and magazines, including The Chronicle of Higher Education, The New Republic and The Washington Post. During the 2022/23 academic year, Khalid and Snyder were fellows with the University of California National Center for Free Speech and Civic Engagement. Their research focused on threats to academic freedom in Florida, the state at the epicenter of the conservative “culture wars” movement to encourage state intervention in public school classrooms. Based on interviews they conducted with Florida faculty members, Khalid and Snyder submitted an amicus brief supporting the plaintiffs who are challenging the Stop WOKE Act.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, we’re joined by Professors Amna Khalid and Jeff Snyder for a thought-provoking discussion on the state of free speech in today’s polarized climate. We explore the role of the university as a space for critical inquiry, the challenges to academic freedom, and the growing tensions between open discourse and political pressures. Professors Khalid and Snyder share their perspectives on the biggest threats to free speech today, offering insight into how institutions of higher learning can navigate these complex issues while remaining true to their educational mission. Tune in for a deep dive into the intersection of free expression, education, and the broader societal forces shaping our public discourse.</p><p><strong>Amna Khalid</strong> is an Associate Professor in the department of History at Carleton College. She specializes in modern South Asian history, the history of medicine and the global history of free expression. Khalid is the author of multiple book chapters on the history of public health in nineteenth-century India, with an emphasis on the connections between Hindu pilgrimages and the spread of epidemics. She completed a Bachelor’s Degree at Lahore University of Management Sciences and earned both an MPhil in Development Studies and a DPhil in History from Oxford University. Growing up under a series of military dictatorships in Pakistan, Khalid has a strong interest in issues relating to free expression. She hosts a podcast and accompanying blog called “Banished,” which explores censorship controversies in the past and present.</p><p><strong>Jeff Snyder</strong> is an Associate Professor in the department of Educational Studies at Carleton College. He is a historian of education, whose work examines questions about race, national identity and the purpose of public education in a diverse, democratic society. Snyder is the author of the book, <em>Making Black History: The Color Line, Culture and Race in the Age of Jim Crow</em>. He holds a BA from Carleton, an EdM in Learning and Teaching from the Harvard Graduate School of Education and a PhD in the History of Education from New York University. Before pursuing graduate studies, Snyder taught English to Speakers of Other Languages in the Czech Republic, France, China, India, Nepal and the United States.</p><p><br></p><p>Khalid and Snyder speak regularly together about academic freedom, free speech and campus politics at colleges and universities across the country. They write frequently on these issues for newspapers and magazines, including <em>The Chronicle of Higher Education</em>, <em>The New Republic</em> and <em>The Washington Post</em>. During the 2022/23 academic year, Khalid and Snyder were fellows with the University of California National Center for Free Speech and Civic Engagement. Their research focused on threats to academic freedom in Florida, the state at the epicenter of the conservative “culture wars” movement to encourage state intervention in public school classrooms. Based on interviews they conducted with Florida faculty members, Khalid and Snyder submitted an amicus brief supporting the plaintiffs who are challenging the Stop WOKE Act.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3325</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[85c4358c-ba3e-11ef-b7cb-6361fc07e7a9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6310785637.mp3?updated=1734196491" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paul Pierson and Eric Schickler, "Partisan Nation: The Dangerous New Logic of American Politics in a Nationalized Era" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>American democracy is in trouble. At the heart of the contemporary crisis is a mismatch between America's Constitution and today's nationalized, partisan politics. Although American political institutions remain federated and fragmented, the ground beneath them has moved, with the national subsuming and transforming the local. 
In Partisan Nation: The Dangerous New Logic of American Politics in a Nationalized Era (U Chicago Press, 2024), political scientists Paul Pierson and Eric Schickler bring today's challenges into new perspective. Attentive to the different coalitions, interests, and incentives that define the Democratic and Republican parties, they show how contemporary polarization emerged in a rapidly nationalizing country and how it differs from polarization in past eras. In earlier periods, three key features of the political landscape-state parties, interest groups, and media-varied locally and reinforced the nation's stark regional diversity. They created openings for new policy demands and factional divisions that disrupted party lines. But this began to change in the 1960s as the two parties assumed clearer ideological identities and the power of the national government expanded, raising the stakes of conflict. Together with technological and economic change, these developments have reconfigured state parties, interest groups, and media in self-reinforcing ways. Now thoroughly integrated into a single political order and tightly coupled with partisanship, they no longer militate against polarization. Instead, they accelerate it. Precisely because today's polarization is different, it is self-perpetuating and, indeed, intensifying. With the precision and acuity characteristic of both authors' earlier work, Pierson and Schickler explain what these developments mean for American governance and democracy. They show that America's political system is distinctively, and acutely, vulnerable to an authoritarian movement emerging in the contemporary Republican Party, which has both the motive and the means to exploit America's unusual Constitutional design.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>199</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric Schickler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American democracy is in trouble. At the heart of the contemporary crisis is a mismatch between America's Constitution and today's nationalized, partisan politics. Although American political institutions remain federated and fragmented, the ground beneath them has moved, with the national subsuming and transforming the local. 
In Partisan Nation: The Dangerous New Logic of American Politics in a Nationalized Era (U Chicago Press, 2024), political scientists Paul Pierson and Eric Schickler bring today's challenges into new perspective. Attentive to the different coalitions, interests, and incentives that define the Democratic and Republican parties, they show how contemporary polarization emerged in a rapidly nationalizing country and how it differs from polarization in past eras. In earlier periods, three key features of the political landscape-state parties, interest groups, and media-varied locally and reinforced the nation's stark regional diversity. They created openings for new policy demands and factional divisions that disrupted party lines. But this began to change in the 1960s as the two parties assumed clearer ideological identities and the power of the national government expanded, raising the stakes of conflict. Together with technological and economic change, these developments have reconfigured state parties, interest groups, and media in self-reinforcing ways. Now thoroughly integrated into a single political order and tightly coupled with partisanship, they no longer militate against polarization. Instead, they accelerate it. Precisely because today's polarization is different, it is self-perpetuating and, indeed, intensifying. With the precision and acuity characteristic of both authors' earlier work, Pierson and Schickler explain what these developments mean for American governance and democracy. They show that America's political system is distinctively, and acutely, vulnerable to an authoritarian movement emerging in the contemporary Republican Party, which has both the motive and the means to exploit America's unusual Constitutional design.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>American democracy is in trouble. At the heart of the contemporary crisis is a mismatch between America's Constitution and today's nationalized, partisan politics. Although American political institutions remain federated and fragmented, the ground beneath them has moved, with the national subsuming and transforming the local. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226836430"><em>Partisan Nation: The Dangerous New Logic of American Politics in a Nationalized Era</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2024), political scientists Paul Pierson and Eric Schickler bring today's challenges into new perspective. Attentive to the different coalitions, interests, and incentives that define the Democratic and Republican parties, they show how contemporary polarization emerged in a rapidly nationalizing country and how it differs from polarization in past eras. In earlier periods, three key features of the political landscape-state parties, interest groups, and media-varied locally and reinforced the nation's stark regional diversity. They created openings for new policy demands and factional divisions that disrupted party lines. But this began to change in the 1960s as the two parties assumed clearer ideological identities and the power of the national government expanded, raising the stakes of conflict. Together with technological and economic change, these developments have reconfigured state parties, interest groups, and media in self-reinforcing ways. Now thoroughly integrated into a single political order and tightly coupled with partisanship, they no longer militate against polarization. Instead, they accelerate it. Precisely because today's polarization is different, it is self-perpetuating and, indeed, intensifying. With the precision and acuity characteristic of both authors' earlier work, Pierson and Schickler explain what these developments mean for American governance and democracy. They show that America's political system is distinctively, and acutely, vulnerable to an authoritarian movement emerging in the contemporary Republican Party, which has both the motive and the means to exploit America's unusual Constitutional design.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1934</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert Danisch, "Rhetorical Democracy: How Communication Shapes Political Culture" (Rowman and Littlefield, 2024)</title>
      <description>Rhetorical Democracy: How Communication Shapes Political Culture (Rowman and Littlefield, 2024) offers an explanation and diagnosis of the current state of American democracy rooted in the American pragmatist tradition. Robert Danisch analyzes the characteristics of communication systems and communication practices that inhibit or enhance democratic life. In doing so, this book provides a detailed explanation of the ways in which the communication systems and practices that constitute democratic life are currently fostering polarization and how they might be made to foster cooperation. Scholars of communication, rhetorical studies, political science, and media studies will find this book of particular interest.
Robert Danisch is Professor of Communication Arts at the University of Waterloo whose research interests include rhetorical theory, persuasion, and public communication in democratic societies. He is the author of Pragmatism, Democracy and the Necessity of Rhetoric, Building a Rhetorical Democracy: The Promise of Rhetorical Pragmatism as well as journal articles and several co-authored books. He is also the host of the podcast Now We’re Talking that focuses on communication skills.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>144</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert Danisch</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Rhetorical Democracy: How Communication Shapes Political Culture (Rowman and Littlefield, 2024) offers an explanation and diagnosis of the current state of American democracy rooted in the American pragmatist tradition. Robert Danisch analyzes the characteristics of communication systems and communication practices that inhibit or enhance democratic life. In doing so, this book provides a detailed explanation of the ways in which the communication systems and practices that constitute democratic life are currently fostering polarization and how they might be made to foster cooperation. Scholars of communication, rhetorical studies, political science, and media studies will find this book of particular interest.
Robert Danisch is Professor of Communication Arts at the University of Waterloo whose research interests include rhetorical theory, persuasion, and public communication in democratic societies. He is the author of Pragmatism, Democracy and the Necessity of Rhetoric, Building a Rhetorical Democracy: The Promise of Rhetorical Pragmatism as well as journal articles and several co-authored books. He is also the host of the podcast Now We’re Talking that focuses on communication skills.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781666961942/Rhetorical-Democracy-How-Communication-Shapes-Political-Culture"><em>Rhetorical Democracy: How Communication Shapes Political Culture</em></a> (Rowman and Littlefield, 2024) offers an explanation and diagnosis of the current state of American democracy rooted in the American pragmatist tradition. Robert Danisch analyzes the characteristics of communication systems and communication practices that inhibit or enhance democratic life. In doing so, this book provides a detailed explanation of the ways in which the communication systems and practices that constitute democratic life are currently fostering polarization and how they might be made to foster cooperation. Scholars of communication, rhetorical studies, political science, and media studies will find this book of particular interest.</p><p>Robert Danisch is Professor of Communication Arts at the University of Waterloo whose research interests include rhetorical theory, persuasion, and public communication in democratic societies. He is the author of <em>Pragmatism, Democracy and the Necessity of Rhetoric, Building a Rhetorical Democracy: The Promise of Rhetorical Pragmatism </em>as well as journal articles and several co-authored books. He is also the host of the podcast <em>Now We’re Talking</em> that focuses on communication skills.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3222</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c54c1bd8-b8c8-11ef-b4cf-176bc5e01915]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6926076821.mp3?updated=1734036411" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Oliver Rosales, "Civil Rights in Bakersfield: Segregation and Multiracial Activism in the Central Valley" (U Texas Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In Civil Rights in Bakersfield: Segregation and Multiracial Activism in the Central Valley (University of Texas Press, 2024), Oliver Rosales uncovers the role of the multiracial west in shaping the course of US civil rights history. Focusing on Bakersfield, one of the few sizable cities within California’s Central Valley for much of the twentieth century in a region most commonly known as a bastion of political conservatism, oil, and industrial agriculture, Rosales documents how multiracial coalitions emerged to challenge histories of racial segregation and discrimination. He recounts how the region was home to both the historic farm worker movement, led by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Larry Itliong, and also a robust multiracial civil rights movement beyond the fields. This multiracial push for civil rights reform included struggles for fair housing, school integration, public health, media representation, and greater political representation for Black and Brown communities. In expanding on this history of multiracial activism, Rosales further explores the challenges activists faced in community organizing and how the legacies of coalition building contribute to ongoing activist efforts in the Central Valley of today.
*At around 1:07:00, Oliver said Teresa Rodriguez instead of the correct name, Rebecca Flores.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>117</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Oliver Rosales</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Civil Rights in Bakersfield: Segregation and Multiracial Activism in the Central Valley (University of Texas Press, 2024), Oliver Rosales uncovers the role of the multiracial west in shaping the course of US civil rights history. Focusing on Bakersfield, one of the few sizable cities within California’s Central Valley for much of the twentieth century in a region most commonly known as a bastion of political conservatism, oil, and industrial agriculture, Rosales documents how multiracial coalitions emerged to challenge histories of racial segregation and discrimination. He recounts how the region was home to both the historic farm worker movement, led by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Larry Itliong, and also a robust multiracial civil rights movement beyond the fields. This multiracial push for civil rights reform included struggles for fair housing, school integration, public health, media representation, and greater political representation for Black and Brown communities. In expanding on this history of multiracial activism, Rosales further explores the challenges activists faced in community organizing and how the legacies of coalition building contribute to ongoing activist efforts in the Central Valley of today.
*At around 1:07:00, Oliver said Teresa Rodriguez instead of the correct name, Rebecca Flores.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477329597"><em>Civil Rights in Bakersfield: Segregation and Multiracial Activism in the Central Valley </em></a>(University of Texas Press, 2024), Oliver Rosales uncovers the role of the multiracial west in shaping the course of US civil rights history. Focusing on Bakersfield, one of the few sizable cities within California’s Central Valley for much of the twentieth century in a region most commonly known as a bastion of political conservatism, oil, and industrial agriculture, Rosales documents how multiracial coalitions emerged to challenge histories of racial segregation and discrimination. He recounts how the region was home to both the historic farm worker movement, led by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Larry Itliong, and also a robust multiracial civil rights movement beyond the fields. This multiracial push for civil rights reform included struggles for fair housing, school integration, public health, media representation, and greater political representation for Black and Brown communities. In expanding on this history of multiracial activism, Rosales further explores the challenges activists faced in community organizing and how the legacies of coalition building contribute to ongoing activist efforts in the Central Valley of today.</p><p>*At around 1:07:00, Oliver said Teresa Rodriguez instead of the correct name, Rebecca Flores.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4065</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e3f839f6-b8ad-11ef-b731-f7044afab9ad]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How to Tackle Political Violence</title>
      <description>In the United States, France, and Germany, political violence has been rising. This is particularly troubling as we lack compelling explanations for why this is happening, and effective responses to stop it. A powerful new argument from Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca suggests that the problem is not just emotive political polarization. Extreme political parties, irresponsible leaders and democratic disillusionment also play key roles, and are eating away at the heart of our political systems. Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Rachel Kleinfeld about the five strategies that can reduce political violence, the distinctive approach that has to be taken in polarised democracies, and why more aggressive forms of protest against populist and anti-system movements may only make matters worse.
Rachel Kleinfeld is a senior fellow in Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program. Her influential work on troubled democracies facing problems such as polarized populations, violence, corruption, and poor governance bridges the United States and international cases. In addition to her research and analysis, Kleinfeld is known for in actively seeking practical solutions to today’s problems. To that end, she serves as a trustee of the National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, and States United for Democracy and on the advisory board of Protect Democracy. She is a senior advisor to the Democracy Funders Network and is a member of the National Task Force on Election Crises.
This episode is based on Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca’s article titled “How to Prevent Political Violence” that was published in the October 2024 issues of the Journal of Democracy.
Dr Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>26</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Rachel Kleinfeld</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, France, and Germany, political violence has been rising. This is particularly troubling as we lack compelling explanations for why this is happening, and effective responses to stop it. A powerful new argument from Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca suggests that the problem is not just emotive political polarization. Extreme political parties, irresponsible leaders and democratic disillusionment also play key roles, and are eating away at the heart of our political systems. Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Rachel Kleinfeld about the five strategies that can reduce political violence, the distinctive approach that has to be taken in polarised democracies, and why more aggressive forms of protest against populist and anti-system movements may only make matters worse.
Rachel Kleinfeld is a senior fellow in Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program. Her influential work on troubled democracies facing problems such as polarized populations, violence, corruption, and poor governance bridges the United States and international cases. In addition to her research and analysis, Kleinfeld is known for in actively seeking practical solutions to today’s problems. To that end, she serves as a trustee of the National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, and States United for Democracy and on the advisory board of Protect Democracy. She is a senior advisor to the Democracy Funders Network and is a member of the National Task Force on Election Crises.
This episode is based on Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca’s article titled “How to Prevent Political Violence” that was published in the October 2024 issues of the Journal of Democracy.
Dr Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, France, and Germany, political violence has been rising. This is particularly troubling as we lack compelling explanations for why this is happening, and effective responses to stop it. A powerful new argument from Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca suggests that the problem is not just emotive political polarization. Extreme political parties, irresponsible leaders and democratic disillusionment also play key roles, and are eating away at the heart of our political systems. Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Rachel Kleinfeld about the five strategies that can reduce political violence, the distinctive approach that has to be taken in polarised democracies, and why more aggressive forms of protest against populist and anti-system movements may only make matters worse.</p><p><a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/people/rachel-kleinfeld?lang=en">Rachel Kleinfeld</a> is a senior fellow in Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program. Her influential work on troubled democracies facing problems such as polarized populations, violence, corruption, and poor governance bridges the United States and international cases. In addition to her research and analysis, Kleinfeld is known for in actively seeking practical solutions to today’s problems. To that end, she serves as a trustee of the National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, and States United for Democracy and on the advisory board of Protect Democracy. She is a senior advisor to the Democracy Funders Network and is a member of the National Task Force on Election Crises.</p><p>This episode is based on Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca’s article titled “<a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/how-to-prevent-political-violence/">How to Prevent Political Violence</a>” that was published in the October 2024 issues of the Journal of Democracy.</p><p>Dr <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cheeseman-nic.aspx">Nic Cheeseman</a> is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.</p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2031</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[51b8a058-b89e-11ef-b05a-53b3e1d2e7c3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3760070361.mp3?updated=1734017839" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melissa B. Jacoby, "Unjust Debts: How Our Bankruptcy System Makes America More Unequal" (New Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In theory, bankruptcy in America exists to cancel or restructure debts for people and companies that have way too many--a safety valve designed to provide a mechanism for restarting lives and businesses when things go wrong financially. In this brilliant and paradigm-shifting book, legal scholar Melissa B. Jacoby shows how bankruptcy has also become an escape hatch for powerful individuals, corporations, and governments, contributing in unseen and poorly understood ways to race, gender, and class inequality in America. When cities go bankrupt, for example, police unions enjoy added leverage while police brutality victims are denied a seat at the negotiating table; the system is more forgiving of civil rights abuses than of the parking tickets disproportionately distributed in African American neighborhoods. Across a broad range of crucial issues, Unjust Debts: How Our Bankruptcy System Makes America More Unequal (New Press, 2024) reveals the hidden mechanisms by which bankruptcy impacts everything from sexual harassment to health care, police violence to employment discrimination, and the opioid crisis to gun violence. In the tradition of Matthew Desmond's groundbreaking Evicted, Unjust Debts is a riveting and original work of accessible scholarship with huge implications for ordinary people and will set the terms of debate for this vital subject.
Melissa B. Jacoby is the Graham Kenan Professor of Law at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>235</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melissa B. Jacoby</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In theory, bankruptcy in America exists to cancel or restructure debts for people and companies that have way too many--a safety valve designed to provide a mechanism for restarting lives and businesses when things go wrong financially. In this brilliant and paradigm-shifting book, legal scholar Melissa B. Jacoby shows how bankruptcy has also become an escape hatch for powerful individuals, corporations, and governments, contributing in unseen and poorly understood ways to race, gender, and class inequality in America. When cities go bankrupt, for example, police unions enjoy added leverage while police brutality victims are denied a seat at the negotiating table; the system is more forgiving of civil rights abuses than of the parking tickets disproportionately distributed in African American neighborhoods. Across a broad range of crucial issues, Unjust Debts: How Our Bankruptcy System Makes America More Unequal (New Press, 2024) reveals the hidden mechanisms by which bankruptcy impacts everything from sexual harassment to health care, police violence to employment discrimination, and the opioid crisis to gun violence. In the tradition of Matthew Desmond's groundbreaking Evicted, Unjust Debts is a riveting and original work of accessible scholarship with huge implications for ordinary people and will set the terms of debate for this vital subject.
Melissa B. Jacoby is the Graham Kenan Professor of Law at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In theory, bankruptcy in America exists to cancel or restructure debts for people and companies that have way too many--a safety valve designed to provide a mechanism for restarting lives and businesses when things go wrong financially. In this brilliant and paradigm-shifting book, legal scholar Melissa B. Jacoby shows how bankruptcy has also become an escape hatch for powerful individuals, corporations, and governments, contributing in unseen and poorly understood ways to race, gender, and class inequality in America. When cities go bankrupt, for example, police unions enjoy added leverage while police brutality victims are denied a seat at the negotiating table; the system is more forgiving of civil rights abuses than of the parking tickets disproportionately distributed in African American neighborhoods. Across a broad range of crucial issues, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620977866"><em>Unjust Debts: How Our Bankruptcy System Makes America More Unequal</em></a><em> </em>(New Press, 2024) reveals the hidden mechanisms by which bankruptcy impacts everything from sexual harassment to health care, police violence to employment discrimination, and the opioid crisis to gun violence. In the tradition of Matthew Desmond's groundbreaking <em>Evicted</em>, <em>Unjust Debts</em> is a riveting and original work of accessible scholarship with huge implications for ordinary people and will set the terms of debate for this vital subject.</p><p>Melissa B. Jacoby is the Graham Kenan Professor of Law at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2843</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1990450390.mp3?updated=1733939974" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Barbara A. Biesecker, "Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State" (Penn State Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States.
Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw’s The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda.
By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>285</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Barbara A. Biesecker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In Reinventing World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States.
Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw’s The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda.
By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>By the 1970s, World War II had all but disappeared from US popular culture. But beginning in the mid-eighties it reemerged with a vengeance, and for nearly fifteen years World War II was ubiquitous across US popular and political culture. In <em>Reinventing </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780271097824"><em>World War II: Popular Memory in the Rise of the Ethnonationalist State</em></a> (Penn State University Press, 2024), Dr. Barbara A. Biesecker explores the prestige and rhetorical power of the “Good War,” revealing how it was retooled to restore a new kind of social equilibrium to the United States.</p><p>Biesecker analyzes prominent cases of World War II remembrance, including the canceled exhibit of the Enola Gay at the National Air and Space Museum in 1995 and its replacement, Steven Spielberg’s Saving Private Ryan, Tom Brokaw’s The Greatest Generation, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Situating these popular memory texts within the culture and history wars of the day and the broader framework of US political and economic life, Dr. Biesecker argues that, with the notable exception of the Holocaust Memorial Museum, these reinventions of the Good War worked rhetorically to restore a strong sense of national identity and belonging fitted to the neoliberal nationalist agenda.</p><p>By tracing the links between the popular retooling of World War II and the national state fantasy, and by putting the lessons of Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, and their successors to work for a rhetorical-political analysis of the present, Dr. Biesecker not only explains the emergence and strength of the MAGA movement but also calls attention to the power of public memory to shape and contest ethnonational identity today.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2799</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[baeb3eb2-b670-11ef-8bf0-535587cd29d9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8294327335.mp3?updated=1733778247" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeremy Brecher, "The Green New Deal from Below: How Ordinary People Are Building a Just and Climate-Safe Economy" (U Illinois Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The Green New Deal from Below: How Ordinary People Are Building a Just and Climate-Safe Economy (U Illinois Press, 2024) offers a visionary program for national renewal, the Green New Deal aims to protect the earth's climate while creating good jobs, reducing injustice, and eliminating poverty. 
Its core principle is to use the necessity for climate protection as a basis for realizing full employment and social justice. Jeremy Brecher goes beyond the national headlines and introduces readers to the community, municipal, county, state, tribal, and industry efforts advancing the Green New Deal across the United States. Brecher illustrates how such programs from below do the valuable work of building constituencies and providing proofs of concept for new ideas and initiatives. Block by block, these activities have come together to form a Green New Deal built on a strong foundation of small-scale movements and grassroots energy. A call for hope and a better tomorrow, The Green New Deal from Below offers a blueprint for reconstructing society on new principles to avoid catastrophic climate change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>198</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeremy Brecher</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Green New Deal from Below: How Ordinary People Are Building a Just and Climate-Safe Economy (U Illinois Press, 2024) offers a visionary program for national renewal, the Green New Deal aims to protect the earth's climate while creating good jobs, reducing injustice, and eliminating poverty. 
Its core principle is to use the necessity for climate protection as a basis for realizing full employment and social justice. Jeremy Brecher goes beyond the national headlines and introduces readers to the community, municipal, county, state, tribal, and industry efforts advancing the Green New Deal across the United States. Brecher illustrates how such programs from below do the valuable work of building constituencies and providing proofs of concept for new ideas and initiatives. Block by block, these activities have come together to form a Green New Deal built on a strong foundation of small-scale movements and grassroots energy. A call for hope and a better tomorrow, The Green New Deal from Below offers a blueprint for reconstructing society on new principles to avoid catastrophic climate change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252088278"><em>The Green New Deal from Below: How Ordinary People Are Building a Just and Climate-Safe Economy</em></a> (U Illinois Press, 2024) offers a visionary program for national renewal, the Green New Deal aims to protect the earth's climate while creating good jobs, reducing injustice, and eliminating poverty. </p><p>Its core principle is to use the necessity for climate protection as a basis for realizing full employment and social justice. Jeremy Brecher goes beyond the national headlines and introduces readers to the community, municipal, county, state, tribal, and industry efforts advancing the Green New Deal across the United States. Brecher illustrates how such programs from below do the valuable work of building constituencies and providing proofs of concept for new ideas and initiatives. Block by block, these activities have come together to form a Green New Deal built on a strong foundation of small-scale movements and grassroots energy. A call for hope and a better tomorrow, The Green New Deal from Below offers a blueprint for reconstructing society on new principles to avoid catastrophic climate change.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1820</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Casey B. K. Dominguez, "Commander in Chief: Partisanship, Nationalism, and the Reconstruction of Congressional War Powers" (UP of Kansas, 2024)</title>
      <description>The balance of power between the United States Congress and the president is particularly contested when it comes to war powers. The U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war but Article II Section 2 declares that "[t]he President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States." Today, presidents broadly define their constitutional authority as commander in chief. But in the nineteenth century, Congress claimed and defended expansive war powers authority. How did Congress define the boundaries between presidential and congressional war powers in the early republic? Did the definition of “commander in chief” change, and if so, when, how, and why did it do so?
Based on an original, comprehensive dataset of every congressional reference to the commander-in-chief clause from the ratification of the Constitution through 1917, Dr. Casey B.K. Dominguez analyzes the authority that members of Congress ascribed to the president as commander in chief and the boundaries they put around that authority.
In Commander in Chief: Partisanship, Nationalism, and the Reconstruction of Congressional War Powers (University Press of Kansas, 2024) Dominguez shows that for more than a century members of Congress defined the commander in chief's authority narrowly, similar to that of any high-ranking military officer. But in a wave of nationalism during the Spanish-American War, members of Congress began to argue that Congress owed deference to the commander in chief – as a national representative of the military, nation, and flag rather than a military officer. These debates were partisan with members of Congress arguing for broader presidential war powers when the president was from their own party. Scholars often assume that it is the Supreme Court that interprets the Constitution but Dominguez’s work shows how all the branches interpret the constitution. She offers particularly keen insights on the use of constitutional stories or scripts about the commander in chief clause. While scholars have assumed that the expansion of presidential war powers happened in the middle of the 20th century, Dominguez’s research shows that the dynamical expansion began 50 years earlier. Her work helps readers understand when – and how – the United States shifted many military decisions to the president.
Dr. Casey B. K. Dominguez is professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of San Diego. Her research focuses on the relationships between political parties and interest groups, and on the evolution of Constitutional war powers in the United States. I’m delighted to welcome her to New Books in Political Science.
Mentioned:
Victoria A. Farrar-Myers’s book on constitutional scripts, Scripted for Change
The Institutionalization of the American Presidency (Texas A&amp;M Press, 2007)
Emmerich de Vattel’s The Law of Nations (1758)
Mariah Zeisberg’s War Powers: The Politics of Constitutional Authority (Princeton 2013)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>752</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Casey B. K. Dominguez</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The balance of power between the United States Congress and the president is particularly contested when it comes to war powers. The U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war but Article II Section 2 declares that "[t]he President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States." Today, presidents broadly define their constitutional authority as commander in chief. But in the nineteenth century, Congress claimed and defended expansive war powers authority. How did Congress define the boundaries between presidential and congressional war powers in the early republic? Did the definition of “commander in chief” change, and if so, when, how, and why did it do so?
Based on an original, comprehensive dataset of every congressional reference to the commander-in-chief clause from the ratification of the Constitution through 1917, Dr. Casey B.K. Dominguez analyzes the authority that members of Congress ascribed to the president as commander in chief and the boundaries they put around that authority.
In Commander in Chief: Partisanship, Nationalism, and the Reconstruction of Congressional War Powers (University Press of Kansas, 2024) Dominguez shows that for more than a century members of Congress defined the commander in chief's authority narrowly, similar to that of any high-ranking military officer. But in a wave of nationalism during the Spanish-American War, members of Congress began to argue that Congress owed deference to the commander in chief – as a national representative of the military, nation, and flag rather than a military officer. These debates were partisan with members of Congress arguing for broader presidential war powers when the president was from their own party. Scholars often assume that it is the Supreme Court that interprets the Constitution but Dominguez’s work shows how all the branches interpret the constitution. She offers particularly keen insights on the use of constitutional stories or scripts about the commander in chief clause. While scholars have assumed that the expansion of presidential war powers happened in the middle of the 20th century, Dominguez’s research shows that the dynamical expansion began 50 years earlier. Her work helps readers understand when – and how – the United States shifted many military decisions to the president.
Dr. Casey B. K. Dominguez is professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of San Diego. Her research focuses on the relationships between political parties and interest groups, and on the evolution of Constitutional war powers in the United States. I’m delighted to welcome her to New Books in Political Science.
Mentioned:
Victoria A. Farrar-Myers’s book on constitutional scripts, Scripted for Change
The Institutionalization of the American Presidency (Texas A&amp;M Press, 2007)
Emmerich de Vattel’s The Law of Nations (1758)
Mariah Zeisberg’s War Powers: The Politics of Constitutional Authority (Princeton 2013)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The balance of power between the United States Congress and the president is particularly contested when it comes to war powers. The U.S. Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war but Article II Section 2 declares that "[t]he President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States." Today, presidents broadly define their constitutional authority as commander in chief. But in the nineteenth century, <em>Congress</em> claimed and defended expansive war powers authority. How did Congress define the boundaries between presidential and congressional war powers in the early republic? Did the definition of “commander in chief” change, and if so, when, how, and why did it do so?</p><p>Based on an original, comprehensive dataset of every congressional reference to the commander-in-chief clause from the ratification of the Constitution through 1917, Dr. Casey B.K. Dominguez analyzes the authority that members of Congress ascribed to the president as commander in chief and the boundaries they put around that authority.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700636518"><em>Commander in Chief: Partisanship, Nationalism, and the Reconstruction of Congressional War Powers</em></a> (University Press of Kansas, 2024) Dominguez shows that for more than a century members of Congress defined the commander in chief's authority narrowly, similar to that of any high-ranking military officer. But in a wave of nationalism during the Spanish-American War, members of Congress began to argue that Congress owed deference to the commander in chief – as a national representative of the military, nation, and flag rather than a military officer. These debates were partisan with members of Congress arguing for broader presidential war powers when the president was from their own party. Scholars often assume that it is the Supreme Court that interprets the Constitution but Dominguez’s work shows how <em>all </em>the branches interpret the constitution. She offers particularly keen insights on the use of constitutional stories or scripts about the commander in chief clause. While scholars have assumed that the expansion of presidential war powers happened in the middle of the 20th century, Dominguez’s research shows that the dynamical expansion began 50 years earlier. Her work helps readers understand when – and how – the United States shifted many military decisions to the president.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://sites.google.com/sandiego.edu/professor-casey-b-k-dominguez/bio">Casey B. K. Dominguez</a> is professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of San Diego. Her research focuses on the relationships between political parties and interest groups, and on the evolution of Constitutional war powers in the United States. I’m delighted to welcome her to New Books in Political Science.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><p>Victoria A. Farrar-Myers’s book on constitutional scripts, <a href="https://www.tamupress.com/book/9781585445851/scripted-for-change/"><em>Scripted for Change</em></a></p><p><a href="https://www.tamupress.com/book/9781585445851/scripted-for-change/"><em>The Institutionalization of the American Presidency</em></a> (Texas A&amp;M Press, 2007)</p><p>Emmerich de Vattel’s <a href="https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/historic-document-library/detail/emmerich-de-vattelthe-law-of-nations-1758"><em>The Law of Nations</em> </a>(1758)</p><p>Mariah Zeisberg’s <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691157221/war-powers"><em>War Powers: The Politics of Constitutional Authority</em></a> (Princeton 2013)</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3402</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7578996420.mp3?updated=1733351587" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins, "Did It Happen Here?: Perspectives on Fascism and America" (W. W. Norton, 2024)</title>
      <description>Today I’m speaking with Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins about the new, edited volume, Did It Happen Here? Perspectives on Fascism and America (W.W. Norton, 2024). Danny is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University and the steward of a fantastic interview series in The Nation magazine. Did it Happen Here? presents a snapshot of the fascism debate being waged on American campuses, in magazines, and on social media. The most recent iteration of the fascism debate began, as with many debates about the state of American politics, with the election of Donald Trump. Since his first term in 2016, speculation about the true nature of Trumpism has generated countless think-pieces and books. Did It Happen Here? is the definitive summary of the major scholarly views on whether fascism has come to America. As Danny puts it, “the fascism debate is Rorschach test for understanding what is truly ailing American society.”
Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>197</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I’m speaking with Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins about the new, edited volume, Did It Happen Here? Perspectives on Fascism and America (W.W. Norton, 2024). Danny is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University and the steward of a fantastic interview series in The Nation magazine. Did it Happen Here? presents a snapshot of the fascism debate being waged on American campuses, in magazines, and on social media. The most recent iteration of the fascism debate began, as with many debates about the state of American politics, with the election of Donald Trump. Since his first term in 2016, speculation about the true nature of Trumpism has generated countless think-pieces and books. Did It Happen Here? is the definitive summary of the major scholarly views on whether fascism has come to America. As Danny puts it, “the fascism debate is Rorschach test for understanding what is truly ailing American society.”
Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I’m speaking with Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins about the new, edited volume, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324074397"><em>Did It Happen Here? Perspectives on Fascism and America</em></a><em> </em>(W.W. Norton, 2024). Danny is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University and the steward of a fantastic interview series in The Nation magazine. <em>Did it Happen Here? </em>presents a snapshot of the fascism debate being waged on American campuses, in magazines, and on social media. The most recent iteration of the fascism debate began, as with many debates about the state of American politics, with the election of Donald Trump. Since his first term in 2016, speculation about the true nature of Trumpism has generated countless think-pieces and books. <em>Did It Happen Here? </em>is the definitive summary of the major scholarly views on whether fascism has come to America. As Danny puts it, “the fascism debate is Rorschach test for understanding what is truly ailing American society.”</p><p>Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins is Assistant Professor in the College of Social Studies at Wesleyan University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3358</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3abeb086-b4a2-11ef-8eed-537e71b57527]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6762152333.mp3?updated=1733518582" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Deondra Rose, "The Power of Black Excellence: HBCUs and the Fight for American Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>From their founding, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) educated as many as 90 percent of Black college students in the United States. Although many are aware of the significance of HBCUs in expanding Black Americans' educational opportunities, much less attention has been paid to the vital role that they have played in enhancing American democracy.
In The Power of Black Excellence: HBCUs and the Fight for American Democracy (Oxford UP, 2024), Deondra Rose provides an authoritative history of HBCUs and the unique role they have played in shaping American democracy since 1837. Drawing on over six years of deep research, Rose brings into view the historic impact that government support for HBCUs has had on the American political landscape, arguing that they have been essential for not only empowering Black citizens but also reshaping the distribution of political power in the United States. Rose challenges the conventional wisdom that, prior to the late twentieth century, the federal government took a laissez-faire approach to education. Instead, governmental action contributed to the expansion of HBCUs in an era plagued by racist policies and laws. Today, HBCUs remain extremely important, as evidenced by the outsized number of black political leaders--including Kamala Harris--who attended them. Rose stresses that policymakers promote democracy itself when they support HBCUs and their unique approach to postsecondary education, which includes a commitment to helping students develop politically empowering skills, promoting political leadership, and fostering a commitment to service.
A fresh look into the relationship between education and democracy, The Power of Black Excellence is essential reading for anyone interested not just in HBCUs, but the broader trajectory of Black citizenship in American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Deondra Rose</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From their founding, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) educated as many as 90 percent of Black college students in the United States. Although many are aware of the significance of HBCUs in expanding Black Americans' educational opportunities, much less attention has been paid to the vital role that they have played in enhancing American democracy.
In The Power of Black Excellence: HBCUs and the Fight for American Democracy (Oxford UP, 2024), Deondra Rose provides an authoritative history of HBCUs and the unique role they have played in shaping American democracy since 1837. Drawing on over six years of deep research, Rose brings into view the historic impact that government support for HBCUs has had on the American political landscape, arguing that they have been essential for not only empowering Black citizens but also reshaping the distribution of political power in the United States. Rose challenges the conventional wisdom that, prior to the late twentieth century, the federal government took a laissez-faire approach to education. Instead, governmental action contributed to the expansion of HBCUs in an era plagued by racist policies and laws. Today, HBCUs remain extremely important, as evidenced by the outsized number of black political leaders--including Kamala Harris--who attended them. Rose stresses that policymakers promote democracy itself when they support HBCUs and their unique approach to postsecondary education, which includes a commitment to helping students develop politically empowering skills, promoting political leadership, and fostering a commitment to service.
A fresh look into the relationship between education and democracy, The Power of Black Excellence is essential reading for anyone interested not just in HBCUs, but the broader trajectory of Black citizenship in American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From their founding, Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) educated as many as 90 percent of Black college students in the United States. Although many are aware of the significance of HBCUs in expanding Black Americans' educational opportunities, much less attention has been paid to the vital role that they have played in enhancing American democracy.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197776599"><em>The Power of Black Excellence: HBCUs and the Fight for American Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2024), Deondra Rose provides an authoritative history of HBCUs and the unique role they have played in shaping American democracy since 1837. Drawing on over six years of deep research, Rose brings into view the historic impact that government support for HBCUs has had on the American political landscape, arguing that they have been essential for not only empowering Black citizens but also reshaping the distribution of political power in the United States. Rose challenges the conventional wisdom that, prior to the late twentieth century, the federal government took a laissez-faire approach to education. Instead, governmental action contributed to the expansion of HBCUs in an era plagued by racist policies and laws. Today, HBCUs remain extremely important, as evidenced by the outsized number of black political leaders--including Kamala Harris--who attended them. Rose stresses that policymakers promote democracy itself when they support HBCUs and their unique approach to postsecondary education, which includes a commitment to helping students develop politically empowering skills, promoting political leadership, and fostering a commitment to service.</p><p>A fresh look into the relationship between education and democracy, <em>The Power of Black Excellence </em>is essential reading for anyone interested not just in HBCUs, but the broader trajectory of Black citizenship in American history.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3456</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Gardner Kelly, "Dividing the Public: School Finance and the Creation of Structural Inequity" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In Dividing the Public: School Finance and the Creation of Structural Inequity (Cornell UP, 2024), Matthew Gardner Kelly takes aim at the racial and economic disparities that characterize public education funding in the United States. With California as his focus, Kelly illustrates that the use of local taxes to fund public education was never an inadvertent or de facto product of past practices, but an intentional decision adopted in place of well-known alternatives during the Progressive Era, against past precedent and principle in several states.
From efforts to convert expropriated Indigenous and Mexican land into common school funding in the 1850s, to reforms that directed state aid to expanding white suburbs during the years surrounding World War II, Dividing the Public traces, in intricate detail, how a host of policies connected to school funding have divided California by race and class over time. In bringing into view the neglected and poorly understood history of policymaking connected to school finance, Kelly offers a new story about the role public education played in shaping the racially segregated, economically divided, and politically fragmented world of the post-1945 metropolis.
Matthew Gardner Kelly is an assistant professor of educational foundations, leadership, and policy at the University of Washington.  
Max Jacobs is a PhD student in education at Rutgers University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Gardner Kelly</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Dividing the Public: School Finance and the Creation of Structural Inequity (Cornell UP, 2024), Matthew Gardner Kelly takes aim at the racial and economic disparities that characterize public education funding in the United States. With California as his focus, Kelly illustrates that the use of local taxes to fund public education was never an inadvertent or de facto product of past practices, but an intentional decision adopted in place of well-known alternatives during the Progressive Era, against past precedent and principle in several states.
From efforts to convert expropriated Indigenous and Mexican land into common school funding in the 1850s, to reforms that directed state aid to expanding white suburbs during the years surrounding World War II, Dividing the Public traces, in intricate detail, how a host of policies connected to school funding have divided California by race and class over time. In bringing into view the neglected and poorly understood history of policymaking connected to school finance, Kelly offers a new story about the role public education played in shaping the racially segregated, economically divided, and politically fragmented world of the post-1945 metropolis.
Matthew Gardner Kelly is an assistant professor of educational foundations, leadership, and policy at the University of Washington.  
Max Jacobs is a PhD student in education at Rutgers University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501773266"><em>Dividing the Public: School Finance and the Creation of Structural Inequity</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2024), Matthew Gardner Kelly takes aim at the racial and economic disparities that characterize public education funding in the United States<strong>.</strong> With California as his focus, Kelly illustrates that the use of local taxes to fund public education was never an inadvertent or de facto product of past practices, but an intentional decision adopted in place of well-known alternatives during the Progressive Era, against past precedent and principle in several states.</p><p>From efforts to convert expropriated Indigenous and Mexican land into common school funding in the 1850s, to reforms that directed state aid to expanding white suburbs during the years surrounding World War II, <em>Dividing the Public</em> traces, in intricate detail, how a host of policies connected to school funding have divided California by race and class over time. In bringing into view the neglected and poorly understood history of policymaking connected to school finance, Kelly offers a new story about the role public education played in shaping the racially segregated, economically divided, and politically fragmented world of the post-1945 metropolis.</p><p><a href="https://education.uw.edu/about/directory/matthew-gardner-kelly">Matthew Gardner Kelly</a> is an assistant professor of educational foundations, leadership, and policy at the University of Washington.  </p><p><a href="https://gse.rutgers.edu/student/max-antonio-jacobs/"><em>Max Jacobs</em></a><em> is a PhD student in education at Rutgers University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4634</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Terry H. Anderson, "Why the Nineties Matter" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Nearly a quarter century after the decade of the 1990s ended, what really mattered in America during that era is finally coming into focus. Many of the most important developments in politics, culture, and society today have roots in that era: the rise of right-wing extremism, broad transformations in voting preferences among both the working and professional classes; the spread of neoliberal economic policy; and the rise of social media.
In Why the Nineties Matter (Oxford University Press, 2024), Dr. Terry Anderson provides a broad-ranging history of America in that decade. Not simply a chronological account, the book focuses on key trends that either began or gained steam then and which have had lasting effects until this day. Threading together politics, economic transformations, and socio-cultural trends, he focuses on what mattered most in retrospect. Violent and extremist white nationalism intensified greatly in that decade, evidenced by the Oklahoma City bombing and the rise of the militia movement. The defection of the white working class from the Democratic Party began then as the Democrats expanded free trade and tried to cultivate professional-class Americans. Racial and gender politics transformed, birthing new movements that would grow in influence in the next century. Social media first emerged in the 1990s too, and its impact on all aspects of life cannot be underestimated. In foreign policy, America's long wars in the Middle East and Afghanistan have roots in US policies in the 1990s. And the current standoff between the US and Russia traces back to disagreements over NATO expansion a quarter century ago.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1511</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Terry H. Anderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nearly a quarter century after the decade of the 1990s ended, what really mattered in America during that era is finally coming into focus. Many of the most important developments in politics, culture, and society today have roots in that era: the rise of right-wing extremism, broad transformations in voting preferences among both the working and professional classes; the spread of neoliberal economic policy; and the rise of social media.
In Why the Nineties Matter (Oxford University Press, 2024), Dr. Terry Anderson provides a broad-ranging history of America in that decade. Not simply a chronological account, the book focuses on key trends that either began or gained steam then and which have had lasting effects until this day. Threading together politics, economic transformations, and socio-cultural trends, he focuses on what mattered most in retrospect. Violent and extremist white nationalism intensified greatly in that decade, evidenced by the Oklahoma City bombing and the rise of the militia movement. The defection of the white working class from the Democratic Party began then as the Democrats expanded free trade and tried to cultivate professional-class Americans. Racial and gender politics transformed, birthing new movements that would grow in influence in the next century. Social media first emerged in the 1990s too, and its impact on all aspects of life cannot be underestimated. In foreign policy, America's long wars in the Middle East and Afghanistan have roots in US policies in the 1990s. And the current standoff between the US and Russia traces back to disagreements over NATO expansion a quarter century ago.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nearly a quarter century after the decade of the 1990s ended, what really mattered in America during that era is finally coming into focus. Many of the most important developments in politics, culture, and society today have roots in that era: the rise of right-wing extremism, broad transformations in voting preferences among both the working and professional classes; the spread of neoliberal economic policy; and the rise of social media.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197763018"><em>Why the Nineties Matter</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2024), Dr. Terry Anderson provides a broad-ranging history of America in that decade. Not simply a chronological account, the book focuses on key trends that either began or gained steam then and which have had lasting effects until this day. Threading together politics, economic transformations, and socio-cultural trends, he focuses on what mattered most in retrospect. Violent and extremist white nationalism intensified greatly in that decade, evidenced by the Oklahoma City bombing and the rise of the militia movement. The defection of the white working class from the Democratic Party began then as the Democrats expanded free trade and tried to cultivate professional-class Americans. Racial and gender politics transformed, birthing new movements that would grow in influence in the next century. Social media first emerged in the 1990s too, and its impact on all aspects of life cannot be underestimated. In foreign policy, America's long wars in the Middle East and Afghanistan have roots in US policies in the 1990s. And the current standoff between the US and Russia traces back to disagreements over NATO expansion a quarter century ago.</p><p>T<em>his interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3050</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Carrie N. Baker, "Abortion Pills: US History and Politics" (Amherst College Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In this compelling and informative interview, Carrie N. Baker discusses her newest book, Abortion Pills: US History and Politics (Amherst College Press, 2024). This book is the first comprehensive history of abortion pills in the United States, and Baker examines the actions of scientists, policy-makers, pharmaceutical companies, pro-abortion rights activists and anti-abortion forces as the abortion pill was developed in France in 1980, and subsequently brought to market in the United States. She carefully investigates the fight for FDA approval of the abortion pill, and reproductive rights advocates’ work to expand access. She pays particular attention to the critical period of 2020-2024 when in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic telemedicine abortion became a possibility. Baker ends exploring attempts to restrict abortion pills and self-managed abortions in the wake of the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization Supreme Court decision. In this thoroughly researched history, Baker draws on interviews with over 80 activists, abortion providers, researchers, and people who have used abortion pills to demonstrate the range of actors involved in efforts to expand access to abortion pills. In addition, she analyzes medical research, government records, legal cases, and the archives of several reproductive health organizations.
Abortion Pills: US History and Politics is available open-access starting December 3, 2024. Click the following link to see a PDF of the book
Carrie N. Baker holds a B.A. in Philosophy from Yale University, a J.D. from Emory University School of Law, and an M.A. and Ph.D. from Emory’s Institute of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies. She is the Sylvia Dlugasch Bauman Chair of American Studies and Professor of the Study of Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Smith College where, as a legal and social movement scholar, she teaches courses on gender, law and public policy; feminist social movements; and feminist public writing. In addition to publishing peer-reviewed academic scholarship, Baker also serves as a regular writer and contributing editor for Ms. Magazine, has a monthly column in the Daily Hampshire Gazette, and hosts Feminist Futures, a radio program on WHMP 101.5 FM in Northampton, Massachusetts.
Jessie Cohen holds a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and is an editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>284</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carrie N. Baker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this compelling and informative interview, Carrie N. Baker discusses her newest book, Abortion Pills: US History and Politics (Amherst College Press, 2024). This book is the first comprehensive history of abortion pills in the United States, and Baker examines the actions of scientists, policy-makers, pharmaceutical companies, pro-abortion rights activists and anti-abortion forces as the abortion pill was developed in France in 1980, and subsequently brought to market in the United States. She carefully investigates the fight for FDA approval of the abortion pill, and reproductive rights advocates’ work to expand access. She pays particular attention to the critical period of 2020-2024 when in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic telemedicine abortion became a possibility. Baker ends exploring attempts to restrict abortion pills and self-managed abortions in the wake of the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization Supreme Court decision. In this thoroughly researched history, Baker draws on interviews with over 80 activists, abortion providers, researchers, and people who have used abortion pills to demonstrate the range of actors involved in efforts to expand access to abortion pills. In addition, she analyzes medical research, government records, legal cases, and the archives of several reproductive health organizations.
Abortion Pills: US History and Politics is available open-access starting December 3, 2024. Click the following link to see a PDF of the book
Carrie N. Baker holds a B.A. in Philosophy from Yale University, a J.D. from Emory University School of Law, and an M.A. and Ph.D. from Emory’s Institute of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies. She is the Sylvia Dlugasch Bauman Chair of American Studies and Professor of the Study of Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Smith College where, as a legal and social movement scholar, she teaches courses on gender, law and public policy; feminist social movements; and feminist public writing. In addition to publishing peer-reviewed academic scholarship, Baker also serves as a regular writer and contributing editor for Ms. Magazine, has a monthly column in the Daily Hampshire Gazette, and hosts Feminist Futures, a radio program on WHMP 101.5 FM in Northampton, Massachusetts.
Jessie Cohen holds a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and is an editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this compelling and informative interview, Carrie N. Baker discusses her newest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781943208852"><em>Abortion Pills: US History and Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Amherst College Press, 2024)<em>.</em> This book is the first comprehensive history of abortion pills in the United States, and Baker examines the actions of scientists, policy-makers, pharmaceutical companies, pro-abortion rights activists and anti-abortion forces as the abortion pill was developed in France in 1980, and subsequently brought to market in the United States. She carefully investigates the fight for FDA approval of the abortion pill, and reproductive rights advocates’ work to expand access. She pays particular attention to the critical period of 2020-2024 when in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic telemedicine abortion became a possibility. Baker ends exploring attempts to restrict abortion pills and self-managed abortions in the wake of the <em>Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization</em> Supreme Court decision. In this thoroughly researched history, Baker draws on interviews with over 80 activists, abortion providers, researchers, and people who have used abortion pills to demonstrate the range of actors involved in efforts to expand access to abortion pills. In addition, she analyzes medical research, government records, legal cases, and the archives of several reproductive health organizations.</p><p><em>Abortion Pills: US History and Politics </em>is available open-access starting December 3, 2024. Click the following link to see a <a href="https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/m900nx46q?locale=en">PDF of the book</a></p><p><em>C</em>arrie N. Baker holds a B.A. in Philosophy from Yale University, a J.D. from Emory University School of Law, and an M.A. and Ph.D. from Emory’s Institute of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies. She is the Sylvia Dlugasch Bauman Chair of American Studies and Professor of the Study of Women, Gender and Sexuality Studies at Smith College where, as a legal and social movement scholar, she teaches courses on gender, law and public policy; feminist social movements; and feminist public writing. In addition to publishing peer-reviewed academic scholarship, Baker also serves as a regular writer and contributing editor for Ms. Magazine, has a monthly column in the Daily Hampshire Gazette, and hosts Feminist Futures, a radio program on WHMP 101.5 FM in Northampton, Massachusetts<em>.</em></p><p><em>Jessie Cohen holds a Ph.D. in History from Columbia University, and is an editor at the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3722</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Amy J. Binder and Jeffrey L. Kidder, "The Channels of Student Activism: How the Left and Right Are Winning (and Losing) in Campus Politics Today" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The past six years have been marked by a contentious political atmosphere that has touched every arena of public life, including higher education. Though most college campuses are considered ideologically progressive, how can it be that the right has been so successful in mobilizing young people even in these environments?
As Amy J. Binder and Jeffrey L. Kidder show in this surprising analysis of the relationship between political activism on college campuses and the broader US political landscape, while liberal students often outnumber conservatives on college campuses, liberal campus organizing remains removed from national institutions that effectively engage students after graduation. And though they are usually in the minority, conservative student groups have strong ties to national right-leaning organizations, which provide funds and expertise, as well as job opportunities and avenues for involvement after graduation. Though the left is more prominent on campus, the right has built a much more effective system for mobilizing ongoing engagement. What’s more, the conservative college ecosystem has worked to increase the number of political provocations on campus and lower the public’s trust in higher education.
In analyzing collegiate activism from the left, right, and center, The Channels of Student Activism: How the Left and Right Are Winning (and Losing) in Campus Politics Today (U Chicago Press, 2022) shows exactly how politically engaged college students are channeled into two distinct forms of mobilization and why that has profound consequences for the future of American politics.
Amy J. Binder is professor of sociology at John Hopkins University. She is the author of Contentious Curricula and coauthor of Becoming Right.
Jeffrey L. Kidder is professor of sociology at Northern Illinois University. He is the author of Parkour and the City and Urban Flow

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 02 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amy J. Binder and Jeffrey L. Kidder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The past six years have been marked by a contentious political atmosphere that has touched every arena of public life, including higher education. Though most college campuses are considered ideologically progressive, how can it be that the right has been so successful in mobilizing young people even in these environments?
As Amy J. Binder and Jeffrey L. Kidder show in this surprising analysis of the relationship between political activism on college campuses and the broader US political landscape, while liberal students often outnumber conservatives on college campuses, liberal campus organizing remains removed from national institutions that effectively engage students after graduation. And though they are usually in the minority, conservative student groups have strong ties to national right-leaning organizations, which provide funds and expertise, as well as job opportunities and avenues for involvement after graduation. Though the left is more prominent on campus, the right has built a much more effective system for mobilizing ongoing engagement. What’s more, the conservative college ecosystem has worked to increase the number of political provocations on campus and lower the public’s trust in higher education.
In analyzing collegiate activism from the left, right, and center, The Channels of Student Activism: How the Left and Right Are Winning (and Losing) in Campus Politics Today (U Chicago Press, 2022) shows exactly how politically engaged college students are channeled into two distinct forms of mobilization and why that has profound consequences for the future of American politics.
Amy J. Binder is professor of sociology at John Hopkins University. She is the author of Contentious Curricula and coauthor of Becoming Right.
Jeffrey L. Kidder is professor of sociology at Northern Illinois University. He is the author of Parkour and the City and Urban Flow

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The past six years have been marked by a contentious political atmosphere that has touched every arena of public life, including higher education. Though most college campuses are considered ideologically progressive, how can it be that the right has been so successful in mobilizing young people even in these environments?</p><p>As Amy J. Binder and Jeffrey L. Kidder show in this surprising analysis of the relationship between political activism on college campuses and the broader US political landscape, while liberal students often outnumber conservatives on college campuses, liberal campus organizing remains removed from national institutions that effectively engage students after graduation. And though they are usually in the minority, conservative student groups have strong ties to national right-leaning organizations, which provide funds and expertise, as well as job opportunities and avenues for involvement after graduation. Though the left is more prominent on campus, the right has built a much more effective system for mobilizing ongoing engagement. What’s more, the conservative college ecosystem has worked to increase the number of political provocations on campus and lower the public’s trust in higher education.</p><p>In analyzing collegiate activism from the left, right, and center, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226684277"><em>The Channels of Student Activism: How the Left and Right Are Winning (and Losing) in Campus Politics Today</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2022) shows exactly how politically engaged college students are channeled into two distinct forms of mobilization and why that has profound consequences for the future of American politics.</p><p><strong>Amy J. Binder</strong> is professor of sociology at John Hopkins University. She is the author of <em>Contentious Curricula</em> and coauthor of <em>Becoming Right.</em></p><p><strong>Jeffrey L. Kidder</strong> is professor of sociology at Northern Illinois University. He is the author of <em>Parkour and the City</em> and <em>Urban Flow</em></p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4241</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Corey Brettschneider, "The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It" (W. W. Norton, 2024)</title>
      <description>In 2024, people around the world focus on an American president who calls for the imprisonment of critics, spreads the culture of white supremacy, and upends the law to commit crimes with impunity. Is Trump the first authoritarian to threaten American constitution democracy? Corey Brettschneider’s new book, The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It (W.W. Norton, 2024) argues that the United States has had previous authoritarian presidents who similarly threatened core democratic and rule of law values – and each was challenged by non-elected leaders Brettschneider terms “democratic constitutional constituencies.” John Adams waged war on the national press of the early republic, overseeing numerous prosecutions of his critics. In the lead-up to the Civil War, James Buchanan colluded with the Supreme Court to deny constitutional personhood to African Americans. A decade later, Andrew Johnson urged violence against his political opponents as he sought to guarantee a white supremacist republic after the Civil War. In the 1910s, Woodrow Wilson modernized, popularized, and nationalized Jim Crow laws. In the 1970s, Richard Nixon committed criminal acts that flowed from his corrupt ideas about presidential power.
Using an impressive combination of primary documents, secondary sources, and new interviews, Brettschneider highlights how freedom to dissent, equal citizenship, and rule of law are central to democratic norms and the role that citizens play in pressuring subsequent reform-minded presidents to realize the promise of "We the People." He documents how Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, Sadie Alexander, Daniel Ellsberg, and others we cannot easily name fought back against presidential abuses of power.
Dr. Corey Brettschneider is professor of Political Science at Brown University. His researches and teaches at the intersection of constitutional law and politics. His scholarly works include The Oath of Office (W.W. Norton, 2018) and he writes for outlets like the New York Times, Politico, and the Washington Post. I’m delighted to welcome him to New Books in Political Science.
Mentioned:
Online access to the Nixon tapes from Nixon Library
Princeton Library archive on Woodrow Wilson lectures
Susan’s NBN interview with Judge Richard Gergel on Unexampled Courage: The Blinding of Sgt. Isaac Woodard and the Awakening of President Harry S. Truman and Judge
Corey’s interview with Michael Kruse of Politico, “I’d Rather Have 10 Ken Starrs Than One Donald Trump” 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 02 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>751</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Corey Brettschneider</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2024, people around the world focus on an American president who calls for the imprisonment of critics, spreads the culture of white supremacy, and upends the law to commit crimes with impunity. Is Trump the first authoritarian to threaten American constitution democracy? Corey Brettschneider’s new book, The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It (W.W. Norton, 2024) argues that the United States has had previous authoritarian presidents who similarly threatened core democratic and rule of law values – and each was challenged by non-elected leaders Brettschneider terms “democratic constitutional constituencies.” John Adams waged war on the national press of the early republic, overseeing numerous prosecutions of his critics. In the lead-up to the Civil War, James Buchanan colluded with the Supreme Court to deny constitutional personhood to African Americans. A decade later, Andrew Johnson urged violence against his political opponents as he sought to guarantee a white supremacist republic after the Civil War. In the 1910s, Woodrow Wilson modernized, popularized, and nationalized Jim Crow laws. In the 1970s, Richard Nixon committed criminal acts that flowed from his corrupt ideas about presidential power.
Using an impressive combination of primary documents, secondary sources, and new interviews, Brettschneider highlights how freedom to dissent, equal citizenship, and rule of law are central to democratic norms and the role that citizens play in pressuring subsequent reform-minded presidents to realize the promise of "We the People." He documents how Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, Sadie Alexander, Daniel Ellsberg, and others we cannot easily name fought back against presidential abuses of power.
Dr. Corey Brettschneider is professor of Political Science at Brown University. His researches and teaches at the intersection of constitutional law and politics. His scholarly works include The Oath of Office (W.W. Norton, 2018) and he writes for outlets like the New York Times, Politico, and the Washington Post. I’m delighted to welcome him to New Books in Political Science.
Mentioned:
Online access to the Nixon tapes from Nixon Library
Princeton Library archive on Woodrow Wilson lectures
Susan’s NBN interview with Judge Richard Gergel on Unexampled Courage: The Blinding of Sgt. Isaac Woodard and the Awakening of President Harry S. Truman and Judge
Corey’s interview with Michael Kruse of Politico, “I’d Rather Have 10 Ken Starrs Than One Donald Trump” 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2024, people around the world focus on an American president who calls for the imprisonment of critics, spreads the culture of white supremacy, and upends the law to commit crimes with impunity. Is Trump the first authoritarian to threaten American constitution democracy? Corey Brettschneider’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324006275"><em>The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threatened Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It</em> </a>(W.W. Norton, 2024) argues that the United States has had previous authoritarian presidents who similarly threatened core democratic and rule of law values – and each was challenged by non-elected leaders Brettschneider terms “democratic constitutional constituencies.” John Adams waged war on the national press of the early republic, overseeing numerous prosecutions of his critics. In the lead-up to the Civil War, James Buchanan colluded with the Supreme Court to deny constitutional personhood to African Americans. A decade later, Andrew Johnson urged violence against his political opponents as he sought to guarantee a white supremacist republic after the Civil War. In the 1910s, Woodrow Wilson modernized, popularized, and nationalized Jim Crow laws. In the 1970s, Richard Nixon committed criminal acts that flowed from his corrupt ideas about presidential power.</p><p>Using an impressive combination of primary documents, secondary sources, and new interviews, Brettschneider highlights how freedom to dissent, equal citizenship, and rule of law are central to democratic norms and the role that citizens play in pressuring subsequent reform-minded presidents to realize the promise of "We the People." He documents how Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, Sadie Alexander, Daniel Ellsberg, and others we cannot easily name fought back against presidential abuses of power.</p><p>Dr. <a href="http://www.coreybrettschneider.com/">Corey Brettschneider</a> is professor of Political Science at Brown University. His researches and teaches at the intersection of constitutional law and politics. His scholarly works include <em>The Oath of Office </em>(W.W. Norton, 2018) and he writes for outlets like the <em>New York Times</em>, <em>Politico</em>, and the <em>Washington Post</em>. I’m delighted to welcome him to New Books in Political Science.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><p>Online access to the <a href="https://www.nixonlibrary.gov/white-house-tapes">Nixon tapes from Nixon Library</a></p><p>Princeton Library archive on <a href="https://findingaids.princeton.edu/catalog?cr-f=Princeton+University.&amp;f%5Bcollection_sim%5D%5B%5D=Notes+of+George+L.+Denny+on+Woodrow+Wilson+Lectures%2C+1899-1900&amp;format=html&amp;per_page=50&amp;sort=date_sort+desc&amp;su-f=Princeton&amp;view=list">Woodrow Wilson lectures</a></p><p>Susan’s NBN interview with Judge Richard Gergel on <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/richard-m-gergel-unexampled-courage-sarah-crichton-books-2019/"><em>Unexampled Courage: The Blinding of Sgt. Isaac Woodard and the Awakening of President Harry S. Truman and Judge</em></a></p><p>Corey’s interview with Michael Kruse of <em>Politico</em>, <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/07/08/presidents-brettschneider-book-qa-00166620">“I’d Rather Have 10 Ken Starrs Than One Donald Trump” </a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4337</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cacc995a-af3d-11ef-a244-abde7f40710e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1368236277.mp3?updated=1732648570" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Psychoanalytic Mechanisms of Defense Affected the 2024 Presidential Campaign and Election</title>
      <description>Even though this is not a political show, today we will be talking about the ways in which mechanisms of defense effected both parties in the 2024 campaign and the presidential election. It is too big and too germane to our society to ignore. If we did, we might be guilty of denial.
In this podcast the hist and co-host discuss the following question and how mechanism of defense were employed to ward off difficult thoughts and feelings; some too frightening to contemplate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>245</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Psychoanalytic Perspectives on Racism in America: Episode 5</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Even though this is not a political show, today we will be talking about the ways in which mechanisms of defense effected both parties in the 2024 campaign and the presidential election. It is too big and too germane to our society to ignore. If we did, we might be guilty of denial.
In this podcast the hist and co-host discuss the following question and how mechanism of defense were employed to ward off difficult thoughts and feelings; some too frightening to contemplate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Even though this is not a political show, today we will be talking about the ways in which mechanisms of defense effected <em>both</em> parties in the 2024 campaign and the presidential election. It is too big and too germane to our society to ignore. If we did, we might be guilty of denial.</p><p>In this podcast the hist and co-host discuss the following question and how mechanism of defense were employed to ward off difficult thoughts and feelings; some too frightening to contemplate.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2237</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6419bb7a-af33-11ef-9070-f3c3e55b0f2f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5787391035.mp3?updated=1732982742" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain, "How Government Built America" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>How Government Built America (Cambridge UP, 2024) challenges growing, anti-government rhetoric by highlighting the role government has played in partnering with markets to build the United States. Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain explore how markets can harm and fail the country, and how the government has addressed these extremes by restoring essential values to benefit all citizens. Without denying that individualism and small government are part of the national DNA, the authors demonstrate how democracy and a people pursuing communal interests are equally important. In highly engaging prose, the authors describe how the government, despite the complexity of markets, remains engaged in promoting economic prosperity, protecting people, and providing an economic safety net. Each chapter focuses on a historical figure, from Lincoln to FDR to Trump, to illustrate how the government-market mix has evolved over time. By understanding this history, readers can turn the national conversation back to what combination of government and markets will best serve the country.
Sidney A. Shapiro holds the Fletcher Chair in Administrative Law at the Wake Forest University School of Law. He is the author of Administrative Competence: Reimagining Administrative Law (2020) and Achieving Democracy: The Future of Progressive Regulation (2014).
Joseph P. Tomain is Dean Emeritus and the Wilbert and Helen Ziegler Professor of Law at the University of Cincinnati. A highly respected professor and scholar, his teaching and research interests focus in the areas of energy law, land use, regulatory policy, and contracts.
﻿Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Dec 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>283</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How Government Built America (Cambridge UP, 2024) challenges growing, anti-government rhetoric by highlighting the role government has played in partnering with markets to build the United States. Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain explore how markets can harm and fail the country, and how the government has addressed these extremes by restoring essential values to benefit all citizens. Without denying that individualism and small government are part of the national DNA, the authors demonstrate how democracy and a people pursuing communal interests are equally important. In highly engaging prose, the authors describe how the government, despite the complexity of markets, remains engaged in promoting economic prosperity, protecting people, and providing an economic safety net. Each chapter focuses on a historical figure, from Lincoln to FDR to Trump, to illustrate how the government-market mix has evolved over time. By understanding this history, readers can turn the national conversation back to what combination of government and markets will best serve the country.
Sidney A. Shapiro holds the Fletcher Chair in Administrative Law at the Wake Forest University School of Law. He is the author of Administrative Competence: Reimagining Administrative Law (2020) and Achieving Democracy: The Future of Progressive Regulation (2014).
Joseph P. Tomain is Dean Emeritus and the Wilbert and Helen Ziegler Professor of Law at the University of Cincinnati. A highly respected professor and scholar, his teaching and research interests focus in the areas of energy law, land use, regulatory policy, and contracts.
﻿Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009489379"><em>How Government Built America</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2024) challenges growing, anti-government rhetoric by highlighting the role government has played in partnering with markets to build the United States. Sidney A. Shapiro and Joseph P. Tomain explore how markets can harm and fail the country, and how the government has addressed these extremes by restoring essential values to benefit all citizens. Without denying that individualism and small government are part of the national DNA, the authors demonstrate how democracy and a people pursuing communal interests are equally important. In highly engaging prose, the authors describe how the government, despite the complexity of markets, remains engaged in promoting economic prosperity, protecting people, and providing an economic safety net. Each chapter focuses on a historical figure, from Lincoln to FDR to Trump, to illustrate how the government-market mix has evolved over time. By understanding this history, readers can turn the national conversation back to what combination of government and markets will best serve the country.</p><p>Sidney A. Shapiro holds the Fletcher Chair in Administrative Law at the Wake Forest University School of Law. He is the author of Administrative Competence: Reimagining Administrative Law (2020) and Achieving Democracy: The Future of Progressive Regulation (2014).</p><p>Joseph P. Tomain is Dean Emeritus and the Wilbert and Helen Ziegler Professor of Law at the University of Cincinnati. A highly respected professor and scholar, his teaching and research interests focus in the areas of energy law, land use, regulatory policy, and contracts.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5149</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ee2b576a-af38-11ef-9371-c3bf24eccd47]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5065051930.mp3?updated=1732985355" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Olivia Chilcote, "Unrecognized in California: Federal Acknowledgment and the San Luis Rey Band of Mission Indians" (U Washington Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>California has more unrecognized Native tribes than any other state - what led to this strange state of affairs, and what does this mean in practice? 
In Unrecognized in California: Federal Acknowledgment and the San Luis Rey Band of Mission Indians (U Washington Press, 2024), San Diego State associate professor Olivia Chilcote answers these questions through the history and experience of her own tribe. Despite the inherent tribal sovereignty of the San Luis Rey Band, and indeed, of all Native tribes and nations, the long and difficult past of colonialism in California - from the Spanish, to the Mexican, to the American empires - has provided an array of obstacles to the acquisition of land and tribal recognition for the San Luis Rey Band and others. This unrecognized status has kept them from accessing several programs and protections, including NAGPRA. Yet, despite these headwinds, the San Luis Rey Band and other unrecognized California tribes nonetheless practice sovereignty in other ways, and in doing so continue to fight toward future recognition. In this very personal history, Chilcote explains how the government-to-government relationship between the United States and tribal nations creates both challenges and opportunities for Native people in the twenty first century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 30 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>172</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Olivia Chilcote</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>California has more unrecognized Native tribes than any other state - what led to this strange state of affairs, and what does this mean in practice? 
In Unrecognized in California: Federal Acknowledgment and the San Luis Rey Band of Mission Indians (U Washington Press, 2024), San Diego State associate professor Olivia Chilcote answers these questions through the history and experience of her own tribe. Despite the inherent tribal sovereignty of the San Luis Rey Band, and indeed, of all Native tribes and nations, the long and difficult past of colonialism in California - from the Spanish, to the Mexican, to the American empires - has provided an array of obstacles to the acquisition of land and tribal recognition for the San Luis Rey Band and others. This unrecognized status has kept them from accessing several programs and protections, including NAGPRA. Yet, despite these headwinds, the San Luis Rey Band and other unrecognized California tribes nonetheless practice sovereignty in other ways, and in doing so continue to fight toward future recognition. In this very personal history, Chilcote explains how the government-to-government relationship between the United States and tribal nations creates both challenges and opportunities for Native people in the twenty first century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>California has more unrecognized Native tribes than any other state - what led to this strange state of affairs, and what does this mean in practice? </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780295752846"><em>Unrecognized in California: Federal Acknowledgment and the San Luis Rey Band of Mission Indians </em></a>(U Washington Press, 2024), San Diego State associate professor Olivia Chilcote answers these questions through the history and experience of her own tribe. Despite the inherent tribal sovereignty of the San Luis Rey Band, and indeed, of all Native tribes and nations, the long and difficult past of colonialism in California - from the Spanish, to the Mexican, to the American empires - has provided an array of obstacles to the acquisition of land and tribal recognition for the San Luis Rey Band and others. This unrecognized status has kept them from accessing several programs and protections, including NAGPRA. Yet, despite these headwinds, the San Luis Rey Band and other unrecognized California tribes nonetheless practice sovereignty in other ways, and in doing so continue to fight toward future recognition. In this very personal history, Chilcote explains how the government-to-government relationship between the United States and tribal nations creates both challenges and opportunities for Native people in the twenty first century.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4854</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ebe30812-ace1-11ef-92af-8f86eaa0319d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4063928438.mp3?updated=1732728417" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Trump’s Mass Deportation Plan: Can He Really Do It?</title>
      <description>Kitty Calavita, Chancellor’s Professor Emerita of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California, Irvine, discuss the historical context and implications of Operation Wetback, a 1954 U.S. mass deportation of Mexican immigrants, and its relevance to President-elect Donald Trump's proposed mass deportation plans. Calavita explains that Operation Wetback aimed to address the economic utility of undocumented workers and political backlash against them, particularly during a recession and Cold War rhetoric. She highlights the logistical challenges of such operations, including the integration of immigrants into various industries and the legal protections against random stops. Calavita suggests that while high-profile roundups may occur, a massive deportation campaign is unlikely due to economic and logistical obstacles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>155</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Kitty Calavita</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kitty Calavita, Chancellor’s Professor Emerita of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California, Irvine, discuss the historical context and implications of Operation Wetback, a 1954 U.S. mass deportation of Mexican immigrants, and its relevance to President-elect Donald Trump's proposed mass deportation plans. Calavita explains that Operation Wetback aimed to address the economic utility of undocumented workers and political backlash against them, particularly during a recession and Cold War rhetoric. She highlights the logistical challenges of such operations, including the integration of immigrants into various industries and the legal protections against random stops. Calavita suggests that while high-profile roundups may occur, a massive deportation campaign is unlikely due to economic and logistical obstacles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Kitty Calavita, Chancellor’s Professor Emerita of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California, Irvine, discuss the historical context and implications of Operation Wetback, a 1954 U.S. mass deportation of Mexican immigrants, and its relevance to President-elect Donald Trump's proposed mass deportation plans. Calavita explains that Operation Wetback aimed to address the economic utility of undocumented workers and political backlash against them, particularly during a recession and Cold War rhetoric. She highlights the logistical challenges of such operations, including the integration of immigrants into various industries and the legal protections against random stops. Calavita suggests that while high-profile roundups may occur, a massive deportation campaign is unlikely due to economic and logistical obstacles.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1766</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[45032d32-acf1-11ef-bd07-df4c3a187a6c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9398114593.mp3?updated=1732734058" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Yii-Jan Lin, "Immigration and Apocalypse: How the Book of Revelation Shaped American Immigration" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The metaphor of New Jerusalem has long been used to justify dueling narratives of America as the land of freedom with open gates and the walled city closed to all except those whose names are written in the book of life. 
In Immigration and Apocalypse: How the Book of Revelation Shaped American Immigration ﻿(Yale University Press, 2024), Yii Jan Lin explores the idea of America as the New Jerusalem from early European exploration and colonization; through the waves of Chinese immigration and exclusion; the open gates envisioned by Ronald Reagan in his Farewell Address; and the present day rhetoric about closing the wall at the southern border and the characterization of migrants as diseased and dangerous. 
Yii-Jan Lin traces the use of this metaphor in newspapers, political speeches, sermons, cartoons, and novels throughout American history to portray a shining, God-blessed refuge and it's simultaneous opposite, where the unwanted are defined as unworthy for entry. Lin shows Revelation’s apocalyptic logic at work in these conflicting interpretations of the American dream, where judgement may be based on the deeds of the individual or judgement may be based on whether they are predestined for inclusion.
Author recommended reading:
- Heathen: Religion and Race in American History by Kathryn Gin Lum
- Revelation in Aztlán: Scriptures, Utopias, and the Chicano Movement by Jacqueline M. Hidalgo
Hosted by Meghan Cochran 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>281</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Yii-Jan Lin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The metaphor of New Jerusalem has long been used to justify dueling narratives of America as the land of freedom with open gates and the walled city closed to all except those whose names are written in the book of life. 
In Immigration and Apocalypse: How the Book of Revelation Shaped American Immigration ﻿(Yale University Press, 2024), Yii Jan Lin explores the idea of America as the New Jerusalem from early European exploration and colonization; through the waves of Chinese immigration and exclusion; the open gates envisioned by Ronald Reagan in his Farewell Address; and the present day rhetoric about closing the wall at the southern border and the characterization of migrants as diseased and dangerous. 
Yii-Jan Lin traces the use of this metaphor in newspapers, political speeches, sermons, cartoons, and novels throughout American history to portray a shining, God-blessed refuge and it's simultaneous opposite, where the unwanted are defined as unworthy for entry. Lin shows Revelation’s apocalyptic logic at work in these conflicting interpretations of the American dream, where judgement may be based on the deeds of the individual or judgement may be based on whether they are predestined for inclusion.
Author recommended reading:
- Heathen: Religion and Race in American History by Kathryn Gin Lum
- Revelation in Aztlán: Scriptures, Utopias, and the Chicano Movement by Jacqueline M. Hidalgo
Hosted by Meghan Cochran 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The metaphor of New Jerusalem has long been used to justify dueling narratives of America as the land of freedom with open gates and the walled city closed to all except those whose names are written in the book of life. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300253184"><em>Immigration and Apocalypse: How the Book of Revelation Shaped American Immigration</em></a><em> </em>﻿(Yale University Press, 2024), Yii Jan Lin explores the idea of America as the New Jerusalem from early European exploration and colonization; through the waves of Chinese immigration and exclusion; the open gates envisioned by Ronald Reagan in his Farewell Address; and the present day rhetoric about closing the wall at the southern border and the characterization of migrants as diseased and dangerous. </p><p>Yii-Jan Lin traces the use of this metaphor in newspapers, political speeches, sermons, cartoons, and novels throughout American history to portray a shining, God-blessed refuge and it's simultaneous opposite, where the unwanted are defined as unworthy for entry. Lin shows Revelation’s apocalyptic logic at work in these conflicting interpretations of the American dream, where judgement may be based on the deeds of the individual or judgement may be based on whether they are predestined for inclusion.</p><p>Author recommended reading:</p><p>- <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Heathen-Religion-Race-American-History/dp/B0BDHYNL41/ref=sr_1_2">Heathen: Religion and Race in American History</a> by Kathryn Gin Lum</p><p>- <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Revelation-Aztl%C3%A1n-Scriptures-Movement-Cultural/dp/1137592133">Revelation in Aztlán: Scriptures, Utopias, and the Chicano Movement</a> by Jacqueline M. Hidalgo</p><p><em>Hosted by </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com//hosts/profile/b113c5c0-b702-44b3-9ee1-436e326cfbd3"><em>Meghan Cochran</em></a> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2802</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5512357413.mp3?updated=1732647869" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel J. Mallinson and A. Lee Hannah, "Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Dan Mallinson and Lee Hannah, both experts on state-level politics and the policy making process, have a new book that focuses on the state-level process of legalization of medical cannabis across the United States. Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States (NYU Press, 2024) is a book that needed to be written, since it is an important exploration not only of the continuing policy conflicts and tensions around marijuana in the United States, but it specifically focuses on how states have taken up this issue and what they each did in moving towards medical marijuana’s accessibility. The marijuana question in in the United States remains a fascinating federalism dynamic, with national laws in conflict with state laws, and state laws operating in different ways, around both medical marijuana and legalized recreational use of cannabis.
Mallinson and Hannah provide the reader with an excellent overview of policymaking designs and theories since their analysis takes up so many different dimensions of the policy process in the United States. They then move into the history behind the criminalization of marijuana, and the way in which this policy has clearly racialized roots. Green Rush highlights the ways that some of the shifts and changes in state policies started to make their way through different states, via action by state legislatures and or through state-wide referenda. With particular attention to a number of states, like California, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, Mallinson and Hannah chart the ways that different states have gone about legalizing the medical use of marijuana, which has also been part of the pathway for other states to move towards decriminalization and legalization of adult use recreational marijuana.
Green Rush is an accessible policy analysis and provides important insight into the path that medical marijuana took as it became legal in one state after another. Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States charts the policy changes themselves, but also pays attention to changing public opinion around cannabis and shifts in the war on drugs as well.
(I found this book so useful that I have adopted it to use in my Public Policy class.)
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>750</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel J. Mallinson and A. Lee Hannah</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Dan Mallinson and Lee Hannah, both experts on state-level politics and the policy making process, have a new book that focuses on the state-level process of legalization of medical cannabis across the United States. Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States (NYU Press, 2024) is a book that needed to be written, since it is an important exploration not only of the continuing policy conflicts and tensions around marijuana in the United States, but it specifically focuses on how states have taken up this issue and what they each did in moving towards medical marijuana’s accessibility. The marijuana question in in the United States remains a fascinating federalism dynamic, with national laws in conflict with state laws, and state laws operating in different ways, around both medical marijuana and legalized recreational use of cannabis.
Mallinson and Hannah provide the reader with an excellent overview of policymaking designs and theories since their analysis takes up so many different dimensions of the policy process in the United States. They then move into the history behind the criminalization of marijuana, and the way in which this policy has clearly racialized roots. Green Rush highlights the ways that some of the shifts and changes in state policies started to make their way through different states, via action by state legislatures and or through state-wide referenda. With particular attention to a number of states, like California, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, Mallinson and Hannah chart the ways that different states have gone about legalizing the medical use of marijuana, which has also been part of the pathway for other states to move towards decriminalization and legalization of adult use recreational marijuana.
Green Rush is an accessible policy analysis and provides important insight into the path that medical marijuana took as it became legal in one state after another. Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States charts the policy changes themselves, but also pays attention to changing public opinion around cannabis and shifts in the war on drugs as well.
(I found this book so useful that I have adopted it to use in my Public Policy class.)
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Dan Mallinson and Lee Hannah, both experts on state-level politics and the policy making process, have a new book that focuses on the state-level process of legalization of medical cannabis across the United States. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479827930"><em>Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States</em></a> (NYU Press, 2024) is a book that needed to be written, since it is an important exploration not only of the continuing policy conflicts and tensions around marijuana in the United States, but it specifically focuses on how states have taken up this issue and what they each did in moving towards medical marijuana’s accessibility. The marijuana question in in the United States remains a fascinating federalism dynamic, with national laws in conflict with state laws, and state laws operating in different ways, around both medical marijuana and legalized recreational use of cannabis.</p><p>Mallinson and Hannah provide the reader with an excellent overview of policymaking designs and theories since their analysis takes up so many different dimensions of the policy process in the United States. They then move into the history behind the criminalization of marijuana, and the way in which this policy has clearly racialized roots. <em>Green Rush</em> highlights the ways that some of the shifts and changes in state policies started to make their way through different states, via action by state legislatures and or through state-wide referenda. With particular attention to a number of states, like California, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia, Mallinson and Hannah chart the ways that different states have gone about legalizing the medical use of marijuana, which has also been part of the pathway for other states to move towards decriminalization and legalization of adult use recreational marijuana.</p><p><em>Green Rush</em> is an accessible policy analysis and provides important insight into the path that medical marijuana took as it became legal in one state after another. <em>Green Rush: The Rise of Medical Marijuana in the United States</em> charts the policy changes themselves, but also pays attention to changing public opinion around cannabis and shifts in the war on drugs as well.</p><p>(I found this book so useful that I have adopted it to use in my <em>Public Policy</em> class.)</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3127</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8601607901.mp3?updated=1732570963" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nick Butler, "The Trouble with Jokes: Humour and Offensiveness in Contemporary Culture and Politics" (Policy Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In this podcast, Nick Butler explores humour's complex and often controversial role in shaping modern political discourse, examining how jokes can challenge and reinforce power structures. Whether you're interested in the intersection of humour and politics or curious about the cultural implications of what’s considered "offensive," this conversation promises to be both insightful and engaging.
Tune in to hear Nick’s thoughts on the dangers and potential of humour in a politically polarized world and much more! Don’t miss this fascinating dive into The Trouble with Jokes: Humour and Offensiveness in Contemporary Culture and Politics (Policy Press, 2023)
There is an enjoyable piece in The Conversation about this book and the 2024 US elections  here
Butler's blog on academic writing called First Draft here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>142</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nick Butler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this podcast, Nick Butler explores humour's complex and often controversial role in shaping modern political discourse, examining how jokes can challenge and reinforce power structures. Whether you're interested in the intersection of humour and politics or curious about the cultural implications of what’s considered "offensive," this conversation promises to be both insightful and engaging.
Tune in to hear Nick’s thoughts on the dangers and potential of humour in a politically polarized world and much more! Don’t miss this fascinating dive into The Trouble with Jokes: Humour and Offensiveness in Contemporary Culture and Politics (Policy Press, 2023)
There is an enjoyable piece in The Conversation about this book and the 2024 US elections  here
Butler's blog on academic writing called First Draft here
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this podcast, Nick Butler explores humour's complex and often controversial role in shaping modern political discourse, examining how jokes can challenge and reinforce power structures. Whether you're interested in the intersection of humour and politics or curious about the cultural implications of what’s considered "offensive," this conversation promises to be both insightful and engaging.</p><p>Tune in to hear Nick’s thoughts on the dangers and potential of humour in a politically polarized world and much more! Don’t miss this fascinating dive into <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781529232523"><em>The Trouble with Jokes: Humour and Offensiveness in Contemporary Culture and Politics</em></a> (Policy Press, 2023)</p><p>There is an enjoyable piece in <em>The Conversation</em> about this book and the 2024 US elections  <a href="https://theconversation.com/us-election-how-trump-and-his-followers-use-offensive-humour-to-make-prejudice-acceptable-221364">here</a></p><p>Butler's blog on academic writing called <em>First Draft</em> <a href="https://first-draft-academic.blogspot.com/">here</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1965</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e2f375c6-aa97-11ef-b1af-4752579fb220]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6455415465.mp3?updated=1732475806" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Osamah F. Khalil, "A World of Enemies: America's Wars at Home and Abroad from Kennedy to Biden" (Harvard UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>A sobering account of how the United States trapped itself in endless wars—abroad and at home—and what it might do to break free.
Over the past half-century, Americans have watched their country extend its military power to what seemed the very ends of the earth. America’s might is felt on nearly every continent—and even on its own streets. Decades ago, the Wars on Drugs and Terror broke down the walls separating law enforcement from military operations. A World of Enemies: America's Wars at Home and Abroad from Kennedy to Biden (Harvard UP, 2024) tells the story of how an America plagued by fears of waning power and influence embraced foreign and domestic forever wars.
Osamah Khalil argues that the militarization of US domestic and foreign affairs was the product of America’s failure in Vietnam. Unsettled by their inability to prevail in Southeast Asia, US leaders increasingly came to see a host of problems as immune to political solutions. Rather, crime, drugs, and terrorism were enemies spawned in “badlands”—whether the Middle East or stateside inner cities. Characterized as sites of endemic violence, badlands lay beyond the pale of civilization, their ostensibly racially and culturally alien inhabitants best handled by force.
Yet militarized policy has brought few victories. Its failures—in Iraq, Afghanistan, US cities, and increasingly rural and borderland America—have only served to reinforce fears of weakness. It is time, Khalil argues, for a new approach. Instead of managing never-ending conflicts, we need to reinvest in the tools of traditional politics and diplomacy.
Osamah F. Khalil is an Associate Professor of History at Syracuse University’s Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. He is the author of America’s Dream Palace, which was named a Best Book of 2017 by Foreign Affairs. His research on foreign policy, national security, and military affairs has been featured widely, from PBS NewsHour to USA Today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1508</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Osamah F. Khalil</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sobering account of how the United States trapped itself in endless wars—abroad and at home—and what it might do to break free.
Over the past half-century, Americans have watched their country extend its military power to what seemed the very ends of the earth. America’s might is felt on nearly every continent—and even on its own streets. Decades ago, the Wars on Drugs and Terror broke down the walls separating law enforcement from military operations. A World of Enemies: America's Wars at Home and Abroad from Kennedy to Biden (Harvard UP, 2024) tells the story of how an America plagued by fears of waning power and influence embraced foreign and domestic forever wars.
Osamah Khalil argues that the militarization of US domestic and foreign affairs was the product of America’s failure in Vietnam. Unsettled by their inability to prevail in Southeast Asia, US leaders increasingly came to see a host of problems as immune to political solutions. Rather, crime, drugs, and terrorism were enemies spawned in “badlands”—whether the Middle East or stateside inner cities. Characterized as sites of endemic violence, badlands lay beyond the pale of civilization, their ostensibly racially and culturally alien inhabitants best handled by force.
Yet militarized policy has brought few victories. Its failures—in Iraq, Afghanistan, US cities, and increasingly rural and borderland America—have only served to reinforce fears of weakness. It is time, Khalil argues, for a new approach. Instead of managing never-ending conflicts, we need to reinvest in the tools of traditional politics and diplomacy.
Osamah F. Khalil is an Associate Professor of History at Syracuse University’s Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. He is the author of America’s Dream Palace, which was named a Best Book of 2017 by Foreign Affairs. His research on foreign policy, national security, and military affairs has been featured widely, from PBS NewsHour to USA Today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sobering account of how the United States trapped itself in endless wars—abroad and at home—and what it might do to break free.</p><p>Over the past half-century, Americans have watched their country extend its military power to what seemed the very ends of the earth. America’s might is felt on nearly every continent—and even on its own streets. Decades ago, the Wars on Drugs and Terror broke down the walls separating law enforcement from military operations. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674244221"><em>A World of Enemies: America's Wars at Home and Abroad from Kennedy to Biden</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard UP, 2024) tells the story of how an America plagued by fears of waning power and influence embraced foreign and domestic forever wars.</p><p>Osamah Khalil argues that the militarization of US domestic and foreign affairs was the product of America’s failure in Vietnam. Unsettled by their inability to prevail in Southeast Asia, US leaders increasingly came to see a host of problems as immune to political solutions. Rather, crime, drugs, and terrorism were enemies spawned in “badlands”—whether the Middle East or stateside inner cities. Characterized as sites of endemic violence, badlands lay beyond the pale of civilization, their ostensibly racially and culturally alien inhabitants best handled by force.</p><p>Yet militarized policy has brought few victories. Its failures—in Iraq, Afghanistan, US cities, and increasingly rural and borderland America—have only served to reinforce fears of weakness. It is time, Khalil argues, for a new approach. Instead of managing never-ending conflicts, we need to reinvest in the tools of traditional politics and diplomacy.</p><p>Osamah F. Khalil is an Associate Professor of History at Syracuse University’s Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs. He is the author of <em>America’s Dream Palace</em>, which was named a Best Book of 2017 by <em>Foreign Affairs</em>. His research on foreign policy, national security, and military affairs has been featured widely, from <em>PBS NewsHour</em> to <em>USA Today</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4659</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>W. Paul Reeve, et al., "This Abominable Slavery: Race, Religion, and the Battle over Human Bondage in Antebellum Utah" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>On July 22, 1847, a group of about forty refugees entered the Salt Lake Valley. Among them were three enslaved men, two of whom shared the religion, Mormonism, that had caused them to flee. The valley was also home to members of the Ute tribe, who would sometimes barter captive women and children to Spanish colonizers. Thus, the question of whether the Latter-day Saints would accept or reject slavery in their new Zion confronted them on the day they first arrived. Five years later, after Utah had become an American territory, its legislature was prodded to take up the question then roiling the nation: would they be slave or free?

George D. Watt, the official reporter for the 1852 legislative session, reported debates and speeches in Pitman shorthand. They remained in their original format, virtually untouched, for more than one hundred and fifty years, until LaJean Purcell Carruth transcribed them. In this eye-opening volume This Abominable Slavery: Race, Religion, and the Battle over Human Bondage in Antebellum Utah (Oxford University Press, 2024), Carruth, Dr. Christopher Rich, and Dr. W. Paul Reeve draw extensively on these new sources to chronicle the session, during which the legislature passed two important statutes: one that legally transformed African American slaves into "servants" but did not pass the condition of servitude on to their children and another that authorized twenty-year indentures for enslaved Native Americans.

This Abominable Slavery places these debates within the context of the nation's growing sectional divide and contextualizes the meaning of these laws in the lives of Black enslaved people and Native American indentured servants. In doing so, it sheds new light on race, religion, slavery, and unfree labor in the antebellum period.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1507</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An Interview with W. Paul Reeve and Christopher B. Rich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On July 22, 1847, a group of about forty refugees entered the Salt Lake Valley. Among them were three enslaved men, two of whom shared the religion, Mormonism, that had caused them to flee. The valley was also home to members of the Ute tribe, who would sometimes barter captive women and children to Spanish colonizers. Thus, the question of whether the Latter-day Saints would accept or reject slavery in their new Zion confronted them on the day they first arrived. Five years later, after Utah had become an American territory, its legislature was prodded to take up the question then roiling the nation: would they be slave or free?

George D. Watt, the official reporter for the 1852 legislative session, reported debates and speeches in Pitman shorthand. They remained in their original format, virtually untouched, for more than one hundred and fifty years, until LaJean Purcell Carruth transcribed them. In this eye-opening volume This Abominable Slavery: Race, Religion, and the Battle over Human Bondage in Antebellum Utah (Oxford University Press, 2024), Carruth, Dr. Christopher Rich, and Dr. W. Paul Reeve draw extensively on these new sources to chronicle the session, during which the legislature passed two important statutes: one that legally transformed African American slaves into "servants" but did not pass the condition of servitude on to their children and another that authorized twenty-year indentures for enslaved Native Americans.

This Abominable Slavery places these debates within the context of the nation's growing sectional divide and contextualizes the meaning of these laws in the lives of Black enslaved people and Native American indentured servants. In doing so, it sheds new light on race, religion, slavery, and unfree labor in the antebellum period.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On July 22, 1847, a group of about forty refugees entered the Salt Lake Valley. Among them were three enslaved men, two of whom shared the religion, Mormonism, that had caused them to flee. The valley was also home to members of the Ute tribe, who would sometimes barter captive women and children to Spanish colonizers. Thus, the question of whether the Latter-day Saints would accept or reject slavery in their new Zion confronted them on the day they first arrived. Five years later, after Utah had become an American territory, its legislature was prodded to take up the question then roiling the nation: would they be slave or free?</p><p><br></p><p>George D. Watt, the official reporter for the 1852 legislative session, reported debates and speeches in Pitman shorthand. They remained in their original format, virtually untouched, for more than one hundred and fifty years, until LaJean Purcell Carruth transcribed them. In this eye-opening volume <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197765029"><em>This Abominable Slavery: Race, Religion, and the Battle over Human Bondage in Antebellum Utah</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2024), Carruth, Dr. Christopher Rich, and Dr. W. Paul Reeve draw extensively on these new sources to chronicle the session, during which the legislature passed two important statutes: one that legally transformed African American slaves into "servants" but did not pass the condition of servitude on to their children and another that authorized twenty-year indentures for enslaved Native Americans.</p><p><br></p><p>This Abominable Slavery places these debates within the context of the nation's growing sectional divide and contextualizes the meaning of these laws in the lives of Black enslaved people and Native American indentured servants. In doing so, it sheds new light on race, religion, slavery, and unfree labor in the antebellum period.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3326</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[359f938e-aa7c-11ef-89fa-6b57b1247e25]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9858115186.mp3?updated=1732463733" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Political Magazine: A Conversation with Ramesh Ponnuru</title>
      <description>This week on Madison’s Notes, we welcome Ramesh Ponnuru, renowned journalist and Editor of National Review. In this episode, we dive into his journey, starting with his formative years at Princeton University, where he began shaping his intellectual perspective as an undergraduate. We explore the highlights of his career in journalism, the principles that guide his writing, and his unique insights into the evolution of political magazines in today’s media landscape. Join us for an engaging and thought-provoking conversation with one of the leading voices in American political commentary.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>128</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on Madison’s Notes, we welcome Ramesh Ponnuru, renowned journalist and Editor of National Review. In this episode, we dive into his journey, starting with his formative years at Princeton University, where he began shaping his intellectual perspective as an undergraduate. We explore the highlights of his career in journalism, the principles that guide his writing, and his unique insights into the evolution of political magazines in today’s media landscape. Join us for an engaging and thought-provoking conversation with one of the leading voices in American political commentary.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, we welcome Ramesh Ponnuru, renowned journalist and Editor of <em>National Review</em>. In this episode, we dive into his journey, starting with his formative years at Princeton University, where he began shaping his intellectual perspective as an undergraduate. We explore the highlights of his career in journalism, the principles that guide his writing, and his unique insights into the evolution of political magazines in today’s media landscape. Join us for an engaging and thought-provoking conversation with one of the leading voices in American political commentary.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2208</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1715283091.mp3?updated=1732390810" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Secret Life of Central Bankers</title>
      <description>This is the final episode of Cited’s most recent season, Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise, a season that tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page. They will back with a new season focussed on environmental politics in early 2025, so make sure you are subscribed to the podcast (Apple, Spotify, manual RSS).
The MAGA movement scores big wins by taking cheap shots at experts. Now, some worry that Donald Trump could try to oust Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell. The typical centrist position is to defend the supposedly impartial, apolitical expertise of such figures. Yet, we know that is not exactly right either. Is there a better way to imagine a better bank?
In our first segment, we speak with Frances Coppala, author of The Case for People's Quantitative Easing. It’s something of a case study in Fed politics, revealing how their decisions post-Global Financial Crisis served the rich, and not working people.
Yet, saying that these experts are political does not mean we have to be hyper-partisan reactionary hacks. Instead, democratizing the bank could offer a better way forward. That's according to Annelise Riles, a professor of law and of anthropology, and author of the book Financial Citizenship: Experts, Publics, and the Politics of Central Banking. Riles is also host the Foreign Policy podcast Everyday Ambassador, which its new second season out now. What would democratizing the Fed look like, and would that really counter the powerful financial interests that have so thoroughly captured the institution?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>72</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On Quantitative Easing &amp; The Idea of Central Bank Independence</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This is the final episode of Cited’s most recent season, Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise, a season that tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page. They will back with a new season focussed on environmental politics in early 2025, so make sure you are subscribed to the podcast (Apple, Spotify, manual RSS).
The MAGA movement scores big wins by taking cheap shots at experts. Now, some worry that Donald Trump could try to oust Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell. The typical centrist position is to defend the supposedly impartial, apolitical expertise of such figures. Yet, we know that is not exactly right either. Is there a better way to imagine a better bank?
In our first segment, we speak with Frances Coppala, author of The Case for People's Quantitative Easing. It’s something of a case study in Fed politics, revealing how their decisions post-Global Financial Crisis served the rich, and not working people.
Yet, saying that these experts are political does not mean we have to be hyper-partisan reactionary hacks. Instead, democratizing the bank could offer a better way forward. That's according to Annelise Riles, a professor of law and of anthropology, and author of the book Financial Citizenship: Experts, Publics, and the Politics of Central Banking. Riles is also host the Foreign Policy podcast Everyday Ambassador, which its new second season out now. What would democratizing the Fed look like, and would that really counter the powerful financial interests that have so thoroughly captured the institution?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This is the final episode of <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited’s</em></a> most recent season,<em> Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise, </em>a season that tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-03-use-and-abuse-of-economics/">visit the series page</a>. They will back with a new season focussed on environmental politics in early 2025, so make sure you are subscribed to the podcast (<a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/cited-podcast/id558228325">Apple</a>, <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6pMLdKYpGooLKis7aORHSi">Spotify</a>, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/feed/podcast/">manual RSS</a>).</p><p>The MAGA movement scores big wins by taking cheap shots at experts. Now, some worry that Donald Trump could try to oust Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell. The typical centrist position is to defend the supposedly impartial, apolitical expertise of such figures. Yet, we know that is not exactly right either. Is there a better way to imagine a better bank?</p><p>In our first segment, we speak with <a href="https://x.com/frances_coppola?lang=en">Frances Coppala</a>, author of <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-be/The+Case+For+People's+Quantitative+Easing-p-9781509531301"><em>The Case for People's Quantitative Easing.</em></a> It’s something of a case study in Fed politics, revealing how their decisions post-Global Financial Crisis served the rich, and not working people.</p><p>Yet, saying that these experts are <em>political </em>does not mean we have to be hyper-partisan reactionary hacks. Instead, democratizing the bank could offer a better way forward. That's according to <a href="https://www.law.northwestern.edu/faculty/profiles/anneliseriles/">Annelise Riles</a>, a professor of law and of anthropology, and author of the book <a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501732720/financial-citizenship/#bookTabs=1"><em>Financial Citizenship: Experts, Publics, and the Politics of Central Banking</em></a>. Riles is also host the <em>Foreign Policy </em>podcast <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/podcasts/everyday-ambassador/"><em>Everyday Ambassador</em></a>, which its new second season out now. What would democratizing the Fed look like, and would that really counter the powerful financial interests that have so thoroughly captured the institution?</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4192</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ad50a938-a9ad-11ef-881f-0f8c49aaa8bb]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4800378665.mp3?updated=1732375438" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Garner Masarik, "The Sentimental State: How Women-Led Reform Built the American Welfare State" (U Georgia Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>With The Sentimental State: How Women-Led Reform Built the American Welfare State (University of Georgia Press, 2024), Dr. Elizabeth Garner Masarik shows how middle-class women, both white and Black, harnessed the nineteenth-century “culture of sentiment” to generate political action in the Progressive Era. While eighteenth-century rationalism had relied upon the development of the analytic mind as the basis for acquiring truth, nineteenth-century sentimentalism hinged upon human emotional responses and the public’s capacity to feel sympathy to establish morally based truth and build support for improving the welfare of women and children.

Sentimentalism marched right alongside women’s steps into the public sphere of political action. The concerns over infant mortality and the “fall” of young women intertwined with sentimentalism to elicit public action in the formation of the American welfare state. The work of voluntary and paid female reformers during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries shaped what would become lasting collaborations between grassroots voluntary organizations and the national government.

Women saw a social need, filled it, and cobbled together a network of voluntary organizations that tapped state funding and support when available. Their work provided safeguards for women and children and created a network of female-oriented programs that both aided and policed women of child-bearing age at the turn of the twentieth century. Through an examination of these reform programs, Dr. Masarik demonstrates the strong connection between nineteenth-century sentimental culture and female political action, advocating government support for infant and maternal welfare, in the twentieth century.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1504</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An Interview with Elizabeth Garner Masarik</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With The Sentimental State: How Women-Led Reform Built the American Welfare State (University of Georgia Press, 2024), Dr. Elizabeth Garner Masarik shows how middle-class women, both white and Black, harnessed the nineteenth-century “culture of sentiment” to generate political action in the Progressive Era. While eighteenth-century rationalism had relied upon the development of the analytic mind as the basis for acquiring truth, nineteenth-century sentimentalism hinged upon human emotional responses and the public’s capacity to feel sympathy to establish morally based truth and build support for improving the welfare of women and children.

Sentimentalism marched right alongside women’s steps into the public sphere of political action. The concerns over infant mortality and the “fall” of young women intertwined with sentimentalism to elicit public action in the formation of the American welfare state. The work of voluntary and paid female reformers during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries shaped what would become lasting collaborations between grassroots voluntary organizations and the national government.

Women saw a social need, filled it, and cobbled together a network of voluntary organizations that tapped state funding and support when available. Their work provided safeguards for women and children and created a network of female-oriented programs that both aided and policed women of child-bearing age at the turn of the twentieth century. Through an examination of these reform programs, Dr. Masarik demonstrates the strong connection between nineteenth-century sentimental culture and female political action, advocating government support for infant and maternal welfare, in the twentieth century.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820366050"><em>The Sentimental State: How Women-Led Reform Built the American Welfare State</em></a> (University of Georgia Press, 2024), Dr. Elizabeth Garner Masarik shows how middle-class women, both white and Black, harnessed the nineteenth-century “culture of sentiment” to generate political action in the Progressive Era. While eighteenth-century rationalism had relied upon the development of the analytic mind as the basis for acquiring truth, nineteenth-century sentimentalism hinged upon human emotional responses and the public’s capacity to feel sympathy to establish morally based truth and build support for improving the welfare of women and children.</p><p><br></p><p>Sentimentalism marched right alongside women’s steps into the public sphere of political action. The concerns over infant mortality and the “fall” of young women intertwined with sentimentalism to elicit public action in the formation of the American welfare state. The work of voluntary and paid female reformers during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries shaped what would become lasting collaborations between grassroots voluntary organizations and the national government.</p><p><br></p><p>Women saw a social need, filled it, and cobbled together a network of voluntary organizations that tapped state funding and support when available. Their work provided safeguards for women and children and created a network of female-oriented programs that both aided and policed women of child-bearing age at the turn of the twentieth century. Through an examination of these reform programs, Dr. Masarik demonstrates the strong connection between nineteenth-century sentimental culture and female political action, advocating government support for infant and maternal welfare, in the twentieth century.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3862</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[500407ba-a8f0-11ef-9568-0b0f0bf3cd2e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6416570850.mp3?updated=1732291216" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jordan S. Carroll, "Speculative Whiteness: Science Fiction and the Alt-Right" (U Minnesota Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Fascists such as Richard Spencer interpret science fiction films and literature as saying only white men have the imagination required to invent a high-tech future. Other white nationalists envision racist utopias filled with Aryan supermen and all-white space colonies. Speculative Whiteness: Science Fiction and the Alt-Right (University of Minnesota Press, 2024) traces these ideas through the entangled histories of science fiction culture and white supremacist politics, showing that debates about representation in science fiction films and literature are struggles over who has the right to imagine and inhabit the future. Although fascists insist that tomorrow belongs to them, they have always been and will continue to be contested by antifascist fans willing to fight for the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>319</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jordan S. Carroll </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fascists such as Richard Spencer interpret science fiction films and literature as saying only white men have the imagination required to invent a high-tech future. Other white nationalists envision racist utopias filled with Aryan supermen and all-white space colonies. Speculative Whiteness: Science Fiction and the Alt-Right (University of Minnesota Press, 2024) traces these ideas through the entangled histories of science fiction culture and white supremacist politics, showing that debates about representation in science fiction films and literature are struggles over who has the right to imagine and inhabit the future. Although fascists insist that tomorrow belongs to them, they have always been and will continue to be contested by antifascist fans willing to fight for the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Fascists such as Richard Spencer interpret science fiction films and literature as saying only white men have the imagination required to invent a high-tech future. Other white nationalists envision racist utopias filled with Aryan supermen and all-white space colonies. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517917081"><em>Speculative Whiteness: Science Fiction and the Alt-Right</em></a><em> </em>(University of Minnesota Press, 2024) traces these ideas through the entangled histories of science fiction culture and white supremacist politics, showing that debates about representation in science fiction films and literature are struggles over who has the right to imagine and inhabit the future. Although fascists insist that tomorrow belongs to them, they have always been and will continue to be contested by antifascist fans willing to fight for the future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2708</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d03d76d4-a84e-11ef-a9b2-03340ec38235]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6221643073.mp3?updated=1732224353" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ronald Reagan Gave Us Punk Rock (with Vincent Brown)</title>
      <description>Welcome to What Just Happened, a Recall This Book experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. In this episode, Vincent Brown (History professor at Harvard) last spoke with us about his own work on Caribbean slave revolts; his many other well-known projects include the recent PBS series The Bigger Picture.
What exactly happened and will happen? Well, Vince has sympathy for Bernie Sanders Boston Globe op-ed about the Democrat's neglect of working-class and Gabriel Wynant's "Exit Right" abut the need to remake left-wing politics. He also takes seriously Thomas Piketty's theory of the rise of "Brahmin Left". That's a topic explored in the Recall This Book series on the Brahmin left ( Jan-Werner Muller, Matthew Karp and Thomas Piketty).
Any hopeful note to end on? Well, bad government breeds righteous opposition. From Ronald Reagan we got...Minor Threat and the Bad Brains.
Tune in tomorrow to hear John speak with David Cunningham; the previous conversation, already up on New Books Network, was with Mark Blyth.
Listen and Read here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>138</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"What Just Happened?" Series, no. 2</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Welcome to What Just Happened, a Recall This Book experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. In this episode, Vincent Brown (History professor at Harvard) last spoke with us about his own work on Caribbean slave revolts; his many other well-known projects include the recent PBS series The Bigger Picture.
What exactly happened and will happen? Well, Vince has sympathy for Bernie Sanders Boston Globe op-ed about the Democrat's neglect of working-class and Gabriel Wynant's "Exit Right" abut the need to remake left-wing politics. He also takes seriously Thomas Piketty's theory of the rise of "Brahmin Left". That's a topic explored in the Recall This Book series on the Brahmin left ( Jan-Werner Muller, Matthew Karp and Thomas Piketty).
Any hopeful note to end on? Well, bad government breeds righteous opposition. From Ronald Reagan we got...Minor Threat and the Bad Brains.
Tune in tomorrow to hear John speak with David Cunningham; the previous conversation, already up on New Books Network, was with Mark Blyth.
Listen and Read here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Welcome to <em>What Just Happened,</em> a <a href="http://recallthisbook.org/">Recall This Book</a> experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. In this episode, <a href="https://history.fas.harvard.edu/people/vincent-brown">Vincent Brown</a> (History professor at Harvard) last spoke with us <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/2020/06/04/34-the-caribbean-and-vectors-of-warfare-vincent-brown-ef-jp/">about his own work </a>on Caribbean slave revolts; his many other well-known projects include the recent PBS series <em>The Bigger Picture</em>.</p><p>What exactly happened and will happen? Well, Vince has sympathy for Bernie Sanders <a href="https://www.bostonglobe.com/2024/11/10/opinion/democratic-party-working-class-bernie-sanders/">Boston Globe op-ed</a> about the Democrat's neglect of working-class and Gabriel Wynant's "<a href="https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/exit-right/">Exit Right</a>" abut the need to remake left-wing politics. He also takes seriously Thomas Piketty's theory of the rise of "<a href="http://piketty.pse.ens.fr/files/Piketty2018.pdf">Brahmin Left</a>". That's a topic explored in the R<a href="https://recallthisbook.org/category/brahmin-left/">ecall This Book series on the Brahmin left </a>( Jan-Werner Muller, Matthew Karp and Thomas Piketty).</p><p>Any hopeful note to end on? Well, bad government breeds righteous opposition. From Ronald Reagan we got...<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pmNfPgda9TY">Minor Threat</a> and the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zQ-GccMRLqw">Bad Brains</a>.</p><p>Tune in tomorrow to hear John speak with <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/?s=david+cunningham">David Cunningham</a>; the <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/what-just-happened#entry:353258@1:url">previous conversation</a>, already up on New Books Network, was <strong>with Mark Blyth.</strong></p><p><strong>Listen</strong> and <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/rtb-138b-vincent-brown-.pdf">Read</a> here.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1269</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Erica Benner, "Adventures in Democracy: The Turbulent World of People Power" (Penguin, 2024)</title>
      <description>Democracy is a living, breathing thing and Dr. Erica Benner has spent a lifetime thinking about the role ordinary citizens play in keeping it alive: from her childhood in post-war Japan, where democracy was imposed on a defeated country, to working in post-communist Poland, with its sudden gaps of wealth and security. Adventures in Democracy: The Turbulent World of People Power (Penguin, 2024) draws on her experiences and the deep history of self-ruling peoples – going back to ancient Greece, the French revolution and Renaissance Florence – to rethink some of the toughest questions that we face today.
What do democratic ideals of equality mean in a world obsessed with competition, wealth, and greatness? How can we hold the powerful to account? Can we find enough common ground to keep sharing democratic power in the future? Challenging well-worn myths of heroic triumph over tyranny, Dr. Benner reveals the inescapable vulnerabilities of people power, inviting us to consider why democracy is worth fighting for and the role each of us must play.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>747</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erica Benner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Democracy is a living, breathing thing and Dr. Erica Benner has spent a lifetime thinking about the role ordinary citizens play in keeping it alive: from her childhood in post-war Japan, where democracy was imposed on a defeated country, to working in post-communist Poland, with its sudden gaps of wealth and security. Adventures in Democracy: The Turbulent World of People Power (Penguin, 2024) draws on her experiences and the deep history of self-ruling peoples – going back to ancient Greece, the French revolution and Renaissance Florence – to rethink some of the toughest questions that we face today.
What do democratic ideals of equality mean in a world obsessed with competition, wealth, and greatness? How can we hold the powerful to account? Can we find enough common ground to keep sharing democratic power in the future? Challenging well-worn myths of heroic triumph over tyranny, Dr. Benner reveals the inescapable vulnerabilities of people power, inviting us to consider why democracy is worth fighting for and the role each of us must play.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Democracy is a living, breathing thing and Dr. Erica Benner has spent a lifetime thinking about the role ordinary citizens play in keeping it alive: from her childhood in post-war Japan, where democracy was imposed on a defeated country, to working in post-communist Poland, with its sudden gaps of wealth and security. <a href="https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/453228/adventures-in-democracy-by-benner-erica/9780241609750"><em>Adventures in Democracy: The Turbulent World of People</em> <em>Power</em></a> (Penguin, 2024) draws on her experiences and the deep history of self-ruling peoples – going back to ancient Greece, the French revolution and Renaissance Florence – to rethink some of the toughest questions that we face today.</p><p>What do democratic ideals of equality mean in a world obsessed with competition, wealth, and greatness? How can we hold the powerful to account? Can we find enough common ground to keep sharing democratic power in the future? Challenging well-worn myths of heroic triumph over tyranny, Dr. Benner reveals the inescapable vulnerabilities of people power, inviting us to consider why democracy is worth fighting for and the role each of us must play.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3046</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>An Existential Fight between Green and Carbon Assets (with Mark Blyth)</title>
      <description>Welcome to What Just Happened, a Recall This Book experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. Mark Blyth (whose planned February 2020 appearance was scrubbed by the pandemic) is an international economist from Brown University, whose many books for both scholars and a popular audience include Great Transformations (2002), Angrynomics (2020; with Eric Lonergan) and (with Nicolo Fraccaroli) Inflation: A Guide for Users and Losers (New York: Norton 2025).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>138</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"What Just Happened?" Series, no. 1</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Welcome to What Just Happened, a Recall This Book experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. Mark Blyth (whose planned February 2020 appearance was scrubbed by the pandemic) is an international economist from Brown University, whose many books for both scholars and a popular audience include Great Transformations (2002), Angrynomics (2020; with Eric Lonergan) and (with Nicolo Fraccaroli) Inflation: A Guide for Users and Losers (New York: Norton 2025).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Welcome to <em>What Just Happened,</em> a <a href="http://recallthisbook.org/">Recall This Book</a> experiment. In it you will hear three friends of RTB reacting to the 2024 election and discussing the coming four years. <a href="https://home.watson.brown.edu/people/faculty/watson-faculty/mark-blyth">Mark Blyth</a> (whose planned February 2020 appearance was scrubbed by the pandemic) is an international economist from Brown University, whose many books for both scholars and a popular audience include <em>Great Transformations </em>(2002), <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788212793"><em>Angrynomics</em></a> (2020; with Eric Lonergan) and (with Nicolo Fraccaroli) <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Inflation-Guide-Losers-Mark-Blyth/dp/132410614X">I<em>nflation: A Guide for Users and Losers</em> </a>(New York: Norton 2025).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1970</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0701f856-a76f-11ef-95e5-0ff130480920]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert B. Talisse, "Civic Solitude: Why Democracy Needs Distance" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>An internet search of the phrase "this is what democracy looks like" returns thousands of images of people assembled in public for the purpose of collective action. But is group collaboration truly the defining feature of effective democracy?
In Civic Solitude: Why Democracy Needs Distance (Oxford UP, 2024), Robert B. Talisse suggests that while group action is essential to democracy, action without reflection can present insidious challenges, as individuals' perspectives can be distorted by group dynamics. The culprit is a cognitive dynamic called belief polarization. As we interact with our political allies, we are exposed to forces that render us more radical in our beliefs and increasingly hostile to those who do not share them. What's more, the social environments we inhabit in our day-to-day lives are sorted along partisan lines. We are surrounded by triggers of political extremity and animosity. Thus, our ordinary activities encourage the attitude that democracy is possible only when everyone agrees--a profoundly antidemocratic stance.
Drawing on extensive research about polarization and partisanship, Talisse argues that certain core democratic capacities can be cultivated only at a distance from the political fray. If we are to meet the responsibilities of democratic citizenship, we must occasionally step away from our allies and opponents alike. We can perform this self-work only in secluded settings where we can engage in civic reflection that is not prepackaged in the idiom of our political divides, allowing us to contemplate political circumstances that are not our own.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>748</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert B. Talisse</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An internet search of the phrase "this is what democracy looks like" returns thousands of images of people assembled in public for the purpose of collective action. But is group collaboration truly the defining feature of effective democracy?
In Civic Solitude: Why Democracy Needs Distance (Oxford UP, 2024), Robert B. Talisse suggests that while group action is essential to democracy, action without reflection can present insidious challenges, as individuals' perspectives can be distorted by group dynamics. The culprit is a cognitive dynamic called belief polarization. As we interact with our political allies, we are exposed to forces that render us more radical in our beliefs and increasingly hostile to those who do not share them. What's more, the social environments we inhabit in our day-to-day lives are sorted along partisan lines. We are surrounded by triggers of political extremity and animosity. Thus, our ordinary activities encourage the attitude that democracy is possible only when everyone agrees--a profoundly antidemocratic stance.
Drawing on extensive research about polarization and partisanship, Talisse argues that certain core democratic capacities can be cultivated only at a distance from the political fray. If we are to meet the responsibilities of democratic citizenship, we must occasionally step away from our allies and opponents alike. We can perform this self-work only in secluded settings where we can engage in civic reflection that is not prepackaged in the idiom of our political divides, allowing us to contemplate political circumstances that are not our own.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An internet search of the phrase "this is what democracy looks like" returns thousands of images of people assembled in public for the purpose of collective action. But is group collaboration truly the defining feature of effective democracy?</p><p>In Civic Solitude: Why Democracy Needs Distance (Oxford UP, 2024), Robert B. Talisse suggests that while group action is essential to democracy, action without reflection can present insidious challenges, as individuals' perspectives can be distorted by group dynamics. The culprit is a cognitive dynamic called belief polarization. As we interact with our political allies, we are exposed to forces that render us more radical in our beliefs and increasingly hostile to those who do not share them. What's more, the social environments we inhabit in our day-to-day lives are sorted along partisan lines. We are surrounded by triggers of political extremity and animosity. Thus, our ordinary activities encourage the attitude that democracy is possible only when everyone agrees--a profoundly antidemocratic stance.</p><p>Drawing on extensive research about polarization and partisanship, Talisse argues that certain core democratic capacities can be cultivated only at a distance from the political fray. If we are to meet the responsibilities of democratic citizenship, we must occasionally step away from our allies and opponents alike. We can perform this self-work only in secluded settings where we can engage in civic reflection that is not prepackaged in the idiom of our political divides, allowing us to contemplate political circumstances that are not our own.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5690</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Domingo Morel, "Developing Scholars: Race, Politics, and the Pursuit of Higher Education" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Over the past fifty years, debates concerning race and college admissions have focused primarily on the policy of affirmative action at elite institutions of higher education. But a less well-known approach to affirmative action also emerged in the 1960s in response to urban unrest and Black and Latino political mobilization. The programs that emerged in response to community demands offered a more radical view of college access: admitting and supporting students who do not meet regular admissions requirements and come from families who are unable to afford college tuition, fees, and other expenses. While conventional views of affirmative action policies focus on the "identification" of high-achieving students of color to attend elite institutions of higher education, these programs represent a community-centered approach to affirmative action. This approach is based on a logic of developing scholars who can be supported at their local public institutions of higher education. 
In Developing Scholars: Race, Politics, and the Pursuit of Higher Education (Oxford UP, 2023), Domingo Morel explores the history and political factors that led to the creation of college access programs for students of color in the 1960s. Through a case study of an existing community-centered affirmative action program, Talent Development, Morel shows how protest, including violent protest, has been instrumental in the maintenance of college access programs. He also reveals that in response to the college expansion efforts of the 1960s, hidden forms of restriction emerged that have significantly impacted students of color. Developing Scholars argues that the origin, history, and purpose of these programs reveal gaps in our understanding of college access expansion in the US that challenge conventional wisdom of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Domingo Morel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past fifty years, debates concerning race and college admissions have focused primarily on the policy of affirmative action at elite institutions of higher education. But a less well-known approach to affirmative action also emerged in the 1960s in response to urban unrest and Black and Latino political mobilization. The programs that emerged in response to community demands offered a more radical view of college access: admitting and supporting students who do not meet regular admissions requirements and come from families who are unable to afford college tuition, fees, and other expenses. While conventional views of affirmative action policies focus on the "identification" of high-achieving students of color to attend elite institutions of higher education, these programs represent a community-centered approach to affirmative action. This approach is based on a logic of developing scholars who can be supported at their local public institutions of higher education. 
In Developing Scholars: Race, Politics, and the Pursuit of Higher Education (Oxford UP, 2023), Domingo Morel explores the history and political factors that led to the creation of college access programs for students of color in the 1960s. Through a case study of an existing community-centered affirmative action program, Talent Development, Morel shows how protest, including violent protest, has been instrumental in the maintenance of college access programs. He also reveals that in response to the college expansion efforts of the 1960s, hidden forms of restriction emerged that have significantly impacted students of color. Developing Scholars argues that the origin, history, and purpose of these programs reveal gaps in our understanding of college access expansion in the US that challenge conventional wisdom of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past fifty years, debates concerning race and college admissions have focused primarily on the policy of affirmative action at elite institutions of higher education. But a less well-known approach to affirmative action also emerged in the 1960s in response to urban unrest and Black and Latino political mobilization. The programs that emerged in response to community demands offered a more radical view of college access: admitting and supporting students who do not meet regular admissions requirements and come from families who are unable to afford college tuition, fees, and other expenses. While conventional views of affirmative action policies focus on the "identification" of high-achieving students of color to attend elite institutions of higher education, these programs represent a community-centered approach to affirmative action. This approach is based on a logic of developing scholars who can be supported at their local public institutions of higher education. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197637005"><em>Developing Scholars: Race, Politics, and the Pursuit of Higher Education</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023), Domingo Morel explores the history and political factors that led to the creation of college access programs for students of color in the 1960s. Through a case study of an existing community-centered affirmative action program, Talent Development, Morel shows how protest, including violent protest, has been instrumental in the maintenance of college access programs. He also reveals that in response to the college expansion efforts of the 1960s, hidden forms of restriction emerged that have significantly impacted students of color. Developing Scholars argues that the origin, history, and purpose of these programs reveal gaps in our understanding of college access expansion in the US that challenge conventional wisdom of American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3008</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrew Stone Higgins, "Higher Education for All: Racial Inequality, Cold War Liberalism, and the California Master Plan" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The 1960 California Master Plan for Higher Education remains to this day the largest and most ambitious attempt to provide free, universal college education in the United States. Yet the Master Plan, the product of committed Cold War liberals, unfortunately served to reinforce the very class-based exclusions and de facto racism that plagued K–12 education in the nation's largest and most diverse state. In doing so, it inspired a wave of student and faculty organizing that not only forced administrators and politicians to live up to the original promise of the Master Plan—quality higher education for all—but changed the face of California itself. 
Higher Education for All: Racial Inequality, Cold War Liberalism, and the California Master Plan (UNC Press, 2023)  is the first and only comprehensive account of the California Master Plan. Through deep archival work and sharp attention to a fascinating cast of historical characters, Andrew Stone Higgins has excavated the forgotten history of the Master Plan: from its origins in the 1957 Sputnik Crisis, through Governor Ronald Reagan's financial starvation and his failed quest to introduce tuition, to the student struggle to institute affirmative action in university admissions.
Abigail (Abby) Jean Kahn is a PhD candidate in the history of education at Stanford's Graduate School of Education. She also currently sits on the Graduate Student Council for the History of Education Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Stone Higgins</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 1960 California Master Plan for Higher Education remains to this day the largest and most ambitious attempt to provide free, universal college education in the United States. Yet the Master Plan, the product of committed Cold War liberals, unfortunately served to reinforce the very class-based exclusions and de facto racism that plagued K–12 education in the nation's largest and most diverse state. In doing so, it inspired a wave of student and faculty organizing that not only forced administrators and politicians to live up to the original promise of the Master Plan—quality higher education for all—but changed the face of California itself. 
Higher Education for All: Racial Inequality, Cold War Liberalism, and the California Master Plan (UNC Press, 2023)  is the first and only comprehensive account of the California Master Plan. Through deep archival work and sharp attention to a fascinating cast of historical characters, Andrew Stone Higgins has excavated the forgotten history of the Master Plan: from its origins in the 1957 Sputnik Crisis, through Governor Ronald Reagan's financial starvation and his failed quest to introduce tuition, to the student struggle to institute affirmative action in university admissions.
Abigail (Abby) Jean Kahn is a PhD candidate in the history of education at Stanford's Graduate School of Education. She also currently sits on the Graduate Student Council for the History of Education Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 1960 California Master Plan for Higher Education remains to this day the largest and most ambitious attempt to provide free, universal college education in the United States. Yet the Master Plan, the product of committed Cold War liberals, unfortunately served to reinforce the very class-based exclusions and de facto racism that plagued K–12 education in the nation's largest and most diverse state. In doing so, it inspired a wave of student and faculty organizing that not only forced administrators and politicians to live up to the original promise of the Master Plan—quality higher education for all—but changed the face of California itself. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469672915"><em>Higher Education for All: Racial Inequality, Cold War Liberalism, and the California Master Plan</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2023)  is the first and only comprehensive account of the California Master Plan. Through deep archival work and sharp attention to a fascinating cast of historical characters, Andrew Stone Higgins has excavated the forgotten history of the Master Plan: from its origins in the 1957 Sputnik Crisis, through Governor Ronald Reagan's financial starvation and his failed quest to introduce tuition, to the student struggle to institute affirmative action in university admissions.</p><p>Abigail (Abby) Jean Kahn is a PhD candidate in the history of education at Stanford's Graduate School of Education. She also currently sits on the Graduate Student Council for the History of Education Society.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3690</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Karen M. Dunak, "Our Jackie: Public Claims on a Private Life" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>When Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis became First Lady of the United States over sixty years ago, she stepped into the public spotlight. Although Jackie is perhaps best known for her two highly-publicized marriages, her legacy has endured beyond twentieth-century pop culture and she remains an object of public fascination today.
Drawing on a range of sources– from articles penned for the women’s pages of local newspapers, to esteemed national periodicals, to fan magazines and film– Our Jackie: Public Claims on a Private Life (NYU Press, 2024) evaluates how media coverage of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis changed over the course of her very public life. Jackie’s interactions with and framing by the American media reflect the changing attitudes toward American womanhood. Over the course of four decades, Jackie was alternatively praised for her service to others, and pilloried for her perceived self-interest. In Our Jackie, Karen M. Dunak argues that whether she was portrayed as a campaign wife, a loyal widow, a selfish jetsetter, or a mature career woman, the history of Jackie’s highly publicized life demonstrates the ways in which news, entertainment, politics, and celebrity evolved and intertwined over the second half of the twentieth century.
Examining the intimate chronicles of this famous First Lady’s life, Our Jackie suggests that media coverage of this enigmatic public figure revealed as much about the prevailing views of women in America– how they should behave and whom they should serve– as it did about Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis as an individual.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 17 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>104</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Karen M. Dunak</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis became First Lady of the United States over sixty years ago, she stepped into the public spotlight. Although Jackie is perhaps best known for her two highly-publicized marriages, her legacy has endured beyond twentieth-century pop culture and she remains an object of public fascination today.
Drawing on a range of sources– from articles penned for the women’s pages of local newspapers, to esteemed national periodicals, to fan magazines and film– Our Jackie: Public Claims on a Private Life (NYU Press, 2024) evaluates how media coverage of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis changed over the course of her very public life. Jackie’s interactions with and framing by the American media reflect the changing attitudes toward American womanhood. Over the course of four decades, Jackie was alternatively praised for her service to others, and pilloried for her perceived self-interest. In Our Jackie, Karen M. Dunak argues that whether she was portrayed as a campaign wife, a loyal widow, a selfish jetsetter, or a mature career woman, the history of Jackie’s highly publicized life demonstrates the ways in which news, entertainment, politics, and celebrity evolved and intertwined over the second half of the twentieth century.
Examining the intimate chronicles of this famous First Lady’s life, Our Jackie suggests that media coverage of this enigmatic public figure revealed as much about the prevailing views of women in America– how they should behave and whom they should serve– as it did about Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis as an individual.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis became First Lady of the United States over sixty years ago, she stepped into the public spotlight. Although Jackie is perhaps best known for her two highly-publicized marriages, her legacy has endured beyond twentieth-century pop culture and she remains an object of public fascination today.</p><p>Drawing on a range of sources– from articles penned for the women’s pages of local newspapers, to esteemed national periodicals, to fan magazines and film– <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479830565"><em>Our Jackie: Public Claims on a Private Life</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2024) evaluates how media coverage of Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis changed over the course of her very public life. Jackie’s interactions with and framing by the American media reflect the changing attitudes toward American womanhood. Over the course of four decades, Jackie was alternatively praised for her service to others, and pilloried for her perceived self-interest. In <em>Our Jackie</em>, Karen M. Dunak argues that whether she was portrayed as a campaign wife, a loyal widow, a selfish jetsetter, or a mature career woman, the history of Jackie’s highly publicized life demonstrates the ways in which news, entertainment, politics, and celebrity evolved and intertwined over the second half of the twentieth century.</p><p>Examining the intimate chronicles of this famous First Lady’s life, <em>Our Jackie</em> suggests that media coverage of this enigmatic public figure revealed as much about the prevailing views of women in America– how they should behave and whom they should serve– as it did about Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis as an individual.</p><p><a href="https://www.janescimeca.com/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2159</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Erin Lee Mock, "Changed Men: Veterans in American Popular Culture after World War II" (U Virginia Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Millions of GIs returned from overseas in 1945. A generation of men who had left their families and had learned to kill and to quickly dispatch sexual urges were rapidly reintegrated into civilian life, told to put the war behind them with cheer and confidence. Many veterans struggled, openly or privately, with this transition. Others in society wondered what the war had wrought in them. As Erin Lee Mock shows in this insightful book, the “explosive” potential of men became a central concern of postwar American culture.
This wariness of veterans settled into a generalised anxiety over men’s “inherent” violence and hypersexuality, which increasingly came to define masculinity. Changed Men: Veterans in American Popular Culture after World War II (University of Virginia Press, 2024) by Dr. Erin Lee Mock engages with studies of film, media, literature, and gender and sexuality to advance a new perspective on the artistic and cultural output of and about the “Greatest Generation,” arguing that depictions of men’s violent and erotic potential emerged differently in different forms and genres but nonetheless permeated American culture in these years. Viewing this homecoming through the lenses of war and trauma, classical Hollywood, pulp fiction, periodical culture, and early television, Dr. Mock shows this history in a provocative new light.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1498</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erin Lee Mock</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Millions of GIs returned from overseas in 1945. A generation of men who had left their families and had learned to kill and to quickly dispatch sexual urges were rapidly reintegrated into civilian life, told to put the war behind them with cheer and confidence. Many veterans struggled, openly or privately, with this transition. Others in society wondered what the war had wrought in them. As Erin Lee Mock shows in this insightful book, the “explosive” potential of men became a central concern of postwar American culture.
This wariness of veterans settled into a generalised anxiety over men’s “inherent” violence and hypersexuality, which increasingly came to define masculinity. Changed Men: Veterans in American Popular Culture after World War II (University of Virginia Press, 2024) by Dr. Erin Lee Mock engages with studies of film, media, literature, and gender and sexuality to advance a new perspective on the artistic and cultural output of and about the “Greatest Generation,” arguing that depictions of men’s violent and erotic potential emerged differently in different forms and genres but nonetheless permeated American culture in these years. Viewing this homecoming through the lenses of war and trauma, classical Hollywood, pulp fiction, periodical culture, and early television, Dr. Mock shows this history in a provocative new light.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Millions of GIs returned from overseas in 1945. A generation of men who had left their families and had learned to kill and to quickly dispatch sexual urges were rapidly reintegrated into civilian life, told to put the war behind them with cheer and confidence. Many veterans struggled, openly or privately, with this transition. Others in society wondered what the war had wrought in them. As Erin Lee Mock shows in this insightful book, the “explosive” potential of men became a central concern of postwar American culture.</p><p>This wariness of veterans settled into a generalised anxiety over men’s “inherent” violence and hypersexuality, which increasingly came to define masculinity. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813950952"><em>Changed Men: Veterans in American Popular Culture after World War II</em></a> (University of Virginia Press, 2024) by Dr. Erin Lee Mock engages with studies of film, media, literature, and gender and sexuality to advance a new perspective on the artistic and cultural output of and about the “Greatest Generation,” arguing that depictions of men’s violent and erotic potential emerged differently in different forms and genres but nonetheless permeated American culture in these years. Viewing this homecoming through the lenses of war and trauma, classical Hollywood, pulp fiction, periodical culture, and early television, Dr. Mock shows this history in a provocative new light.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3962</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>D. M. Giangreco, "Truman and the Bomb: The Untold Story" (Potomac Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>Many myths have grown up around President Harry S. Truman’s decision to use nuclear weapons against Imperial Japan. In destroying these myths, D. M. Giangreco’s Truman and the Bomb: The Untold Story (Potomac Books, 2023) will discomfort both Truman’s critics and his supporters, and force historians to reexamine what they think they know about the end of the Pacific War.
Myth: Truman didn’t know of the atomic bomb’s development before he became president.
Fact: Truman’s knowledge of the bomb is revealed in his own carefully worded letters to a Senate colleague and specifically discussed in the correspondence between the army officers assigned to his Senate investigating committee.
Myth: The huge casualty estimates cited by Truman and Secretary of War Henry Stimson were a postwar creation devised to hide their guilt for killing thousands of defenseless civilians.
Fact: The flagrantly misrepresented “low” numbers are based on narrow slices of highly qualified—and limited—U.S. Army projections printed in a variety of briefing documents and are not from the actual invasion planning against Japan.
Myth: Truman wanted to defeat Japan without any assistance from the Soviet Union and to freeze the USSR out of the postwar settlements.
Fact: President Franklin D. Roosevelt and President Truman desperately wanted Stalin’s involvement in the bloody endgame of World War II and worked diligently—and successfully—toward that end.
Using previously unpublished material, D. M. Giangreco busts these myths and more. An award-winning historian and expert on Truman, Giangreco is perfectly situated to debunk the many deep-rooted falsehoods about the roles played by American, Soviet, and Japanese leaders during the end of the World War II in the Pacific. Truman and the Bomb, a concise yet comprehensive study of Truman’s decision to use the atomic bomb, will prove to be a classic for studying presidential politics and influence on atomic warfare and its military and diplomatic components.
Making this book particularly valuable for professors and students as well as for military, diplomatic, and presidential historians and history buffs are extensive primary source materials, including the planned U.S. naval and air operations in support of the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. These documents support Giangreco’s arguments while enabling the reader to enter the mindsets of Truman and his administration as well as the war’s key Allied participants.
Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via https://www.andrewopace.com/. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 15 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>45</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with D. M. Giangreco</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many myths have grown up around President Harry S. Truman’s decision to use nuclear weapons against Imperial Japan. In destroying these myths, D. M. Giangreco’s Truman and the Bomb: The Untold Story (Potomac Books, 2023) will discomfort both Truman’s critics and his supporters, and force historians to reexamine what they think they know about the end of the Pacific War.
Myth: Truman didn’t know of the atomic bomb’s development before he became president.
Fact: Truman’s knowledge of the bomb is revealed in his own carefully worded letters to a Senate colleague and specifically discussed in the correspondence between the army officers assigned to his Senate investigating committee.
Myth: The huge casualty estimates cited by Truman and Secretary of War Henry Stimson were a postwar creation devised to hide their guilt for killing thousands of defenseless civilians.
Fact: The flagrantly misrepresented “low” numbers are based on narrow slices of highly qualified—and limited—U.S. Army projections printed in a variety of briefing documents and are not from the actual invasion planning against Japan.
Myth: Truman wanted to defeat Japan without any assistance from the Soviet Union and to freeze the USSR out of the postwar settlements.
Fact: President Franklin D. Roosevelt and President Truman desperately wanted Stalin’s involvement in the bloody endgame of World War II and worked diligently—and successfully—toward that end.
Using previously unpublished material, D. M. Giangreco busts these myths and more. An award-winning historian and expert on Truman, Giangreco is perfectly situated to debunk the many deep-rooted falsehoods about the roles played by American, Soviet, and Japanese leaders during the end of the World War II in the Pacific. Truman and the Bomb, a concise yet comprehensive study of Truman’s decision to use the atomic bomb, will prove to be a classic for studying presidential politics and influence on atomic warfare and its military and diplomatic components.
Making this book particularly valuable for professors and students as well as for military, diplomatic, and presidential historians and history buffs are extensive primary source materials, including the planned U.S. naval and air operations in support of the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. These documents support Giangreco’s arguments while enabling the reader to enter the mindsets of Truman and his administration as well as the war’s key Allied participants.
Dr. Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via https://www.andrewopace.com/. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many myths have grown up around President Harry S. Truman’s decision to use nuclear weapons against Imperial Japan. In destroying these myths, D. M. Giangreco’s <em>Truman and the Bomb: The Untold Story </em>(Potomac Books, 2023) will discomfort both Truman’s critics and his supporters, and force historians to reexamine what they <em>think</em> they know about the end of the Pacific War.</p><p><strong>Myth</strong>: Truman didn’t know of the atomic bomb’s development before he became president.</p><p><strong>Fact</strong>: Truman’s knowledge of the bomb is revealed in his own carefully worded letters to a Senate colleague and specifically discussed in the correspondence between the army officers assigned to his Senate investigating committee.</p><p><strong>Myth</strong>: The huge casualty estimates cited by Truman and Secretary of War Henry Stimson were a postwar creation devised to hide their guilt for killing thousands of defenseless civilians.</p><p><strong>Fact</strong>: The flagrantly misrepresented “low” numbers are based on narrow slices of highly qualified—and limited—U.S. Army projections printed in a variety of briefing documents and are not from the actual invasion planning against Japan.</p><p><strong>Myth</strong>: Truman wanted to defeat Japan without any assistance from the Soviet Union and to freeze the USSR out of the postwar settlements.</p><p><strong>Fact</strong>: President Franklin D. Roosevelt and President Truman desperately wanted Stalin’s involvement in the bloody endgame of World War II and worked diligently—and successfully—toward that end.</p><p>Using previously unpublished material, D. M. Giangreco busts these myths and more. An award-winning historian and expert on Truman, Giangreco is perfectly situated to debunk the many deep-rooted falsehoods about the roles played by American, Soviet, and Japanese leaders during the end of the World War II in the Pacific. <em>Truman and the Bomb</em>, a concise yet comprehensive study of Truman’s decision to use the atomic bomb, will prove to be a classic for studying presidential politics and influence on atomic warfare and its military and diplomatic components.</p><p>Making this book particularly valuable for professors and students as well as for military, diplomatic, and presidential historians and history buffs are extensive primary source materials, including the planned U.S. naval and air operations in support of the Soviet invasion of Manchuria. These documents support Giangreco’s arguments while enabling the reader to enter the mindsets of Truman and his administration as well as the war’s key Allied participants.</p><p><strong>Dr. Andrew O. Pace</strong> is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at <a href="mailto:andrew.pace@usm.edu">andrew.pace@usm.edu</a> or via <a href="https://www.andrewopace.com/">https://www.andrewopace.com/</a>. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4188</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8946926309.mp3?updated=1731530737" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Reflections on the 2024 American Presidential Election</title>
      <description>Many pundits are rushing to judgement – claiming to identify the “one” reason that Donald Trump won or Kamala Harris lost the 2024 Presidential Election. Today’s Postscript offers a nuanced conversation among four political scientists to gather some key take-aways and interpretive tools for looking forward to the second Trump presidency, midterms, 2028 presidential election, and 2030 redistricting.
Julia Azari is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Jonathan Bernstein is a political scientist who focuses on political parties, Congress, the presidency, elections, and democracy. Political Parties, Congress the Presid, Elections, and Democracy. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University..
Mentioned:

Julia Azari and Jennifer K. Smith on informal norms: “Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies”

Julia Azari’s book on mandates: Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate


John Burn-Murdoch’s graph on incumbents losing globally in Financial Times

Gallup data on nostalgia for past presidents in Jeffrey M. Jones, Retrospective Approval of JFK Rises to 90%; Trump at 46%


Julia and Jonathan’s Good Politics/Bad Politics podcast


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Julia Azari, Jonathan Bernstein, Meena Bose, Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many pundits are rushing to judgement – claiming to identify the “one” reason that Donald Trump won or Kamala Harris lost the 2024 Presidential Election. Today’s Postscript offers a nuanced conversation among four political scientists to gather some key take-aways and interpretive tools for looking forward to the second Trump presidency, midterms, 2028 presidential election, and 2030 redistricting.
Julia Azari is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Jonathan Bernstein is a political scientist who focuses on political parties, Congress, the presidency, elections, and democracy. Political Parties, Congress the Presid, Elections, and Democracy. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University..
Mentioned:

Julia Azari and Jennifer K. Smith on informal norms: “Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies”

Julia Azari’s book on mandates: Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate


John Burn-Murdoch’s graph on incumbents losing globally in Financial Times

Gallup data on nostalgia for past presidents in Jeffrey M. Jones, Retrospective Approval of JFK Rises to 90%; Trump at 46%


Julia and Jonathan’s Good Politics/Bad Politics podcast


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many pundits are rushing to judgement – claiming to identify the “one” reason that Donald Trump won or Kamala Harris lost the 2024 Presidential Election. Today’s <em>Postscript </em>offers a nuanced conversation among four political scientists to gather some key take-aways and interpretive tools for looking forward to the second Trump presidency, midterms, 2028 presidential election, and 2030 redistricting.</p><p><a href="https://www.marquette.edu/political-science/directory/julia-azari.php">Julia Azari</a> is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Jonathan Bernstein is a political scientist who focuses on political parties, Congress, the presidency, elections, and democracy. Political Parties, Congress the Presid, Elections, and Democracy. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a> is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a> is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University.<strong>.</strong></p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Julia Azari and Jennifer K. Smith on informal norms: “<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/23327062.pdf">Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies</a>”</li>
<li>Julia Azari’s book on mandates: <a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801452246/delivering-the-peoples-message/#bookTabs=1"><em>Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate</em></a>
</li>
<li><a href="https://www.ft.com/content/e8ac09ea-c300-4249-af7d-109003afb893">John Burn-Murdoch’s graph on incumbents losing globally in <em>Financial Times</em></a></li>
<li>Gallup data on nostalgia for past presidents in <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/508625/retrospective-approval-jfk-rises-trump.aspx">Jeffrey M. Jones, <em>Retrospective Approval of JFK Rises to 90%; Trump at 46%</em></a>
</li>
<li><a href="https://open.substack.com/pub/goodpoliticsbadpolitics/p/oppose-what-you-oppose?r=3bcyf7&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web">Julia and Jonathan’s <em>Good Politics/Bad Politics</em> podcast</a></li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3682</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[773272e4-a29d-11ef-8aa6-73dcbd9ed8ea]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1621288370.mp3?updated=1731436249" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Disappearance and Return of Inequality Studies in Economics</title>
      <description>This is episode three Cited Podcast’s new season, the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
For much of the 20th century, few economists studied inequality. “Watching the study of inequality was like watching the grass grow,” is the way inequality scholar James K. Galbraith put it to us. Yet, the inequality studies grass is growing today–really, it’s something of a lush jungle. Arguably, the return of inequality studies is biggest change that has happened in economics over the last decade or so. Why did it return? Just as importantly, how could it have possibly disappeared? On this episode, we survey the broad political and intellectual history of inequality studies in economics.
First, economist Branko Milanovic, author of Visions of Inequality: From the French Revolution to the End of the Cold War, introduces us to a few of the reasons why inequality was marginalized, including the mathematization of the economic mainstream. In short, we sidelined the political in political economy. Then, political theorist Michael Thompson, author of The Politics of Inequality: A Political History of the Idea of Economic Inequality in America, introduces us to the work of Frank Knight and other market-friendly economists who provided ideological justification for widening inequality. Finally, inequality scholar Poornima Paidipaty, speaks to us about the return of inequality studies, particularly through the landmark work of Thomas Piketty. Yet, Paidipaty and her co-author Pedro Ramos Pinto highlight some of the limits of Picketty’s vision in their article “Revisiting the “Great Levelling”: The limits of Piketty’s Capital and Ideology for understanding the rise of late 20th century inequality.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>71</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This is episode three Cited Podcast’s new season, the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
For much of the 20th century, few economists studied inequality. “Watching the study of inequality was like watching the grass grow,” is the way inequality scholar James K. Galbraith put it to us. Yet, the inequality studies grass is growing today–really, it’s something of a lush jungle. Arguably, the return of inequality studies is biggest change that has happened in economics over the last decade or so. Why did it return? Just as importantly, how could it have possibly disappeared? On this episode, we survey the broad political and intellectual history of inequality studies in economics.
First, economist Branko Milanovic, author of Visions of Inequality: From the French Revolution to the End of the Cold War, introduces us to a few of the reasons why inequality was marginalized, including the mathematization of the economic mainstream. In short, we sidelined the political in political economy. Then, political theorist Michael Thompson, author of The Politics of Inequality: A Political History of the Idea of Economic Inequality in America, introduces us to the work of Frank Knight and other market-friendly economists who provided ideological justification for widening inequality. Finally, inequality scholar Poornima Paidipaty, speaks to us about the return of inequality studies, particularly through the landmark work of Thomas Piketty. Yet, Paidipaty and her co-author Pedro Ramos Pinto highlight some of the limits of Picketty’s vision in their article “Revisiting the “Great Levelling”: The limits of Piketty’s Capital and Ideology for understanding the rise of late 20th century inequality.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This is episode three <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> new season, <em>the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. </em>This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-03-use-and-abuse-of-economics/">visit the series page</a>.</p><p>For much of the 20th century, few economists studied inequality. “Watching the study of inequality was like watching the grass grow,” is the way inequality scholar James K. Galbraith put it to us. Yet, the inequality studies grass is growing today–really, it’s something of a lush jungle. Arguably, the return of inequality studies is biggest change that has happened in economics over the last decade or so. Why did it return? Just as importantly, <em>how could it have possibly disappeared? </em>On this episode, we survey the broad political and intellectual history of inequality studies in economics.</p><p>First, economist <a href="https://stonecenter.gc.cuny.edu/people/milanovic-branko/">Branko Milanovic</a>, author of <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674264144"><em>Visions of Inequality: From the French Revolution to the End of the Cold War</em></a>, introduces us to a few of the reasons why inequality was marginalized, including the mathematization of the economic mainstream. In short, we sidelined the <em>political </em>in political economy. Then, political theorist <a href="https://wpconnect.wpunj.edu/directories/faculty/default.cfm?user=thompsonmi">Michael Thompson</a>, author of <a href="https://cup.columbia.edu/book/the-politics-of-inequality/9780231140744"><em>The Politics of Inequality: A Political History of the Idea of Economic Inequality in Americ</em>a</a>, introduces us to the work of Frank Knight and other market-friendly economists who provided ideological justification for widening inequality. Finally, inequality scholar <a href="https://www.lse.ac.uk/International-Inequalities/People/Poornima-Paidipaty">Poornima Paidipaty</a>, speaks to us about the <em>return </em>of inequality studies, particularly through the landmark work of Thomas Piketty. Yet, Paidipaty and her co-author <a href="https://www.hist.cam.ac.uk/people/pedro-ramos-pinto">Pedro Ramos Pinto</a> highlight some of the limits of Picketty’s vision in their article “<a href="https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1468-4446.12840">Revisiting the “Great Levelling”: The limits of Piketty’s <em>Capital and Ideology</em> for understanding the rise of late 20th century inequality</a>.”</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4101</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9a1fae58-a201-11ef-b57d-178dc0342cba]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9408975761.mp3?updated=1731361987" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Anthony Grasso, "Dual Justice: America's Divergent Approaches to Street and Corporate Crime" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The United States incarcerates its citizens for property crime, drug use, and violent crime at a rate that exceeds any other developed nation – and disproportionately affects the poor and racial minorities. Yet the U.S. has never developed the capacity to consistently prosecute corporate wrongdoing. This disjuncture between the treatment of street and corporate crime is often narrated as hypocrisy. Others suggest that the disparity is rooted in a conservative backlash after the civil rights movement and the Great Society or a legacy of slavery, Jim Crow, and the racialization of crime.
In Dual Justice: America's Divergent Approaches to Street and Corporate Crime (U Chicago Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Grasso interrogates the intertwined histories of street and corporate crime to find that the differences in punishment are more than modern hypocrisy. Examining the carceral and regulatory states' evolutions from 1870 through today, Grasso argues that divergent approaches to street and corporate crime share common, self-reinforcing origins. During the Progressive Era, scholars and lawmakers championed naturalized theories of human difference such as eugenics to justify instituting punitive measures for poor offenders and regulatory controls for corporate lawbreakers. These ideas laid the foundation for dual justice systems: criminal justice institutions harshly governing street crime and regulatory institutions governing corporate misconduct.
Even after eugenics was discredited, criminal justice and regulatory institutions have developed in tandem to reinforce politically constructed understandings about who counts as a criminal. Using an impressive array of sources and methods, Dr. Grasso analyzes the intellectual history, policy debates, and state and federal institutional reforms that consolidated these ideas, along with their racial and class biases, into America's legal system.
Dr. Anthony Grasso is an assistant professor of political science at Rutgers University Camden. His research focuses on American political development, law, and inequality.
Mentioned:

Susan’s interview with Dr. Joanna Wuest on Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement


David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America (Beard Books, 1989)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>746</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anthony Grasso</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States incarcerates its citizens for property crime, drug use, and violent crime at a rate that exceeds any other developed nation – and disproportionately affects the poor and racial minorities. Yet the U.S. has never developed the capacity to consistently prosecute corporate wrongdoing. This disjuncture between the treatment of street and corporate crime is often narrated as hypocrisy. Others suggest that the disparity is rooted in a conservative backlash after the civil rights movement and the Great Society or a legacy of slavery, Jim Crow, and the racialization of crime.
In Dual Justice: America's Divergent Approaches to Street and Corporate Crime (U Chicago Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Grasso interrogates the intertwined histories of street and corporate crime to find that the differences in punishment are more than modern hypocrisy. Examining the carceral and regulatory states' evolutions from 1870 through today, Grasso argues that divergent approaches to street and corporate crime share common, self-reinforcing origins. During the Progressive Era, scholars and lawmakers championed naturalized theories of human difference such as eugenics to justify instituting punitive measures for poor offenders and regulatory controls for corporate lawbreakers. These ideas laid the foundation for dual justice systems: criminal justice institutions harshly governing street crime and regulatory institutions governing corporate misconduct.
Even after eugenics was discredited, criminal justice and regulatory institutions have developed in tandem to reinforce politically constructed understandings about who counts as a criminal. Using an impressive array of sources and methods, Dr. Grasso analyzes the intellectual history, policy debates, and state and federal institutional reforms that consolidated these ideas, along with their racial and class biases, into America's legal system.
Dr. Anthony Grasso is an assistant professor of political science at Rutgers University Camden. His research focuses on American political development, law, and inequality.
Mentioned:

Susan’s interview with Dr. Joanna Wuest on Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement


David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America (Beard Books, 1989)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States incarcerates its citizens for property crime, drug use, and violent crime at a rate that exceeds any other developed nation – and disproportionately affects the poor and racial minorities. Yet the U.S. has never developed the capacity to consistently prosecute <em>corporate</em> wrongdoing. This disjuncture between the treatment of street and corporate crime is often narrated as hypocrisy. Others suggest that the disparity is rooted in a conservative backlash after the civil rights movement and the Great Society or a legacy of slavery, Jim Crow, and the racialization of crime.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226835594"><em>Dual Justice: America's Divergent Approaches to Street and Corporate Crime</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Grasso interrogates the intertwined histories of street and corporate crime to find that the differences in punishment are more than modern hypocrisy. Examining the carceral and regulatory states' evolutions from 1870 through today, Grasso argues that divergent approaches to street and corporate crime share common, self-reinforcing origins. During the Progressive Era, scholars and lawmakers championed naturalized theories of human difference such as eugenics to justify instituting punitive measures for poor offenders and regulatory controls for corporate lawbreakers. These ideas laid the foundation for dual justice systems: criminal justice institutions harshly governing street crime and regulatory institutions governing corporate misconduct.</p><p>Even after eugenics was discredited, criminal justice and regulatory institutions have developed in tandem to reinforce politically constructed understandings about who counts as a criminal. Using an impressive array of sources and methods, Dr. Grasso analyzes the intellectual history, policy debates, and state and federal institutional reforms that consolidated these ideas, along with their racial and class biases, into America's legal system.</p><p><a href="http://www.anthonyjgrasso.com/">Dr. Anthony Grasso </a>is an assistant professor of political science at Rutgers University Camden. His research focuses on American political development, law, and inequality.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Susan’s interview with Dr. Joanna Wuest on <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/born-this-way#entry:332828@1:url"><em>Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement</em></a>
</li>
<li>David Vogel,<em> Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America </em>(Beard Books, 1989)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3363</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b9a9d082-9a09-11ef-82b0-3f364f76c586]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4192837905.mp3?updated=1730655576" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>James M. Bradley, "Martin Van Buren: America's First Politician" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Despite serving as the 8th president of the United States, Martin Van Buren gets little consideration for his impact on American history. In his new biography of Van Buren, Martin Van Buren: America's First Politician (Oxford UP, 2024), James M. Bradley makes it clear the extent to which his legacy has gone underappreciated. Mastering the complex politics of New York during the early republic, Van Buren built a political operation — the Albany Regency — that made him a power on the national scene. Upon this he built the Democratic Party, the oldest political party in the United States and one which dominated the politics of his era. In an age of political giants, Van Buren was able to use his organizational skills to win the prize that eluded all of them, winning election as president in 1836, only to lose it four years later thanks in part to the success of his Whig opponents in adopting his playbook. Though Van Buren never succeeded in returning to the office to which he aspired, his impact in national politics continued to be felt throughout the 1840s, and left a legacy that endures to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>264</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James M. Bradley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Despite serving as the 8th president of the United States, Martin Van Buren gets little consideration for his impact on American history. In his new biography of Van Buren, Martin Van Buren: America's First Politician (Oxford UP, 2024), James M. Bradley makes it clear the extent to which his legacy has gone underappreciated. Mastering the complex politics of New York during the early republic, Van Buren built a political operation — the Albany Regency — that made him a power on the national scene. Upon this he built the Democratic Party, the oldest political party in the United States and one which dominated the politics of his era. In an age of political giants, Van Buren was able to use his organizational skills to win the prize that eluded all of them, winning election as president in 1836, only to lose it four years later thanks in part to the success of his Whig opponents in adopting his playbook. Though Van Buren never succeeded in returning to the office to which he aspired, his impact in national politics continued to be felt throughout the 1840s, and left a legacy that endures to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Despite serving as the 8th president of the United States, Martin Van Buren gets little consideration for his impact on American history. In his new biography of Van Buren, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190920524"><em>Martin Van Buren: America's First Politician</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2024), James M. Bradley makes it clear the extent to which his legacy has gone underappreciated. Mastering the complex politics of New York during the early republic, Van Buren built a political operation — the Albany Regency — that made him a power on the national scene. Upon this he built the Democratic Party, the oldest political party in the United States and one which dominated the politics of his era. In an age of political giants, Van Buren was able to use his organizational skills to win the prize that eluded all of them, winning election as president in 1836, only to lose it four years later thanks in part to the success of his Whig opponents in adopting his playbook. Though Van Buren never succeeded in returning to the office to which he aspired, his impact in national politics continued to be felt throughout the 1840s, and left a legacy that endures to the present day.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5639</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0755957a-a20a-11ef-a0e9-3f91ace98c3b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8869495783.mp3?updated=1731009264" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Todd Stern, "Landing the Paris Climate Agreement: How It Happened, Why It Matters, and What Comes Next" (MIT Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>From the U.S. lead negotiator on climate change, an inside account of the seven-year negotiation that culminated in the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015—and where the international climate effort needs to go from here. The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change was one of the most difficult and hopeful achievements of the twenty-first century: 195 nations finally agreed, after 20 years of trying, to establish an ambitious, operational regime to address one of the greatest civilizational challenges of our time. 
In Landing the Paris Climate Agreement: How It Happened, Why It Matters, and What Comes Next (MIT Press, 2024), Todd Stern, the chief US negotiator on climate change, provides an engaging account from inside the rooms where it happened: the full, charged, seven-year story of how the Paris Agreement came to be, following an arc from Copenhagen, to Durban, to the secret U.S.-China climate deal in 2014, to Paris itself. With a storyteller’s gift for character, suspense, and detail, Stern crafts a high-stakes narrative that illuminates the strategy, policy, politics, and diplomacy that made Paris possible. Introducing readers to a vivid cast of characters, including Xie Zenhua, Vice Minister of China’s National Development and Reform Commission, Bo Lidegaard, chief strategist for Denmark’s Prime Minster, and Indian minister Jairam Ramesh, Stern, who worked alongside President Barack Obama and Secretaries of State John Kerry and Hillary Clinton, depicts the pitfalls and challenges overcome, the shifting alliances, the last-minute maneuvering, and the ultimate historic success. The book concludes with a final chapter that describes key developments since 2015 and the author’s reflections on what needs to be done going forward to contain the climate threat. A unique peek behind the curtain of one of the most important international agreements of our time, Landing the Paris Climate Agreement is a vital and fascinating read for anyone who cares about the future of our one shared home.
Todd Stern is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a nonresident distinguished fellow at the Asia Society, concentrating on climate change. He served from January 2009 until April 2016 as the Special Envoy for Climate Change at the Department of State, where he was President Barack Obama's chief climate negotiator.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Todd Stern</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the U.S. lead negotiator on climate change, an inside account of the seven-year negotiation that culminated in the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015—and where the international climate effort needs to go from here. The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change was one of the most difficult and hopeful achievements of the twenty-first century: 195 nations finally agreed, after 20 years of trying, to establish an ambitious, operational regime to address one of the greatest civilizational challenges of our time. 
In Landing the Paris Climate Agreement: How It Happened, Why It Matters, and What Comes Next (MIT Press, 2024), Todd Stern, the chief US negotiator on climate change, provides an engaging account from inside the rooms where it happened: the full, charged, seven-year story of how the Paris Agreement came to be, following an arc from Copenhagen, to Durban, to the secret U.S.-China climate deal in 2014, to Paris itself. With a storyteller’s gift for character, suspense, and detail, Stern crafts a high-stakes narrative that illuminates the strategy, policy, politics, and diplomacy that made Paris possible. Introducing readers to a vivid cast of characters, including Xie Zenhua, Vice Minister of China’s National Development and Reform Commission, Bo Lidegaard, chief strategist for Denmark’s Prime Minster, and Indian minister Jairam Ramesh, Stern, who worked alongside President Barack Obama and Secretaries of State John Kerry and Hillary Clinton, depicts the pitfalls and challenges overcome, the shifting alliances, the last-minute maneuvering, and the ultimate historic success. The book concludes with a final chapter that describes key developments since 2015 and the author’s reflections on what needs to be done going forward to contain the climate threat. A unique peek behind the curtain of one of the most important international agreements of our time, Landing the Paris Climate Agreement is a vital and fascinating read for anyone who cares about the future of our one shared home.
Todd Stern is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a nonresident distinguished fellow at the Asia Society, concentrating on climate change. He served from January 2009 until April 2016 as the Special Envoy for Climate Change at the Department of State, where he was President Barack Obama's chief climate negotiator.
Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the U.S. lead negotiator on climate change, an inside account of the seven-year negotiation that culminated in the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015—and where the international climate effort needs to go from here. The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change was one of the most difficult and hopeful achievements of the twenty-first century: 195 nations finally agreed, after 20 years of trying, to establish an ambitious, operational regime to address one of the greatest civilizational challenges of our time. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262049146"><em>Landing the Paris Climate Agreement: How It Happened, Why It Matters, and What Comes Next</em> </a>(MIT Press, 2024), Todd Stern, the chief US negotiator on climate change, provides an engaging account from inside the rooms where it happened: the full, charged, seven-year story of how the Paris Agreement came to be, following an arc from Copenhagen, to Durban, to the secret U.S.-China climate deal in 2014, to Paris itself. With a storyteller’s gift for character, suspense, and detail, Stern crafts a high-stakes narrative that illuminates the strategy, policy, politics, and diplomacy that made Paris possible. Introducing readers to a vivid cast of characters, including Xie Zenhua, Vice Minister of China’s National Development and Reform Commission, Bo Lidegaard, chief strategist for Denmark’s Prime Minster, and Indian minister Jairam Ramesh, Stern, who worked alongside President Barack Obama and Secretaries of State John Kerry and Hillary Clinton, depicts the pitfalls and challenges overcome, the shifting alliances, the last-minute maneuvering, and the ultimate historic success. The book concludes with a final chapter that describes key developments since 2015 and the author’s reflections on what needs to be done going forward to contain the climate threat. A unique peek behind the curtain of one of the most important international agreements of our time, <em>Landing the Paris Climate Agreement</em> is a vital and fascinating read for anyone who cares about the future of our one shared home.</p><p>Todd Stern is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and a nonresident distinguished fellow at the Asia Society, concentrating on climate change. He served from January 2009 until April 2016 as the Special Envoy for Climate Change at the Department of State, where he was President Barack Obama's chief climate negotiator.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is editor at the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4426</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[00114dfe-9c83-11ef-9480-5f4dca303dc1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1745161965.mp3?updated=1730928013" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Impeachment Power: A Conversation with Keith Whittington</title>
      <description>In this week’s episode we step into conversation with Keith Whittington about his new book, The Impeachment Power: The Law, Politics, and Purpose of an Extraordinary Constitutional Tool (Princeton UP, 2024), we explored the historical and constitutional dimensions of impeachment in American politics. Whittington provided a detailed account of how the Founders intended impeachment to function as a safeguard against executive overreach. We discussed the evolution of impeachment cases, from Andrew Johnson to more recent examples, examining how political partisanship and public opinion have shaped its application over time. Whittington also reflected on the implications of impeachment for the health of democratic institutions and constitutional governance today. It was an enlightening discussion on one of the most important, yet often misunderstood, mechanisms in the U.S. Constitution.
Keith E. Whittington is the David Boies Professor of Law at Yale Law School. Whittington’s teaching and scholarship span American constitutional theory, American political and constitutional history, judicial politics, the presidency, and free speech and the law. He is the author of You Can't Teach That! The Battle Over University Classrooms (2024), Repugnant Laws: Judicial Review of Acts of Congress from the Founding to the Present (2019), and Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech (2018), as well as Constitutional Interpretation (1999), Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy (2007), and other works on constitutional theory and law and politics.
Whittington has spent most of his career at Princeton University, where he served as the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics from 2006 to 2024. He has also held visiting appointments at Georgetown University Law Center, Harvard Law School, and the University of Texas School of Law.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>126</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this week’s episode we step into conversation with Keith Whittington about his new book, The Impeachment Power: The Law, Politics, and Purpose of an Extraordinary Constitutional Tool (Princeton UP, 2024), we explored the historical and constitutional dimensions of impeachment in American politics. Whittington provided a detailed account of how the Founders intended impeachment to function as a safeguard against executive overreach. We discussed the evolution of impeachment cases, from Andrew Johnson to more recent examples, examining how political partisanship and public opinion have shaped its application over time. Whittington also reflected on the implications of impeachment for the health of democratic institutions and constitutional governance today. It was an enlightening discussion on one of the most important, yet often misunderstood, mechanisms in the U.S. Constitution.
Keith E. Whittington is the David Boies Professor of Law at Yale Law School. Whittington’s teaching and scholarship span American constitutional theory, American political and constitutional history, judicial politics, the presidency, and free speech and the law. He is the author of You Can't Teach That! The Battle Over University Classrooms (2024), Repugnant Laws: Judicial Review of Acts of Congress from the Founding to the Present (2019), and Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech (2018), as well as Constitutional Interpretation (1999), Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy (2007), and other works on constitutional theory and law and politics.
Whittington has spent most of his career at Princeton University, where he served as the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics from 2006 to 2024. He has also held visiting appointments at Georgetown University Law Center, Harvard Law School, and the University of Texas School of Law.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this week’s episode we step into conversation with Keith Whittington about his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691265391"><em>The Impeachment Power: The Law, Politics, and Purpose of an Extraordinary Constitutional Tool</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024), we explored the historical and constitutional dimensions of impeachment in American politics. Whittington provided a detailed account of how the Founders intended impeachment to function as a safeguard against executive overreach. We discussed the evolution of impeachment cases, from Andrew Johnson to more recent examples, examining how political partisanship and public opinion have shaped its application over time. Whittington also reflected on the implications of impeachment for the health of democratic institutions and constitutional governance today. It was an enlightening discussion on one of the most important, yet often misunderstood, mechanisms in the U.S. Constitution.</p><p>Keith E. Whittington is the David Boies Professor of Law at Yale Law School. Whittington’s teaching and scholarship span American constitutional theory, American political and constitutional history, judicial politics, the presidency, and free speech and the law. He is the author of <em>You Can't Teach That! The Battle Over University Classrooms</em> (2024), <em>Repugnant Laws: Judicial Review of Acts of Congress from the Founding to the Present</em> (2019), and <em>Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech </em>(2018), as well as <em>Constitutional Interpretation </em>(1999), <em>Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy</em> (2007), and other works on constitutional theory and law and politics.</p><p>Whittington has spent most of his career at Princeton University, where he served as the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics from 2006 to 2024. He has also held visiting appointments at Georgetown University Law Center, Harvard Law School, and the University of Texas School of Law.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2969</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[60a5744c-994a-11ef-b6f7-f30ef5af9254]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6135148961.mp3?updated=1730635627" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Aran Robert Shetterly, "Morningside: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre and the Struggle for an American City's Soul" (Amistad, 2024)</title>
      <description>On November 3, 1979, as activist Nelson Johnson assembled people for a march adjacent to Morningside Homes in Greensboro, North Carolina, gunshots rang out. A caravan of Klansmen and Neo-Nazis sped from the scene, leaving behind five dead. Known as the "Greensboro Massacre," the event and its aftermath encapsulate the racial conflict, economic anxiety, clash of ideologies, and toxic mix of corruption and conspiracy that roiled American democracy then--and threaten it today.
In 88 seconds, one Southern city shattered over irreconcilable visions of America's past and future. When the shooters are acquitted in the courts, Reverend Johnson, his wife Joyce, and their allies, at odds with the police and the Greensboro establishment, sought alternative forms of justice. As the Johnsons rebuilt their lives after 1979, they found inspiration in Nelson Mandela's post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Martin Luther King Jr's concept of Beloved Community and insist that only by facing history's hardest truths can healing come to the city they refuse to give up on.
This intimate, deeply researched, and heart-stopping account draws upon survivor interviews, court documents, and the files from one of the largest investigations in FBI history. The persistent mysteries of the case touch deep cultural insecurities and contradictions about race and class. A quintessentially American story, Morningside: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre and the Struggle for an American City's Soul (Amistad, 2024) explores the courage required to make change and the evolving pursuit of a more inclusive and equal future.
Arran Shetterly is the author of the critically acclaimed The Americano: Fighting with Castro for Cuba’s Freedom, the founder of the Mexico City-based magazine, Inside Mexico, and a member of the board of the Americans Who Tell the Truth organization. He has received numerous fellowships, including the Virginia Humanities Fellowship and the 2019 National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship. Aran holds a BA in literature from Harvard College, and an MA in American Studies. He currently he lives in Charlottesville, Virginia, with his son and wife, the New York Times bestselling author Margot Lee Shetterly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>66</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aran Robert Shetterly</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On November 3, 1979, as activist Nelson Johnson assembled people for a march adjacent to Morningside Homes in Greensboro, North Carolina, gunshots rang out. A caravan of Klansmen and Neo-Nazis sped from the scene, leaving behind five dead. Known as the "Greensboro Massacre," the event and its aftermath encapsulate the racial conflict, economic anxiety, clash of ideologies, and toxic mix of corruption and conspiracy that roiled American democracy then--and threaten it today.
In 88 seconds, one Southern city shattered over irreconcilable visions of America's past and future. When the shooters are acquitted in the courts, Reverend Johnson, his wife Joyce, and their allies, at odds with the police and the Greensboro establishment, sought alternative forms of justice. As the Johnsons rebuilt their lives after 1979, they found inspiration in Nelson Mandela's post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Martin Luther King Jr's concept of Beloved Community and insist that only by facing history's hardest truths can healing come to the city they refuse to give up on.
This intimate, deeply researched, and heart-stopping account draws upon survivor interviews, court documents, and the files from one of the largest investigations in FBI history. The persistent mysteries of the case touch deep cultural insecurities and contradictions about race and class. A quintessentially American story, Morningside: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre and the Struggle for an American City's Soul (Amistad, 2024) explores the courage required to make change and the evolving pursuit of a more inclusive and equal future.
Arran Shetterly is the author of the critically acclaimed The Americano: Fighting with Castro for Cuba’s Freedom, the founder of the Mexico City-based magazine, Inside Mexico, and a member of the board of the Americans Who Tell the Truth organization. He has received numerous fellowships, including the Virginia Humanities Fellowship and the 2019 National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship. Aran holds a BA in literature from Harvard College, and an MA in American Studies. He currently he lives in Charlottesville, Virginia, with his son and wife, the New York Times bestselling author Margot Lee Shetterly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On November 3, 1979, as activist Nelson Johnson assembled people for a march adjacent to Morningside Homes in Greensboro, North Carolina, gunshots rang out. A caravan of Klansmen and Neo-Nazis sped from the scene, leaving behind five dead. Known as the "Greensboro Massacre," the event and its aftermath encapsulate the racial conflict, economic anxiety, clash of ideologies, and toxic mix of corruption and conspiracy that roiled American democracy then--and threaten it today.</p><p>In 88 seconds, one Southern city shattered over irreconcilable visions of America's past and future. When the shooters are acquitted in the courts, Reverend Johnson, his wife Joyce, and their allies, at odds with the police and the Greensboro establishment, sought alternative forms of justice. As the Johnsons rebuilt their lives after 1979, they found inspiration in Nelson Mandela's post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Martin Luther King Jr's concept of Beloved Community and insist that only by facing history's hardest truths can healing come to the city they refuse to give up on.</p><p>This intimate, deeply researched, and heart-stopping account draws upon survivor interviews, court documents, and the files from one of the largest investigations in FBI history. The persistent mysteries of the case touch deep cultural insecurities and contradictions about race and class. A quintessentially American story, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780062858214"><em>Morningside: The 1979 Greensboro Massacre and the Struggle for an American City's Soul </em></a>(Amistad, 2024) explores the courage required to make change and the evolving pursuit of a more inclusive and equal future.</p><p>Arran Shetterly is the author of the critically acclaimed <em>The Americano: Fighting with Castro for Cuba’s Freedom</em>, the founder of the Mexico City-based magazine, <em>Inside Mexico</em>, and a member of the board of the Americans Who Tell the Truth organization. He has received numerous fellowships, including the Virginia Humanities Fellowship and the 2019 National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship. Aran holds a BA in literature from Harvard College, and an MA in American Studies. He currently he lives in Charlottesville, Virginia, with his son and wife, the New York Times bestselling author Margot Lee Shetterly.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3313</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f6870d28-9bb5-11ef-a9cf-8bf2466a2f7d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9145371172.mp3?updated=1730839897" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matthew Ferrence, "I Hate It Here, Please Vote for Me: Essays on Rural Political Decay" (West Virginia UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Matthew Ferrence about his book I Hate It Here, Please Vote for Me: Essays on Rural Political Decay (West Virginia UP, 2024).
When a progressive college professor runs for the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in a deeply conservative rural district, he loses. That’s no surprise. But the story of how Ferrence loses and, more importantly, how American political narratives refuse to recognize the existence and value of nonconservative rural Americans offers insight into the political morass of our nation.
In essays focused on showing goats at the county fair, planting native grasses in the front lawn, the political power of poetry, and getting wiped out in an election, Ferrence offers a counter-narrative to stereotypes of monolithic rural American voters and emphasizes the way stories told about rural America are a source for the bitter divide between Red America and Blue America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>279</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Ferrence</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Matthew Ferrence about his book I Hate It Here, Please Vote for Me: Essays on Rural Political Decay (West Virginia UP, 2024).
When a progressive college professor runs for the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in a deeply conservative rural district, he loses. That’s no surprise. But the story of how Ferrence loses and, more importantly, how American political narratives refuse to recognize the existence and value of nonconservative rural Americans offers insight into the political morass of our nation.
In essays focused on showing goats at the county fair, planting native grasses in the front lawn, the political power of poetry, and getting wiped out in an election, Ferrence offers a counter-narrative to stereotypes of monolithic rural American voters and emphasizes the way stories told about rural America are a source for the bitter divide between Red America and Blue America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Matthew Ferrence about his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781959000273"><em>I Hate It Here, Please Vote for Me: Essays on Rural Political Decay</em></a> (West Virginia UP, 2024).</p><p>When a progressive college professor runs for the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in a deeply conservative rural district, he loses. That’s no surprise. But the story of how Ferrence loses and, more importantly, how American political narratives refuse to recognize the existence and value of nonconservative rural Americans offers insight into the political morass of our nation.</p><p>In essays focused on showing goats at the county fair, planting native grasses in the front lawn, the political power of poetry, and getting wiped out in an election, Ferrence offers a counter-narrative to stereotypes of monolithic rural American voters and emphasizes the way stories told about rural America are a source for the bitter divide between Red America and Blue America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2182</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0a989bbe-988d-11ef-afd9-1b581ad40dce]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1532017070.mp3?updated=1730492264" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Anne M. Whitesell, "Living Off the Government?: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Welfare" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Who deserves public assistance from the government? This age-old question has been revived by policymakers, pundits, and activists following the massive economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Anne Whitesell takes up this timely debate, showing us how our welfare system, in its current state, fails the people it is designed to serve. 
From debates over stimulus check eligibility to the uncertain future of unemployment benefits, Living Off the Government?: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Welfare (NYU Press, 2024) tackles it all. Examining welfare rules across eight different states, as well as 19,000 state and local interest groups, Whitesell shows how we determine who is—and who isn't—deserving of government assistance. She explores racial and gender stereotypes surrounding welfare recipients, particularly Black women and mothers; how different groups take advantage of these harmful stereotypes to push their own political agendas; and how the interests and needs of welfare recipients are inadequately represented as a result. Living Off the Government? highlights how harmful stereotypes about the race, gender, and class of welfare recipients filter into our highly polarized political arena to shape public policy. Whitesell calls out a system that she believes serves special interests and not the interests of low-income Americans.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 03 Nov 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>193</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anne M. Whitesell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who deserves public assistance from the government? This age-old question has been revived by policymakers, pundits, and activists following the massive economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Anne Whitesell takes up this timely debate, showing us how our welfare system, in its current state, fails the people it is designed to serve. 
From debates over stimulus check eligibility to the uncertain future of unemployment benefits, Living Off the Government?: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Welfare (NYU Press, 2024) tackles it all. Examining welfare rules across eight different states, as well as 19,000 state and local interest groups, Whitesell shows how we determine who is—and who isn't—deserving of government assistance. She explores racial and gender stereotypes surrounding welfare recipients, particularly Black women and mothers; how different groups take advantage of these harmful stereotypes to push their own political agendas; and how the interests and needs of welfare recipients are inadequately represented as a result. Living Off the Government? highlights how harmful stereotypes about the race, gender, and class of welfare recipients filter into our highly polarized political arena to shape public policy. Whitesell calls out a system that she believes serves special interests and not the interests of low-income Americans.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who deserves public assistance from the government? This age-old question has been revived by policymakers, pundits, and activists following the massive economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Anne Whitesell takes up this timely debate, showing us how our welfare system, in its current state, fails the people it is designed to serve. </p><p>From debates over stimulus check eligibility to the uncertain future of unemployment benefits,<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479828586"> <em>Living Off the Government?: Race, Gender, and the Politics of Welfare</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2024) tackles it all. Examining welfare rules across eight different states, as well as 19,000 state and local interest groups, Whitesell shows how we determine who is—and who isn't—deserving of government assistance. She explores racial and gender stereotypes surrounding welfare recipients, particularly Black women and mothers; how different groups take advantage of these harmful stereotypes to push their own political agendas; and how the interests and needs of welfare recipients are inadequately represented as a result. Living Off the Government? highlights how harmful stereotypes about the race, gender, and class of welfare recipients filter into our highly polarized political arena to shape public policy. Whitesell calls out a system that she believes serves special interests and not the interests of low-income Americans.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1834</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2ff78d04-97b4-11ef-a363-4b839bc97e8b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4908005073.mp3?updated=1730398855" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert A. Schneider, "The Return of Resentment: The Rise and Decline and Rise Again of a Political Emotion" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The term “resentment,” often casually paired with words like “hatred,” “rage,” and “fear,” has dominated US news analysis since November 2016. Despite its increased use, this word seems to defy easy categorization. Does “resentment” describe many interlocking sentiments, or is it just another way of saying “anger”? Does it suggest an irrational grievance, as opposed to a legitimate callout of injustice? Does it imply political leanings, or is it nonpartisan by nature?
In The Return of Resentment: The Rise and Decline and Rise Again of a Political Emotion (U Chicago Press, 2023), Robert A. Schneider explores these questions and more, moving from eighteenth-century Britain to the aftermath of the French Revolution to social movements throughout the twentieth century. Drawing on a wide range of writers, thinkers, and historical experiences, Schneider illustrates how resentment has morphed across time, coming to express a collective sentiment felt by people and movements across the political spectrum. In this history, we discover resentment’s modernity and its ambiguity—how it can be used to dismiss legitimate critique and explain away violence, but also convey a moral stance that demands recognition. Schneider anatomizes the many ways resentment has been used to label present-day movements, from followers of Trump and supporters of Brexit to radical Islamicists and proponents of identity politics. Addressing our contemporary political situation in a novel way, The Return of Resentment challenges us to think critically about the roles different emotions play in politics.
Robert A. Schneider is professor of history at Indiana University Bloomington. He is the author of three books, including, most recently, Dignified Retreat: Writers and Intellectuals in the Age of Richelieu.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Nov 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1494</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert A. Schneider</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The term “resentment,” often casually paired with words like “hatred,” “rage,” and “fear,” has dominated US news analysis since November 2016. Despite its increased use, this word seems to defy easy categorization. Does “resentment” describe many interlocking sentiments, or is it just another way of saying “anger”? Does it suggest an irrational grievance, as opposed to a legitimate callout of injustice? Does it imply political leanings, or is it nonpartisan by nature?
In The Return of Resentment: The Rise and Decline and Rise Again of a Political Emotion (U Chicago Press, 2023), Robert A. Schneider explores these questions and more, moving from eighteenth-century Britain to the aftermath of the French Revolution to social movements throughout the twentieth century. Drawing on a wide range of writers, thinkers, and historical experiences, Schneider illustrates how resentment has morphed across time, coming to express a collective sentiment felt by people and movements across the political spectrum. In this history, we discover resentment’s modernity and its ambiguity—how it can be used to dismiss legitimate critique and explain away violence, but also convey a moral stance that demands recognition. Schneider anatomizes the many ways resentment has been used to label present-day movements, from followers of Trump and supporters of Brexit to radical Islamicists and proponents of identity politics. Addressing our contemporary political situation in a novel way, The Return of Resentment challenges us to think critically about the roles different emotions play in politics.
Robert A. Schneider is professor of history at Indiana University Bloomington. He is the author of three books, including, most recently, Dignified Retreat: Writers and Intellectuals in the Age of Richelieu.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The term “resentment,” often casually paired with words like “hatred,” “rage,” and “fear,” has dominated US news analysis since November 2016. Despite its increased use, this word seems to defy easy categorization. Does “resentment” describe many interlocking sentiments, or is it just another way of saying “anger”? Does it suggest an irrational grievance, as opposed to a legitimate callout of injustice? Does it imply political leanings, or is it nonpartisan by nature?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226586434"><em>The Return of Resentment: The Rise and Decline and Rise Again of a Political Emotion</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023), Robert A. Schneider explores these questions and more, moving from eighteenth-century Britain to the aftermath of the French Revolution to social movements throughout the twentieth century. Drawing on a wide range of writers, thinkers, and historical experiences, Schneider illustrates how resentment has morphed across time, coming to express a collective sentiment felt by people and movements across the political spectrum. In this history, we discover resentment’s modernity and its ambiguity—how it can be used to dismiss legitimate critique and explain away violence, but also convey a moral stance that demands recognition. Schneider anatomizes the many ways resentment has been used to label present-day movements, from followers of Trump and supporters of Brexit to radical Islamicists and proponents of identity politics. Addressing our contemporary political situation in a novel way, <em>The Return of Resentment</em> challenges us to think critically about the roles different emotions play in politics.</p><p><strong>Robert A. Schneider</strong> is professor of history at Indiana University Bloomington. He is the author of three books, including, most recently, <em>Dignified Retreat: Writers and Intellectuals in the Age of Richelieu</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3346</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5682862892.mp3?updated=1730318382" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>From Rubinomics to Bidenomics: On the Democratic Party’s Shifting Trade &amp; Industrial Policy</title>
      <description>This is episode two Cited Podcast’s new season, the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
This episode looks at shifting landscape of economic thinking within the Democratic Party. First, historian Lily Geismer, author of Left Behind: The Democrats’ Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality, tells us the story of how the Democrats became captured by the Clintonian ‘Third Way.’ The Third Way argued that economic policy should move away from the sunset industries, like the unionized industrial labour that typically made the Democratic base, and move towards the sunrise industries of tech and finance.
Then, the Biden team came to see this thinking as precipitating the rise of Trumpism. So free-wheeling trade and industrial policy is out, and the Clinton-era neoliberal consensus just is not a consensus anymore–some even claim neoliberalism is dead. Bidenomics replaced it, whatever that is. Yet, Bidenomics was a political dud, and now it looks like it might be on the way out. Where is the US’ economic policy thinking going on November 5th, and beyond? We try to figure that out, with the help of political economist Mark Blyth, author of the forthcoming Inflation: A Guide for Users and Losers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Nov 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>70</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This is episode two Cited Podcast’s new season, the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
This episode looks at shifting landscape of economic thinking within the Democratic Party. First, historian Lily Geismer, author of Left Behind: The Democrats’ Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality, tells us the story of how the Democrats became captured by the Clintonian ‘Third Way.’ The Third Way argued that economic policy should move away from the sunset industries, like the unionized industrial labour that typically made the Democratic base, and move towards the sunrise industries of tech and finance.
Then, the Biden team came to see this thinking as precipitating the rise of Trumpism. So free-wheeling trade and industrial policy is out, and the Clinton-era neoliberal consensus just is not a consensus anymore–some even claim neoliberalism is dead. Bidenomics replaced it, whatever that is. Yet, Bidenomics was a political dud, and now it looks like it might be on the way out. Where is the US’ economic policy thinking going on November 5th, and beyond? We try to figure that out, with the help of political economist Mark Blyth, author of the forthcoming Inflation: A Guide for Users and Losers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This is episode two <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> new season, <em>the Use &amp; Abuse of Economic Expertise. </em>This season tells stories of the political and scholarly battles behind the economic ideas that shape our world. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-03-use-and-abuse-of-economics/">visit the series page</a>.</p><p>This episode looks at shifting landscape of economic thinking within the Democratic Party. First, <a href="https://www.hachettebookgroup.com/titles/lily-geismer/left-behind/9781541757004/?lens=publicaffairs">historian Lily Geismer</a>, author of <a href="https://www.cmc.edu/academic/faculty/profile/lily-geismer"><em>Left Behind: The Democrats’ Failed Attempt to Solve Inequality</em></a><em>, </em>tells us the story of how the Democrats became captured by the Clintonian ‘Third Way.’ The Third Way argued that economic policy should move away from the <em>sunset </em>industries<em>, </em>like the unionized industrial labour that typically made the Democratic base, and move towards the <em>sunrise</em> industries of tech and finance.</p><p>Then, the Biden team came to see this thinking as precipitating the rise of Trumpism. So free-wheeling trade and industrial policy is out, and the Clinton-era neoliberal consensus just is not a consensus anymore–some even claim neoliberalism is <em>dead. </em>Bidenomics replaced it, whatever that is. Yet, Bidenomics was a political dud, and now it looks like it might be on the way out. Where is the US’ economic policy thinking going on November 5th, and beyond? We try to figure that out, with the help of political economist <a href="https://home.watson.brown.edu/people/faculty/watson-faculty/mark-blyth">Mark Blyth</a>, author of the forthcoming <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Inflation-Guide-Losers-Mark-Blyth/dp/132410614X"><em>Inflation: A Guide for Users and Losers</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ccd605ce-9796-11ef-8d70-5b9312279359]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5662893024.mp3?updated=1730386737" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Is Democracy Failing to Deliver?</title>
      <description>A common argument to explain the ongoing global democratic crisis is that democracy has failed to deliver safe and prosperous lives for its citizens and people are getting disenchanted with it. Thomas Carothers and Brendan Hartnett talk with host Licia Cianetti about why this is in fact not the case. Democracies the world over, they argue, are not being undone by disenchanted citizens but by leaders with predatory political ambitions that use all opportunities to defy constraints to their power.
Thomas Carothers is the Harvey V. Fineberg Chair and director of the Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His co-authored piece with Brendan Hartnett on “Misunderstanding Democratic Backsliding” was published in the July 2024 issue of the Journal of Democracy.
Brendan Hartnett was Junior Fellow at the Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program and is now a Research Associate at Longwell Partners.
Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her piece on “The End of the Backsliding Paradigm” (with Seán Hanley) was also published in the Journal of Democracy.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>22</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Thomas Carothers and Brendan Hartnett</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A common argument to explain the ongoing global democratic crisis is that democracy has failed to deliver safe and prosperous lives for its citizens and people are getting disenchanted with it. Thomas Carothers and Brendan Hartnett talk with host Licia Cianetti about why this is in fact not the case. Democracies the world over, they argue, are not being undone by disenchanted citizens but by leaders with predatory political ambitions that use all opportunities to defy constraints to their power.
Thomas Carothers is the Harvey V. Fineberg Chair and director of the Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His co-authored piece with Brendan Hartnett on “Misunderstanding Democratic Backsliding” was published in the July 2024 issue of the Journal of Democracy.
Brendan Hartnett was Junior Fellow at the Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program and is now a Research Associate at Longwell Partners.
Licia Cianetti is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her piece on “The End of the Backsliding Paradigm” (with Seán Hanley) was also published in the Journal of Democracy.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A common argument to explain the ongoing global democratic crisis is that democracy has failed to deliver safe and prosperous lives for its citizens and people are getting disenchanted with it. Thomas Carothers and Brendan Hartnett talk with host Licia Cianetti about why this is in fact not the case. Democracies the world over, they argue, are not being undone by disenchanted citizens but by leaders with predatory political ambitions that use all opportunities to defy constraints to their power.</p><p><a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/people/thomas-carothers?lang=en">Thomas Carothers</a> is the Harvey V. Fineberg Chair and director of the Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His co-authored piece with Brendan Hartnett on “<a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/misunderstanding-democratic-backsliding/">Misunderstanding Democratic Backsliding</a>” was published in the July 2024 issue of the <em>Journal of Democracy</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/brendan-hartnett">Brendan Hartnett</a> was Junior Fellow at the Carnegie’s Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program and is now a Research Associate at Longwell Partners.</p><p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cianetti-licia.aspx">Licia Cianetti</a> is Lecturer in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham and Deputy Co-Director of CEDAR. Her piece on “<a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/the-end-of-the-backsliding-paradigm/">The End of the Backsliding Paradigm</a>” (with Seán Hanley) was also published in the <em>Journal of Democracy</em>.</p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2049</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kirsten Widner and Anna Gunderson, "The Haves and Have-Nots in Supreme Court Representation and Participation, 2016 to 2021" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>There has been a lot of commentary from scholars and journalists as to the meaning of Donald Trump’s three appointments to the United States Supreme Court – with regards to changes in jurisprudence, increased separation of the Court from political processes that legitimate it. Drs. Kirsten Widner and Anna Gunderson have done something a little different using tools from political science. 
Their new book, The Haves and Have-Nots in Supreme Court Representation and Participation, 2016 to 2021 (Cambridge UP 2024), examines how the changing composition of the US Supreme Court affects who participates in advocacy before the Court. Who thinks to bring a case to the Supreme Court and has that changed since three new justices were appointed during the presidency of Donald Trump? Their book argues that Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett have changed the behavior of both litigants (people bringing cases) and amicus curiae (groups that write briefs in support of either side).
Their study demonstrates that the growing conservatism of the Court radically reshaped the incentives of interested parties and, as a result, their participation in litigation activity. These changes in incentives have both normative and substantive importance – decreasing the power of marginalized groups and increasing opportunities for people and groups with conservative interests. Their study shows how the makeup of the Supreme Court affects the issues heard and which voices are heard loudest in the documents.
Kirsten Widner is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She received her JD from the University of San Diego School of Law and her PhD from Emory University. Her research focuses on the political representation of marginalized and unenfranchised groups.
Anna Gunderson is an Associate Professor of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, Austin and she received her PhD from Emory University. She studies American politics; the politics of punishment and policing; judicial politics; state politics; and public policy.
Mentioned:

Anna Gunderson, Kirsten Widner, and Maggie Macdonald, “Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit? Litigation and Credit Claiming on Social Media,” Journal of Law and Courts 2024.

Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts, “Reproducible and replicable: An empirical assessment of the social construction of politically relevant target groups.”

Ann Schneider and Helen Ingram, “Social construction of target populations: Implications for politics and policy” and Policy Design for Democracy.



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>745</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kirsten Widner and Anna Gunderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There has been a lot of commentary from scholars and journalists as to the meaning of Donald Trump’s three appointments to the United States Supreme Court – with regards to changes in jurisprudence, increased separation of the Court from political processes that legitimate it. Drs. Kirsten Widner and Anna Gunderson have done something a little different using tools from political science. 
Their new book, The Haves and Have-Nots in Supreme Court Representation and Participation, 2016 to 2021 (Cambridge UP 2024), examines how the changing composition of the US Supreme Court affects who participates in advocacy before the Court. Who thinks to bring a case to the Supreme Court and has that changed since three new justices were appointed during the presidency of Donald Trump? Their book argues that Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett have changed the behavior of both litigants (people bringing cases) and amicus curiae (groups that write briefs in support of either side).
Their study demonstrates that the growing conservatism of the Court radically reshaped the incentives of interested parties and, as a result, their participation in litigation activity. These changes in incentives have both normative and substantive importance – decreasing the power of marginalized groups and increasing opportunities for people and groups with conservative interests. Their study shows how the makeup of the Supreme Court affects the issues heard and which voices are heard loudest in the documents.
Kirsten Widner is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She received her JD from the University of San Diego School of Law and her PhD from Emory University. Her research focuses on the political representation of marginalized and unenfranchised groups.
Anna Gunderson is an Associate Professor of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, Austin and she received her PhD from Emory University. She studies American politics; the politics of punishment and policing; judicial politics; state politics; and public policy.
Mentioned:

Anna Gunderson, Kirsten Widner, and Maggie Macdonald, “Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit? Litigation and Credit Claiming on Social Media,” Journal of Law and Courts 2024.

Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts, “Reproducible and replicable: An empirical assessment of the social construction of politically relevant target groups.”

Ann Schneider and Helen Ingram, “Social construction of target populations: Implications for politics and policy” and Policy Design for Democracy.



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There has been a lot of commentary from scholars and journalists as to the meaning of Donald Trump’s three appointments to the United States Supreme Court – with regards to changes in jurisprudence, increased separation of the Court from political processes that legitimate it. Drs. Kirsten Widner and Anna Gunderson have done something a little different using tools from political science. </p><p>Their new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009394338"><em>The Haves and Have-Nots in Supreme Court Representation and Participation, 2016 to 2021</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP 2024), examines how the changing composition of the US Supreme Court affects who participates in advocacy before the Court. Who thinks to bring a case to the Supreme Court and has that changed since three new justices were appointed during the presidency of Donald Trump? Their book argues that Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett have changed the behavior of both litigants (people bringing cases) and <em>amicus curiae</em> (groups that write briefs in support of either side).</p><p>Their study demonstrates that the growing conservatism of the Court radically reshaped the incentives of interested parties and, as a result, their participation in litigation activity. These changes in incentives have both normative and substantive importance – decreasing the power of marginalized groups and increasing opportunities for people and groups with conservative interests. Their study shows how the makeup of the Supreme Court affects the issues heard and which voices are heard loudest in the documents.</p><p><a href="https://polisci.utk.edu/person/kirsten-widner/">Kirsten Widner</a> is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She received her JD from the University of San Diego School of Law and her PhD from Emory University. Her research focuses on the political representation of marginalized and unenfranchised groups.</p><p><a href="http://annagunderson.com/">Anna Gunderson</a> is an Associate Professor of Public Affairs at the University of Texas, Austin and she received her PhD from Emory University. She studies American politics; the politics of punishment and policing; judicial politics; state politics; and public policy.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Anna Gunderson, Kirsten Widner, and Maggie Macdonald,<strong> “</strong><a href="https://scholars.uky.edu/en/publications/pursuing-change-or-pursuing-credit-litigation-and-credit-claiming">Pursuing Change or Pursuing Credit? Litigation and Credit Claiming on Social Media</a>,” <em>Journal of Law and Courts</em> 2024.</li>
<li>Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts, “<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/abs/reproducible-and-replicable-an-empirical-assessment-of-the-social-construction-of-politically-relevant-target-groups/087BA5CA1DE6FE26A1FE90C99611367A">Reproducible and replicable: An</a> <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/abs/reproducible-and-replicable-an-empirical-assessment-of-the-social-construction-of-politically-relevant-target-groups/087BA5CA1DE6FE26A1FE90C99611367A">empirical assessment of the social construction of politically relevant target</a> <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/ps-political-science-and-politics/article/abs/reproducible-and-replicable-an-empirical-assessment-of-the-social-construction-of-politically-relevant-target-groups/087BA5CA1DE6FE26A1FE90C99611367A">groups</a>.”</li>
<li>Ann Schneider and Helen Ingram, “<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/social-construction-of-target-populations-implications-for-politics-and-policy/861B4A5EA194CC405B13515F1970550A">Social construction of target populations:</a> <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/social-construction-of-target-populations-implications-for-politics-and-policy/861B4A5EA194CC405B13515F1970550A">Implications for politics and policy</a>” and <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700608430/"><em>Policy Design for Democracy</em></a><em>.</em>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3919</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Wisdom of Our Ancestors</title>
      <description>Based on The Wisdom of Our Ancestors: Conservative Humanism and the Western Tradition (University of Notre Dame Press, 2023), this week’s conversation with authors Dr. Grahm McAleer and Dr. Alexander Rosenthal-Publu focus on the enduring relevance of classical and Enlightenment-era thought for modern political and ethical debates. The book explores into how the traditional wisdom of the west still provides insight into contemporary societal challenges.
We discuss the ways in which modern liberalism has moved away from these ideals and how a return to the wisdom of our ancestors might help address current social and political fractures. They examined the balance between individual rights and collective duty, a key theme in both ancient and Enlightenment thought, and how those ideas rely inherently on an understanding of humanism.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Grahm McAleer and Alexander Rosenthal-Publu</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Based on The Wisdom of Our Ancestors: Conservative Humanism and the Western Tradition (University of Notre Dame Press, 2023), this week’s conversation with authors Dr. Grahm McAleer and Dr. Alexander Rosenthal-Publu focus on the enduring relevance of classical and Enlightenment-era thought for modern political and ethical debates. The book explores into how the traditional wisdom of the west still provides insight into contemporary societal challenges.
We discuss the ways in which modern liberalism has moved away from these ideals and how a return to the wisdom of our ancestors might help address current social and political fractures. They examined the balance between individual rights and collective duty, a key theme in both ancient and Enlightenment thought, and how those ideas rely inherently on an understanding of humanism.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Based on <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780268207427"><em>The Wisdom of Our Ancestors: Conservative Humanism and the Western Tradition</em></a> (University of Notre Dame Press, 2023), this week’s conversation with authors Dr. Grahm McAleer and Dr. Alexander Rosenthal-Publu focus on the enduring relevance of classical and Enlightenment-era thought for modern political and ethical debates. The book explores into how the traditional wisdom of the west still provides insight into contemporary societal challenges.</p><p>We discuss the ways in which modern liberalism has moved away from these ideals and how a return to the wisdom of our ancestors might help address current social and political fractures. They examined the balance between individual rights and collective duty, a key theme in both ancient and Enlightenment thought, and how those ideas rely inherently on an understanding of humanism.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3675</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Hardt, "The Subversive Seventies" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>A thought-provoking reconsideration of how the revolutionary movements of the 1970s set the mold for today's activism.
The 1970s was a decade of "subversives". Faced with various progressive and revolutionary social movements, the forces of order--politicians, law enforcement, journalists, and conservative intellectuals--saw subversives everywhere. From indigenous peasant armies and gay liberation organizations, to anti-nuclear activists and Black liberation militants, subversives challenged authority, laid siege to the established order, and undermined time-honored ways of life. Every corner of the left was fertile ground for subversive elements, which the forces of order had to root out and destroy--a project they pursued with zeal and brutality.
In The Subversive Seventies (Oxford UP, 2023), Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies--often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful--are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. While many accounts of the 1970s have been written about the regimes of domination that emerged throughout the decade, Hardt approaches the subversive from the perspectives of those who sought to undermine the base of established authority and transform the fundamental structures of society. In so doing, he provides a novel account of the theoretical and practical projects of liberation that still speak to us today, too many of which have been all but forgotten.
Departing from popular and scholarly accounts that focus on the social movements of the 1960s, Hardt argues that the 1970s offers an inspiring and useful guide for contemporary radical political thought and action. Although we can still learn much from the movements of the sixties, that decade's struggles for peace, justice, and freedom fundamentally marked the end of an era. The movements of the seventies, in contrast, responded directly to emerging neoliberal frameworks and other structures of power that continue to rule over us today. They identified and confronted political problems that remain central for us. The 1970s, in this sense, marks the beginning of our time. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, The Subversive Seventies provides a reassessment of the political action of the 1970s that sheds new light not only on our revolutionary past but also on what liberation can be and do today.
Michael Hardt teaches political theory in the Literature Program at Duke University. He is co-author, with Antonio Negri, of the Empire trilogy and, most recently, Assembly. He is co-director with Sandro Mezzadra of The Social Movements Lab.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>491</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Hardt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A thought-provoking reconsideration of how the revolutionary movements of the 1970s set the mold for today's activism.
The 1970s was a decade of "subversives". Faced with various progressive and revolutionary social movements, the forces of order--politicians, law enforcement, journalists, and conservative intellectuals--saw subversives everywhere. From indigenous peasant armies and gay liberation organizations, to anti-nuclear activists and Black liberation militants, subversives challenged authority, laid siege to the established order, and undermined time-honored ways of life. Every corner of the left was fertile ground for subversive elements, which the forces of order had to root out and destroy--a project they pursued with zeal and brutality.
In The Subversive Seventies (Oxford UP, 2023), Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies--often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful--are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. While many accounts of the 1970s have been written about the regimes of domination that emerged throughout the decade, Hardt approaches the subversive from the perspectives of those who sought to undermine the base of established authority and transform the fundamental structures of society. In so doing, he provides a novel account of the theoretical and practical projects of liberation that still speak to us today, too many of which have been all but forgotten.
Departing from popular and scholarly accounts that focus on the social movements of the 1960s, Hardt argues that the 1970s offers an inspiring and useful guide for contemporary radical political thought and action. Although we can still learn much from the movements of the sixties, that decade's struggles for peace, justice, and freedom fundamentally marked the end of an era. The movements of the seventies, in contrast, responded directly to emerging neoliberal frameworks and other structures of power that continue to rule over us today. They identified and confronted political problems that remain central for us. The 1970s, in this sense, marks the beginning of our time. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, The Subversive Seventies provides a reassessment of the political action of the 1970s that sheds new light not only on our revolutionary past but also on what liberation can be and do today.
Michael Hardt teaches political theory in the Literature Program at Duke University. He is co-author, with Antonio Negri, of the Empire trilogy and, most recently, Assembly. He is co-director with Sandro Mezzadra of The Social Movements Lab.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A thought-provoking reconsideration of how the revolutionary movements of the 1970s set the mold for today's activism.</p><p>The 1970s was a decade of "subversives". Faced with various progressive and revolutionary social movements, the forces of order--politicians, law enforcement, journalists, and conservative intellectuals--saw subversives everywhere. From indigenous peasant armies and gay liberation organizations, to anti-nuclear activists and Black liberation militants, subversives challenged authority, laid siege to the established order, and undermined time-honored ways of life. Every corner of the left was fertile ground for subversive elements, which the forces of order had to root out and destroy--a project they pursued with zeal and brutality.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197674659"><em>The Subversive Seventies</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), Michael Hardt sets out to show that popular understandings of the political movements of the seventies--often seen as fractious, violent, and largely unsuccessful--are not just inaccurate, but foreclose valuable lessons for the political struggles of today. While many accounts of the 1970s have been written about the regimes of domination that emerged throughout the decade, Hardt approaches the subversive from the perspectives of those who sought to undermine the base of established authority and transform the fundamental structures of society. In so doing, he provides a novel account of the theoretical and practical projects of liberation that still speak to us today, too many of which have been all but forgotten.</p><p>Departing from popular and scholarly accounts that focus on the social movements of the 1960s, Hardt argues that the 1970s offers an inspiring and useful guide for contemporary radical political thought and action. Although we can still learn much from the movements of the sixties, that decade's struggles for peace, justice, and freedom fundamentally marked the end of an era. The movements of the seventies, in contrast, responded directly to emerging neoliberal frameworks and other structures of power that continue to rule over us today. They identified and confronted political problems that remain central for us. The 1970s, in this sense, marks the beginning of our time. Looking at a wide range of movements around the globe, from the United States, to Guinea Bissau, South Korea, Chile, Turkey, and Italy, <em>The</em> <em>Subversive Seventies </em>provides a reassessment of the political action of the 1970s that sheds new light not only on our revolutionary past but also on what liberation can be and do today.</p><p><strong>Michael Hardt </strong>teaches political theory in the Literature Program at Duke University. He is co-author, with Antonio Negri, of the Empire trilogy and, most recently, <em>Assembly</em>. He is co-director with Sandro Mezzadra of The Social Movements Lab.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5094</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Eric Helleiner, "The Neomercantilists: A Global Intellectual History" (Cornell UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>At a time when critiques of free trade policies are gaining currency, The Neomercantilists: A Global Intellectual History (Cornell UP, 2021) helps make sense of the protectionist turn, providing the first intellectual history of the genealogy of neomercantilism. Eric Helleiner identifies many pioneers of this ideology between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries who backed strategic protectionism and other forms of government economic activism to promote state wealth and power. They included not just the famous Friedrich List, but also numerous lesser-known thinkers, many of whom came from outside of the West.
Helleiner's novel emphasis on neomercantilism's diverse origins challenges traditional Western-centric understandings of its history. It illuminates neglected local intellectual traditions and international flows of ideas that gave rise to distinctive varieties of the ideology around the globe, including in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia. This rich history left enduring intellectual legacies, including in the two dominant powers of the contemporary world economy: China and the United States.
The result is an exceptional study of a set of profoundly influential economic ideas. While rooted in the past, it sheds light on the present moment. The Neomercantilists shows how we might construct more global approaches to the study of international political economy and intellectual history, devoting attention to thinkers from across the world, and to the cross-border circulation of thought.
Eric Helleiner is an author and professor of political science and the Faculty of Arts Chair in International Political Economy at the University of Waterloo.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>231</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric Helleiner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At a time when critiques of free trade policies are gaining currency, The Neomercantilists: A Global Intellectual History (Cornell UP, 2021) helps make sense of the protectionist turn, providing the first intellectual history of the genealogy of neomercantilism. Eric Helleiner identifies many pioneers of this ideology between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries who backed strategic protectionism and other forms of government economic activism to promote state wealth and power. They included not just the famous Friedrich List, but also numerous lesser-known thinkers, many of whom came from outside of the West.
Helleiner's novel emphasis on neomercantilism's diverse origins challenges traditional Western-centric understandings of its history. It illuminates neglected local intellectual traditions and international flows of ideas that gave rise to distinctive varieties of the ideology around the globe, including in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia. This rich history left enduring intellectual legacies, including in the two dominant powers of the contemporary world economy: China and the United States.
The result is an exceptional study of a set of profoundly influential economic ideas. While rooted in the past, it sheds light on the present moment. The Neomercantilists shows how we might construct more global approaches to the study of international political economy and intellectual history, devoting attention to thinkers from across the world, and to the cross-border circulation of thought.
Eric Helleiner is an author and professor of political science and the Faculty of Arts Chair in International Political Economy at the University of Waterloo.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At a time when critiques of free trade policies are gaining currency, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501760129"><em>The Neomercantilists: A Global Intellectual History</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2021) helps make sense of the protectionist turn, providing the first intellectual history of the genealogy of neomercantilism. Eric Helleiner identifies many pioneers of this ideology between the late eighteenth and early twentieth centuries who backed strategic protectionism and other forms of government economic activism to promote state wealth and power. They included not just the famous Friedrich List, but also numerous lesser-known thinkers, many of whom came from outside of the West.</p><p>Helleiner's novel emphasis on neomercantilism's diverse origins challenges traditional Western-centric understandings of its history. It illuminates neglected local intellectual traditions and international flows of ideas that gave rise to distinctive varieties of the ideology around the globe, including in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, and Asia. This rich history left enduring intellectual legacies, including in the two dominant powers of the contemporary world economy: China and the United States.</p><p>The result is an exceptional study of a set of profoundly influential economic ideas. While rooted in the past, it sheds light on the present moment. <em>The Neomercantilists</em> shows how we might construct more global approaches to the study of international political economy and intellectual history, devoting attention to thinkers from across the world, and to the cross-border circulation of thought.</p><p><a href="https://www.amazon.com.au/Eric-Helleiner/e/B00GOQ0FDQ/ref=dp_byline_cont_book_1">Eric Helleiner</a> is an author and professor of political science and the Faculty of Arts Chair in International Political Economy at the University of Waterloo.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3056</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Melissa Deckman, "The Politics of Gen Z: How the Youngest Voters Will Shape Our Democracy" (Columbia UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>As the 2024 American presidential election approaches, it is common to hear scholars and journalists discuss the role of particular groups such as Latino men or suburban white women might play in a razor tight race. Less attention is paid to the nation’s youngest voters: Gen Z. Born between 1997 and 2012, these voters have experienced a decade of upheaval including, the murder of George Floyd, changing political norms with the election of Donald Trump, an insurrection after the election of Joe Biden, and the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Gen Z voters have lived under the constant threats of mass shootings and climate change. In response, these voters are mobilizing -- and left-leaning Zoomers, particularly women and LGBTQ people, have the potential to move U.S. politics to the left.
Dr. Melissa Deckman uses original data – including nearly one hundred interviews with Gen Z activists and several national surveys – to highlight the increasing role of Zoomers. She argues that women and LGBTQ Zoomers are participating in politics at higher levels than their straight male peers, creating a historic "reverse gender gap." Dr. Deckman explores Gen Z’s activism using mixed methods data and compelling personal narratives of how Gen Z activists have mobilized to defend reproductive rights, prevent gun violence, stem climate change, and win political office. A deep dive into the politics of Gen Z, The Politics of Gen Z: How the Youngest Voters Will Shape Our Democracy (Columbia UP, 2024) sheds new light on how young voters view politics and why their commitment to progressive values may transform the country in the years ahead.
Dr. Melissa Deckman is the CEO of PRRI, the Public Religion Research Institute. She is a political scientist who studies the impact of gender, religion, and age on public opinion and political behavior. She was previously the Louis L. Goldstein Professor of Public Affairs at Washington College. Her previous books include the Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right (2016) which examines the role of women in conservative politics.
Melissa mentions Of Boys and Men: Why the Modern Male is Struggling, Why it Matters, and What to Do about It (Brookings, 2024) and the New Books Network’s Dan Hill interviewed with Richard Reeves about the book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>744</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melissa Deckman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the 2024 American presidential election approaches, it is common to hear scholars and journalists discuss the role of particular groups such as Latino men or suburban white women might play in a razor tight race. Less attention is paid to the nation’s youngest voters: Gen Z. Born between 1997 and 2012, these voters have experienced a decade of upheaval including, the murder of George Floyd, changing political norms with the election of Donald Trump, an insurrection after the election of Joe Biden, and the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Gen Z voters have lived under the constant threats of mass shootings and climate change. In response, these voters are mobilizing -- and left-leaning Zoomers, particularly women and LGBTQ people, have the potential to move U.S. politics to the left.
Dr. Melissa Deckman uses original data – including nearly one hundred interviews with Gen Z activists and several national surveys – to highlight the increasing role of Zoomers. She argues that women and LGBTQ Zoomers are participating in politics at higher levels than their straight male peers, creating a historic "reverse gender gap." Dr. Deckman explores Gen Z’s activism using mixed methods data and compelling personal narratives of how Gen Z activists have mobilized to defend reproductive rights, prevent gun violence, stem climate change, and win political office. A deep dive into the politics of Gen Z, The Politics of Gen Z: How the Youngest Voters Will Shape Our Democracy (Columbia UP, 2024) sheds new light on how young voters view politics and why their commitment to progressive values may transform the country in the years ahead.
Dr. Melissa Deckman is the CEO of PRRI, the Public Religion Research Institute. She is a political scientist who studies the impact of gender, religion, and age on public opinion and political behavior. She was previously the Louis L. Goldstein Professor of Public Affairs at Washington College. Her previous books include the Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right (2016) which examines the role of women in conservative politics.
Melissa mentions Of Boys and Men: Why the Modern Male is Struggling, Why it Matters, and What to Do about It (Brookings, 2024) and the New Books Network’s Dan Hill interviewed with Richard Reeves about the book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the 2024 American presidential election approaches, it is common to hear scholars and journalists discuss the role of particular groups such as Latino men or suburban white women might play in a razor tight race. Less attention is paid to the nation’s youngest voters: Gen Z. Born between 1997 and 2012, these voters have experienced a decade of upheaval including, the murder of George Floyd, changing political norms with the election of Donald Trump, an insurrection after the election of Joe Biden, and the overturning of <em>Roe v. Wade</em>. Gen Z voters have lived under the constant threats of mass shootings and climate change. In response, these voters are mobilizing -- and left-leaning Zoomers, particularly women and LGBTQ people, have the potential to move U.S. politics to the left.</p><p>Dr. Melissa Deckman uses original data – including nearly one hundred interviews with Gen Z activists and several national surveys – to highlight the increasing role of Zoomers. She argues that women and LGBTQ Zoomers are participating in politics at higher levels than their straight male peers, creating a historic "reverse gender gap." Dr. Deckman explores Gen Z’s activism using mixed methods data and compelling personal narratives of how Gen Z activists have mobilized to defend reproductive rights, prevent gun violence, stem climate change, and win political office. A deep dive into the politics of Gen Z, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231213899"><em>The Politics of Gen Z: How the Youngest Voters Will Shape Our Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2024) sheds new light on how young voters view politics and why their commitment to progressive values may transform the country in the years ahead.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.prri.org/staff/melissa-deckman-ceo/">Melissa Deckman</a> is the CEO of PRRI, the Public Religion Research Institute. She is a political scientist who studies the impact of gender, religion, and age on public opinion and political behavior. She was previously the Louis L. Goldstein Professor of Public Affairs at Washington College. Her previous books include the <em>Tea Party Women: Mama Grizzlies, Grassroots Leaders, and the Changing Face of the American Right</em> (2016) which examines the role of women in conservative politics.</p><p>Melissa mentions <em>Of Boys and Men: Why the Modern Male is Struggling, Why it Matters, and What to Do about It</em> (Brookings, 2024) and the <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/of-boys-and-men#entry:177799@1:url">New Books Network’s Dan Hill interviewed with Richard Reeves about the book</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3804</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a5154468-93aa-11ef-bea6-574f720759a2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6811063465.mp3?updated=1729955472" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Simon Kuznets and the Invention of the Economy</title>
      <description>Economics sometimes feels like a physics–so sturdy, so objective, and so immutable. Yet, behind every clean number or eye-popping graph, there is usually a rather messy story, a story shaped by values, interests, ideologies, and petty bureaucratic politics. In Cited Podcast’s new mini-series, the Use and Abuse of Economic Expertise, we tell the hidden stories of the economic ideas that shape our world. For future episodes of our series, and a full list of credits, visit our series page.
On episode one, we begin at the beginning: the invention of the modern economy, or at least the idea of the economy. It starts with one measure: the GDP, or gross domestic product. It’s a measure that comes to define what we mean by ‘the economy.’ Before GDP, we did not really speak in those terms. Cited producer Alec Opperman talks to sociologist Dan Hirshman, who brings the story of the man who pioneered the GDP, Simon Kuznets. Yet, the GDP was not the measure the Kuznets hoped it would be. It’s a story that reveals the surprisingly contentious politics of counting things up.
Plus, what about alternatives to GDP? The Genuine Progress Indicator, the Human Development Index, the Green GDP, and so on. These measures are said to be more progressive, as they often capture things we value (like, care work for instance), and subtracting out things we could use less off (like, environmental degradation). Scholars and policy wonks have been raging about these types of measures for decades, but they have not taken off. Why? Economic historian Dirk Philipsen, author of The Little Big Number: How GDP Came to Rule the World and What to Do About It (Princeton UP, 2017), talks to Alec about why a good number alone is never enough to change the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 27 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>69</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On the GDP and its Alternatives</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Economics sometimes feels like a physics–so sturdy, so objective, and so immutable. Yet, behind every clean number or eye-popping graph, there is usually a rather messy story, a story shaped by values, interests, ideologies, and petty bureaucratic politics. In Cited Podcast’s new mini-series, the Use and Abuse of Economic Expertise, we tell the hidden stories of the economic ideas that shape our world. For future episodes of our series, and a full list of credits, visit our series page.
On episode one, we begin at the beginning: the invention of the modern economy, or at least the idea of the economy. It starts with one measure: the GDP, or gross domestic product. It’s a measure that comes to define what we mean by ‘the economy.’ Before GDP, we did not really speak in those terms. Cited producer Alec Opperman talks to sociologist Dan Hirshman, who brings the story of the man who pioneered the GDP, Simon Kuznets. Yet, the GDP was not the measure the Kuznets hoped it would be. It’s a story that reveals the surprisingly contentious politics of counting things up.
Plus, what about alternatives to GDP? The Genuine Progress Indicator, the Human Development Index, the Green GDP, and so on. These measures are said to be more progressive, as they often capture things we value (like, care work for instance), and subtracting out things we could use less off (like, environmental degradation). Scholars and policy wonks have been raging about these types of measures for decades, but they have not taken off. Why? Economic historian Dirk Philipsen, author of The Little Big Number: How GDP Came to Rule the World and What to Do About It (Princeton UP, 2017), talks to Alec about why a good number alone is never enough to change the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Economics sometimes feels like a physics–so sturdy, so objective, and so immutable. Yet, behind every clean number or eye-popping graph, there is usually a rather messy story, a story shaped by values, interests, ideologies, and petty bureaucratic politics. In <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> new mini-series, <em>the Use and Abuse of Economic Expertise</em>, we tell the hidden stories of the economic ideas that shape our world. For future episodes of our series, and a full list of credits, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-03-use-and-abuse-of-economics/">visit our series page</a>.</p><p>On episode one, we begin at the beginning: the invention of the modern economy, or at least the <em>idea </em>of the economy. It starts with one measure: the GDP, or gross domestic product. It’s a measure that comes to define what we mean by ‘the economy.’ Before GDP, we did not really speak in those terms. <em>Cited</em> producer Alec Opperman talks to <a href="https://sociology.cornell.edu/dan-hirschman">sociologist Dan Hirshman</a>, who brings the story of the man who pioneered the GDP, Simon Kuznets. Yet, the GDP was not the measure the Kuznets hoped it would be. It’s a story that reveals the surprisingly contentious<em> politics</em> of counting things up.</p><p>Plus, what about alternatives to GDP? The Genuine Progress Indicator, the Human Development Index, the Green GDP, and so on. These measures are said to be more progressive, as they often capture things we value (like, care work for instance), and subtracting out things we could use less off (like, environmental degradation). Scholars and policy wonks have been raging about these types of measures for decades, but they have not taken off. Why? Economic historian <a href="https://sanford.duke.edu/profile/dirk-philipsen/">Dirk Philipsen</a>, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691175935"><em>The Little Big Number: How GDP Came to Rule the World and What to Do About It</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2017), talks to Alec about why a good number alone is never enough to change the world.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3836</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide</title>
      <description>In early June 2020, Christina Gessler and Zerlina Maxwell met remotely to discuss Maxwell’s soon-to-be-released book. This episode is an encore presentation of that discussion. As we watch the race to the 2024 United States presidential election, we revisit this conversation from four years ago to reconsider lessons learned and those ignored in the race to the 2020 presidential election.
Today’s book is: The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide (Legacy Lit, 2020), by Zerlina Maxwell, which examines the past and present problems of the Left. After working on presidential campaigns for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, Maxwell gained first-hand knowledge of what liberals have and have not been doing right over the past few elections. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump's favor in 2016; he ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party's most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell asked: what now, liberals? Fueled by Maxwell's trademark wit and candor, The End of White Politics dismantles the problems of the Left, challenging everyone from young "Bernie Bros" to power players in the "Billionaire Boys' Club." Whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg's presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her critique. Underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues, is the "liberal-minded" party's struggle to engage women and communities of color, and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.
Our guest is: Zerlina Maxwell, the host of Mornings with Zerlina on Sirius XM, and the Director of Progressive Programming for SiriusXM. She was the Director of Progressive Media for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, and acted as a campaign spokesperson for the Presidential Debates. She writes for a variety of national media outlets, is a frequent college campus speaker, and is the author of The End Of White Politics: How To Heal Our Liberal Divide. She has a law degree from Rutgers Law School Newark and a B.A. in International Relations from Tufts University.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, the producer of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell.
Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning or sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? You’ll find them all archived here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>237</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Zerlina Maxwell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In early June 2020, Christina Gessler and Zerlina Maxwell met remotely to discuss Maxwell’s soon-to-be-released book. This episode is an encore presentation of that discussion. As we watch the race to the 2024 United States presidential election, we revisit this conversation from four years ago to reconsider lessons learned and those ignored in the race to the 2020 presidential election.
Today’s book is: The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide (Legacy Lit, 2020), by Zerlina Maxwell, which examines the past and present problems of the Left. After working on presidential campaigns for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, Maxwell gained first-hand knowledge of what liberals have and have not been doing right over the past few elections. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump's favor in 2016; he ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party's most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell asked: what now, liberals? Fueled by Maxwell's trademark wit and candor, The End of White Politics dismantles the problems of the Left, challenging everyone from young "Bernie Bros" to power players in the "Billionaire Boys' Club." Whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg's presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her critique. Underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues, is the "liberal-minded" party's struggle to engage women and communities of color, and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.
Our guest is: Zerlina Maxwell, the host of Mornings with Zerlina on Sirius XM, and the Director of Progressive Programming for SiriusXM. She was the Director of Progressive Media for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, and acted as a campaign spokesperson for the Presidential Debates. She writes for a variety of national media outlets, is a frequent college campus speaker, and is the author of The End Of White Politics: How To Heal Our Liberal Divide. She has a law degree from Rutgers Law School Newark and a B.A. in International Relations from Tufts University.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, the producer of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell.
Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning or sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? You’ll find them all archived here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In early June 2020, Christina Gessler and Zerlina Maxwell met remotely to discuss Maxwell’s soon-to-be-released book. This episode is an encore presentation of that discussion. As we watch the race to the 2024 United States presidential election, we revisit this conversation from four years ago to reconsider lessons learned and those ignored in the race to the 2020 presidential election.</p><p>Today’s book is: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780306873638"><em>The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide</em></a><em> </em>(Legacy Lit, 2020), by Zerlina Maxwell, which examines the past and present problems of the Left. After working on presidential campaigns for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, Maxwell gained first-hand knowledge of what liberals have and have not been doing right over the past few elections. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump's favor in 2016; he ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party's most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell asked: what now, liberals? Fueled by Maxwell's trademark wit and candor, <em>The End of White Politics</em> dismantles the problems of the Left, challenging everyone from young "Bernie Bros" to power players in the "Billionaire Boys' Club." Whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg's presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her critique. Underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues, is the "liberal-minded" party's struggle to engage women and communities of color, and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.</p><p>Our guest is: Zerlina Maxwell, the host of <em>Mornings with Zerlina</em> on Sirius XM, and the Director of Progressive Programming for SiriusXM. She was the Director of Progressive Media for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign, and acted as a campaign spokesperson for the Presidential Debates. She writes for a variety of national media outlets, is a frequent college campus speaker, and is the author of <em>The End Of White Politics: How To Heal Our Liberal Divide</em>. She has a law degree from Rutgers Law School Newark and a B.A. in International Relations from Tufts University.</p><p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, the producer of the Academic Life podcast. She holds a PhD in history, which she uses to explore what stories we tell and what happens to those we never tell.</p><p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning or sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? You’ll find them all archived <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4480</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>S4E11 Religion and Republic: A Conversation with Miles Smith</title>
      <description>In our latest podcast episode, we sat down with historian Miles Smith, who teaches at Hillsdale College, to discuss his new book, Religion and Republic: Christian American from the Founding to the Civil War (Davenant Press, 2024). In this insightful conversation, we explored the book's themes, which examine the complex relationship between religion and politics in shaping the American republic. Smith delves into how religious beliefs influenced the political ideologies and actions of early American leaders and how these ideas continue to resonate in today's society.
During the interview, we touched on the impact of religious thought on the founding principles of the United States, the interplay between church and state, and the lasting influence of these dynamics on American political culture. Smith's depth of knowledge and engaging storytelling provided a fresh perspective on the nation's history, offering listeners a thought-provoking look at the intersections of faith and governance.
Miles Smith is a respected historian specializing in American intellectual and religious history, with a focus on how these elements shaped political identities. Currently a faculty member at Hillsdale College, his work is widely recognized for its clarity and thoughtfulness, making Religion and Republic a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the roots of American political thought.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 23 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In our latest podcast episode, we sat down with historian Miles Smith, who teaches at Hillsdale College, to discuss his new book, Religion and Republic: Christian American from the Founding to the Civil War (Davenant Press, 2024). In this insightful conversation, we explored the book's themes, which examine the complex relationship between religion and politics in shaping the American republic. Smith delves into how religious beliefs influenced the political ideologies and actions of early American leaders and how these ideas continue to resonate in today's society.
During the interview, we touched on the impact of religious thought on the founding principles of the United States, the interplay between church and state, and the lasting influence of these dynamics on American political culture. Smith's depth of knowledge and engaging storytelling provided a fresh perspective on the nation's history, offering listeners a thought-provoking look at the intersections of faith and governance.
Miles Smith is a respected historian specializing in American intellectual and religious history, with a focus on how these elements shaped political identities. Currently a faculty member at Hillsdale College, his work is widely recognized for its clarity and thoughtfulness, making Religion and Republic a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the roots of American political thought.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In our latest podcast episode, we sat down with historian Miles Smith, who teaches at Hillsdale College, to discuss his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781949716313"><em>Religion and Republic: Christian American from the Founding to the Civil War</em></a><em> </em>(Davenant Press, 2024). In this insightful conversation, we explored the book's themes, which examine the complex relationship between religion and politics in shaping the American republic. Smith delves into how religious beliefs influenced the political ideologies and actions of early American leaders and how these ideas continue to resonate in today's society.</p><p>During the interview, we touched on the impact of religious thought on the founding principles of the United States, the interplay between church and state, and the lasting influence of these dynamics on American political culture. Smith's depth of knowledge and engaging storytelling provided a fresh perspective on the nation's history, offering listeners a thought-provoking look at the intersections of faith and governance.</p><p>Miles Smith is a respected historian specializing in American intellectual and religious history, with a focus on how these elements shaped political identities. Currently a faculty member at Hillsdale College, his work is widely recognized for its clarity and thoughtfulness, making <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/religion-and-republic-christian-american-from-the-founding-to-the-civil-war-miles-smith/21640002?ean=9781949716313"><em>Religion and Republic</em></a> a must-read for anyone interested in understanding the roots of American political thought.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3142</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Steven Levitsky, "Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Forge a Democracy for All" (Crown, 2024)</title>
      <description>America is undergoing a massive experiment: It is moving, in fits and starts, toward a multiracial democracy, something few societies have ever done. But the prospect of change has sparked an authoritarian backlash that threatens the very foundations of our political system. Why is democracy under assault here, and not in other wealthy, diversifying nations? And what can we do to save it?
With the clarity and brilliance that made their first book, How Democracies Die, a global bestseller, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt offer a coherent framework for understanding these volatile times. They draw on a wealth of examples—from 1930s France to present-day Thailand—to explain why and how political parties turn against democracy. They then show how our Constitution makes us uniquely vulnerable to attacks from within: It is a pernicious enabler of minority rule, allowing partisan minorities to consistently thwart and even rule over popular majorities. Most modern democracies—from Germany and Sweden to Argentina and New Zealand—have eliminated outdated institutions like elite upper chambers, indirect elections, and lifetime tenure for judges. The United States lags dangerously behind.
In Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Forge a Democracy for All (Crown, 2024), Levitsky and Ziblatt issue an urgent call to reform our politics. It’s a daunting task, but we have remade our country before—most notably, after the Civil War and during the Progressive Era. And now we are at a crossroads: America will either become a multiracial democracy or cease to be a democracy at all.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>193</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Levitsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America is undergoing a massive experiment: It is moving, in fits and starts, toward a multiracial democracy, something few societies have ever done. But the prospect of change has sparked an authoritarian backlash that threatens the very foundations of our political system. Why is democracy under assault here, and not in other wealthy, diversifying nations? And what can we do to save it?
With the clarity and brilliance that made their first book, How Democracies Die, a global bestseller, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt offer a coherent framework for understanding these volatile times. They draw on a wealth of examples—from 1930s France to present-day Thailand—to explain why and how political parties turn against democracy. They then show how our Constitution makes us uniquely vulnerable to attacks from within: It is a pernicious enabler of minority rule, allowing partisan minorities to consistently thwart and even rule over popular majorities. Most modern democracies—from Germany and Sweden to Argentina and New Zealand—have eliminated outdated institutions like elite upper chambers, indirect elections, and lifetime tenure for judges. The United States lags dangerously behind.
In Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Forge a Democracy for All (Crown, 2024), Levitsky and Ziblatt issue an urgent call to reform our politics. It’s a daunting task, but we have remade our country before—most notably, after the Civil War and during the Progressive Era. And now we are at a crossroads: America will either become a multiracial democracy or cease to be a democracy at all.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America is undergoing a massive experiment: It is moving, in fits and starts, toward a multiracial democracy, something few societies have ever done. But the prospect of change has sparked an authoritarian backlash that threatens the very foundations of our political system. Why is democracy under assault here, and not in other wealthy, diversifying nations? And what can we do to save it?</p><p>With the clarity and brilliance that made their first book, <em>How Democracies Die,</em> a global bestseller, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt offer a coherent framework for understanding these volatile times. They draw on a wealth of examples—from 1930s France to present-day Thailand—to explain why and how political parties turn against democracy. They then show how our Constitution makes us uniquely vulnerable to attacks from within: It is a pernicious enabler of minority rule, allowing partisan minorities to consistently thwart and even rule over popular majorities. Most modern democracies—from Germany and Sweden to Argentina and New Zealand—have eliminated outdated institutions like elite upper chambers, indirect elections, and lifetime tenure for judges. The United States lags dangerously behind.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593443071">Tyranny of the Minority: How to Reverse an Authoritarian Turn, and Forge a Democracy for All </a>(Crown, 2024), Levitsky and Ziblatt issue an urgent call to reform our politics. It’s a daunting task, but we have remade our country before—most notably, after the Civil War and during the Progressive Era. And now we are at a crossroads: America will either become a multiracial democracy or cease to be a democracy at all.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2561</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7816819475.mp3?updated=1729452954" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>E. L. Gaston, "Illusions of Control: Dilemmas in Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria" (Columbia UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Over the last two decades, the United States has supported a range of militias, rebels, and other armed groups in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Critics have argued that such partnerships have many perils, from enabling human rights abuses to seeding future threats. Policy makers, however, have sought to mitigate the risks of partnering with irregular armed groups. Militia group leaders in far-flung corners of these war-torn countries were subjected to background checks and instructed about international law and human rights, and their funding was cut when they crossed red lines. To what extent have such mechanisms curbed the dangers of proxy warfare, and what unforeseen consequences has this approach unleashed?
Drawing on a decade of field research and hundreds of interviews with stakeholders, in Illusions of Control: Dilemmas in Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria (Columbia University Press, 2024), Dr. Erica L. Gaston unpacks the dilemmas of attempting to control proxy forces. She demonstrates that, although the tools U.S. policy makers used to constrain partners’ behavior increased in number and sophistication, they never fully addressed the range of political, security, and legal concerns surrounding these forces. Moreover, by shifting policy makers’ calculations, the use of proxy forces introduced additional moral hazards and may have enabled riskier decision making. Featuring substantial empirical detail and close analysis of key internal debates, Illusions of Control offers new perspectives on some of the most significant and controversial elements of recent U.S. security policy. In addition to nuanced insights about proxy relationships, this book provides a novel analytical toolkit for exploring transnational bargaining and foreign policy deliberations in hybrid political environments.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>108</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with E. L. Gaston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the last two decades, the United States has supported a range of militias, rebels, and other armed groups in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Critics have argued that such partnerships have many perils, from enabling human rights abuses to seeding future threats. Policy makers, however, have sought to mitigate the risks of partnering with irregular armed groups. Militia group leaders in far-flung corners of these war-torn countries were subjected to background checks and instructed about international law and human rights, and their funding was cut when they crossed red lines. To what extent have such mechanisms curbed the dangers of proxy warfare, and what unforeseen consequences has this approach unleashed?
Drawing on a decade of field research and hundreds of interviews with stakeholders, in Illusions of Control: Dilemmas in Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria (Columbia University Press, 2024), Dr. Erica L. Gaston unpacks the dilemmas of attempting to control proxy forces. She demonstrates that, although the tools U.S. policy makers used to constrain partners’ behavior increased in number and sophistication, they never fully addressed the range of political, security, and legal concerns surrounding these forces. Moreover, by shifting policy makers’ calculations, the use of proxy forces introduced additional moral hazards and may have enabled riskier decision making. Featuring substantial empirical detail and close analysis of key internal debates, Illusions of Control offers new perspectives on some of the most significant and controversial elements of recent U.S. security policy. In addition to nuanced insights about proxy relationships, this book provides a novel analytical toolkit for exploring transnational bargaining and foreign policy deliberations in hybrid political environments.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the last two decades, the United States has supported a range of militias, rebels, and other armed groups in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Critics have argued that such partnerships have many perils, from enabling human rights abuses to seeding future threats. Policy makers, however, have sought to mitigate the risks of partnering with irregular armed groups. Militia group leaders in far-flung corners of these war-torn countries were subjected to background checks and instructed about international law and human rights, and their funding was cut when they crossed red lines. To what extent have such mechanisms curbed the dangers of proxy warfare, and what unforeseen consequences has this approach unleashed?</p><p>Drawing on a decade of field research and hundreds of interviews with stakeholders, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231210133"><em>Illusions of Control: Dilemmas in Managing U.S. Proxy Forces in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2024), Dr. Erica L. Gaston unpacks the dilemmas of attempting to control proxy forces. She demonstrates that, although the tools U.S. policy makers used to constrain partners’ behavior increased in number and sophistication, they never fully addressed the range of political, security, and legal concerns surrounding these forces. Moreover, by shifting policy makers’ calculations, the use of proxy forces introduced additional moral hazards and may have enabled riskier decision making. Featuring substantial empirical detail and close analysis of key internal debates, <em>Illusions of Control</em> offers new perspectives on some of the most significant and controversial elements of recent U.S. security policy. In addition to nuanced insights about proxy relationships, this book provides a novel analytical toolkit for exploring transnational bargaining and foreign policy deliberations in hybrid political environments.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3607</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6195081462.mp3?updated=1732046814" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jennifer Chudy, "Some White Folks: The Interracial Politics of Sympathy, Suffering, and Solidarity" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>There is racial inequality in America, and some people are distressed over it while others are not. Some White Folks: The Interracial Politics of Sympathy, Suffering, and Solidarity (University of Chicago Press, 2024) by Dr. Jennifer Chudy is a book about white people who feel that distress. For decades, political scientists have studied the effects of white racial prejudice, but Dr. Chudy shows that white racial sympathy for Black Americans’ suffering is also a potent force in modern American politics. Grounded in the history of Black-white relations in America, racial sympathy is unique. It is not equivalent to a low level of racial prejudice or sympathy for other marginalized groups. Some White Folks reveals how racial sympathy shapes a significant number of white Americans’ opinions on policy areas ranging from the social welfare state to the criminal justice system. Under certain circumstances, it can also spur action—although effects on political behavior are weaker and less consistent, for reasons Dr. Chudy examines.
Drawing on diverse quantitative and qualitative evidence and integrating insights from multiple disciplines, Dr. Chudy explores the origins, importance, and complexity of racial sympathy, as well as the practical implications for political and movement leaders. A companion to the rich literature on prejudice, Some White Folks demonstrates the multifaceted role of race in American politics and public opinion.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 18 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>743</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jennifer Chudy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There is racial inequality in America, and some people are distressed over it while others are not. Some White Folks: The Interracial Politics of Sympathy, Suffering, and Solidarity (University of Chicago Press, 2024) by Dr. Jennifer Chudy is a book about white people who feel that distress. For decades, political scientists have studied the effects of white racial prejudice, but Dr. Chudy shows that white racial sympathy for Black Americans’ suffering is also a potent force in modern American politics. Grounded in the history of Black-white relations in America, racial sympathy is unique. It is not equivalent to a low level of racial prejudice or sympathy for other marginalized groups. Some White Folks reveals how racial sympathy shapes a significant number of white Americans’ opinions on policy areas ranging from the social welfare state to the criminal justice system. Under certain circumstances, it can also spur action—although effects on political behavior are weaker and less consistent, for reasons Dr. Chudy examines.
Drawing on diverse quantitative and qualitative evidence and integrating insights from multiple disciplines, Dr. Chudy explores the origins, importance, and complexity of racial sympathy, as well as the practical implications for political and movement leaders. A companion to the rich literature on prejudice, Some White Folks demonstrates the multifaceted role of race in American politics and public opinion.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There is racial inequality in America, and some people are distressed over it while others are not. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226834436"><em>Some White Folks: The Interracial Politics of Sympathy, Suffering, and Solidarity</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2024) by Dr. Jennifer Chudy is a book about white people who feel that distress. For decades, political scientists have studied the effects of white racial prejudice, but Dr. Chudy shows that white racial sympathy for Black Americans’ suffering is also a potent force in modern American politics. Grounded in the history of Black-white relations in America, racial sympathy is unique. It is not equivalent to a low level of racial prejudice or sympathy for other marginalized groups.<em> Some White Folks</em> reveals how racial sympathy shapes a significant number of white Americans’ opinions on policy areas ranging from the social welfare state to the criminal justice system. Under certain circumstances, it can also spur action—although effects on political behavior are weaker and less consistent, for reasons Dr. Chudy examines.</p><p>Drawing on diverse quantitative and qualitative evidence and integrating insights from multiple disciplines, Dr. Chudy explores the origins, importance, and complexity of racial sympathy, as well as the practical implications for political and movement leaders. A companion to the rich literature on prejudice, <em>Some White Folks</em> demonstrates the multifaceted role of race in American politics and public opinion.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2444</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sarah M. Stitzlein, "Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era: Emphasizing Truth in the Education of Citizens" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Democracy is struggling in an age of populism and post-truth. In a world swirling with competing political groups stating conflicting facts, citizens are left unsure whom to trust and which facts are true. The role of honesty in civic life is in jeopardy. When we lose sight of the importance of honesty, it hampers our ability to solve pressing problems. Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era: Emphasizing Truth in the Education of Citizens (Oxford University Press, 2024) asserts that to better enable young citizens to successfully engage in civic inquiry, the role of honesty must be foregrounded within education.
The book posits that honesty is a key component of a well-functioning democracy. Building upon this foundation, Sarah M. Stitzlein defines what honesty is, how it is connected to truth, and why both are important to and at risk in democracies today. Furthermore, the chapters offer guidance on how honesty and truth should be taught in schools. Situated within the philosophical perspective of pragmatism, the book examines the relationships between honesty, truth, trust, and healthy democratic living and provides recommendations for improving citizenship education and our ability to engage in civic reasoning.
Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era offers an improved path forward within our schools by detailing how to cultivate habits of truth-seeking and truth-telling. Such honesty will better enable citizens to navigate our difficult political moment and increase the likelihood that citizens can craft long-term solutions for democratic life together.
Sarah M. Stitzlein is Professor of Education and Affiliate Professor of Philosophy at the University of Cincinnati. Her research explores issues of political agency, educating for democracy, youth civic engagement, and equity in schools. She is the author of Learning How to Hope and American Public Education and the Responsibility of its Citizens, and co-editor of the journal Democracy &amp; Education.
Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>241</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sarah M. Stitzlein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Democracy is struggling in an age of populism and post-truth. In a world swirling with competing political groups stating conflicting facts, citizens are left unsure whom to trust and which facts are true. The role of honesty in civic life is in jeopardy. When we lose sight of the importance of honesty, it hampers our ability to solve pressing problems. Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era: Emphasizing Truth in the Education of Citizens (Oxford University Press, 2024) asserts that to better enable young citizens to successfully engage in civic inquiry, the role of honesty must be foregrounded within education.
The book posits that honesty is a key component of a well-functioning democracy. Building upon this foundation, Sarah M. Stitzlein defines what honesty is, how it is connected to truth, and why both are important to and at risk in democracies today. Furthermore, the chapters offer guidance on how honesty and truth should be taught in schools. Situated within the philosophical perspective of pragmatism, the book examines the relationships between honesty, truth, trust, and healthy democratic living and provides recommendations for improving citizenship education and our ability to engage in civic reasoning.
Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era offers an improved path forward within our schools by detailing how to cultivate habits of truth-seeking and truth-telling. Such honesty will better enable citizens to navigate our difficult political moment and increase the likelihood that citizens can craft long-term solutions for democratic life together.
Sarah M. Stitzlein is Professor of Education and Affiliate Professor of Philosophy at the University of Cincinnati. Her research explores issues of political agency, educating for democracy, youth civic engagement, and equity in schools. She is the author of Learning How to Hope and American Public Education and the Responsibility of its Citizens, and co-editor of the journal Democracy &amp; Education.
Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Democracy is struggling in an age of populism and post-truth. In a world swirling with competing political groups stating conflicting facts, citizens are left unsure whom to trust and which facts are true. The role of honesty in civic life is in jeopardy. When we lose sight of the importance of honesty, it hampers our ability to solve pressing problems. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197775882"><em>Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era: Emphasizing Truth in the Education of Citizens</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2024) asserts that to better enable young citizens to successfully engage in civic inquiry, the role of honesty must be foregrounded within education.</p><p>The book posits that honesty is a key component of a well-functioning democracy. Building upon this foundation, Sarah M. Stitzlein defines what honesty is, how it is connected to truth, and why both are important to and at risk in democracies today. Furthermore, the chapters offer guidance on how honesty and truth should be taught in schools. Situated within the philosophical perspective of pragmatism, the book examines the relationships between honesty, truth, trust, and healthy democratic living and provides recommendations for improving citizenship education and our ability to engage in civic reasoning.</p><p><em>Teaching Honesty in a Populist Era</em> offers an improved path forward within our schools by detailing how to cultivate habits of truth-seeking and truth-telling. Such honesty will better enable citizens to navigate our difficult political moment and increase the likelihood that citizens can craft long-term solutions for democratic life together.</p><p>Sarah M. Stitzlein is Professor of Education and Affiliate Professor of Philosophy at the University of Cincinnati. Her research explores issues of political agency, educating for democracy, youth civic engagement, and equity in schools. She is the author of <em>Learning How to Hope</em> and <em>American Public Education and the Responsibility of its Citizens</em>, and co-editor of the journal <em>Democracy &amp; Education</em>.</p><p>Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2468</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Keith E. Whittington, "You Can't Teach That!: The Battle over University Classrooms" (Polity Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Who controls what is taught in American universities – professors or politicians? The answer is far from clear but suddenly urgent. Unprecedented efforts are now underway to restrict what ideas can be promoted and discussed in university classrooms. Professors at public universities have long assumed that their freedom to teach is unassailable and that there were firm constitutional protections shielding them from political interventions. Those assumptions might always have been more hopeful than sound. A battle over the control of the university classroom is now brewing, and the courts will be called upon to establish clearer guidelines as to what – if any – limits legislatures might have in dictating what is taught in public universities. 
In You Can't Teach That!: The Battle over University Classrooms (Polity Press, 2024), Keith Whittington argues that the First Amendment imposes meaningful limits on how government officials can restrict the ideas discussed on university campuses. In clear and accessible prose, he illuminates the legal status of academic freedom in the United States and shows how existing constitutional doctrine can be deployed to protect unbridled free inquiry.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>190</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Keith E. Whittington</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who controls what is taught in American universities – professors or politicians? The answer is far from clear but suddenly urgent. Unprecedented efforts are now underway to restrict what ideas can be promoted and discussed in university classrooms. Professors at public universities have long assumed that their freedom to teach is unassailable and that there were firm constitutional protections shielding them from political interventions. Those assumptions might always have been more hopeful than sound. A battle over the control of the university classroom is now brewing, and the courts will be called upon to establish clearer guidelines as to what – if any – limits legislatures might have in dictating what is taught in public universities. 
In You Can't Teach That!: The Battle over University Classrooms (Polity Press, 2024), Keith Whittington argues that the First Amendment imposes meaningful limits on how government officials can restrict the ideas discussed on university campuses. In clear and accessible prose, he illuminates the legal status of academic freedom in the United States and shows how existing constitutional doctrine can be deployed to protect unbridled free inquiry.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who controls what is taught in American universities – professors or politicians? The answer is far from clear but suddenly urgent. Unprecedented efforts are now underway to restrict what ideas can be promoted and discussed in university classrooms. Professors at public universities have long assumed that their freedom to teach is unassailable and that there were firm constitutional protections shielding them from political interventions. Those assumptions might always have been more hopeful than sound. A battle over the control of the university classroom is now brewing, and the courts will be called upon to establish clearer guidelines as to what – if any – limits legislatures might have in dictating what is taught in public universities. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509564538"><em>You Can't Teach That!: The Battle over University Classrooms</em></a><em> </em>(Polity Press, 2024), Keith Whittington argues that the First Amendment imposes meaningful limits on how government officials can restrict the ideas discussed on university campuses. In clear and accessible prose, he illuminates the legal status of academic freedom in the United States and shows how existing constitutional doctrine can be deployed to protect unbridled free inquiry.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3211</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tevi Troy, "The Power and the Money: The Epic Clashes Between Commanders in Chief and Titans of Industry" (Regnery History, 2024)</title>
      <description>When U.S. presidents clash with corporate titans, what tips the balance of power?
In The Power and the Money: The Epic Clashes Between Commanders in Chief and Titans of Industry (Regnery History, 2024), acclaimed presidential historian Tevi Troy takes readers on a riveting journey through the biggest battles between CEOs and the nation's commander in chief. He unearths the untold stories - both political and personal - that have shaped America.
Troy shows how the vast reach of the federal government become a critical fact of life for every business, entrepreneur, and innovator. Today, companies find themselves navigating a competitive landscape defined by stringent regulations, so top CEOs and key business leaders must influence the legislative and regulatory system. As public affairs teams and government relations experts put forward strategies to survive Washington, CEOs have become the most important warrior on the frontlines. The Power and the Money shows how some of the nation's most important CEOs forged (and fumbled) relationships with the president.
Troy also shows how the most powerful man in the world depends on CEOs. CEOs provide assistance in the form of personnel, policy insights, and campaign cash, but they also become essential foils for presidents, serving as both allies and convenient enemies.
The Power and the Money reveals an intricate web of power, where CEOs need presidents, and presidents need CEOs. Troy shows how each must step carefully - or risk unpredictable costs and collateral damage. From heavyweights John D. Rockefeller and Mark Zuckerberg to Katherine Graham, Elon Musk, and more, Troy takes readers inside the friendships and the conflicts that shook the American economy and re-shaped America.
Drawing on his experiences as bestselling historian and former senior White House aide, Troy offers unique insights and details that shed light on the growing, intertwining behemoths of government and big business - and what it means for the future of our nation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>278</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tevi Troy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When U.S. presidents clash with corporate titans, what tips the balance of power?
In The Power and the Money: The Epic Clashes Between Commanders in Chief and Titans of Industry (Regnery History, 2024), acclaimed presidential historian Tevi Troy takes readers on a riveting journey through the biggest battles between CEOs and the nation's commander in chief. He unearths the untold stories - both political and personal - that have shaped America.
Troy shows how the vast reach of the federal government become a critical fact of life for every business, entrepreneur, and innovator. Today, companies find themselves navigating a competitive landscape defined by stringent regulations, so top CEOs and key business leaders must influence the legislative and regulatory system. As public affairs teams and government relations experts put forward strategies to survive Washington, CEOs have become the most important warrior on the frontlines. The Power and the Money shows how some of the nation's most important CEOs forged (and fumbled) relationships with the president.
Troy also shows how the most powerful man in the world depends on CEOs. CEOs provide assistance in the form of personnel, policy insights, and campaign cash, but they also become essential foils for presidents, serving as both allies and convenient enemies.
The Power and the Money reveals an intricate web of power, where CEOs need presidents, and presidents need CEOs. Troy shows how each must step carefully - or risk unpredictable costs and collateral damage. From heavyweights John D. Rockefeller and Mark Zuckerberg to Katherine Graham, Elon Musk, and more, Troy takes readers inside the friendships and the conflicts that shook the American economy and re-shaped America.
Drawing on his experiences as bestselling historian and former senior White House aide, Troy offers unique insights and details that shed light on the growing, intertwining behemoths of government and big business - and what it means for the future of our nation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When U.S. presidents clash with corporate titans, what tips the balance of power?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684515400"><em>The Power and the Money: The Epic Clashes Between Commanders in Chief and Titans of Industry</em></a><em> </em>(Regnery History, 2024), acclaimed presidential historian Tevi Troy takes readers on a riveting journey through the biggest battles between CEOs and the nation's commander in chief. He unearths the untold stories - both political and personal - that have shaped America.</p><p>Troy shows how the vast reach of the federal government become a critical fact of life for every business, entrepreneur, and innovator. Today, companies find themselves navigating a competitive landscape defined by stringent regulations, so top CEOs and key business leaders must influence the legislative and regulatory system. As public affairs teams and government relations experts put forward strategies to survive Washington, CEOs have become <em>the</em> most important warrior on the frontlines. <em>The Power and the Money </em>shows how some of the nation's most important CEOs forged (and fumbled) relationships with the president.</p><p>Troy also shows how the most powerful man in the world depends on CEOs. CEOs provide assistance in the form of personnel, policy insights, and campaign cash, but they also become essential foils for presidents, serving as both allies and convenient enemies.</p><p><em>The Power and the Money</em> reveals an intricate web of power, where CEOs need presidents, and presidents need CEOs. Troy shows how each must step carefully - or risk unpredictable costs and collateral damage. From heavyweights John D. Rockefeller and Mark Zuckerberg to Katherine Graham, Elon Musk, and more, Troy takes readers inside the friendships and the conflicts that shook the American economy and re-shaped America.</p><p>Drawing on his experiences as bestselling historian and former senior White House aide, Troy offers unique insights and details that shed light on the growing, intertwining behemoths of government and big business - and what it means for the future of our nation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2548</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[86e86ebc-8a3a-11ef-b460-47454dcc55c1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4691591403.mp3?updated=1728917143" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Social Contract in the Ruins: A Conversation with Dr. Paul DeHart</title>
      <description>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, we sit down with Dr. Paul DeHart, professor of Political Science at Texas State University and author of The Social Contract in the Ruins:  Natural Law and Government by Consent (University of Missouri Press, 2024). In this illuminating discussion, Dr. DeHart challenges the prevailing belief that social contract theory and classical natural law are fundamentally incompatible. His book offers a bold argument: political authority and obligation cannot be grounded solely in human agreement but must rest on a deeper, antecedent moral foundation—one that is uncreated and independent of human or divine will. Without this objective moral good, even the widely accepted principle of government by consent loses its coherence.
Throughout the episode, Dr. DeHart explores key philosophical questions surrounding political legitimacy and the moral underpinnings of authority. We dive into why modern approaches to grounding political authority through consent alone are self-defeating and how classical natural law is essential to upholding the principles that guide just governance.
Listeners will gain a deeper understanding of the intersection between political theory, philosophy, and morality, as well as the relevance of these ideas in today's political landscape. Whether you're a scholar of political philosophy or simply curious about the foundations of political authority, this episode is packed with rich insights and thoughtful discussion.
Dr. Dehart’s other works:
Uncovering the Constitution's Moral Design
Reason, Revelation, and the Civic Order: Political Philosophy and the Claims of Faith
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the latest episode of Madison’s Notes, we sit down with Dr. Paul DeHart, professor of Political Science at Texas State University and author of The Social Contract in the Ruins:  Natural Law and Government by Consent (University of Missouri Press, 2024). In this illuminating discussion, Dr. DeHart challenges the prevailing belief that social contract theory and classical natural law are fundamentally incompatible. His book offers a bold argument: political authority and obligation cannot be grounded solely in human agreement but must rest on a deeper, antecedent moral foundation—one that is uncreated and independent of human or divine will. Without this objective moral good, even the widely accepted principle of government by consent loses its coherence.
Throughout the episode, Dr. DeHart explores key philosophical questions surrounding political legitimacy and the moral underpinnings of authority. We dive into why modern approaches to grounding political authority through consent alone are self-defeating and how classical natural law is essential to upholding the principles that guide just governance.
Listeners will gain a deeper understanding of the intersection between political theory, philosophy, and morality, as well as the relevance of these ideas in today's political landscape. Whether you're a scholar of political philosophy or simply curious about the foundations of political authority, this episode is packed with rich insights and thoughtful discussion.
Dr. Dehart’s other works:
Uncovering the Constitution's Moral Design
Reason, Revelation, and the Civic Order: Political Philosophy and the Claims of Faith
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the latest episode of <em>Madison’s Notes</em>, we sit down with Dr. Paul DeHart, professor of Political Science at Texas State University and author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780826223050"><em>The Social Contract in the Ruins: </em> <em>Natural Law and Government by Consent</em></a><em> </em>(University of Missouri Press, 2024). In this illuminating discussion, Dr. DeHart challenges the prevailing belief that social contract theory and classical natural law are fundamentally incompatible. His book offers a bold argument: political authority and obligation cannot be grounded solely in human agreement but must rest on a deeper, antecedent moral foundation—one that is uncreated and independent of human or divine will. Without this objective moral good, even the widely accepted principle of government by consent loses its coherence.</p><p>Throughout the episode, Dr. DeHart explores key philosophical questions surrounding political legitimacy and the moral underpinnings of authority. We dive into why modern approaches to grounding political authority through consent alone are self-defeating and how classical natural law is essential to upholding the principles that guide just governance.</p><p>Listeners will gain a deeper understanding of the intersection between political theory, philosophy, and morality, as well as the relevance of these ideas in today's political landscape. Whether you're a scholar of political philosophy or simply curious about the foundations of political authority, this episode is packed with rich insights and thoughtful discussion.</p><p><u>Dr. Dehart’s other works:</u></p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/uncovering-the-constitution-s-moral-design-volume-1-paul-r-dehart/10748264?ean=9780826221308"><em>Uncovering the Constitution's Moral Design</em></a></p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/reason-revelation-and-the-civic-order-paul-dehart/11601129?ean=9780875804842"><em>Reason, Revelation, and the Civic Order: Political Philosophy and the Claims of Faith</em></a></p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3503</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ac9fee58-88ca-11ef-873d-377de7b73c75]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9262632513.mp3?updated=1728759047" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marietje Schaake, "The Tech Coup: How to Save Democracy from Silicon Valley" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Over the past decades, under the cover of "innovation," technology companies have successfully resisted regulation and have even begun to seize power from governments themselves. Facial recognition firms track citizens for police surveillance. Cryptocurrency has wiped out the personal savings of millions and threatens the stability of the global financial system. Spyware companies sell digital intelligence tools to anyone who can afford them. This new reality--where unregulated technology has become a forceful instrument for autocrats around the world--is terrible news for democracies and citizens.
In The Tech Coup: How to Save Democracy from Silicon Valley (Princeton UP, 2024), Marietje Schaake offers a behind-the-scenes account of how technology companies crept into nearly every corner of our lives and our governments. She takes us beyond the headlines to high-stakes meetings with human rights defenders, business leaders, computer scientists, and politicians to show how technologies--from social media to artificial intelligence--have gone from being heralded as utopian to undermining the pillars of our democracies. To reverse this existential power imbalance, Schaake outlines game-changing solutions to empower elected officials and citizens alike. Democratic leaders can--and must--resist the influence of corporate lobbying and reinvent themselves as dynamic, flexible guardians of our digital world.
Drawing on her experiences in the halls of the European Parliament and among Silicon Valley insiders, Schaake offers a frightening look at our modern tech-obsessed world--and a clear-eyed view of how democracies can build a better future before it is too late.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>107</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marietje Schaake</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past decades, under the cover of "innovation," technology companies have successfully resisted regulation and have even begun to seize power from governments themselves. Facial recognition firms track citizens for police surveillance. Cryptocurrency has wiped out the personal savings of millions and threatens the stability of the global financial system. Spyware companies sell digital intelligence tools to anyone who can afford them. This new reality--where unregulated technology has become a forceful instrument for autocrats around the world--is terrible news for democracies and citizens.
In The Tech Coup: How to Save Democracy from Silicon Valley (Princeton UP, 2024), Marietje Schaake offers a behind-the-scenes account of how technology companies crept into nearly every corner of our lives and our governments. She takes us beyond the headlines to high-stakes meetings with human rights defenders, business leaders, computer scientists, and politicians to show how technologies--from social media to artificial intelligence--have gone from being heralded as utopian to undermining the pillars of our democracies. To reverse this existential power imbalance, Schaake outlines game-changing solutions to empower elected officials and citizens alike. Democratic leaders can--and must--resist the influence of corporate lobbying and reinvent themselves as dynamic, flexible guardians of our digital world.
Drawing on her experiences in the halls of the European Parliament and among Silicon Valley insiders, Schaake offers a frightening look at our modern tech-obsessed world--and a clear-eyed view of how democracies can build a better future before it is too late.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past decades, under the cover of "innovation," technology companies have successfully resisted regulation and have even begun to seize power from governments themselves. Facial recognition firms track citizens for police surveillance. Cryptocurrency has wiped out the personal savings of millions and threatens the stability of the global financial system. Spyware companies sell digital intelligence tools to anyone who can afford them. This new reality--where unregulated technology has become a forceful instrument for autocrats around the world--is terrible news for democracies and citizens.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691241173"><em>The Tech Coup: How to Save Democracy from Silicon Valley</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2024), Marietje Schaake offers a behind-the-scenes account of how technology companies crept into nearly every corner of our lives and our governments. She takes us beyond the headlines to high-stakes meetings with human rights defenders, business leaders, computer scientists, and politicians to show how technologies--from social media to artificial intelligence--have gone from being heralded as utopian to undermining the pillars of our democracies. To reverse this existential power imbalance, Schaake outlines game-changing solutions to empower elected officials and citizens alike. Democratic leaders can--and must--resist the influence of corporate lobbying and reinvent themselves as dynamic, flexible guardians of our digital world.</p><p>Drawing on her experiences in the halls of the European Parliament and among Silicon Valley insiders, Schaake offers a frightening look at our modern tech-obsessed world--and a clear-eyed view of how democracies can build a better future before it is too late.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1765</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d38b8144-88c5-11ef-94ee-570f46f541c5]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6379511217.mp3?updated=1728756842" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dan La Botz, "Riding with the Revolution: The American Left in the Mexican Revolution, 1900-1925" (Brill, 2024)</title>
      <description>Dan La Botz's book Riding with the Revolution: The American Left in the Mexican Revolution, 1900-1925 (Brill, 2024) tells the story of Americans who from 1900 to 1925 became involved with the Mexican Revolution. John Reed actually saddled up and rode with Pancho Villa. Later, American war resisters crossed the Rio Grande into Mexico, where they helped found the Communist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, and a Feminist Council. Protestant ministers, Socialist Eugene Debs, Samuel Gompers head of the AFL, the anarchist Emma Goldman, and Communists John Reed, Louis Fraina, Bertram Wolfe, as well as foreign politicos M.N. Roy, Sen Katayama, and Alexander Borodin all took a hand in the Mexican labor movement. Dan La Botz is the author of twelve books, and his latest is part of Brill’s Historical Materialism series.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>225</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dan La Botz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dan La Botz's book Riding with the Revolution: The American Left in the Mexican Revolution, 1900-1925 (Brill, 2024) tells the story of Americans who from 1900 to 1925 became involved with the Mexican Revolution. John Reed actually saddled up and rode with Pancho Villa. Later, American war resisters crossed the Rio Grande into Mexico, where they helped found the Communist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, and a Feminist Council. Protestant ministers, Socialist Eugene Debs, Samuel Gompers head of the AFL, the anarchist Emma Goldman, and Communists John Reed, Louis Fraina, Bertram Wolfe, as well as foreign politicos M.N. Roy, Sen Katayama, and Alexander Borodin all took a hand in the Mexican labor movement. Dan La Botz is the author of twelve books, and his latest is part of Brill’s Historical Materialism series.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dan La Botz's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9789004271340"><em>Riding with the Revolution: The American Left in the Mexican Revolution, 1900-1925 </em></a>(Brill, 2024) tells the story of Americans who from 1900 to 1925 became involved with the Mexican Revolution. John Reed actually saddled up and rode with Pancho Villa. Later, American war resisters crossed the Rio Grande into Mexico, where they helped found the Communist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World, and a Feminist Council. Protestant ministers, Socialist Eugene Debs, Samuel Gompers head of the AFL, the anarchist Emma Goldman, and Communists John Reed, Louis Fraina, Bertram Wolfe, as well as foreign politicos M.N. Roy, Sen Katayama, and Alexander Borodin all took a hand in the Mexican labor movement. Dan La Botz is the author of twelve books, and his latest is part of Brill’s Historical Materialism series.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4065</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9db77066-88be-11ef-9c11-3bd2e9e864ae]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7540896988.mp3?updated=1728754439" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gretchen Sisson, "Relinquished: The Politics of Adoption and the Privilege of American Motherhood" (St. Martin's Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Adoption has always been viewed as a beloved institution for building families, as well as a mutually agreeable common ground in the otherwise partisan abortion debate. Little attention, however, has been paid to the lives of mothers who relinquish their infants for private adoption. Through the lens of reproductive justice, Relinquished: The Politics of Adoption and the Privilege of American Motherhood reveals adoption to be a path of constrained choice for women who face immense barriers to access abortion, or to parent their children safely.
With the overturning of Roe v. Wade, adoption increasingly functions as an institution that perpetuates reproductive injustice by separating families and policing parenthood under the guise of feel-good family building for middle-upper-class white people. Based on hundreds of in-depth interviews, Relinquished centers and amplifies the voices of relinquishing mothers, and fills an important gap in the national conversation about reproductive politics and justice. 
Shui-yin Sharon Yam is Associate Professor of Writing, Rhetoric, and Digital Studies, and Affiliate Faculty of Gender and Women's Studies at the University of Kentucky. She is the co-author of Doing Gender Justice: Queering Reproduction, Kin, and Care. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gretchen Sisson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Adoption has always been viewed as a beloved institution for building families, as well as a mutually agreeable common ground in the otherwise partisan abortion debate. Little attention, however, has been paid to the lives of mothers who relinquish their infants for private adoption. Through the lens of reproductive justice, Relinquished: The Politics of Adoption and the Privilege of American Motherhood reveals adoption to be a path of constrained choice for women who face immense barriers to access abortion, or to parent their children safely.
With the overturning of Roe v. Wade, adoption increasingly functions as an institution that perpetuates reproductive injustice by separating families and policing parenthood under the guise of feel-good family building for middle-upper-class white people. Based on hundreds of in-depth interviews, Relinquished centers and amplifies the voices of relinquishing mothers, and fills an important gap in the national conversation about reproductive politics and justice. 
Shui-yin Sharon Yam is Associate Professor of Writing, Rhetoric, and Digital Studies, and Affiliate Faculty of Gender and Women's Studies at the University of Kentucky. She is the co-author of Doing Gender Justice: Queering Reproduction, Kin, and Care. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Adoption has always been viewed as a beloved institution for building families, as well as a mutually agreeable common ground in the otherwise partisan abortion debate. Little attention, however, has been paid to the lives of mothers who relinquish their infants for private adoption. Through the lens of<em> </em>reproductive justice, <em>Relinquished: The Politics of Adoption and the Privilege of American Motherhood </em>reveals adoption to be a path of constrained choice for women who face immense barriers to access abortion, or to parent their children safely.</p><p>With the overturning of <em>Roe v. Wade,</em> adoption increasingly functions as an institution that perpetuates reproductive injustice by separating families and policing parenthood under the guise of feel-good family building for middle-upper-class white people. Based on hundreds of in-depth interviews, <em>Relinquished </em>centers and amplifies the voices of relinquishing mothers, and fills an important gap in the national conversation about reproductive politics and justice. </p><p><a href="https://www.sharonyam.com/">Shui-yin Sharon Yam</a> is Associate Professor of Writing, Rhetoric, and Digital Studies, and Affiliate Faculty of Gender and Women's Studies at the University of Kentucky. She is the co-author of <a href="https://www.press.jhu.edu/books/title/53812/doing-gender-justice"><em>Doing Gender Justice: Queering Reproduction, Kin, and Care. </em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4034</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[55bcacde-8802-11ef-b7dd-cbc32c310a37]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7308159932.mp3?updated=1728673683" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Wes Marshall, "Killed by a Traffic Engineer: Shattering the Delusion That Science Underlies Our Transportation System" (Island Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In the US we are nearing four million road deaths since we began counting them in 1899. The numbers are getting worse in recent years, yet we continue to accept these deaths as part of doing business. There has been no examination of why we engineer roads that are literally killing us.
In Killed by a Traffic Engineer: Shattering the Delusion that Science Underlies our Transportation System (Island Press, 2024), civil engineering professor Dr. Wes Marshall shines a spotlight on how little science there is behind the way that our streets are engineered, which leaves safety as an afterthought. While traffic engineers are not trying to cause deliberate harm to anyone, he explains, they are guilty of creating a transportation system whose designs remain largely based on plausible, but unproven, conjecture.
Thoroughly researched and compellingly written, Killed by a Traffic Engineer shows how traffic engineering “research” is outdated and unexamined (at its best) and often steered by an industry and culture considering only how to get from point A to B the fastest way possible, to the detriment of safety, quality of life, equality, and planetary health. Dr. Marshall examines our need for speed and how traffic engineers disconnected it from safety, the focus on capacity and how it influences design, blaming human error, relying on faulty data, how liability drives reporting, measuring road safety outcomes, and the education (and reeducation) of traffic engineers.
Killed by a Traffic Engineer is ultimately hopeful about what is possible once we shift our thinking and demand streets engineered for the safety of people, both outside and inside of cars. It will make you look at your city and streets—and traffic engineers— in a new light and inspire you to take action.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>374</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Wes Marshall</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the US we are nearing four million road deaths since we began counting them in 1899. The numbers are getting worse in recent years, yet we continue to accept these deaths as part of doing business. There has been no examination of why we engineer roads that are literally killing us.
In Killed by a Traffic Engineer: Shattering the Delusion that Science Underlies our Transportation System (Island Press, 2024), civil engineering professor Dr. Wes Marshall shines a spotlight on how little science there is behind the way that our streets are engineered, which leaves safety as an afterthought. While traffic engineers are not trying to cause deliberate harm to anyone, he explains, they are guilty of creating a transportation system whose designs remain largely based on plausible, but unproven, conjecture.
Thoroughly researched and compellingly written, Killed by a Traffic Engineer shows how traffic engineering “research” is outdated and unexamined (at its best) and often steered by an industry and culture considering only how to get from point A to B the fastest way possible, to the detriment of safety, quality of life, equality, and planetary health. Dr. Marshall examines our need for speed and how traffic engineers disconnected it from safety, the focus on capacity and how it influences design, blaming human error, relying on faulty data, how liability drives reporting, measuring road safety outcomes, and the education (and reeducation) of traffic engineers.
Killed by a Traffic Engineer is ultimately hopeful about what is possible once we shift our thinking and demand streets engineered for the safety of people, both outside and inside of cars. It will make you look at your city and streets—and traffic engineers— in a new light and inspire you to take action.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the US we are nearing four million road deaths since we began counting them in 1899. The numbers are getting worse in recent years, yet we continue to accept these deaths as part of doing business. There has been no examination of why we engineer roads that are literally killing us.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781642833300"><em>Killed by a Traffic Engineer: Shattering the Delusion that Science Underlies our Transportation System</em></a> (Island Press, 2024), civil engineering professor Dr. Wes Marshall shines a spotlight on how little science there is behind the way that our streets are engineered, which leaves safety as an afterthought. While traffic engineers are not trying to cause deliberate harm to anyone, he explains, they are guilty of creating a transportation system whose designs remain largely based on plausible, but unproven, conjecture.</p><p>Thoroughly researched and compellingly written, <em>Killed by a Traffic Engineer</em> shows how traffic engineering “research” is outdated and unexamined (at its best) and often steered by an industry and culture considering only how to get from point A to B the fastest way possible, to the detriment of safety, quality of life, equality, and planetary health. Dr. Marshall examines our need for speed and how traffic engineers disconnected it from safety, the focus on capacity and how it influences design, blaming human error, relying on faulty data, how liability drives reporting, measuring road safety outcomes, and the education (and reeducation) of traffic engineers.</p><p><em>Killed by a Traffic Engineer</em> is ultimately hopeful about what is possible once we shift our thinking and demand streets engineered for the safety of people, both outside and inside of cars. It will make you look at your city and streets—and traffic engineers— in a new light and inspire you to take action.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2536</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a5c3bf4e-87f6-11ef-a07c-7f92f6baeaf8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9650013461.mp3?updated=1728668550" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Isaac Blacksin, "Conflicted: Making News from Global War" (Stanford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>How is popular knowledge of war shaped by the stories we consume, what are the boundaries of this knowledge, and how are these boundaries policed or contested by journalists producing knowledge from war zones? 
Based on years of fieldwork in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Ukraine, Conflicted: Making News from Global War (Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Isaac Blacksin challenges normative conceptions of war by revealing how representational authority comes to be. Turning the lens on journalists from The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, and other prominent publications, Dr. Blacksin shows why news coverage of contemporary conflict, widely presumed to function as a critique of excessive violence, instead serves to sanction official rationales for war.
Dr. Blacksin argues that journalism's humanitarian frame—now hegemonic in conflict coverage—serves to depoliticize and remoralize war, transforming war from an effect of policy on populations to a matter of violence against the innocent. Exploring the tension between experience and expression in conditions of violence, and tracking how journalists respond to dominant expectations of reality, Conflicted tells the story of war, reporters, and the consequences of their convergence. As new wars, and new reportage, continue to shape our understanding of armed conflict, this book makes visible both the power and the particularity of war reportage.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>80</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Isaac Blacksin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How is popular knowledge of war shaped by the stories we consume, what are the boundaries of this knowledge, and how are these boundaries policed or contested by journalists producing knowledge from war zones? 
Based on years of fieldwork in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Ukraine, Conflicted: Making News from Global War (Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Isaac Blacksin challenges normative conceptions of war by revealing how representational authority comes to be. Turning the lens on journalists from The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, and other prominent publications, Dr. Blacksin shows why news coverage of contemporary conflict, widely presumed to function as a critique of excessive violence, instead serves to sanction official rationales for war.
Dr. Blacksin argues that journalism's humanitarian frame—now hegemonic in conflict coverage—serves to depoliticize and remoralize war, transforming war from an effect of policy on populations to a matter of violence against the innocent. Exploring the tension between experience and expression in conditions of violence, and tracking how journalists respond to dominant expectations of reality, Conflicted tells the story of war, reporters, and the consequences of their convergence. As new wars, and new reportage, continue to shape our understanding of armed conflict, this book makes visible both the power and the particularity of war reportage.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How is popular knowledge of war shaped by the stories we consume, what are the boundaries of this knowledge, and how are these boundaries policed or contested by journalists producing knowledge from war zones? </p><p>Based on years of fieldwork in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Ukraine, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503639447"><em>Conflicted: Making News from Global War</em> </a>(Stanford University Press, 2024) by Dr. Isaac Blacksin challenges normative conceptions of war by revealing how representational authority comes to be. Turning the lens on journalists from <em>The New York Times</em>, <em>The Washington Post,</em> <em>The Wall Street Journal</em>, and other prominent publications, Dr. Blacksin shows why news coverage of contemporary conflict, widely presumed to function as a critique of excessive violence, instead serves to sanction official rationales for war.</p><p>Dr. Blacksin argues that journalism's humanitarian frame—now hegemonic in conflict coverage—serves to depoliticize and remoralize war, transforming war from an effect of policy on populations to a matter of violence against the innocent. Exploring the tension between experience and expression in conditions of violence, and tracking how journalists respond to dominant expectations of reality, <em>Conflicted</em> tells the story of war, reporters, and the consequences of their convergence. As new wars, and new reportage, continue to shape our understanding of armed conflict, this book makes visible both the power and the particularity of war reportage.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3724</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f7c9c4d0-85b9-11ef-9509-5f4dff3d94b8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9527416317.mp3?updated=1728423452" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Risa Cromer, "Conceiving Christian America: Embryo Adoption and Reproductive Politics" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In 1997, a group of white pro-life evangelical Christians in the United States created the nation’s first embryo adoption program to “save” the thousands of frozen human embryos remaining from assisted reproduction procedures, which they contend are unborn children. While a small part of US fertility services, embryo adoption has played an outsized role in conservative politics, from high-profile battles over public investment in human embryonic stem cell research to the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Based on six years of ethnographic research with embryo adoption staff and participants, Dr. Risa Cromer uncovers how embryo adoption advances ambitious political goals for expanding the influence of conservative Christian values and power.
Conceiving Christian America: Embryo Adoption and Reproductive Politics (NYU Press, 2023) is the first book on embryo adoption tracing how this powerful social movement draws on white saviorist tropes in their aims to reconceive personhood, with drastic consequences for reproductive rights and justice. Documenting the practices, narratives, and beliefs that move embryos from freezers to uteruses, this book wields anthropological wariness as a tool for confronting the multiple tactics of the Christian Right. Timely and provocative, Conceiving Christian America presents a bold and nuanced examination of a family-making process focused on conceiving a Christian nation.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>281</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Risa Cromer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1997, a group of white pro-life evangelical Christians in the United States created the nation’s first embryo adoption program to “save” the thousands of frozen human embryos remaining from assisted reproduction procedures, which they contend are unborn children. While a small part of US fertility services, embryo adoption has played an outsized role in conservative politics, from high-profile battles over public investment in human embryonic stem cell research to the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Based on six years of ethnographic research with embryo adoption staff and participants, Dr. Risa Cromer uncovers how embryo adoption advances ambitious political goals for expanding the influence of conservative Christian values and power.
Conceiving Christian America: Embryo Adoption and Reproductive Politics (NYU Press, 2023) is the first book on embryo adoption tracing how this powerful social movement draws on white saviorist tropes in their aims to reconceive personhood, with drastic consequences for reproductive rights and justice. Documenting the practices, narratives, and beliefs that move embryos from freezers to uteruses, this book wields anthropological wariness as a tool for confronting the multiple tactics of the Christian Right. Timely and provocative, Conceiving Christian America presents a bold and nuanced examination of a family-making process focused on conceiving a Christian nation.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1997, a group of white pro-life evangelical Christians in the United States created the nation’s first embryo adoption program to “save” the thousands of frozen human embryos remaining from assisted reproduction procedures, which they contend are unborn children. While a small part of US fertility services, embryo adoption has played an outsized role in conservative politics, from high-profile battles over public investment in human embryonic stem cell research to the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Based on six years of ethnographic research with embryo adoption staff and participants, Dr. Risa Cromer uncovers how embryo adoption advances ambitious political goals for expanding the influence of conservative Christian values and power.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479818594"><em>Conceiving Christian America: Embryo Adoption and Reproductive Politics</em></a> (NYU Press, 2023) is the first book on embryo adoption tracing how this powerful social movement draws on white saviorist tropes in their aims to reconceive personhood, with drastic consequences for reproductive rights and justice. Documenting the practices, narratives, and beliefs that move embryos from freezers to uteruses, this book wields anthropological wariness as a tool for confronting the multiple tactics of the Christian Right. Timely and provocative, <em>Conceiving Christian America</em> presents a bold and nuanced examination of a family-making process focused on conceiving a Christian nation.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4768</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6d5d0ace-84f0-11ef-a87d-9702b8033efa]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8942956589.mp3?updated=1728335816" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, "Corporatocracy: How to Protect Democracy from Dark Money and Corrupt Politicians" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>What threatens American democracy and the rule of law? In her new book, Corporatocracy: How to Protect Democracy from Dark Money and Corrupt Politicians (NYU Press, 2024),
legal scholar and campaign spending expert Ciara Torres-Spelliscy argues that the USA’s privately-funded campaign finance system – combined with corporate greed and antidemocratic strains in the modern Republican Party – endangers American democracy. As she sees it, unseen political actors and untraceable dark money influence our elections, while anti-democratic rhetoric threatens a tilt towards authoritarianism.
Drawing on key Supreme Court cases such as Citizens United, Professor Torres-Spelliscy explores how corporations have undermined democratic norms, practices, and laws. From bankrolling regressive politicians to funding ghost candidates with dark money, the book exposes how corporations subvert the will of the American people – yet courts struggle to hold corporate interests and corrupt politicians accountable. If American democracy is going to survive in the long term, then the deep pockets of the largest corporations cannot be allowed to join focus with the anti-democratic fringe. Professor Torres-Spelliscy fears a repeat of the January 6th insurrection – but with expansive corporate sponsorship.
Professor Torres Spelliscy outlines the ways in which Corporate forces might be held accountable by the courts, their shareholders, and citizens themselves. Along with other reforms, she proposes a democracy litmus test that requires loyalty to democracy in politics and the economy.
The end of the podcast features her insights on how oil interests crypto “techno bros” have invested in the outcome of the November 2024 election.
Ciara Torres-Spelliscy is a Professor of Law at Stetson Law. She is also a Brennan Center Fellow at NYU Law School who has testified before Congress as an expert on campaign finance and has helped draft Supreme Court briefs. Previously, she authored Corporate Citizen (Carolina 2016) and Political Brands (Elgar 2019). She has recently written about public financing and the Eric Adams indictments and crypto spending in the 2024 election.
Mentioned in the podcast:

Judd Legum's work on corporate PACs in his Substack, Popular Information


Photo with Barack Obama for which Jho Low paid $20 million can be seen here



Example of 2022 media attempts to identify “sedition caucus” and election deniers for voters


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>742</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ciara Torres-Spelliscy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What threatens American democracy and the rule of law? In her new book, Corporatocracy: How to Protect Democracy from Dark Money and Corrupt Politicians (NYU Press, 2024),
legal scholar and campaign spending expert Ciara Torres-Spelliscy argues that the USA’s privately-funded campaign finance system – combined with corporate greed and antidemocratic strains in the modern Republican Party – endangers American democracy. As she sees it, unseen political actors and untraceable dark money influence our elections, while anti-democratic rhetoric threatens a tilt towards authoritarianism.
Drawing on key Supreme Court cases such as Citizens United, Professor Torres-Spelliscy explores how corporations have undermined democratic norms, practices, and laws. From bankrolling regressive politicians to funding ghost candidates with dark money, the book exposes how corporations subvert the will of the American people – yet courts struggle to hold corporate interests and corrupt politicians accountable. If American democracy is going to survive in the long term, then the deep pockets of the largest corporations cannot be allowed to join focus with the anti-democratic fringe. Professor Torres-Spelliscy fears a repeat of the January 6th insurrection – but with expansive corporate sponsorship.
Professor Torres Spelliscy outlines the ways in which Corporate forces might be held accountable by the courts, their shareholders, and citizens themselves. Along with other reforms, she proposes a democracy litmus test that requires loyalty to democracy in politics and the economy.
The end of the podcast features her insights on how oil interests crypto “techno bros” have invested in the outcome of the November 2024 election.
Ciara Torres-Spelliscy is a Professor of Law at Stetson Law. She is also a Brennan Center Fellow at NYU Law School who has testified before Congress as an expert on campaign finance and has helped draft Supreme Court briefs. Previously, she authored Corporate Citizen (Carolina 2016) and Political Brands (Elgar 2019). She has recently written about public financing and the Eric Adams indictments and crypto spending in the 2024 election.
Mentioned in the podcast:

Judd Legum's work on corporate PACs in his Substack, Popular Information


Photo with Barack Obama for which Jho Low paid $20 million can be seen here



Example of 2022 media attempts to identify “sedition caucus” and election deniers for voters


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What threatens American democracy and the rule of law? In her new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479828326"><em>Corporatocracy: How to Protect Democracy from Dark Money and Corrupt Politicians</em></a> (NYU Press, 2024),</p><p>legal scholar and campaign spending expert Ciara Torres-Spelliscy argues that the USA’s privately-funded campaign finance system – combined with corporate greed and antidemocratic strains in the modern Republican Party – endangers American democracy. As she sees it, unseen political actors and untraceable dark money influence our elections, while anti-democratic rhetoric threatens a tilt towards authoritarianism.</p><p>Drawing on key Supreme Court cases such as <em>Citizens United</em>, Professor Torres-Spelliscy explores how corporations have undermined democratic norms, practices, and laws. From bankrolling regressive politicians to funding ghost candidates with dark money, the book exposes how corporations subvert the will of the American people – yet courts struggle to hold corporate interests and corrupt politicians accountable. If American democracy is going to survive in the long term, then the deep pockets of the largest corporations cannot be allowed to join focus with the anti-democratic fringe. Professor Torres-Spelliscy fears a repeat of the January 6th insurrection – but with expansive corporate sponsorship.</p><p>Professor Torres Spelliscy outlines the ways in which Corporate forces might be held accountable by the courts, their shareholders, and citizens themselves. Along with other reforms, she proposes a democracy litmus test that requires loyalty to democracy in politics <em>and </em>the economy.</p><p>The end of the podcast features her insights on how oil interests crypto “techno bros” have invested in the outcome of the November 2024 election.</p><p><a href="http://www.cskllc.net/">Ciara Torres-Spelliscy</a> is a Professor of Law at Stetson Law. She is also a Brennan Center Fellow at NYU Law School who has testified before Congress as an expert on campaign finance and has helped draft Supreme Court briefs. Previously, she authored <em>Corporate Citizen</em> (Carolina 2016) and <em>Political Brands</em> (Elgar 2019). She has recently written about <a href="https://washingtonmonthly.com/2024/09/27/the-intriguing-role-public-financing-of-campaigns-played-in-the-eric-adams-indictments/">public financing and the Eric Adams indictments</a> and <a href="https://lawandcrime.com/analysis/the-crypto-bros-are-spending-big-in-the-2024-election/">crypto spending in the 2024 election</a>.</p><p>Mentioned in the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>Judd Legum's work on corporate PACs in his Substack, <a href="https://popular.info/">Popular Information</a>
</li>
<li>Photo with Barack Obama for which Jho Low paid $20 million can be seen <a href="https://m.malaysiakini.com/news/662674#google_vignette">here</a>
</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.npr.org/2022/01/04/1069232219/heres-where-election-deniers-and-doubters-are-running-to-control-voting">Example of 2022 media attempts</a> to identify “sedition caucus” and election deniers for voters</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4421</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e68aed80-8351-11ef-bbf8-eb2cc0279c79]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3410056976.mp3?updated=1728157594" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Turley, "The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage" (Simon and Schuster, 2024)</title>
      <description>“It’s a free country.” Many of us recall saying that as children as we learned that we were American citizens who were endowed with certain rights—such as free speech. We would use those words when we wanted to assert our own rights when we were being bullied or chastised. We would use them to let others know that even if we did not agree with what they were saying or doing, they were within their rights to express certain opinions or to do certain things.
How many American adults feel as confident now about expressing our views in public settings as we did when we were children or young adults?
In his authoritative but general-reader-friendly new book, The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage legal scholar and public intellectual Jonathan Turley argues that many Americans nowadays are “speech phobic” and employ terms such as “hate speech” to shut down legitimate discussion of such topics as immigration, government policies during the height of the Covid pandemic and transgenderism. He maintains that free expression is imperative for human flourishing and that stifling it can lead to a spiral of frustration boiling up to rage, which is then repressed by expressions of state rage such as the Palmer Raids and the excesses of McCarthyism.
Turley walks us through the history of free speech in America and across today’s minefields of topics that can get even average people cancelled—and what forms “canceling” can take.
In approachable, fairly short chapters Professor Turley reminds us of how quickly some of the heroes of the American Revolution and champions of liberty devolved into semi-tyrants. His treatment of John Adams and the Alien and Sedition Acts (the latter of which rendered it a crime to, “print, utter, or publish...any false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the government) is particularly eye-opening and provides crucial background as the reader proceeds through the book. The concept of sedition is a major focus of the book and alerts us as citizens that it is not a matter confined to centuries ago, but a matter very much in the forefront of the American legal and political landscape in the wake what happened in Washington DC in January 2021.
Indeed, what we should call what those events is another fascinating focus of the book. Turley argues forcefully and persuasively that January 6 was not an insurrection but a protest that became a riot. This was a brave stance to take given that, as he points out in the book, anyone who argued that January 6 was anything but an insurrection was in danger of being labeled a sympathizer or an apologist for the rioters.
Turley’s book has become even more of a crucial read in the wake of the anti-Israel protests on college campuses in the spring of 2024. Ditto some shockingly anti-free-speech comments recently by supposedly mainstream Democrats such as John Kerry and Hillary Clinton.
We will touch on the status of free speech as an issue in the 2024 presidential election and how free speech has been impacted by the Biden-Harris administration. The topic of censorship came up, for example, in the 2024 vice-presidential debate and we will get Professor Turley’s take on that.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>234</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Turley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“It’s a free country.” Many of us recall saying that as children as we learned that we were American citizens who were endowed with certain rights—such as free speech. We would use those words when we wanted to assert our own rights when we were being bullied or chastised. We would use them to let others know that even if we did not agree with what they were saying or doing, they were within their rights to express certain opinions or to do certain things.
How many American adults feel as confident now about expressing our views in public settings as we did when we were children or young adults?
In his authoritative but general-reader-friendly new book, The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage legal scholar and public intellectual Jonathan Turley argues that many Americans nowadays are “speech phobic” and employ terms such as “hate speech” to shut down legitimate discussion of such topics as immigration, government policies during the height of the Covid pandemic and transgenderism. He maintains that free expression is imperative for human flourishing and that stifling it can lead to a spiral of frustration boiling up to rage, which is then repressed by expressions of state rage such as the Palmer Raids and the excesses of McCarthyism.
Turley walks us through the history of free speech in America and across today’s minefields of topics that can get even average people cancelled—and what forms “canceling” can take.
In approachable, fairly short chapters Professor Turley reminds us of how quickly some of the heroes of the American Revolution and champions of liberty devolved into semi-tyrants. His treatment of John Adams and the Alien and Sedition Acts (the latter of which rendered it a crime to, “print, utter, or publish...any false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the government) is particularly eye-opening and provides crucial background as the reader proceeds through the book. The concept of sedition is a major focus of the book and alerts us as citizens that it is not a matter confined to centuries ago, but a matter very much in the forefront of the American legal and political landscape in the wake what happened in Washington DC in January 2021.
Indeed, what we should call what those events is another fascinating focus of the book. Turley argues forcefully and persuasively that January 6 was not an insurrection but a protest that became a riot. This was a brave stance to take given that, as he points out in the book, anyone who argued that January 6 was anything but an insurrection was in danger of being labeled a sympathizer or an apologist for the rioters.
Turley’s book has become even more of a crucial read in the wake of the anti-Israel protests on college campuses in the spring of 2024. Ditto some shockingly anti-free-speech comments recently by supposedly mainstream Democrats such as John Kerry and Hillary Clinton.
We will touch on the status of free speech as an issue in the 2024 presidential election and how free speech has been impacted by the Biden-Harris administration. The topic of censorship came up, for example, in the 2024 vice-presidential debate and we will get Professor Turley’s take on that.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“It’s a free country.” Many of us recall saying that as children as we learned that we were American citizens who were endowed with certain rights—such as free speech. We would use those words when we wanted to assert our own rights when we were being bullied or chastised. We would use them to let others know that even if we did not agree with what they were saying or doing, they were within their rights to express certain opinions or to do certain things.</p><p>How many American adults feel as confident now about expressing our views in public settings as we did when we were children or young adults?</p><p>In his authoritative but general-reader-friendly new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Indispensable-Right-Free-Speech-Rage/dp/1668047047">The Indispensable Right: Free Speech in an Age of Rage</a> legal scholar and public intellectual Jonathan Turley argues that many Americans nowadays are “speech phobic” and employ terms such as “hate speech” to shut down legitimate discussion of such topics as immigration, government policies during the height of the Covid pandemic and transgenderism. He maintains that free expression is imperative for human flourishing and that stifling it can lead to a spiral of frustration boiling up to rage, which is then repressed by expressions of state rage such as the Palmer Raids and the excesses of McCarthyism.</p><p>Turley walks us through the history of free speech in America and across today’s minefields of topics that can get even average people cancelled—and what forms “canceling” can take.</p><p>In approachable, fairly short chapters Professor Turley reminds us of how quickly some of the heroes of the American Revolution and champions of liberty devolved into semi-tyrants. His treatment of John Adams and the Alien and Sedition Acts (the latter of which rendered it a crime to, “print, utter, or publish...any false, scandalous, and malicious writing” about the government) is particularly eye-opening and provides crucial background as the reader proceeds through the book. The concept of sedition is a major focus of the book and alerts us as citizens that it is not a matter confined to centuries ago, but a matter very much in the forefront of the American legal and political landscape in the wake what happened in Washington DC in January 2021.</p><p>Indeed, what we should call what those events is another fascinating focus of the book. Turley argues forcefully and persuasively that January 6 was not an insurrection but a protest that became a riot. This was a brave stance to take given that, as he points out in the book, anyone who argued that January 6 was anything but an insurrection was in danger of being labeled a sympathizer or an apologist for the rioters.</p><p>Turley’s book has become even more of a crucial read in the wake of the anti-Israel protests on college campuses in the spring of 2024. Ditto some shockingly anti-free-speech comments recently by supposedly mainstream Democrats such as John Kerry and Hillary Clinton.</p><p>We will touch on the status of free speech as an issue in the 2024 presidential election and how free speech has been impacted by the Biden-Harris administration. The topic of censorship came up, for example, in the 2024 vice-presidential debate and we will get Professor Turley’s take on that.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1651</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alexandre Lefebvre, "Liberalism as a Way of Life" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Why liberalism is all you need to lead a good, fun, worthy, and rewarding life—and how you can become a better and happier person by taking your liberal beliefs more seriously
Where do you get your values and sensibilities from? If you grew up in a Western democracy, the answer is probably liberalism. Conservatives are right about one thing: liberalism is the ideology of our times, as omnipresent as religion once was. 
Yet, as Alexandre Lefebvre argues in Liberalism as a Way of Life (Princeton UP, 2024), many of us are liberal without fully realizing it—or grasping what it means. Misled into thinking that liberalism is confined to politics, we fail to recognize that it’s the water we swim in, saturating every area of public and private life, shaping our psychological and spiritual outlooks, and influencing our moral and aesthetic values—our sense of what is right, wrong, good, bad, funny, worthwhile, and more. This eye-opening book shows how so many of us are liberal to the core, why liberalism provides the basis for a good life, and how we can make our lives better and happier by becoming more aware of, and more committed to, the beliefs we already hold.

A lively, engaging, and uplifting guide to living well, the liberal way, Liberalism as a Way of Life is filled with examples from television, movies, stand-up comedy, and social media—from Parks and Recreation and The Good Place to the Borat movies and Hannah Gadsby. Along the way, you’ll also learn about seventeen benefits of being a liberal—including generosity, humor, cheer, gratitude, tolerance, and peace of mind—and practical exercises to increase these rewards.
Alexandre Lefebvre is Professor of Politics and Philosophy at The University of Sydney. He teaches and researches in political theory, the history of political thought

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>741</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alexandre Lefebvre</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why liberalism is all you need to lead a good, fun, worthy, and rewarding life—and how you can become a better and happier person by taking your liberal beliefs more seriously
Where do you get your values and sensibilities from? If you grew up in a Western democracy, the answer is probably liberalism. Conservatives are right about one thing: liberalism is the ideology of our times, as omnipresent as religion once was. 
Yet, as Alexandre Lefebvre argues in Liberalism as a Way of Life (Princeton UP, 2024), many of us are liberal without fully realizing it—or grasping what it means. Misled into thinking that liberalism is confined to politics, we fail to recognize that it’s the water we swim in, saturating every area of public and private life, shaping our psychological and spiritual outlooks, and influencing our moral and aesthetic values—our sense of what is right, wrong, good, bad, funny, worthwhile, and more. This eye-opening book shows how so many of us are liberal to the core, why liberalism provides the basis for a good life, and how we can make our lives better and happier by becoming more aware of, and more committed to, the beliefs we already hold.

A lively, engaging, and uplifting guide to living well, the liberal way, Liberalism as a Way of Life is filled with examples from television, movies, stand-up comedy, and social media—from Parks and Recreation and The Good Place to the Borat movies and Hannah Gadsby. Along the way, you’ll also learn about seventeen benefits of being a liberal—including generosity, humor, cheer, gratitude, tolerance, and peace of mind—and practical exercises to increase these rewards.
Alexandre Lefebvre is Professor of Politics and Philosophy at The University of Sydney. He teaches and researches in political theory, the history of political thought

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why liberalism is all you need to lead a good, fun, worthy, and rewarding life—and how you can become a better and happier person by taking your liberal beliefs more seriously</p><p>Where do you get your values and sensibilities from? If you grew up in a Western democracy, the answer is probably liberalism. Conservatives are right about one thing: liberalism is the ideology of our times, as omnipresent as religion once was. </p><p>Yet, as Alexandre Lefebvre argues in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691203744"><em>Liberalism as a Way of Life</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024), many of us are liberal without fully realizing it—or grasping what it means. Misled into thinking that liberalism is confined to politics, we fail to recognize that it’s the water we swim in, saturating every area of public and private life, shaping our psychological and spiritual outlooks, and influencing our moral and aesthetic values—our sense of what is right, wrong, good, bad, funny, worthwhile, and more. This eye-opening book shows how so many of us are liberal to the core, why liberalism provides the basis for a good life, and how we can make our lives better and happier by becoming more aware of, and more committed to, the beliefs we already hold.</p><p><br></p><p>A lively, engaging, and uplifting guide to living well, the liberal way, <em>Liberalism as a Way of Life </em>is filled with examples from television, movies, stand-up comedy, and social media—from <em>Parks and Recreation</em> and <em>The Good Place</em> to the Borat movies and Hannah Gadsby. Along the way, you’ll also learn about seventeen benefits of being a liberal—including generosity, humor, cheer, gratitude, tolerance, and peace of mind—and practical exercises to increase these rewards.</p><p>Alexandre Lefebvre is Professor of Politics and Philosophy at The University of Sydney. He teaches and researches in political theory, the history of political thought</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">Morteza Hajizadeh</a> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos">YouTube channel</a>. <a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture">Twitter</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4399</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jon Michaels and David Noll, "Vigilante Nation: How State-Sponsored Terror Threatens Our Democracy" (Atria/One Signal, 2024)</title>
      <description>Law professors Jon Michaels and David Noll use their expertise to expose how state-supported forms of vigilantism are being deployed by MAGA Republicans and Christian nationalists to roll back civil, political, and privacy rights and subvert American democracy. Beyond identifying the dangers of vigilantism, Vigilante Nation: How State-Sponsored Terror Threatens Our Democracy (Atria/One Signal, 2024) functions as a call to arms with a playbook for a democratic response.
Michaels and Noll look back in time to make sense of today's American politics. They demonstrate how Christian nationalists have previously used state-supported forms of vigilantism when their power and privilege have been challenged. The book examines the early republic, abolitionism, and Reconstruction.
Since the failed coup by supporters of Former president Donald Trump on January 6, 2021, Michaels and Noll document how overlapping networks of right-wing lawyers, politicians, plutocrats, and preachers have resurrected state-supported vigilantism – using wide ranging methods including book bans, anti-abortion bounties, and attacks on government proceedings, especially elections. Michaels and Noll see the US at a critical inflection point in which state-sponsored vigilantism is openly supported by GOP candidates for president and vice-president, Project 2025, and wider networks, Michaels and Noll move beyond analysis to action: 19 model laws to pass. The supporters of democratic equality are numerous and dexterous enough to create a plan to fight radicalism and vigilantism and secure the broad promises of the civil rights revolution.
Jon Michaels is a professor of law at UCLA Law, where he teaches and writes about constitutional law, public administration, and national security. He has written numerous articles in law reviews including Yale, University of Chicago, and Harvard and also public facing work in venues like the Washington Post, the New York Times, and Foreign Affairs.
David Noll is a law professor at Rutgers Law School. He teaches and writes on courts, administrative law, and legal movements. He publishes scholarly work in law reviews such as California, Cornell, Michigan and NYU and translates for wider audiences in places like the New York Times, Politico, and Slate.
Mentioned in the podcast:


By Hands Now Known: Jim Crow’s Legal Executioners (Norton) by Margaret A. Burnham


Let them Eat Tweets: How the Right Rules in an Age of Extreme Inequality (Liveright) by Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson


Hannah Nathanson at the Washington Post who was part of a team of journalists awarded the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for coverage of the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol

Previous interviews with scholars addressing the breakdown of American democracy: Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy (Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman) Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic (Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King); How Democracies Die (Steve Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt); The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power (David M. Driesen and A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People (Kevin J. McMahon)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>740</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jon Michaels and David Noll</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Law professors Jon Michaels and David Noll use their expertise to expose how state-supported forms of vigilantism are being deployed by MAGA Republicans and Christian nationalists to roll back civil, political, and privacy rights and subvert American democracy. Beyond identifying the dangers of vigilantism, Vigilante Nation: How State-Sponsored Terror Threatens Our Democracy (Atria/One Signal, 2024) functions as a call to arms with a playbook for a democratic response.
Michaels and Noll look back in time to make sense of today's American politics. They demonstrate how Christian nationalists have previously used state-supported forms of vigilantism when their power and privilege have been challenged. The book examines the early republic, abolitionism, and Reconstruction.
Since the failed coup by supporters of Former president Donald Trump on January 6, 2021, Michaels and Noll document how overlapping networks of right-wing lawyers, politicians, plutocrats, and preachers have resurrected state-supported vigilantism – using wide ranging methods including book bans, anti-abortion bounties, and attacks on government proceedings, especially elections. Michaels and Noll see the US at a critical inflection point in which state-sponsored vigilantism is openly supported by GOP candidates for president and vice-president, Project 2025, and wider networks, Michaels and Noll move beyond analysis to action: 19 model laws to pass. The supporters of democratic equality are numerous and dexterous enough to create a plan to fight radicalism and vigilantism and secure the broad promises of the civil rights revolution.
Jon Michaels is a professor of law at UCLA Law, where he teaches and writes about constitutional law, public administration, and national security. He has written numerous articles in law reviews including Yale, University of Chicago, and Harvard and also public facing work in venues like the Washington Post, the New York Times, and Foreign Affairs.
David Noll is a law professor at Rutgers Law School. He teaches and writes on courts, administrative law, and legal movements. He publishes scholarly work in law reviews such as California, Cornell, Michigan and NYU and translates for wider audiences in places like the New York Times, Politico, and Slate.
Mentioned in the podcast:


By Hands Now Known: Jim Crow’s Legal Executioners (Norton) by Margaret A. Burnham


Let them Eat Tweets: How the Right Rules in an Age of Extreme Inequality (Liveright) by Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson


Hannah Nathanson at the Washington Post who was part of a team of journalists awarded the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for coverage of the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol

Previous interviews with scholars addressing the breakdown of American democracy: Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy (Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman) Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic (Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King); How Democracies Die (Steve Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt); The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power (David M. Driesen and A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People (Kevin J. McMahon)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Law professors Jon Michaels and David Noll use their expertise to expose how state-supported forms of vigilantism are being deployed by MAGA Republicans and Christian nationalists to roll back civil, political, and privacy rights and subvert American democracy. Beyond identifying the dangers of vigilantism, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668023235"><em>Vigilante Nation: How State-Sponsored Terror Threatens Our Democracy</em></a> (Atria/One Signal, 2024) functions as a call to arms with a playbook for a democratic response.</p><p>Michaels and Noll look back in time to make sense of today's American politics. They demonstrate how Christian nationalists have previously used state-supported forms of vigilantism when their power and privilege have been challenged. The book examines the early republic, abolitionism, and Reconstruction.</p><p>Since the failed coup by supporters of Former president Donald Trump on January 6, 2021, Michaels and Noll document how overlapping networks of right-wing lawyers, politicians, plutocrats, and preachers have resurrected state-supported vigilantism – using wide ranging methods including book bans, anti-abortion bounties, and attacks on government proceedings, especially elections. Michaels and Noll see the US at a critical inflection point in which state-sponsored vigilantism is openly supported by GOP candidates for president and vice-president, Project 2025, and wider networks, Michaels and Noll move beyond analysis to action: 19 model laws to pass. The supporters of democratic equality are numerous and dexterous enough to create a plan to fight radicalism and vigilantism <em>and </em>secure the broad promises of the civil rights revolution.</p><p><a href="https://law.ucla.edu/faculty/faculty-profiles/jon-d-michaels">Jon Michaels</a> is a professor of law at UCLA Law, where he teaches and writes about constitutional law, public administration, and national security. He has written numerous articles in law reviews including Yale, University of Chicago, and Harvard and also public facing work in venues like the <em>Washington Post</em>, the <em>New York Times</em>, and <em>Foreign Affairs</em>.</p><p><a href="http://noll.org/">David Noll</a> is a law professor at Rutgers Law School. He teaches and writes on courts, administrative law, and legal movements. He publishes scholarly work in law reviews such as California, Cornell, Michigan and NYU and translates for wider audiences in places like the <em>New York Times</em>, <em>Politico</em>, and <em>Slate</em>.</p><p>Mentioned in the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>
<em>By Hands Now Known: Jim Crow’s Legal Executioners</em> (Norton) by Margaret A. Burnham</li>
<li>
<em>Let them Eat Tweets: How the Right Rules in an Age of Extreme Inequality</em> (Liveright) by Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/people/hannah-natanson/">Hannah Nathanson</a> at the <em>Washington Post </em>who was part of a team of journalists awarded the 2022 Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for coverage of the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol</li>
<li>Previous interviews with scholars addressing the breakdown of American democracy: <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/four-threats#entry:41440@1:url"><em><u>Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy</u></em></a> (Suzanne Mettler and Robert C. Lieberman) <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/phantoms-of-a-beleaguered-republic#entry:76268@1:url">Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic</a> (Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King); <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/steven-levitsky-and-daniel-ziblatt-how-democracies-die-crown-2018#entry:8570@1:url"><em>How Democracies Die</em></a> (Steve Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt); <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-specter-of-dictatorship#entry:334703@1:url"><em>The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power</em></a> (David M. Driesen and <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/a-supreme-court-unlike-any-other#entry:336097@1:url"><em>A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People</em></a> (Kevin J. McMahon)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4776</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Samuel Ely Bagg, "The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>We commonly think of democracy as a social order governed by the people’s collective will. Given the size of the modern states, this picture is typically adjusted to say that democracy is a system of representative government, where elected officials are tasked with governing in ways that reflect the collective will of their constituents.
Although it is familiar, this way of depicting democracy invites difficulties. The concept of a collective will is notoriously difficult to nail down. And, moreover, the idea that modern elections reveal or express such a will remains dubious. Accordingly, a good deal of democratic theory aims to fill in the missing details regarding the collective will and its representation.
In The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy (Oxford University Press 2024), Samuel Bagg takes a different tack by proposing a vision of democracy where the central aim is to protect public power from capture.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>354</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel Ely Bagg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We commonly think of democracy as a social order governed by the people’s collective will. Given the size of the modern states, this picture is typically adjusted to say that democracy is a system of representative government, where elected officials are tasked with governing in ways that reflect the collective will of their constituents.
Although it is familiar, this way of depicting democracy invites difficulties. The concept of a collective will is notoriously difficult to nail down. And, moreover, the idea that modern elections reveal or express such a will remains dubious. Accordingly, a good deal of democratic theory aims to fill in the missing details regarding the collective will and its representation.
In The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy (Oxford University Press 2024), Samuel Bagg takes a different tack by proposing a vision of democracy where the central aim is to protect public power from capture.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We commonly think of democracy as a social order governed by the people’s collective will. Given the size of the modern states, this picture is typically adjusted to say that democracy is a system of <em>representative government</em>, where elected officials are tasked with governing in ways that reflect the collective will of their constituents.</p><p>Although it is familiar, this way of depicting democracy invites difficulties. The concept of a collective will is notoriously difficult to nail down. And, moreover, the idea that modern elections reveal or express such a will remains dubious. Accordingly, a good deal of democratic theory aims to fill in the missing details regarding the collective will and its representation.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192848826"><em>The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy</em></a> (Oxford University Press 2024), <a href="https://sc.edu/study/colleges_schools/artsandsciences/political_science/our_people/directory/bagg_samuel.php">Samuel Bagg</a> takes a different tack by proposing a vision of democracy where the central aim is to protect public power from capture.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3908</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jerome E. Copulsky, "American Heretics: Religious Adversaries of Liberal Order" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>A question has long hung over the the United States regarding the proper role of religion in public life. Those who long for a Christian America claim that the Founders intended a nation with political values and institutions shaped by Christianity. Secularists argue that those same Founders designed an enlightened republic where church and state should be kept separate. 
American Heretics: Religious Adversaries of Liberal Order (Yale UP, 2024), Jerome E. Copulsky examines the Americans who rejected the secularism of American society, predicted the collapse of the nation, and hoped to develop a new and decidedly Christian commonwealth. 
By reviewing extreme religious dissent from colonial times through the current age, Copulsky shows how these thinkers opposed the American orthodoxy of pluralist democracy on theological grounds. Their views are diametrically opposed to the idea of America as a place where multiple sects and creeds peacefully coexist. Each chapter explains a different strain of heresy, beginning with loyal Anglicans who opposed the American Revolution and ending with current National Conservatives who embrace illiberal populism in an effort to enact their vision of a Christian America.
Author recommended reading: 
The Violent Take It By Force: The Christian Movement That Is Threatening Our Democracy by Matthew D. Taylor
Hosted by Meghan Cochran
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Oct 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>277</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jerome E. Copulsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A question has long hung over the the United States regarding the proper role of religion in public life. Those who long for a Christian America claim that the Founders intended a nation with political values and institutions shaped by Christianity. Secularists argue that those same Founders designed an enlightened republic where church and state should be kept separate. 
American Heretics: Religious Adversaries of Liberal Order (Yale UP, 2024), Jerome E. Copulsky examines the Americans who rejected the secularism of American society, predicted the collapse of the nation, and hoped to develop a new and decidedly Christian commonwealth. 
By reviewing extreme religious dissent from colonial times through the current age, Copulsky shows how these thinkers opposed the American orthodoxy of pluralist democracy on theological grounds. Their views are diametrically opposed to the idea of America as a place where multiple sects and creeds peacefully coexist. Each chapter explains a different strain of heresy, beginning with loyal Anglicans who opposed the American Revolution and ending with current National Conservatives who embrace illiberal populism in an effort to enact their vision of a Christian America.
Author recommended reading: 
The Violent Take It By Force: The Christian Movement That Is Threatening Our Democracy by Matthew D. Taylor
Hosted by Meghan Cochran
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A question has long hung over the the United States regarding the proper role of religion in public life. Those who long for a Christian America claim that the Founders intended a nation with political values and institutions shaped by Christianity. Secularists argue that those same Founders designed an enlightened republic where church and state should be kept separate. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300241303"><em>American Heretics: Religious Adversaries of Liberal Order</em></a> (Yale UP, 2024), Jerome E. Copulsky examines the Americans who rejected the secularism of American society, predicted the collapse of the nation, and hoped to develop a new and decidedly Christian commonwealth. </p><p>By reviewing extreme religious dissent from colonial times through the current age, Copulsky shows how these thinkers opposed the American orthodoxy of pluralist democracy on theological grounds. Their views are diametrically opposed to the idea of America as a place where multiple sects and creeds peacefully coexist. Each chapter explains a different strain of heresy, beginning with loyal Anglicans who opposed the American Revolution and ending with current National Conservatives who embrace illiberal populism in an effort to enact their vision of a Christian America.</p><p>Author recommended reading: </p><p><a href="https://www.broadleafbooks.com/store/product/9781506497785/The-Violent-Take-It-by-Force">The Violent Take It By Force: The Christian Movement That Is Threatening Our Democracy</a> by Matthew D. Taylor</p><p>Hosted by <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/b113c5c0-b702-44b3-9ee1-436e326cfbd3">Meghan Cochran</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4363</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Emily M. Farris and Mirya R. Holman, "The Power of the Badge: Sheriffs and Inequality in the United States" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The image of the sheriff is deeply embedded in American culture – from pacifist Jimmy Stewart in Destry Rides Again and gun averse Roy Scheider in Jaws to those more comfortable wielding power like Gene Hackman in Unforgiven, Tommy Lee Jones in No Country for Old Men, and Gary Cooper in High Noon. 
In the United States, more than 3,000 sheriffs occupy a unique position in the political and legal systems. Sheriffs oversee more than a third of law enforcement employees and control almost all local jails. They have the power to both set and administer policies, and sheriffs can imprison, harm, and even kill members of their communities. Although sheriffs are elected by voters, these elections are usually noncompetitive and low-visibility. Sheriffs enjoy a degree of autonomy not seen by other political officeholders.
In The Power of the Badge: Sheriffs and Inequality in the United States (U Chicago Press, 2024), Emily M. Farris and Mirya R. Holman draw on two original surveys of sheriffs taken nearly a decade apart, as well as election data, case studies, and administrative data to argue that the autonomy and authority granted to sheriffs in the United States create an environment where sheriffs rarely change; elections seldom create meaningful accountability; employees, budgets, and jails can be used for political gains; marginalized populations can be punished; and reforms fail.
Drs. Farris and Holman track the increasingly close linkages between sheriffs and right-wing radical groups and demonstrate how sheriffs holding negative views of marginalized groups leads to unequal policing and discriminatory policies that fail to protect marginalized groups – particularly in the areas of intimate partner violence, racial profiling in traffic enforcement, and immigration enforcement. If the sheriff does not like your group, he structures hiring, training, and policy in his office to punish you. Farris and Holman also interrogate the ways in which sheriffs extract resources to maintain and profit from the carceral state. The book contributes to scholarship on local politics, American political development, federalism, political behavior, sociology, criminal justice, public administration and policy, and political extremism.
Dr. Emily M. Farris is an associate professor in Political Science and core faculty in Comparative Race and Ethnic Studies at Texas Christian University. Her research focuses on urban and racial and ethnic politics.
Dr. Mirya R. Holman is an associate professor at the Hobby School of Public Affairs at the University of Houston. She is an expert on gender and politics, urban politics, and political behavior and has published widely in these areas.
Both Emily and Mirya have been cited widely in outlets like the New York Times, The Atlantic, and other important public facing venues.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>739</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emily M. Farris and Mirya R. Holman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The image of the sheriff is deeply embedded in American culture – from pacifist Jimmy Stewart in Destry Rides Again and gun averse Roy Scheider in Jaws to those more comfortable wielding power like Gene Hackman in Unforgiven, Tommy Lee Jones in No Country for Old Men, and Gary Cooper in High Noon. 
In the United States, more than 3,000 sheriffs occupy a unique position in the political and legal systems. Sheriffs oversee more than a third of law enforcement employees and control almost all local jails. They have the power to both set and administer policies, and sheriffs can imprison, harm, and even kill members of their communities. Although sheriffs are elected by voters, these elections are usually noncompetitive and low-visibility. Sheriffs enjoy a degree of autonomy not seen by other political officeholders.
In The Power of the Badge: Sheriffs and Inequality in the United States (U Chicago Press, 2024), Emily M. Farris and Mirya R. Holman draw on two original surveys of sheriffs taken nearly a decade apart, as well as election data, case studies, and administrative data to argue that the autonomy and authority granted to sheriffs in the United States create an environment where sheriffs rarely change; elections seldom create meaningful accountability; employees, budgets, and jails can be used for political gains; marginalized populations can be punished; and reforms fail.
Drs. Farris and Holman track the increasingly close linkages between sheriffs and right-wing radical groups and demonstrate how sheriffs holding negative views of marginalized groups leads to unequal policing and discriminatory policies that fail to protect marginalized groups – particularly in the areas of intimate partner violence, racial profiling in traffic enforcement, and immigration enforcement. If the sheriff does not like your group, he structures hiring, training, and policy in his office to punish you. Farris and Holman also interrogate the ways in which sheriffs extract resources to maintain and profit from the carceral state. The book contributes to scholarship on local politics, American political development, federalism, political behavior, sociology, criminal justice, public administration and policy, and political extremism.
Dr. Emily M. Farris is an associate professor in Political Science and core faculty in Comparative Race and Ethnic Studies at Texas Christian University. Her research focuses on urban and racial and ethnic politics.
Dr. Mirya R. Holman is an associate professor at the Hobby School of Public Affairs at the University of Houston. She is an expert on gender and politics, urban politics, and political behavior and has published widely in these areas.
Both Emily and Mirya have been cited widely in outlets like the New York Times, The Atlantic, and other important public facing venues.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The image of the sheriff is deeply embedded in American culture – from pacifist Jimmy Stewart in <em>Destry Rides Again</em> and gun averse Roy Scheider in <em>Jaws </em>to those more comfortable wielding power like Gene Hackman in <em>Unforgiven</em>, Tommy Lee Jones in <em>No Country for Old Men</em>, and Gary Cooper in <em>High Noon</em>. </p><p>In the United States, more than 3,000 sheriffs occupy a unique position in the political and legal systems. Sheriffs oversee more than a third of law enforcement employees and control almost all local jails. They have the power to both set and administer policies, and sheriffs can imprison, harm, and even kill members of their communities. Although sheriffs are elected by voters, these elections are usually noncompetitive and low-visibility. Sheriffs enjoy a degree of autonomy not seen by other political officeholders.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226834511"><em>The Power of the Badge: Sheriffs and Inequality in the United States</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2024), Emily M. Farris and Mirya R. Holman draw on two original surveys of sheriffs taken nearly a decade apart, as well as election data, case studies, and administrative data to argue that the autonomy and authority granted to sheriffs in the United States create an environment where sheriffs rarely change; elections seldom create meaningful accountability; employees, budgets, and jails can be used for political gains; marginalized populations can be punished; and reforms fail.</p><p>Drs. Farris and Holman track the increasingly close linkages between sheriffs and right-wing radical groups and demonstrate how sheriffs holding negative views of marginalized groups leads to unequal policing and discriminatory policies that fail to protect marginalized groups – particularly in the areas of intimate partner violence, racial profiling in traffic enforcement, and immigration enforcement. If the sheriff does not like your group, he structures hiring, training, and policy in his office to punish you. Farris and Holman also interrogate the ways in which sheriffs extract resources to maintain and profit from the carceral state. The book contributes to scholarship on local politics, American political development, federalism, political behavior, sociology, criminal justice, public administration and policy, and political extremism.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://addran.tcu.edu/view/emily-farris">Emily M. Farris</a> is an associate professor in Political Science and core faculty in Comparative Race and Ethnic Studies at Texas Christian University. Her research focuses on urban and racial and ethnic politics.</p><p>Dr. <a href="http://www.miryaholman.com/">Mirya R. Holman</a> is an associate professor at the Hobby School of Public Affairs at the University of Houston. She is an expert on gender and politics, urban politics, and political behavior and has published widely in these areas.</p><p>Both Emily and Mirya have been cited widely in outlets like the <em>New York Times, The Atlantic, and other important public facing venues</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4211</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 70: Michael S. Roth on the Rise of Student Protests, the Fall of Some College Presidents, and Why Liberal Education Matters</title>
      <description>The campus protests over conflict in Israel and Gaza have engulfed universities, and led to the resignation of several university presidents. In this podcast, recorded live at the New York Institute of the Humanities, Michael S. Roth, the long-time President of Wesleyan College, explains how he navigates sharp disagreements on campus, what he means by “safe enough spaces,” and how to understand what is happening on campus in relation to our democracy.
Michael S. Roth is the 16th president of Wesleyan University, since 2007. Formerly president of California College of the Arts (CCA), Roth is known as a historian, curator, author and public advocate for liberal education. His many books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters (Yale University Press, 2014); Safe Enough Spaces: A Pragmatist’s Approach to Inclusion, Free Speech, and Political Correctness (Yale University Press, 2019); and The Student: A Short History (Yale University Press, 2023). This conversation was recorded with a live audience at the New York Institute for the Humanities, which is directed by Eric Banks and hosted by the New York Public Library. I want to thank Eric Banks for the invitation to speak with President Roth, and the fellows of the New York Institute for a lively discussion included here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>135</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael S. Roth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The campus protests over conflict in Israel and Gaza have engulfed universities, and led to the resignation of several university presidents. In this podcast, recorded live at the New York Institute of the Humanities, Michael S. Roth, the long-time President of Wesleyan College, explains how he navigates sharp disagreements on campus, what he means by “safe enough spaces,” and how to understand what is happening on campus in relation to our democracy.
Michael S. Roth is the 16th president of Wesleyan University, since 2007. Formerly president of California College of the Arts (CCA), Roth is known as a historian, curator, author and public advocate for liberal education. His many books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters (Yale University Press, 2014); Safe Enough Spaces: A Pragmatist’s Approach to Inclusion, Free Speech, and Political Correctness (Yale University Press, 2019); and The Student: A Short History (Yale University Press, 2023). This conversation was recorded with a live audience at the New York Institute for the Humanities, which is directed by Eric Banks and hosted by the New York Public Library. I want to thank Eric Banks for the invitation to speak with President Roth, and the fellows of the New York Institute for a lively discussion included here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The campus protests over conflict in Israel and Gaza have engulfed universities, and led to the resignation of several university presidents. In this podcast, recorded live at the New York Institute of the Humanities, Michael S. Roth, the long-time President of Wesleyan College, explains how he navigates sharp disagreements on campus, what he means by “safe enough spaces,” and how to understand what is happening on campus in relation to our democracy.</p><p>Michael S. Roth is the 16th president of Wesleyan University, since 2007. Formerly president of California College of the Arts (CCA), Roth is known as a historian, curator, author and public advocate for liberal education. His many books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters (Yale University Press, 2014); Safe Enough Spaces: A Pragmatist’s Approach to Inclusion, Free Speech, and Political Correctness (Yale University Press, 2019); and The Student: A Short History (Yale University Press, 2023). This conversation was recorded with a live audience at the New York Institute for the Humanities, which is directed by Eric Banks and hosted by the New York Public Library. I want to thank Eric Banks for the invitation to speak with President Roth, and the fellows of the New York Institute for a lively discussion included here.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4444</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[77581f56-7cf2-11ef-ab34-834701f0813e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3457843779.mp3?updated=1727457587" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeff Schuhrke, "Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of U.S. Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade" (Verso, 2024)</title>
      <description>How the CIA used American unions to undermine workers at home and subvert democracy abroad.
Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of U.S. Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade (Verso, 2024) tells the shocking story of the AFL-CIO's global anticommunist crusade--and its devastating consequences for workers around the world.
Unions have the power not only to secure pay raises and employee benefits but to bring economies to a screeching halt and overthrow governments. Recognizing this, in the late twentieth century, the US government sought to control labor movements abroad as part of the Cold War contest for worldwide supremacy. In this work, Washington found an enthusiastic partner in the AFL-CIO's anticommunist officials, who, in a shocking betrayal, for decades expended their energies to block revolutionary ideologies and militant class consciousness from taking hold in the workers' movements of Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Jeff Schuhrke is a labor historian, journalist, union activist, and assistant professor at the Harry Van Arsdale Jr. School of Labor Studies, SUNY Empire State University in New York City. He is a frequent contributor to In These Times and Jacobin, and his scholarship has been published in Diplomatic History and Labor: Studies in Working-Class History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>111</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeff Schuhrke</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the CIA used American unions to undermine workers at home and subvert democracy abroad.
Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of U.S. Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade (Verso, 2024) tells the shocking story of the AFL-CIO's global anticommunist crusade--and its devastating consequences for workers around the world.
Unions have the power not only to secure pay raises and employee benefits but to bring economies to a screeching halt and overthrow governments. Recognizing this, in the late twentieth century, the US government sought to control labor movements abroad as part of the Cold War contest for worldwide supremacy. In this work, Washington found an enthusiastic partner in the AFL-CIO's anticommunist officials, who, in a shocking betrayal, for decades expended their energies to block revolutionary ideologies and militant class consciousness from taking hold in the workers' movements of Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia.
Jeff Schuhrke is a labor historian, journalist, union activist, and assistant professor at the Harry Van Arsdale Jr. School of Labor Studies, SUNY Empire State University in New York City. He is a frequent contributor to In These Times and Jacobin, and his scholarship has been published in Diplomatic History and Labor: Studies in Working-Class History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the CIA used American unions to undermine workers at home and subvert democracy abroad.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839769054"><em>Blue Collar Empire: The Untold Story of U.S. Labor’s Global Anticommunist Crusade</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2024) tells the shocking story of the AFL-CIO's global anticommunist crusade--and its devastating consequences for workers around the world.</p><p>Unions have the power not only to secure pay raises and employee benefits but to bring economies to a screeching halt and overthrow governments. Recognizing this, in the late twentieth century, the US government sought to control labor movements abroad as part of the Cold War contest for worldwide supremacy. In this work, Washington found an enthusiastic partner in the AFL-CIO's anticommunist officials, who, in a shocking betrayal, for decades expended their energies to block revolutionary ideologies and militant class consciousness from taking hold in the workers' movements of Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia.</p><p>Jeff Schuhrke is a labor historian, journalist, union activist, and assistant professor at the Harry Van Arsdale Jr. School of Labor Studies, SUNY Empire State University in New York City. He is a frequent contributor to In These Times and Jacobin, and his scholarship has been published in Diplomatic History and Labor: Studies in Working-Class History.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7481433348.mp3?updated=1727546652" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David L. Swartz, "The Academic Trumpists: Radicals Against Liberal Diversity" (Routledge, 2024)</title>
      <description>Remember the bleach drinking episode? Remember ‘alternative facts’? Remember ‘I have the best words’? These elements of the Trump presidency spoke to a fundamental part of his politics: truth and science were not prime among his considerations. Given this, one may assume that academics would have been especially unlikely to be drawn to the Trump presidency. 
Yet, in his fascinating book The Academic Trumpists: Radicals against Liberal Democracy (Routledge, 2024), David Swartz outlines a group of public intellectuals who supported, and largely continue to support, Trump. These 109 Academic Trumpists are not marginal to American academia but rather can be found in middle to high-ranking schools and sometimes have backgrounds in elite institutions. Swartz demonstrates however how they cluster in particular disciplines and institutions and make use of a significant network of populist conservative thinktanks. By comparing these Trumpists with 89 conservative professors who are anti-Trump, Swartz is able to show the distinctive political positions the Trumpists adopt, especially concerning ‘liberal’ campus culture and the appeal of Trump as a ‘wrecking ball’. This populist politics and their distinct networks differ them from their conservative peers who see Trump as a threat and fundamentally not conservative.
In our conversation we discuss who these academic Trumpists are, the details of their positioning and why, despite everything, they continue to support Trump. We also consider what possibility there maybe for an allegiance between liberal and anti-Trump conservative professors in the US.
Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>283</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David L. Swartz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Remember the bleach drinking episode? Remember ‘alternative facts’? Remember ‘I have the best words’? These elements of the Trump presidency spoke to a fundamental part of his politics: truth and science were not prime among his considerations. Given this, one may assume that academics would have been especially unlikely to be drawn to the Trump presidency. 
Yet, in his fascinating book The Academic Trumpists: Radicals against Liberal Democracy (Routledge, 2024), David Swartz outlines a group of public intellectuals who supported, and largely continue to support, Trump. These 109 Academic Trumpists are not marginal to American academia but rather can be found in middle to high-ranking schools and sometimes have backgrounds in elite institutions. Swartz demonstrates however how they cluster in particular disciplines and institutions and make use of a significant network of populist conservative thinktanks. By comparing these Trumpists with 89 conservative professors who are anti-Trump, Swartz is able to show the distinctive political positions the Trumpists adopt, especially concerning ‘liberal’ campus culture and the appeal of Trump as a ‘wrecking ball’. This populist politics and their distinct networks differ them from their conservative peers who see Trump as a threat and fundamentally not conservative.
In our conversation we discuss who these academic Trumpists are, the details of their positioning and why, despite everything, they continue to support Trump. We also consider what possibility there maybe for an allegiance between liberal and anti-Trump conservative professors in the US.
Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Remember the bleach drinking episode? Remember ‘alternative facts’? Remember ‘I have the best words’? These elements of the Trump presidency spoke to a fundamental part of his politics: truth and science were not prime among his considerations. Given this, one may assume that academics would have been especially unlikely to be drawn to the Trump presidency. </p><p>Yet, in his fascinating book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032742755">The Academic Trumpists: Radicals against Liberal Democracy</a> (Routledge, 2024), David Swartz outlines a group of public intellectuals who supported, and largely continue to support, Trump. These 109 Academic Trumpists are not marginal to American academia but rather can be found in middle to high-ranking schools and sometimes have backgrounds in elite institutions. Swartz demonstrates however how they cluster in particular disciplines and institutions and make use of a significant network of populist conservative thinktanks. By comparing these Trumpists with 89 conservative professors who are anti-Trump, Swartz is able to show the distinctive political positions the Trumpists adopt, especially concerning ‘liberal’ campus culture and the appeal of Trump as a ‘wrecking ball’. This populist politics and their distinct networks differ them from their conservative peers who see Trump as a threat and fundamentally not conservative.</p><p>In our conversation we discuss who these academic Trumpists are, the details of their positioning and why, despite everything, they continue to support Trump. We also consider what possibility there maybe for an allegiance between liberal and anti-Trump conservative professors in the US.</p><p>Your host <a href="https://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/socialpolitical/staff/mattdawson/">Matt Dawson</a> is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including <a href="https://link.springer.com/book/9783031754838">G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation</a> (2024, Palgrave Macmillan)</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3695</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew W. Kahrl, "The Black Tax: 150 Years of Theft, Exploitation, and Dispossession in America" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In The Black Tax: 150 Years of Theft, Exploitation, and Dispossession in America (U Chicago Press, 2024), Andrew W. Kahrl uncovers the history of inequitable and predatory tax laws in the United States. He examines the structural traps within America’s tax system that have forced Black Americans to pay more for less despite being taxpayers with fewer resources compared to white taxpayers. Kahrl exposes these practices, From Reconstruction up to the present, Kahrl exposes these practices to describe how discrimination continues to take new forms, even as people continue to fight for their rights, their assets, and their power.
Dr. N’Kosi Oates is a curator. He earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies at Brown University. Find him on Twitter at DrNKosiOates.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>477</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew W. Kahrl</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Black Tax: 150 Years of Theft, Exploitation, and Dispossession in America (U Chicago Press, 2024), Andrew W. Kahrl uncovers the history of inequitable and predatory tax laws in the United States. He examines the structural traps within America’s tax system that have forced Black Americans to pay more for less despite being taxpayers with fewer resources compared to white taxpayers. Kahrl exposes these practices, From Reconstruction up to the present, Kahrl exposes these practices to describe how discrimination continues to take new forms, even as people continue to fight for their rights, their assets, and their power.
Dr. N’Kosi Oates is a curator. He earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies at Brown University. Find him on Twitter at DrNKosiOates.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226730592"><em>The Black Tax: 150 Years of Theft, Exploitation, and Dispossession in America</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2024), Andrew W. Kahrl uncovers the history of inequitable and predatory tax laws in the United States. He examines the structural traps within America’s tax system that have forced Black Americans to pay more for less despite being taxpayers with fewer resources compared to white taxpayers. Kahrl exposes these practices, From Reconstruction up to the present, Kahrl exposes these practices to describe how discrimination continues to take new forms, even as people continue to fight for their rights, their assets, and their power.</p><p>Dr. N’Kosi Oates is a curator. He earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies at Brown University. Find him on Twitter at DrNKosiOates.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3423</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David M. Driesen, "The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power" (Stanford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>At the end of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked whether we have a republic or a monarchy. He replied “A Republic…if you can keep it.” In The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power (Stanford UP, 2021), David M. Driesen argues that Donald Trump's presidency challenged Americans to consider whether the Madisonian system of checks and balances could robustly respond to a president claiming extensive executive power and disregarding traditional processes such as the peaceful transition of power. Driesen notes that Benjamin Franklin and many men in the “founding” generation observed tyrannical government in Europe – and they explicitly included safeguards in the U.S. Constitution to prevent extensive executive power in the United States.
In this tradition, Driesen analyzes the chief executive's role in the democratic decline of Hungary, Poland, and Turkey. He argues that an insufficiently constrained presidency is one of the most important systemic threats to constitutional democracy. Driesen urges the U.S. to learn from the mistakes of these failing democracies. Specifically, he sees the United States Supreme Court as enabling the expansion of executive power. Specter of Dictatorship highlights how the Supreme Court’s reliance on and expansion of the legal approach called unitary executive theory threatens the separation of powers in the U.S. Driesen recommends a less deferential approach in which the judiciary checks the executive. The Supreme Court has been acting a if policing presidential power is the threat to democracy – but the real danger for constitutional democracy lies in expansion of executive power. For Driesen, judges and justices should give substantial weight to concerns about democratic erosion. Because autocracy is spreading abroad and presidential power is expanding in the US, Benjamin Franklin’s concern about maintaining democracy is relevant in 2024.
Professor Driesen is the thirteenth University Professor at Syracuse University where he teaches constitutional and environmental law. He is a graduate of the Yale Law School and has published several books and numerous articles with leading academic publishers and law reviews.
From the podcast:

David’s piece on major questions doctrine


David’s editorial on the POTUS debate, Victor Orban, and Haitian Immigrants


Correction from Susan – the two dissenters in Roe v. Wade were appointed by John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon. The justices voting in favor of reproductive rights were 5 men appointed by Republican presidents (Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon) and 2 men appointed by Democratic presidents (Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>738</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David M. Driesen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the end of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked whether we have a republic or a monarchy. He replied “A Republic…if you can keep it.” In The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power (Stanford UP, 2021), David M. Driesen argues that Donald Trump's presidency challenged Americans to consider whether the Madisonian system of checks and balances could robustly respond to a president claiming extensive executive power and disregarding traditional processes such as the peaceful transition of power. Driesen notes that Benjamin Franklin and many men in the “founding” generation observed tyrannical government in Europe – and they explicitly included safeguards in the U.S. Constitution to prevent extensive executive power in the United States.
In this tradition, Driesen analyzes the chief executive's role in the democratic decline of Hungary, Poland, and Turkey. He argues that an insufficiently constrained presidency is one of the most important systemic threats to constitutional democracy. Driesen urges the U.S. to learn from the mistakes of these failing democracies. Specifically, he sees the United States Supreme Court as enabling the expansion of executive power. Specter of Dictatorship highlights how the Supreme Court’s reliance on and expansion of the legal approach called unitary executive theory threatens the separation of powers in the U.S. Driesen recommends a less deferential approach in which the judiciary checks the executive. The Supreme Court has been acting a if policing presidential power is the threat to democracy – but the real danger for constitutional democracy lies in expansion of executive power. For Driesen, judges and justices should give substantial weight to concerns about democratic erosion. Because autocracy is spreading abroad and presidential power is expanding in the US, Benjamin Franklin’s concern about maintaining democracy is relevant in 2024.
Professor Driesen is the thirteenth University Professor at Syracuse University where he teaches constitutional and environmental law. He is a graduate of the Yale Law School and has published several books and numerous articles with leading academic publishers and law reviews.
From the podcast:

David’s piece on major questions doctrine


David’s editorial on the POTUS debate, Victor Orban, and Haitian Immigrants


Correction from Susan – the two dissenters in Roe v. Wade were appointed by John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon. The justices voting in favor of reproductive rights were 5 men appointed by Republican presidents (Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon) and 2 men appointed by Democratic presidents (Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the end of the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was asked whether we have a republic or a monarchy. He replied “A Republic…if you can keep it.” In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503628618"><em>The Specter of Dictatorship: Judicial Enabling of Presidential Power</em></a> (Stanford UP, 2021), David M. Driesen argues that Donald Trump's presidency challenged Americans to consider whether the Madisonian system of checks and balances could robustly respond to a president claiming extensive executive power and disregarding traditional processes such as the peaceful transition of power. Driesen notes that Benjamin Franklin and many men in the “founding” generation observed tyrannical government in Europe – and they explicitly included safeguards in the U.S. Constitution to prevent extensive executive power in the United States.</p><p>In this tradition, Driesen analyzes the chief executive's role in the democratic decline of Hungary, Poland, and Turkey. He argues that an insufficiently constrained presidency is one of the most important systemic threats to constitutional democracy. Driesen urges the U.S. to learn from the mistakes of these failing democracies. Specifically, he sees the United States Supreme Court as enabling the expansion of executive power. <em>Specter of Dictatorship </em>highlights how the Supreme Court’s reliance on and expansion of the legal approach called unitary executive theory threatens the separation of powers in the U.S. Driesen recommends a less deferential approach in which the judiciary checks the executive. The Supreme Court has been acting a if policing presidential power is the threat to democracy – but the real danger for constitutional democracy lies in expansion of executive power. For Driesen, judges and justices should give <em>substantial weight </em>to concerns about democratic erosion. Because autocracy is spreading abroad and presidential power is expanding in the US, Benjamin Franklin’s concern about maintaining democracy is relevant in 2024.</p><p><a href="http://law.syr.edu/profile/david-driesen1">Professor Driesen</a> is the thirteenth University Professor at Syracuse University where he teaches constitutional and environmental law. He is a graduate of the Yale Law School and has published several books and numerous articles with leading academic publishers and law reviews.</p><p>From the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>David’s piece on <a href="https://illinoislawreview.org/print/vol-2024-no-4/does-the-separation-of-powers-justify-the-major-questions-doctrine-2/">major questions doctrine</a>
</li>
<li>David’s editorial on the POTUS debate, Victor Orban, and Haitian Immigrants</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Correction from Susan – the two dissenters in <em>Roe v. Wade</em> were appointed by John F. Kennedy and <em>Richard Nixon</em>. The justices voting in favor of reproductive rights were 5 men appointed by Republican presidents (Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon) and 2 men appointed by Democratic presidents (Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3318</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>William Cooper, "How America Works and Why It Doesn't: A Brief Guide to the US Political System" (Ad Lib, 2024)</title>
      <description>Twenty-first-century America isn’t working the way it’s supposed to. William Cooper's How America Works and Why It Doesn't: A Brief Guide to the Us Political System (Ad Lib, 2024) explains why.
Americans in the twenty-first century are becoming increasingly untethered from both reality and the essential principles and traditions that have shaped the nation’s historic success. A big part of why America isn’t working is because far too many Americans neither know nor care how it’s supposed to work.
Cooper explains key aspects of recent US political history to give the background to dangerous developments, including how political groups have reshaped since the 1964 Civil Rights Act; the rise of Newt Gingrich and the Tea Party; the profound impact of the internet and social media; and the threats posed to the electoral system by the growth of extreme polarization and growing irrationality.
Cooper shows how these recent developments have their roots in the deeper past, with the establishment of the political system in the first place and all the knocks and tweaks to it along the way. He also reveals how, as a result of increasing politicization, the US Supreme Court is now exacerbating polarization instead of acting as an effective check on executive power.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>276</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William Cooper</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Twenty-first-century America isn’t working the way it’s supposed to. William Cooper's How America Works and Why It Doesn't: A Brief Guide to the Us Political System (Ad Lib, 2024) explains why.
Americans in the twenty-first century are becoming increasingly untethered from both reality and the essential principles and traditions that have shaped the nation’s historic success. A big part of why America isn’t working is because far too many Americans neither know nor care how it’s supposed to work.
Cooper explains key aspects of recent US political history to give the background to dangerous developments, including how political groups have reshaped since the 1964 Civil Rights Act; the rise of Newt Gingrich and the Tea Party; the profound impact of the internet and social media; and the threats posed to the electoral system by the growth of extreme polarization and growing irrationality.
Cooper shows how these recent developments have their roots in the deeper past, with the establishment of the political system in the first place and all the knocks and tweaks to it along the way. He also reveals how, as a result of increasing politicization, the US Supreme Court is now exacerbating polarization instead of acting as an effective check on executive power.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Twenty-first-century America isn’t working the way it’s supposed to. William Cooper's <a href="https://www.amazon.com/How-America-Works-Why-Doesnt/dp/1802472061"><em>How America Works and Why It Doesn't: A Brief Guide to the Us Political System</em></a> (Ad Lib, 2024) explains why.</p><p>Americans in the twenty-first century are becoming increasingly untethered from both reality and the essential principles and traditions that have shaped the nation’s historic success. A big part of why America isn’t working is because far too many Americans neither know nor care how it’s supposed to work.</p><p>Cooper explains key aspects of recent US political history to give the background to dangerous developments, including how political groups have reshaped since the 1964 Civil Rights Act; the rise of Newt Gingrich and the Tea Party; the profound impact of the internet and social media; and the threats posed to the electoral system by the growth of extreme polarization and growing irrationality.</p><p>Cooper shows how these recent developments have their roots in the deeper past, with the establishment of the political system in the first place and all the knocks and tweaks to it along the way. He also reveals how, as a result of increasing politicization, the US Supreme Court is now exacerbating polarization instead of acting as an effective check on executive power.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2140</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b28ca6c6-7849-11ef-92e5-df8546d46190]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Shane Burley and Ben Lorber, "Safety through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism" (Melville House, 2024)</title>
      <description>Antisemitism is on the rise today. From synagogue shootings by white nationalists, to right-wing politicians and media figures pushing George Soros conspiracy theories, it’s clear that exclusionary nationalist movements are growing. By spreading division and fear, they put Jews, along with other marginalized groups and multiracial democracy itself, at risk.
And since the outbreak of war in Gaza, debates around antisemitism have become more polarized and high-stakes than ever. How can we stand in solidarity with Palestinians seeking justice, while also avoiding antisemitism — and resisting those who seek to conflate the two? How do we forge the coalitions across communities that we need, in order to overcome the politics of division and fear?
In Safety through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism (Melville House, 2024), Shane Burley and Ben Lorber help us break the current impasse to understand how antisemitism works, what’s missing in contemporary debates, and how to build true safety through solidarity, for Jews and all people.
Shane Burley is a writer and filmmaker based in Portland, Oregon. Ben Lorber is a Senior Research Analyst at Political Research Associates, a progressive think tank that monitors far-right movements. He tweets at @BenLorber8.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>549</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shane Burley and Ben Lorber</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Antisemitism is on the rise today. From synagogue shootings by white nationalists, to right-wing politicians and media figures pushing George Soros conspiracy theories, it’s clear that exclusionary nationalist movements are growing. By spreading division and fear, they put Jews, along with other marginalized groups and multiracial democracy itself, at risk.
And since the outbreak of war in Gaza, debates around antisemitism have become more polarized and high-stakes than ever. How can we stand in solidarity with Palestinians seeking justice, while also avoiding antisemitism — and resisting those who seek to conflate the two? How do we forge the coalitions across communities that we need, in order to overcome the politics of division and fear?
In Safety through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism (Melville House, 2024), Shane Burley and Ben Lorber help us break the current impasse to understand how antisemitism works, what’s missing in contemporary debates, and how to build true safety through solidarity, for Jews and all people.
Shane Burley is a writer and filmmaker based in Portland, Oregon. Ben Lorber is a Senior Research Analyst at Political Research Associates, a progressive think tank that monitors far-right movements. He tweets at @BenLorber8.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Antisemitism is on the rise today. From synagogue shootings by white nationalists, to right-wing politicians and media figures pushing George Soros conspiracy theories, it’s clear that exclusionary nationalist movements are growing. By spreading division and fear, they put Jews, along with other marginalized groups and multiracial democracy itself, at risk.</p><p>And since the outbreak of war in Gaza, debates around antisemitism have become more polarized and high-stakes than ever. How can we stand in solidarity with Palestinians seeking justice, while also avoiding antisemitism — and resisting those who seek to conflate the two? How do we forge the coalitions across communities that we need, in order to overcome the politics of division and fear?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781685890919"><em>Safety through Solidarity: A Radical Guide to Fighting Antisemitism</em></a> (Melville House, 2024), Shane Burley and Ben Lorber help us break the current impasse to understand how antisemitism works, what’s missing in contemporary debates, and how to build true safety through solidarity, for Jews and all people.</p><p>Shane Burley is a writer and filmmaker based in Portland, Oregon. Ben Lorber is a Senior Research Analyst at Political Research Associates, a progressive think tank that monitors far-right movements. He tweets at @BenLorber8.</p><p>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4081</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5126929820.mp3?updated=1726866765" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Kroening Seitz, "A Different Trek: Radical Geographies of Deep Space Nine" (U Nebraska Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>A different kind of Star Trek television series debuted in 1993. Deep Space Nine was set not on a starship but a space station near a postcolonial planet still reeling from a genocidal occupation. The crew was led by a reluctant Black American commander and an extraterrestrial first officer who had until recently been an anticolonial revolutionary. DS9 extended Star Trek’s tradition of critical social commentary but did so by transgressing many of Star Trek’s previous taboos, including religion, money, eugenics, and interpersonal conflict. DS9 imagined a twenty-fourth century that was less a glitzy utopia than a critical mirror of contemporary U.S. racism, capitalism, imperialism, and heteropatriarchy.
Thirty years after its premiere, DS9 is beloved by critics and fans but remains marginalised in scholarly studies of science fiction. Drawing on cultural geography, Black studies, and feminist and queer studies, A Different Trek: Radical Geographies of Deep Space Nine (University of Nebraska Press, 2023) by Dr. David Seitz is the first scholarly monograph dedicated to a critical interpretation of DS9’s allegorical world-building. If DS9 has been vindicated aesthetically, this book argues that its prophetic, place-based critiques of 1990s U.S. politics, which deepened the foundations of many of our current crises, have been vindicated politically, to a degree most scholars and even many fans have yet to fully appreciate.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>196</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Kroening Seitz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A different kind of Star Trek television series debuted in 1993. Deep Space Nine was set not on a starship but a space station near a postcolonial planet still reeling from a genocidal occupation. The crew was led by a reluctant Black American commander and an extraterrestrial first officer who had until recently been an anticolonial revolutionary. DS9 extended Star Trek’s tradition of critical social commentary but did so by transgressing many of Star Trek’s previous taboos, including religion, money, eugenics, and interpersonal conflict. DS9 imagined a twenty-fourth century that was less a glitzy utopia than a critical mirror of contemporary U.S. racism, capitalism, imperialism, and heteropatriarchy.
Thirty years after its premiere, DS9 is beloved by critics and fans but remains marginalised in scholarly studies of science fiction. Drawing on cultural geography, Black studies, and feminist and queer studies, A Different Trek: Radical Geographies of Deep Space Nine (University of Nebraska Press, 2023) by Dr. David Seitz is the first scholarly monograph dedicated to a critical interpretation of DS9’s allegorical world-building. If DS9 has been vindicated aesthetically, this book argues that its prophetic, place-based critiques of 1990s U.S. politics, which deepened the foundations of many of our current crises, have been vindicated politically, to a degree most scholars and even many fans have yet to fully appreciate.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A different kind of Star Trek television series debuted in 1993. Deep Space Nine was set not on a starship but a space station near a postcolonial planet still reeling from a genocidal occupation. The crew was led by a reluctant Black American commander and an extraterrestrial first officer who had until recently been an anticolonial revolutionary. DS9 extended Star Trek’s tradition of critical social commentary but did so by transgressing many of Star Trek’s previous taboos, including religion, money, eugenics, and interpersonal conflict. DS9 imagined a twenty-fourth century that was less a glitzy utopia than a critical mirror of contemporary U.S. racism, capitalism, imperialism, and heteropatriarchy.</p><p>Thirty years after its premiere, DS9 is beloved by critics and fans but remains marginalised in scholarly studies of science fiction. Drawing on cultural geography, Black studies, and feminist and queer studies, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496235428"><em>A Different Trek: Radical Geographies of Deep Space Nine</em></a> (University of Nebraska Press, 2023) by Dr. David Seitz is the first scholarly monograph dedicated to a critical interpretation of DS9’s allegorical world-building. If DS9 has been vindicated aesthetically, this book argues that its prophetic, place-based critiques of 1990s U.S. politics, which deepened the foundations of many of our current crises, have been vindicated politically, to a degree most scholars and even many fans have yet to fully appreciate.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3440</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions</title>
      <description>Today’s book is: Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions (Columbia UP, 2024), by Ernesto Castaneda and Carina Cione, which is a practical, evidence-based primer on immigrants and immigration. Each chapter debunks a frequently encountered claim and answers common questions. Presenting the latest findings and decades of interdisciplinary research in an accessible way, Dr. Castañeda and Carina Cione emphasize the expert consensus that immigration is vital to the United States and many other countries around the world. Featuring original insights from research conducted in El Paso, Texas, Immigration Realities considers a wide range of places, ethnic groups, and historical eras. It provides the key data and context to understand how immigration affects economies, crime rates, and social welfare systems, and it sheds light on contentious issues such as the safety of the U.S.-Mexico border and the consequences of Brexit. This book is an indispensable guide for all readers who want to counter false claims about immigration and are interested in what the research shows.
Our guest is: Dr. Ernesto Castañeda, who is the director of the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies at American University. His books include A Place to Call Home: Immigrant Exclusion and Urban Belonging in New York, Paris, and Barcelona (2018); Building Walls: Excluding Latin People in the United States (2019); and Reunited: Family Separation and Central American Youth Migration (2024).
The Immigration Realities co-author is: Carina Cione, who is a sociologist and writer based out of Baltimore. Their work has been featured by the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, Trauma Care, El Paso News, and American University’s Center for Latin American &amp; Latino Studies Working Paper Series.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.
Listeners may enjoy this playlist:

We Are Not Dreamers: Undocumented Scholars Theorize Undocumented Life in the United States

We Take Our Cities With Us

Secret Harvests

The Ungrateful Refugee

The Translator's Daughter

Where Is Home?

Who Gets Believed: When the Truth Isn't Enough


Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>232</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Ernesto Castañeda</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s book is: Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions (Columbia UP, 2024), by Ernesto Castaneda and Carina Cione, which is a practical, evidence-based primer on immigrants and immigration. Each chapter debunks a frequently encountered claim and answers common questions. Presenting the latest findings and decades of interdisciplinary research in an accessible way, Dr. Castañeda and Carina Cione emphasize the expert consensus that immigration is vital to the United States and many other countries around the world. Featuring original insights from research conducted in El Paso, Texas, Immigration Realities considers a wide range of places, ethnic groups, and historical eras. It provides the key data and context to understand how immigration affects economies, crime rates, and social welfare systems, and it sheds light on contentious issues such as the safety of the U.S.-Mexico border and the consequences of Brexit. This book is an indispensable guide for all readers who want to counter false claims about immigration and are interested in what the research shows.
Our guest is: Dr. Ernesto Castañeda, who is the director of the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies at American University. His books include A Place to Call Home: Immigrant Exclusion and Urban Belonging in New York, Paris, and Barcelona (2018); Building Walls: Excluding Latin People in the United States (2019); and Reunited: Family Separation and Central American Youth Migration (2024).
The Immigration Realities co-author is: Carina Cione, who is a sociologist and writer based out of Baltimore. Their work has been featured by the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, Trauma Care, El Paso News, and American University’s Center for Latin American &amp; Latino Studies Working Paper Series.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.
Listeners may enjoy this playlist:

We Are Not Dreamers: Undocumented Scholars Theorize Undocumented Life in the United States

We Take Our Cities With Us

Secret Harvests

The Ungrateful Refugee

The Translator's Daughter

Where Is Home?

Who Gets Believed: When the Truth Isn't Enough


Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s book is:<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231203753"><em> Immigration Realities: Challenging Common Misperceptions</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2024), by Ernesto Castaneda and Carina Cione, which is a practical, evidence-based primer on immigrants and immigration. Each chapter debunks a frequently encountered claim and answers common questions. Presenting the latest findings and decades of interdisciplinary research in an accessible way, Dr. Castañeda and Carina Cione emphasize the expert consensus that immigration is vital to the United States and many other countries around the world. Featuring original insights from research conducted in El Paso, Texas, Immigration Realities considers a wide range of places, ethnic groups, and historical eras. It provides the key data and context to understand how immigration affects economies, crime rates, and social welfare systems, and it sheds light on contentious issues such as the safety of the U.S.-Mexico border and the consequences of Brexit. This book is an indispensable guide for all readers who want to counter false claims about immigration and are interested in what the research shows.</p><p>Our guest is: Dr. Ernesto Castañeda, who is the director of the Immigration Lab and the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies at American University. His books include A Place to Call Home: Immigrant Exclusion and Urban Belonging in New York, Paris, and Barcelona (2018); Building Walls: Excluding Latin People in the United States (2019); and Reunited: Family Separation and Central American Youth Migration (2024).</p><p>The Immigration Realities co-author is: Carina Cione, who is a sociologist and writer based out of Baltimore. Their work has been featured by the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, Trauma Care, El Paso News, and American University’s Center for Latin American &amp; Latino Studies Working Paper Series.</p><p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who is the producer of the Academic Life podcast.</p><p>Listeners may enjoy this playlist:</p><ul>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/we-are-not-dreamers-undocumented-scholars-theorize-undocumented-life-in-the-united-states#entry:205111@1:url">We Are Not Dreamers: Undocumented Scholars Theorize Undocumented Life in the United States</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/we-take-our-cities-with-us#entry:308824@1:url">We Take Our Cities With Us</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/secret-harvests#entry:297964@1:url">Secret Harvests</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-ungrateful-refugee#entry:228574@1:url">The Ungrateful Refugee</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-translators-daughter#entry:308821@1:url">The Translator's Daughter</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/where-is-home#entry:289487@1:url">Where Is Home?</a></li>
<li><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/who-gets-believed-when-the-truth-isnt-enough/id1539341620?i=1000602026316">Who Gets Believed: When the Truth Isn't Enough</a></li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by posting, assigning and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 225+ Academic Life episodes? Find them <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/up-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And thank you for listening!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4006</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Celebrating Constitution Day, Part. 2: A Conversation with Julia Mahoney</title>
      <description>In this conversation, we dive into key issues shaping the legal landscape today: the complexities of constitutional interpretation, the evolving role and power of the judiciary, and how corruption can impact government systems. We also explored the critical role that civic education plays in maintaining a healthy democracy.
Julia D. Mahoney is the John S. Battle Professor of Law and the Joseph C. Carter, Jr. Research Professor of Law at the University of Virginia School of Law, where she teaches courses in Constitutional Law and Property Law. Her recent scholarship includes articles on government takings of property, the classical legal tradition in education, and feminism and common good constitutionalism. A graduate of the Yale Law School, she is a member of the American Law Institute and serves on the Board of Advisors of the New Civil Liberties Alliance.
Show Notes:
A Common Good Constitutional Feminism, Julia Mahoney. Law and Liberty | August 2022
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julia Mahoney</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this conversation, we dive into key issues shaping the legal landscape today: the complexities of constitutional interpretation, the evolving role and power of the judiciary, and how corruption can impact government systems. We also explored the critical role that civic education plays in maintaining a healthy democracy.
Julia D. Mahoney is the John S. Battle Professor of Law and the Joseph C. Carter, Jr. Research Professor of Law at the University of Virginia School of Law, where she teaches courses in Constitutional Law and Property Law. Her recent scholarship includes articles on government takings of property, the classical legal tradition in education, and feminism and common good constitutionalism. A graduate of the Yale Law School, she is a member of the American Law Institute and serves on the Board of Advisors of the New Civil Liberties Alliance.
Show Notes:
A Common Good Constitutional Feminism, Julia Mahoney. Law and Liberty | August 2022
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this conversation, we dive into key issues shaping the legal landscape today: the complexities of constitutional interpretation, the evolving role and power of the judiciary, and how corruption can impact government systems. We also explored the critical role that civic education plays in maintaining a healthy democracy.</p><p>Julia D. Mahoney is the John S. Battle Professor of Law and the Joseph C. Carter, Jr. Research Professor of Law at the University of Virginia School of Law, where she teaches courses in Constitutional Law and Property Law. Her recent scholarship includes articles on government takings of property, the classical legal tradition in education, and feminism and common good constitutionalism. A graduate of the Yale Law School, she is a member of the American Law Institute and serves on the Board of Advisors of the New Civil Liberties Alliance.</p><p>Show Notes:</p><p><a href="https://lawliberty.org/forum/a-common-good-constitutionalist-feminism/"><em>A Common Good Constitutional Feminism</em></a><em>, </em>Julia Mahoney. Law and Liberty | August 2022</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3086</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin J. McMahon, "A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Many scholars and members of the press have argued that John Roberts’ Supreme Court is exceptional. While some emphasize the approach to interpreting the Constitution or the justices conservative ideology, Dr. Kevin J. McMahon suggests that the key issue is democratic legitimacy. Historically, the Supreme Court has always had some “democracy gap” – democratically elected presidents appoint justices that serve for life. As presidents select justices, they attempt to move the Supreme Court in their desired ideological direction while “simultaneously advancing their electoral interests and managing their governing coalition.” Despite these forces, Dr. McMahon argues that past Supreme Courts were still closer to democratic principles. Today’s court is exceptional because the “democracy gap” is severe.
A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People (U Chicago Press, 2024) draws on historical and contemporary data to reveal how the long arc of court battles (from FDR to Donald Trump) created this democracy gap. McMahon highlights changes to the politics of nominating and confirming justices, the changes in who is even considered to be in the pool to be a Supreme Court justice, and the increased salience of the Court in elections.
Dr. Kevin J. McMahon (he/him) is the John R. Reitemeyer [RightMeyer]Professor of Political Science at Trinity College, and the author of two award-winning books, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race and Nixon’s Court, both published by The University of Chicago Press. Together with A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other, the three books form a trilogy that interrogates whether 100 years of presidential efforts to shape the high court affect the supreme court’s democratic legitimacy.
Dr. McMahon also writes public facing essays in outlets such as US News &amp; World Report and The Conversation. For example, The Presidential Immunity Case &amp; American Democracy, President Biden &amp; the Courage it Takes to Call it Quits, Conservative Justices Polarized on the State of American Politics, and Calls for a Supreme Court Justice to Retire.
Susan mentioned a stark New York Times graphic of how 6 senators (CA, NY, TX) represent the same number of voters as 62 senators. 2022 data (but less dramatically presented) is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>737</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin J. McMahon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many scholars and members of the press have argued that John Roberts’ Supreme Court is exceptional. While some emphasize the approach to interpreting the Constitution or the justices conservative ideology, Dr. Kevin J. McMahon suggests that the key issue is democratic legitimacy. Historically, the Supreme Court has always had some “democracy gap” – democratically elected presidents appoint justices that serve for life. As presidents select justices, they attempt to move the Supreme Court in their desired ideological direction while “simultaneously advancing their electoral interests and managing their governing coalition.” Despite these forces, Dr. McMahon argues that past Supreme Courts were still closer to democratic principles. Today’s court is exceptional because the “democracy gap” is severe.
A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People (U Chicago Press, 2024) draws on historical and contemporary data to reveal how the long arc of court battles (from FDR to Donald Trump) created this democracy gap. McMahon highlights changes to the politics of nominating and confirming justices, the changes in who is even considered to be in the pool to be a Supreme Court justice, and the increased salience of the Court in elections.
Dr. Kevin J. McMahon (he/him) is the John R. Reitemeyer [RightMeyer]Professor of Political Science at Trinity College, and the author of two award-winning books, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race and Nixon’s Court, both published by The University of Chicago Press. Together with A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other, the three books form a trilogy that interrogates whether 100 years of presidential efforts to shape the high court affect the supreme court’s democratic legitimacy.
Dr. McMahon also writes public facing essays in outlets such as US News &amp; World Report and The Conversation. For example, The Presidential Immunity Case &amp; American Democracy, President Biden &amp; the Courage it Takes to Call it Quits, Conservative Justices Polarized on the State of American Politics, and Calls for a Supreme Court Justice to Retire.
Susan mentioned a stark New York Times graphic of how 6 senators (CA, NY, TX) represent the same number of voters as 62 senators. 2022 data (but less dramatically presented) is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many scholars and members of the press have argued that John Roberts’ Supreme Court is exceptional. While some emphasize the approach to interpreting the Constitution or the justices conservative ideology, Dr. Kevin J. McMahon suggests that the key issue is democratic legitimacy. Historically, the Supreme Court has always had some “democracy gap” – democratically elected presidents appoint justices that serve for life. As presidents select justices, they attempt to move the Supreme Court in their desired ideological direction while “simultaneously advancing their electoral interests and managing their governing coalition.” Despite these forces, Dr. McMahon argues that past Supreme Courts were still closer to democratic principles. Today’s court is exceptional because the “democracy gap” is severe.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226831084"><em>A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other: The Deepening Divide Between the Justices and the People</em> </a>(U Chicago Press, 2024) draws on historical and contemporary data to reveal how the long arc of court battles (from FDR to Donald Trump) created this democracy gap. McMahon highlights changes to the politics of nominating and confirming justices, the changes in who is even considered to be in the pool to be a Supreme Court justice, and the increased salience of the Court in elections.</p><p><a href="https://internet3.trincoll.edu/facProfiles/Default.aspx?fid=1261609">Dr. Kevin J. McMahon</a> (he/him) is the John R. Reitemeyer [RightMeyer]Professor of Political Science at Trinity College, and the author of two award-winning books, <em>Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race </em>and <em>Nixon’s Court</em>, both published by The University of Chicago Press. Together with <em>A Supreme Court Unlike Any Other</em>, the three books form a trilogy that interrogates whether 100 years of presidential efforts to shape the high court affect the supreme court’s democratic legitimacy.</p><p>Dr. McMahon also writes public facing essays in outlets such as <em>US News &amp; World Report </em>and <em>The Conversation</em>. For example, <a href="https://www.usnews.com/opinion/articles/2024-07-01/the-supreme-courts-ruling-on-presidential-immunity-undermines-democracy">The Presidential Immunity Case &amp; American Democracy</a><u>, </u><a href="https://theconversation.com/knowing-when-to-call-it-quits-takes-courage-and-confidence-3-case-studies-233602">President Biden &amp; the Courage it Takes to Call it Quits</a><u>, </u><a href="https://theconversation.com/even-the-supreme-courts-conservative-justices-are-polarized-about-the-state-of-american-politics-232341">Conservative Justices Polarized on the State of American Politics</a><u>, and </u><a href="https://theconversation.com/justice-sotomayors-health-isnt-the-real-problem-for-democrats-winning-elections-is-229327">Calls for a Supreme Court Justice to Retire</a><u>.</u></p><p>Susan mentioned <a href="https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/interactive/2013/03/11/us/politics/small-state-advantage.html">a stark <em>New York Times </em>graphic</a> of how 6 senators (CA, NY, TX) represent the same number of voters as 62 senators. 2022 data (but less dramatically presented) is <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/10/27/learning/whats-going-on-in-this-graph-nov-9-2022.html">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3458</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael D. Hattem, "The Memory of '76: The Revolution in American History" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Americans agree that their nation’s origins lie in the Revolution, but they have never agreed on what the Revolution meant. For nearly two hundred and fifty years, politicians, political parties, social movements, and a diverse array of ordinary Americans have constantly reimagined the Revolution to fit the times and suit their own agendas.
In The Memory of '76: The Revolution in American History (Yale UP, 2024), Michael D. Hattem reveals how conflicts over the meaning and legacy of the Revolution—including the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution—have influenced the most important events and tumultuous periods in the nation’s history; how African Americans, women, and other oppressed groups have shaped the popular memory of the Revolution; and how much of our contemporary memory of the Revolution is a product of the Cold War.
By exploring the Revolution’s unique role in American history as a national origin myth, Hattem shows how the meaning of the Revolution has never been fixed, how remembering the nation’s founding has often done far more to divide Americans than to unite them, and how revising the past is an important and long‑standing American political tradition.
This interview was conducted by Hannah Nolan, a PhD Candidate at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her work focuses upon the intersection of memory, partisanship, and ethnic identity during the early republic to explore the construction of Irish and American identities in the United States.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 15 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>274</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael D. Hattem</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans agree that their nation’s origins lie in the Revolution, but they have never agreed on what the Revolution meant. For nearly two hundred and fifty years, politicians, political parties, social movements, and a diverse array of ordinary Americans have constantly reimagined the Revolution to fit the times and suit their own agendas.
In The Memory of '76: The Revolution in American History (Yale UP, 2024), Michael D. Hattem reveals how conflicts over the meaning and legacy of the Revolution—including the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution—have influenced the most important events and tumultuous periods in the nation’s history; how African Americans, women, and other oppressed groups have shaped the popular memory of the Revolution; and how much of our contemporary memory of the Revolution is a product of the Cold War.
By exploring the Revolution’s unique role in American history as a national origin myth, Hattem shows how the meaning of the Revolution has never been fixed, how remembering the nation’s founding has often done far more to divide Americans than to unite them, and how revising the past is an important and long‑standing American political tradition.
This interview was conducted by Hannah Nolan, a PhD Candidate at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her work focuses upon the intersection of memory, partisanship, and ethnic identity during the early republic to explore the construction of Irish and American identities in the United States.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans agree that their nation’s origins lie in the Revolution, but they have never agreed on what the Revolution meant. For nearly two hundred and fifty years, politicians, political parties, social movements, and a diverse array of ordinary Americans have constantly reimagined the Revolution to fit the times and suit their own agendas.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300270877"><em>The Memory of '76: The Revolution in American History</em></a><em> </em>(Yale UP, 2024), Michael D. Hattem reveals how conflicts over the meaning and legacy of the Revolution—including the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution—have influenced the most important events and tumultuous periods in the nation’s history; how African Americans, women, and other oppressed groups have shaped the popular memory of the Revolution; and how much of our contemporary memory of the Revolution is a product of the Cold War.</p><p>By exploring the Revolution’s unique role in American history as a national origin myth, Hattem shows how the meaning of the Revolution has never been fixed, how remembering the nation’s founding has often done far more to divide Americans than to unite them, and how revising the past is an important and long‑standing American political tradition.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Hannah Nolan, a PhD Candidate at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her work focuses upon the intersection of memory, partisanship, and ethnic identity during the early republic to explore the construction of Irish and American identities in the United States.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3537</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ae35cec6-72c3-11ef-bc96-239602851e31]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8607082414.mp3?updated=1726338071" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Harris, Trump, and the Politics of Presidential Debates</title>
      <description>In June, a presidential debated ended the candidacy of incumbent President Joe Biden. On September 10th, Vice President Kamala Harris and Former President Donald Trump debated in Philadelphia and two flash polls done by CNN and YouGov declared Harris the winner. Political scientists know that debate wins don’t necessarily translate into November victories. Barack Obama lost his first debate and Walter Monday won his. To unpack the impact of this usually September debate, we have two presidential politics scholars and friends of the podcast. The spirited conversation highlights baiting techniques used by Harris, the role of the moderators in fact checking, whether a hand shake shook up Trump, the meaning of “she put out,” and
Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University.
We mentioned:

Trump speaking 43 minutes to Harris’s 37:41 from New York Times


Seth Masket’s “Baiting is the Hardest Part”

Trump’s belief that shaking hands is barbaric from Washington Post


Transcript of the September 10th POTUS debate from ABC News


Julia Azari’s Foreign Affairs article

Bret Stephen’s New York Times column


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>30</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Meena Bose and Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In June, a presidential debated ended the candidacy of incumbent President Joe Biden. On September 10th, Vice President Kamala Harris and Former President Donald Trump debated in Philadelphia and two flash polls done by CNN and YouGov declared Harris the winner. Political scientists know that debate wins don’t necessarily translate into November victories. Barack Obama lost his first debate and Walter Monday won his. To unpack the impact of this usually September debate, we have two presidential politics scholars and friends of the podcast. The spirited conversation highlights baiting techniques used by Harris, the role of the moderators in fact checking, whether a hand shake shook up Trump, the meaning of “she put out,” and
Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University.
We mentioned:

Trump speaking 43 minutes to Harris’s 37:41 from New York Times


Seth Masket’s “Baiting is the Hardest Part”

Trump’s belief that shaking hands is barbaric from Washington Post


Transcript of the September 10th POTUS debate from ABC News


Julia Azari’s Foreign Affairs article

Bret Stephen’s New York Times column


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In June, a presidential debated ended the candidacy of incumbent President Joe Biden. On September 10th, Vice President Kamala Harris and Former President Donald Trump debated in Philadelphia and two flash polls done by CNN and YouGov declared Harris the winner. Political scientists know that debate wins don’t necessarily translate into November victories. Barack Obama lost his first debate and Walter Monday won his. To unpack the impact of this usually September debate, we have two presidential politics scholars and friends of the podcast. The spirited conversation highlights baiting techniques used by Harris, the role of the moderators in fact checking, whether a hand shake shook up Trump, the meaning of “she put out,” and</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a> is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a> is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University.</p><p>We mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Trump speaking 43 minutes to Harris’s 37:41 from <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2024/09/10/us/elections/trump-harris-attacks-debate-tracker.html"><em>New York Times</em></a>
</li>
<li>Seth Masket’s “<a href="https://smotus.substack.com/p/the-baiting-is-the-hardest-part?utm_source=post-email-title&amp;publication_id=1327720&amp;post_id=148751764&amp;utm_campaign=email-post-title&amp;isFreemail=true&amp;r=bkeo&amp;triedRedirect=true&amp;utm_medium=email">Baiting is the Hardest Par</a>t”</li>
<li>Trump’s belief that shaking hands is barbaric from <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2017/01/12/shaking-hands-is-barbaric-donald-trump-the-germaphobe-in-chief/"><em>Washington Post</em></a>
</li>
<li>Transcript of the September 10th POTUS debate from<a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/harris-trump-presidential-debate-transcript/story?id=113560542"> <em>ABC News</em></a>
</li>
<li>Julia Azari’s <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/its-institutions-stupid-roots-political-crisis"><em>Foreign Affairs</em></a> article</li>
<li>Bret Stephen’s <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/13/opinion/trump-2024-election.html"><em>New York Times</em></a> column</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3002</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[330efc1e-7141-11ef-a677-57954b40373d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7245242161.mp3?updated=1726172754" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pamela Riney-Kehrberg, "When a Dream Dies: Agriculture, Iowa, and the Farm Crisis of the 1980s" (UP of Kansas, 2022)</title>
      <description>Unlike a flood or fire, a the Farming Crisis of the 1980s did not have a set beginning of ending. Rather, it was a rolling, often invisible, disaster that could be easy to ignore if you lived in towns or cities, even within the West and Midwest. Yet, in places like rural Iowa, the impacts of this complex crisis were devastating and indeed, ongoing even today. 
In When a Dream Dies: Agriculture, Iowa, and the Farm Crisis of the 1980s (UP of Kansas, 2022), emininet Iowa State historian Pamela Riney-Kehrberg explains the roots, details, and impacts of the farm crisis on 1970s and 1980s Iowa. Riney-Kehrberg focuses in particular on the mental and psychological effects of this slow disaster on family farmers themselves, with an emphasis on the psychic damage caused by farm closure which contributed to a rash of murders, suicides, and mental health crises across the state. Among the first book-length studies of the 1980s Farm Crisis, When a Dream Dies shows how the disconnect between rural and urban America was both caused, and deepened, in the crucible of debt, banking, and bankrupt farms during the Reagan years.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>168</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Pamela Riney-Kehrberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unlike a flood or fire, a the Farming Crisis of the 1980s did not have a set beginning of ending. Rather, it was a rolling, often invisible, disaster that could be easy to ignore if you lived in towns or cities, even within the West and Midwest. Yet, in places like rural Iowa, the impacts of this complex crisis were devastating and indeed, ongoing even today. 
In When a Dream Dies: Agriculture, Iowa, and the Farm Crisis of the 1980s (UP of Kansas, 2022), emininet Iowa State historian Pamela Riney-Kehrberg explains the roots, details, and impacts of the farm crisis on 1970s and 1980s Iowa. Riney-Kehrberg focuses in particular on the mental and psychological effects of this slow disaster on family farmers themselves, with an emphasis on the psychic damage caused by farm closure which contributed to a rash of murders, suicides, and mental health crises across the state. Among the first book-length studies of the 1980s Farm Crisis, When a Dream Dies shows how the disconnect between rural and urban America was both caused, and deepened, in the crucible of debt, banking, and bankrupt farms during the Reagan years.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Unlike a flood or fire, a the Farming Crisis of the 1980s did not have a set beginning of ending. Rather, it was a rolling, often invisible, disaster that could be easy to ignore if you lived in towns or cities, even within the West and Midwest. Yet, in places like rural Iowa, the impacts of this complex crisis were devastating and indeed, ongoing even today. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700638048"><em>When a Dream Dies: Agriculture, Iowa, and the Farm Crisis of the 1980s</em></a><em> </em>(UP of Kansas, 2022), emininet Iowa State historian Pamela Riney-Kehrberg explains the roots, details, and impacts of the farm crisis on 1970s and 1980s Iowa. Riney-Kehrberg focuses in particular on the mental and psychological effects of this slow disaster on family farmers themselves, with an emphasis on the psychic damage caused by farm closure which contributed to a rash of murders, suicides, and mental health crises across the state. Among the first book-length studies of the 1980s Farm Crisis, <em>When a Dream Dies</em> shows how the disconnect between rural and urban America was both caused, and deepened, in the crucible of debt, banking, and bankrupt farms during the Reagan years.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2817</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[77f6fa6e-713e-11ef-aa37-8711d78d9e72]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8254389152.mp3?updated=1726171236" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Political Evolution of Taylor Swift</title>
      <description>It’s the UConn Popcast, and today we offer a political science / popular culture studies view of Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Kamala Harris in the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election. We situate Swift’s endorsement within the wider moment of popular culture, and consider her long journey from a self-imposed moratorium on political speech to her current position as the most sought-after endorsement in the election cycle. What does the endorsement mean? Why did she do it? And why did she sign her endorsement as from a “childless cat lady”?
Our previous discussion of Taylor Swift and politics is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It’s the UConn Popcast, and today we offer a political science / popular culture studies view of Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Kamala Harris in the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election. We situate Swift’s endorsement within the wider moment of popular culture, and consider her long journey from a self-imposed moratorium on political speech to her current position as the most sought-after endorsement in the election cycle. What does the endorsement mean? Why did she do it? And why did she sign her endorsement as from a “childless cat lady”?
Our previous discussion of Taylor Swift and politics is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It’s the UConn Popcast, and today we offer a political science / popular culture studies view of Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Kamala Harris in the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election. We situate Swift’s endorsement within the wider moment of popular culture, and consider her long journey from a self-imposed moratorium on political speech to her current position as the most sought-after endorsement in the election cycle. What does the endorsement mean? Why did she do it? And why did she sign her endorsement as from a “childless cat lady”?</p><p>Our previous discussion of Taylor Swift and politics is <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/reading-taylor-swift-as-a-cultural-and-political-text#entry:297433@1:url">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1391</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[641504ae-7072-11ef-b90d-57635ce214a4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8932648377.mp3?updated=1726082906" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Celebrating Constitution Day Pt. 1: A Conversation with Cass R. Sunstein</title>
      <description>Join us for an in-depth exploration of Professor Cass Sunstein's latest work, Campus Free Speech (Harvard University Press, September 2024). 
Together, we'll examine the book’s intriguing take on free speech in academic spaces and the broader implications for constitutional interpretation. Professor Sunstein also delves into the exercise of administrative power, with timely discussions on COVID-era authority and the Supreme Court's decision in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council. Gain unique insights from Sunstein on how the Constitution remains a guiding force for the American public in navigating modern challenges.
Cass R. Sunstein is the Robert Walmsley University Professor at Harvard. He is the founder and director of the Program on Behavioral Economics and Public Policy at Harvard Law School. In 2018, he received the Holberg Prize from the government of Norway, sometimes described as the equivalent of the Nobel Prize for law and the humanities. In 2020, the World Health Organization appointed him as Chair of its technical advisory group on Behavioural Insights and Sciences for Health. From 2009 to 2012, he was Administrator of the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, and after that, he served on the President’s Review Board on Intelligence and Communications Technologies and on the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Board. Mr. Sunstein has testified before congressional committees on many subjects, and he has advised officials at the United Nations, the European Commission, the World Bank, and many nations on issues of law and public policy. He serves as an adviser to the Behavioural Insights Team in the United Kingdom.
Professor Sunstein is author of hundreds of articles and dozens of books, including Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness (with Richard H. Thaler, 2008), Simpler: The Future of Government (2013), The Ethics of Influence (2015), #Republic (2017), Impeachment: A Citizen’s Guide (2017), The Cost-Benefit Revolution (2018), On Freedom (2019), Conformity (2019), How Change Happens (2019), and Too Much Information (2020). He is now working on a variety of projects involving the regulatory state, “sludge” (defined to include paperwork and similar burdens), fake news, and freedom of speech.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>119</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Join us for an in-depth exploration of Professor Cass Sunstein's latest work, Campus Free Speech (Harvard University Press, September 2024). 
Together, we'll examine the book’s intriguing take on free speech in academic spaces and the broader implications for constitutional interpretation. Professor Sunstein also delves into the exercise of administrative power, with timely discussions on COVID-era authority and the Supreme Court's decision in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council. Gain unique insights from Sunstein on how the Constitution remains a guiding force for the American public in navigating modern challenges.
Cass R. Sunstein is the Robert Walmsley University Professor at Harvard. He is the founder and director of the Program on Behavioral Economics and Public Policy at Harvard Law School. In 2018, he received the Holberg Prize from the government of Norway, sometimes described as the equivalent of the Nobel Prize for law and the humanities. In 2020, the World Health Organization appointed him as Chair of its technical advisory group on Behavioural Insights and Sciences for Health. From 2009 to 2012, he was Administrator of the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, and after that, he served on the President’s Review Board on Intelligence and Communications Technologies and on the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Board. Mr. Sunstein has testified before congressional committees on many subjects, and he has advised officials at the United Nations, the European Commission, the World Bank, and many nations on issues of law and public policy. He serves as an adviser to the Behavioural Insights Team in the United Kingdom.
Professor Sunstein is author of hundreds of articles and dozens of books, including Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness (with Richard H. Thaler, 2008), Simpler: The Future of Government (2013), The Ethics of Influence (2015), #Republic (2017), Impeachment: A Citizen’s Guide (2017), The Cost-Benefit Revolution (2018), On Freedom (2019), Conformity (2019), How Change Happens (2019), and Too Much Information (2020). He is now working on a variety of projects involving the regulatory state, “sludge” (defined to include paperwork and similar burdens), fake news, and freedom of speech.
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Join us for an in-depth exploration of Professor Cass Sunstein's latest work, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674298781"><em>Campus Free Speech</em></a> (Harvard University Press, September 2024). </p><p>Together, we'll examine the book’s intriguing take on free speech in academic spaces and the broader implications for constitutional interpretation. Professor Sunstein also delves into the exercise of administrative power, with timely discussions on COVID-era authority and the Supreme Court's decision in <em>Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council</em>. Gain unique insights from Sunstein on how the Constitution remains a guiding force for the American public in navigating modern challenges.</p><p>Cass R. Sunstein is the Robert Walmsley University Professor at Harvard. He is the founder and director of the Program on Behavioral Economics and Public Policy at Harvard Law School. In 2018, he received the Holberg Prize from the government of Norway, sometimes described as the equivalent of the Nobel Prize for law and the humanities. In 2020, the World Health Organization appointed him as Chair of its technical advisory group on Behavioural Insights and Sciences for Health. From 2009 to 2012, he was Administrator of the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, and after that, he served on the President’s Review Board on Intelligence and Communications Technologies and on the Pentagon’s Defense Innovation Board. Mr. Sunstein has testified before congressional committees on many subjects, and he has advised officials at the United Nations, the European Commission, the World Bank, and many nations on issues of law and public policy. He serves as an adviser to the Behavioural Insights Team in the United Kingdom.</p><p>Professor Sunstein is author of hundreds of articles and dozens of books, including <em>Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness</em> (with Richard H. Thaler, 2008), <em>Simpler: The Future of Government</em> (2013), <em>The Ethics of Influence</em> (2015), <em>#Republic</em> (2017), <em>Impeachment: A Citizen’s Guide</em> (2017), <em>The Cost-Benefit Revolution</em> (2018), <em>On Freedom</em> (2019), <em>Conformity</em> (2019), <em>How Change Happens</em> (2019), and <em>Too Much Information</em> (2020). He is now working on a variety of projects involving the regulatory state, “sludge” (defined to include paperwork and similar burdens), fake news, and freedom of speech.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a></p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any speaker does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2973</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[81435aba-6fa2-11ef-9f95-fb260b67d5c7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8228166801.mp3?updated=1728313027" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Are We Experiencing a Crisis of Culture?</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey spoke with Olivier Roy, professor of social and political sciences at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy, and author of The Crisis of Culture: Identity Politics and the Empire of Norms (Oxford University Press, 2024). Roy argues that neoliberal globalization is dissolving not just subordinate cultures but also dominant ones by undermining the tacit understanding that undergird cultures and demanding that those norms be made explicit. 
Moreover, Roy discusses how identity politics has come to supplant the norms once implicit in a broader culture, undermining the possibility that people know how to live in society at all. These development reflect the decline of utopian dreams – for better or worse – and the difficulties involved in maintaining social bonds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>151</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Olivier Roy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey spoke with Olivier Roy, professor of social and political sciences at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy, and author of The Crisis of Culture: Identity Politics and the Empire of Norms (Oxford University Press, 2024). Roy argues that neoliberal globalization is dissolving not just subordinate cultures but also dominant ones by undermining the tacit understanding that undergird cultures and demanding that those norms be made explicit. 
Moreover, Roy discusses how identity politics has come to supplant the norms once implicit in a broader culture, undermining the possibility that people know how to live in society at all. These development reflect the decline of utopian dreams – for better or worse – and the difficulties involved in maintaining social bonds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey spoke with Olivier Roy, professor of social and political sciences at the European University Institute in Florence, Italy, and author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197782514"><em>The Crisis of Culture: Identity Politics and the Empire of Norms</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2024). Roy argues that neoliberal globalization is dissolving not just subordinate cultures but also dominant ones by undermining the tacit understanding that undergird cultures and demanding that those norms be made explicit. </p><p>Moreover, Roy discusses how identity politics has come to supplant the norms once implicit in a broader culture, undermining the possibility that people know how to live in society at all. These development reflect the decline of utopian dreams – for better or worse – and the difficulties involved in maintaining social bonds.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2368</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ba26d1e8-6eeb-11ef-8b39-6b6fcf326608]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2678059412.mp3?updated=1725915309" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Josh Cowen, "The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers" (Harvard Education Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>School vouchers are often framed as a way to help students and families by providing choice, but evidence shows that vouchers have a negative impact on educational outcomes. 
In The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers (Harvard Education Press, 2024), Josh Cowen describes voucher programs as the product of decades of work by influential conservatives and wealthy activists to support a vision of America where education is privatized and removed from the public sphere.
Far from realizing the purported goal of educational equity, Cowen cites multiple research studies that conclude that voucher programs return poor academic outcomes, including lower test scores on state exams, especially among students who are at greater academic risk because of their race, their religion, their gender identity, or their family's income.
The books traces the history of vouchers from it's initial proposal as part of conservative economic policy through its adoption as a method for families to resist school desegregation. Since then, the issue of education "freedom" has been a part of an ongoing culture war waged through policymaking, legislation, and litigation. 
Cowen describes the advocacy network that funds research and promotion of vouchers as a way to attain ideological goals related to conservative social policy, not educational outcomes. 
Recommended reading: 


East of Eden by John Steinbeck


Demon Copperhead by Barbara Kingsolver


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>192</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Josh Cowen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>School vouchers are often framed as a way to help students and families by providing choice, but evidence shows that vouchers have a negative impact on educational outcomes. 
In The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers (Harvard Education Press, 2024), Josh Cowen describes voucher programs as the product of decades of work by influential conservatives and wealthy activists to support a vision of America where education is privatized and removed from the public sphere.
Far from realizing the purported goal of educational equity, Cowen cites multiple research studies that conclude that voucher programs return poor academic outcomes, including lower test scores on state exams, especially among students who are at greater academic risk because of their race, their religion, their gender identity, or their family's income.
The books traces the history of vouchers from it's initial proposal as part of conservative economic policy through its adoption as a method for families to resist school desegregation. Since then, the issue of education "freedom" has been a part of an ongoing culture war waged through policymaking, legislation, and litigation. 
Cowen describes the advocacy network that funds research and promotion of vouchers as a way to attain ideological goals related to conservative social policy, not educational outcomes. 
Recommended reading: 


East of Eden by John Steinbeck


Demon Copperhead by Barbara Kingsolver


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>School vouchers are often framed as a way to help students and families by providing choice, but evidence shows that vouchers have a negative impact on educational outcomes. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781682539101"><em>The Privateers: How Billionaires Created a Culture War and Sold School Vouchers</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard Education Press, 2024), Josh Cowen describes voucher programs as the product of decades of work by influential conservatives and wealthy activists to support a vision of America where education is privatized and removed from the public sphere.</p><p>Far from realizing the purported goal of educational equity, Cowen cites multiple research studies that conclude that voucher programs return poor academic outcomes, including lower test scores on state exams, especially among students who are at greater academic risk because of their race, their religion, their gender identity, or their family's income.</p><p>The books traces the history of vouchers from it's initial proposal as part of conservative economic policy through its adoption as a method for families to resist school desegregation. Since then, the issue of education "freedom" has been a part of an ongoing culture war waged through policymaking, legislation, and litigation. </p><p>Cowen describes the advocacy network that funds research and promotion of vouchers as a way to attain ideological goals related to conservative social policy, not educational outcomes. </p><p>Recommended reading: </p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/east-of-eden-penguin-orange-collection-john-steinbeck/6688502">East of Eden</a> by John Steinbeck</li>
<li>
<a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/demon-copperhead-barbara-kingsolver/18506689?">Demon Copperhead</a> by Barbara Kingsolver</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2386</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[eff39a28-6d4b-11ef-9505-bf3347f4359e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9594422621.mp3?updated=1725736794" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Anthony Michael Kreis, "Rot and Revival: The History of Constitutional Law in American Political Development" (U California Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>One of the great divides in American judicial scholarship is between legal scholars who take the justices at their word and assume that those words define the law and political scientists who dismiss all judicial arguments as smokescreens for partisan bias or wider political forces. Today’s guest has written a book that bridges that divide. 
In Rot and Revival: The History of Constitutional Law in American Political Development (U California Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Michael Kreis uses methods from history, law, and political science to theorize and document how politics make American constitutional law and how the courts affect the path of partisan politics. Understanding American constitutional law means looking at the relationship among dominant political coalitions, social movements, and the evolution of constitutional law as prescribed by judges. For Kreis, constitutional doctrine does not exist in a philosophical vacuum – it is a “distillation of partisan politics.”
Rejecting the idea that the Constitution's significance and interpretation can be divorced from contemporary political realities, Kreis uses tools from law, history, and American political development to explain how American constitutional law reflects the ideological commitments of dominant political coalitions, the consequences of major public policy choices, and the influences of intervening social movements. For Kreis, constitutional law is “best understood through the diachronic lens of American Political Development (APD) and the concept of political time. Kreis concludes that the courts have never been—and cannot be—institutions lying outside the currents of national politics.
Dr. Anthony Michael Kreis is assistant professor at Georgia State University College of Law where he teaches constitutional law and works at the intersection of law and American Political Development. He earned his undergraduate and law degrees at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Washington &amp; Lee University, respectively, and his PhD from the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia.
Mentioned:

President Lyndon B. Johnson’s March 15, 1965 speech before Congress on voting rights

Keith E. Whittington’s Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy and other works


Gerald Rosenberg’s The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change?


﻿
Correction: Justices Sotomayor and Kagan were nominated by President Obama and Justice Jackson was nominated by President Biden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>736</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anthony Michael Kreis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the great divides in American judicial scholarship is between legal scholars who take the justices at their word and assume that those words define the law and political scientists who dismiss all judicial arguments as smokescreens for partisan bias or wider political forces. Today’s guest has written a book that bridges that divide. 
In Rot and Revival: The History of Constitutional Law in American Political Development (U California Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Michael Kreis uses methods from history, law, and political science to theorize and document how politics make American constitutional law and how the courts affect the path of partisan politics. Understanding American constitutional law means looking at the relationship among dominant political coalitions, social movements, and the evolution of constitutional law as prescribed by judges. For Kreis, constitutional doctrine does not exist in a philosophical vacuum – it is a “distillation of partisan politics.”
Rejecting the idea that the Constitution's significance and interpretation can be divorced from contemporary political realities, Kreis uses tools from law, history, and American political development to explain how American constitutional law reflects the ideological commitments of dominant political coalitions, the consequences of major public policy choices, and the influences of intervening social movements. For Kreis, constitutional law is “best understood through the diachronic lens of American Political Development (APD) and the concept of political time. Kreis concludes that the courts have never been—and cannot be—institutions lying outside the currents of national politics.
Dr. Anthony Michael Kreis is assistant professor at Georgia State University College of Law where he teaches constitutional law and works at the intersection of law and American Political Development. He earned his undergraduate and law degrees at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Washington &amp; Lee University, respectively, and his PhD from the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia.
Mentioned:

President Lyndon B. Johnson’s March 15, 1965 speech before Congress on voting rights

Keith E. Whittington’s Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy and other works


Gerald Rosenberg’s The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change?


﻿
Correction: Justices Sotomayor and Kagan were nominated by President Obama and Justice Jackson was nominated by President Biden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the great divides in American judicial scholarship is between legal scholars who take the justices at their word and assume that those words define the law and political scientists who dismiss all judicial arguments as smokescreens for partisan bias or wider political forces. Today’s guest has written a book that bridges that divide. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520394193"><em>Rot and Revival: The History of Constitutional Law in American Political Development</em></a> (U California Press, 2024), Dr. Anthony Michael Kreis uses methods from history, law, and political science to theorize and document how politics make American constitutional law and how the courts affect the path of partisan politics. Understanding American constitutional law means looking at the relationship among dominant political coalitions, social movements, and the evolution of constitutional law as prescribed by judges. For Kreis, constitutional doctrine does not exist in a philosophical vacuum – it is a “distillation of partisan politics.”</p><p>Rejecting the idea that the Constitution's significance and interpretation can be divorced from contemporary political realities, Kreis uses tools from law, history, and American political development to explain how American constitutional law reflects the ideological commitments of dominant political coalitions, the consequences of major public policy choices, and the influences of intervening social movements. For Kreis, constitutional law is “best understood through the diachronic lens of American Political Development (APD) and the concept of political time. Kreis concludes that the courts have never been—and cannot be—institutions lying outside the currents of national politics.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://law.gsu.edu/profile/anthony-kreis/">Anthony Michael Kreis</a> is assistant professor at Georgia State University College of Law where he teaches constitutional law and works at the intersection of law and American Political Development. He earned his undergraduate and law degrees at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and Washington &amp; Lee University, respectively, and his PhD from the School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Georgia.</p><p>Mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>President Lyndon B. Johnson’s <a href="https://millercenter.org/the-presidency/presidential-speeches/march-15-1965-speech-congress-voting-rights">March 15, 1965 speech</a> before Congress on voting rights</li>
<li>Keith E. Whittington’s <a href="https://kewhitt.scholar.princeton.edu/political-foundations-judicial-supremacy"><em>Political Foundations of Judicial Supremacy</em> and other works</a>
</li>
<li>Gerald Rosenberg’s <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/H/bo193463251.html"><em>The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change?</em></a>
</li>
</ul><p><em>﻿</em></p><p>Correction: Justices Sotomayor and Kagan were nominated by President Obama and Justice Jackson was nominated by President Biden.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3783</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b1c76896-6d15-11ef-8191-97e5882f6935]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8460059939.mp3?updated=1725714811" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kaitlin Sidorsky, "All Roads Lead to Power: The Appointed and Elected Paths to Public Office for US Women" (UP Kansas, 2019)</title>
      <description>Kaitlin Sidorsky’s new book, All Roads Lead to Power: The Appointed and Elected Paths to Public Office for US Women (University Press of Kansas, 2019), is an extremely well written and important analysis of women in public life and public service. This book combines qualitative and quantitative research to examine appointed and elected state positions, particularly in regard to gender, and concludes that there are quite a few women in appointed positions, an area not usually the focus of research and analysis of women and power. Sidorsky notes that women in appointed positions on boards and commissions at the state and local level see themselves not in political positions but instead working in capacities to accomplish goals, serve the public, and continue along their career paths. In the way many of these women conceptualize their work in these positions, this is not necessarily about political ambition, as Sidorsky’s research discovers, but because this public work is usually connected to the individual office holder’s personal or professional life. This research will be of particular interest to those who study women and politics, political representation, and questions of politics and power. This is an excellent study and analysis, enlightening in both the data compiled and the assessment of the data within our understanding of appointed and elected positions, politics, and power.
Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). You can follow her on twitter @gorenlj
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      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>366</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kaitlin Sidorsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kaitlin Sidorsky’s new book, All Roads Lead to Power: The Appointed and Elected Paths to Public Office for US Women (University Press of Kansas, 2019), is an extremely well written and important analysis of women in public life and public service. This book combines qualitative and quantitative research to examine appointed and elected state positions, particularly in regard to gender, and concludes that there are quite a few women in appointed positions, an area not usually the focus of research and analysis of women and power. Sidorsky notes that women in appointed positions on boards and commissions at the state and local level see themselves not in political positions but instead working in capacities to accomplish goals, serve the public, and continue along their career paths. In the way many of these women conceptualize their work in these positions, this is not necessarily about political ambition, as Sidorsky’s research discovers, but because this public work is usually connected to the individual office holder’s personal or professional life. This research will be of particular interest to those who study women and politics, political representation, and questions of politics and power. This is an excellent study and analysis, enlightening in both the data compiled and the assessment of the data within our understanding of appointed and elected positions, politics, and power.
Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). You can follow her on twitter @gorenlj
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.coastal.edu/academics/facultyprofiles/humanities/politics/kaitlinsidorsky/facultyprofile.php">Kaitlin Sidorsky</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700627863/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>All Roads Lead to Power: The Appointed and Elected Paths to Public Office for US Women</em></a> (University Press of Kansas, 2019), is an extremely well written and important analysis of women in public life and public service. This book combines qualitative and quantitative research to examine appointed and elected state positions, particularly in regard to gender, and concludes that there are quite a few women in appointed positions, an area not usually the focus of research and analysis of women and power. Sidorsky notes that women in appointed positions on boards and commissions at the state and local level see themselves not in political positions but instead working in capacities to accomplish goals, serve the public, and continue along their career paths. In the way many of these women conceptualize their work in these positions, this is not necessarily about political ambition, as Sidorsky’s research discovers, but because this public work is usually connected to the individual office holder’s personal or professional life. This research will be of particular interest to those who study women and politics, political representation, and questions of politics and power. This is an excellent study and analysis, enlightening in both the data compiled and the assessment of the data within our understanding of appointed and elected positions, politics, and power.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Women-White-House-Presidential-Politics/dp/081314101X"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). You can follow her on twitter @gorenlj</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3012</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Oren Kroll-Zeldin, "Unsettled: American Jews and the Movement for Justice in Palestine" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Unsettled: American Jews and the Movement for Justice in Palestine (NYU Press, 2024) digs into the experiences of young Jewish Americans who engage with the Palestine solidarity movement and challenge the staunch pro-Israel stance of mainstream Jewish American institutions. The book explores how these activists address Israeli government policies of occupation and apartheid, and seek to transform American Jewish institutional support for Israel.
Author Oren Kroll-Zeldin identifies three key social movement strategies employed by these activists: targeting mainstream Jewish American institutions, participating in co-resistance efforts in Palestine/Israel, and engaging in Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaigns. He argues that these young people perceive their commitment to ending the occupation and Israeli apartheid as a Jewish value, deeply rooted in the changing dynamics of Jewish life in the twenty-first century. By associating social justice activism with Jewish traditions and values, these activists establish a connection between their Jewishness and their pursuit of justice for Palestinians.
In a time of internal Jewish tensions and uncertainty about peace prospects between Palestine and Israel, the book provides hope that the efforts of these young Jews in the United States are pushing the political pendulum in a new direction, potentially leading to a more balanced and nuanced conversation.
Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org
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      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>61</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Oren Kroll-Zeldin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unsettled: American Jews and the Movement for Justice in Palestine (NYU Press, 2024) digs into the experiences of young Jewish Americans who engage with the Palestine solidarity movement and challenge the staunch pro-Israel stance of mainstream Jewish American institutions. The book explores how these activists address Israeli government policies of occupation and apartheid, and seek to transform American Jewish institutional support for Israel.
Author Oren Kroll-Zeldin identifies three key social movement strategies employed by these activists: targeting mainstream Jewish American institutions, participating in co-resistance efforts in Palestine/Israel, and engaging in Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaigns. He argues that these young people perceive their commitment to ending the occupation and Israeli apartheid as a Jewish value, deeply rooted in the changing dynamics of Jewish life in the twenty-first century. By associating social justice activism with Jewish traditions and values, these activists establish a connection between their Jewishness and their pursuit of justice for Palestinians.
In a time of internal Jewish tensions and uncertainty about peace prospects between Palestine and Israel, the book provides hope that the efforts of these young Jews in the United States are pushing the political pendulum in a new direction, potentially leading to a more balanced and nuanced conversation.
Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479821457"><em>Unsettled: American Jews and the Movement for Justice in Palestine</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2024) digs into the experiences of young Jewish Americans who engage with the Palestine solidarity movement and challenge the staunch pro-Israel stance of mainstream Jewish American institutions. The book explores how these activists address Israeli government policies of occupation and apartheid, and seek to transform American Jewish institutional support for Israel.</p><p>Author Oren Kroll-Zeldin identifies three key social movement strategies employed by these activists: targeting mainstream Jewish American institutions, participating in co-resistance efforts in Palestine/Israel, and engaging in Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaigns. He argues that these young people perceive their commitment to ending the occupation and Israeli apartheid as a Jewish value, deeply rooted in the changing dynamics of Jewish life in the twenty-first century. By associating social justice activism with Jewish traditions and values, these activists establish a connection between their Jewishness and their pursuit of justice for Palestinians.</p><p>In a time of internal Jewish tensions and uncertainty about peace prospects between Palestine and Israel, the book provides hope that the efforts of these young Jews in the United States are pushing the political pendulum in a new direction, potentially leading to a more balanced and nuanced conversation.</p><p>Roberto Mazza is currently a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the <a href="https://shows.acast.com/jerusalemunplugged">Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast</a> and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at <a href="mailto:robbymazza@gmail.com">robbymazza@gmail.com</a>. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: <a href="http://www.robertomazza.org/">www.robertomazza.org</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3905</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins, "Polarized by Degrees: How the Diploma Divide and the Culture War Transformed American Politics" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Over the past several decades, American society has experienced fundamental changes - from shifting relations between social groups and evolving language and behavior norms to the increasing value of a college degree. These transformations have polarized the nation's political climate and ignited a perpetual culture war. 
In a sequel to their award-winning collaboration Asymmetric Politics, Grossmann and Hopkins draw on an extensive variety of evidence to explore how these changes have affected both major parties. In Polarized by Degrees: How the Diploma Divide and the Culture War Transformed American Politics (Cambridge UP, 2024), they show that the Democrats have become the home of highly-educated citizens with progressive social views who prefer credentialed experts to make policy decisions, while Republicans have become the populist champions of white voters without college degrees who increasingly distrust teachers, scientists, journalists, universities, non-profit organizations, and even corporations. The result of this new "diploma divide" between the parties is an increasingly complex world in which everything is about politics - and politics is about everything.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>16</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past several decades, American society has experienced fundamental changes - from shifting relations between social groups and evolving language and behavior norms to the increasing value of a college degree. These transformations have polarized the nation's political climate and ignited a perpetual culture war. 
In a sequel to their award-winning collaboration Asymmetric Politics, Grossmann and Hopkins draw on an extensive variety of evidence to explore how these changes have affected both major parties. In Polarized by Degrees: How the Diploma Divide and the Culture War Transformed American Politics (Cambridge UP, 2024), they show that the Democrats have become the home of highly-educated citizens with progressive social views who prefer credentialed experts to make policy decisions, while Republicans have become the populist champions of white voters without college degrees who increasingly distrust teachers, scientists, journalists, universities, non-profit organizations, and even corporations. The result of this new "diploma divide" between the parties is an increasingly complex world in which everything is about politics - and politics is about everything.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past several decades, American society has experienced fundamental changes - from shifting relations between social groups and evolving language and behavior norms to the increasing value of a college degree. These transformations have polarized the nation's political climate and ignited a perpetual culture war. </p><p>In a sequel to their award-winning collaboration <em>Asymmetric Politics</em>, Grossmann and Hopkins draw on an extensive variety of evidence to explore how these changes have affected both major parties. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781316512012"><em>Polarized by Degrees: How the Diploma Divide and the Culture War Transformed American Politic</em>s</a> (Cambridge UP, 2024), they show that the Democrats have become the home of highly-educated citizens with progressive social views who prefer credentialed experts to make policy decisions, while Republicans have become the populist champions of white voters without college degrees who increasingly distrust teachers, scientists, journalists, universities, non-profit organizations, and even corporations. The result of this new "diploma divide" between the parties is an increasingly complex world in which everything is about politics - and politics is about everything.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1848</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>E. J. Fagan, "The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist E.J. Fagan, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Illinois at Chicago, once worked at a think tank, and has long been interested in the intersecting work of think tanks and politics. Thus, The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics (Oxford UP, 2024) is an outgrowth of Fagan’s academic research and experience. Think tanks, by their very nature, are generally creating information, knowledge, policy ideas, and the like, with the intention of influencing the policy that is made by elected officials. Those who work at think tanks are generally experts in particular policy areas, and they produce information. Think tanks are not academic institutions, and they are not part of political parties either. They are private organizations that can have policy influence on parties, candidates, and policy development. In The Thinkers, Fagan pays close attention to four think tanks that he explains are the most partisan among the hundreds of think tanks: the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Center for American Progress, and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. There are many other think tanks, and Fagan explains that these four have had the most direct engagement in developing policy that is then taken up by elected officials (members of the U.S. House, the U.S. Senate, the president and White House advisors, as well as governors and state-level elected officials.)
The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics assesses the role of think tanks within partisan politics and the connections between these organizations and the policy outcomes we often see in presidential administrations and in Congress. The book also highlights a significant finding, that the rise of think tanks has contributed to the polarization within American politics. Fagan has the data to support this finding, noting that the increased influence of the think tanks, the issue areas where they are directing their work and research, and the increased polarization over the past few decades. The Thinkers teases out the connection between lawmakers and neutral experts—who tend to be academics doing research at colleges and universities, and those working at think tanks, who have interpolated between these two groups. This is an important part of the research on think tanks and how they operate, especially the think tanks that are more partisan and working closely to influence policy outcomes. Given the current focus on the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, we also discussed how this is an example of the way that the more partisan think tanks engage in the policy development process, and how they hope to influence politicians and elected officials. The Thinkers is a fascinating study of American think tanks and their role and place within our political system.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>733</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with E. J. Fagan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist E.J. Fagan, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Illinois at Chicago, once worked at a think tank, and has long been interested in the intersecting work of think tanks and politics. Thus, The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics (Oxford UP, 2024) is an outgrowth of Fagan’s academic research and experience. Think tanks, by their very nature, are generally creating information, knowledge, policy ideas, and the like, with the intention of influencing the policy that is made by elected officials. Those who work at think tanks are generally experts in particular policy areas, and they produce information. Think tanks are not academic institutions, and they are not part of political parties either. They are private organizations that can have policy influence on parties, candidates, and policy development. In The Thinkers, Fagan pays close attention to four think tanks that he explains are the most partisan among the hundreds of think tanks: the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Center for American Progress, and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. There are many other think tanks, and Fagan explains that these four have had the most direct engagement in developing policy that is then taken up by elected officials (members of the U.S. House, the U.S. Senate, the president and White House advisors, as well as governors and state-level elected officials.)
The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics assesses the role of think tanks within partisan politics and the connections between these organizations and the policy outcomes we often see in presidential administrations and in Congress. The book also highlights a significant finding, that the rise of think tanks has contributed to the polarization within American politics. Fagan has the data to support this finding, noting that the increased influence of the think tanks, the issue areas where they are directing their work and research, and the increased polarization over the past few decades. The Thinkers teases out the connection between lawmakers and neutral experts—who tend to be academics doing research at colleges and universities, and those working at think tanks, who have interpolated between these two groups. This is an important part of the research on think tanks and how they operate, especially the think tanks that are more partisan and working closely to influence policy outcomes. Given the current focus on the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, we also discussed how this is an example of the way that the more partisan think tanks engage in the policy development process, and how they hope to influence politicians and elected officials. The Thinkers is a fascinating study of American think tanks and their role and place within our political system.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist E.J. Fagan, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Illinois at Chicago, once worked at a think tank, and has long been interested in the intersecting work of think tanks and politics. Thus, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197759660"><em>The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2024) is an outgrowth of Fagan’s academic research and experience. Think tanks, by their very nature, are generally creating information, knowledge, policy ideas, and the like, with the intention of influencing the policy that is made by elected officials. Those who work at think tanks are generally experts in particular policy areas, and they produce information. Think tanks are not academic institutions, and they are not part of political parties either. They are private organizations that can have policy influence on parties, candidates, and policy development. In <em>The Thinkers</em>, Fagan pays close attention to four think tanks that he explains are the most partisan among the hundreds of think tanks: the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Center for American Progress, and the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. There are many other think tanks, and Fagan explains that these four have had the most direct engagement in developing policy that is then taken up by elected officials (members of the U.S. House, the U.S. Senate, the president and White House advisors, as well as governors and state-level elected officials.)</p><p><em>The Thinkers: The Rise of Partisan Think Tanks and the Polarization of American Politics</em> assesses the role of think tanks within partisan politics and the connections between these organizations and the policy outcomes we often see in presidential administrations and in Congress. The book also highlights a significant finding, that the rise of think tanks has contributed to the polarization within American politics. Fagan has the data to support this finding, noting that the increased influence of the think tanks, the issue areas where they are directing their work and research, and the increased polarization over the past few decades. <em>The Thinkers</em> teases out the connection between lawmakers and neutral experts—who tend to be academics doing research at colleges and universities, and those working at think tanks, who have interpolated between these two groups. This is an important part of the research on think tanks and how they operate, especially the think tanks that are more partisan and working closely to influence policy outcomes. Given the current focus on the Heritage Foundation’s <em>Project 2025</em>, we also discussed how this is an example of the way that the more partisan think tanks engage in the policy development process, and how they hope to influence politicians and elected officials. <em>The Thinkers</em> is a fascinating study of American think tanks and their role and place within our political system.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3014</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Butler, "Join the Conspiracy: How a Brooklyn Eccentric Got Lost on the Right, Infiltrated the Left and Brought Down the Biggest Bombing Network in New York" (Fordham UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In the shadow of recent turmoil, Join the Conspiracy: How a Brooklyn Eccentric Got Lost on the Right, Infiltrated the Left and Brought Down the Biggest Bombing Network in New York (Fordham University Press, 2024) transports readers to a pivotal moment of division and dissent in American history: the late 1960s. Against the backdrop of the Vietnam War and a nation grappling with internal conflict, this compelling narrative follows the life of George Demmerle, a factory worker whose political odyssey encapsulates the era's tumultuous spirit. From his roots as a concerned citizen wary of his country's leftward tilt, Demmerle's journey takes a dramatic turn as he delves into the heart of radical activism.
Participating in iconic protests from the March on Washington to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Demmerle's story is a whirlwind of political fervor, embodying the struggle against what was perceived as imperialist war and racial injustice. His transformation is marked by alliances with key figures of the time, including Abbie Hoffman and an eventual leadership role within an East Coast Black Panther affiliate. Yet, beneath his radical veneer lies a secret: Demmerle is an FBI informant.
Join the Conspiracy reveals Demmerle's complex role in a society at war with itself, where his deepening involvement with the radical left and a bombing collective forces him to confront his loyalties. The narrative, enriched by a rare trove of period documents, candid photos taken from inside the radical movement, and underground art – more than a hundred of which are included in the book – not only charts Demmerle's saga but also reflects the broader story of a nation struggling to find its moral compass amidst chaos.
As Demmerle navigates the dangerous waters of political extremism, readers are invited to ponder the price of ideology, the nature of loyalty, and the fine line between activism and betrayal. This book is not just a recounting of historical events but a vibrant portrait of a man and a movement that sought to reshape America.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>270</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Butler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the shadow of recent turmoil, Join the Conspiracy: How a Brooklyn Eccentric Got Lost on the Right, Infiltrated the Left and Brought Down the Biggest Bombing Network in New York (Fordham University Press, 2024) transports readers to a pivotal moment of division and dissent in American history: the late 1960s. Against the backdrop of the Vietnam War and a nation grappling with internal conflict, this compelling narrative follows the life of George Demmerle, a factory worker whose political odyssey encapsulates the era's tumultuous spirit. From his roots as a concerned citizen wary of his country's leftward tilt, Demmerle's journey takes a dramatic turn as he delves into the heart of radical activism.
Participating in iconic protests from the March on Washington to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Demmerle's story is a whirlwind of political fervor, embodying the struggle against what was perceived as imperialist war and racial injustice. His transformation is marked by alliances with key figures of the time, including Abbie Hoffman and an eventual leadership role within an East Coast Black Panther affiliate. Yet, beneath his radical veneer lies a secret: Demmerle is an FBI informant.
Join the Conspiracy reveals Demmerle's complex role in a society at war with itself, where his deepening involvement with the radical left and a bombing collective forces him to confront his loyalties. The narrative, enriched by a rare trove of period documents, candid photos taken from inside the radical movement, and underground art – more than a hundred of which are included in the book – not only charts Demmerle's saga but also reflects the broader story of a nation struggling to find its moral compass amidst chaos.
As Demmerle navigates the dangerous waters of political extremism, readers are invited to ponder the price of ideology, the nature of loyalty, and the fine line between activism and betrayal. This book is not just a recounting of historical events but a vibrant portrait of a man and a movement that sought to reshape America.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the shadow of recent turmoil, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781531508159"><em>Join the Conspiracy: How a Brooklyn Eccentric Got Lost on the Right, Infiltrated the Left and Brought Down the Biggest Bombing Network in New York</em></a> (Fordham University Press, 2024) transports readers to a pivotal moment of division and dissent in American history: the late 1960s. Against the backdrop of the Vietnam War and a nation grappling with internal conflict, this compelling narrative follows the life of George Demmerle, a factory worker whose political odyssey encapsulates the era's tumultuous spirit. From his roots as a concerned citizen wary of his country's leftward tilt, Demmerle's journey takes a dramatic turn as he delves into the heart of radical activism.</p><p>Participating in iconic protests from the March on Washington to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Demmerle's story is a whirlwind of political fervor, embodying the struggle against what was perceived as imperialist war and racial injustice. His transformation is marked by alliances with key figures of the time, including Abbie Hoffman and an eventual leadership role within an East Coast Black Panther affiliate. Yet, beneath his radical veneer lies a secret: Demmerle is an FBI informant.</p><p><em>Join the Conspiracy</em> reveals Demmerle's complex role in a society at war with itself, where his deepening involvement with the radical left and a bombing collective forces him to confront his loyalties. The narrative, enriched by a rare trove of period documents, candid photos taken from inside the radical movement, and underground art – more than a hundred of which are included in the book – not only charts Demmerle's saga but also reflects the broader story of a nation struggling to find its moral compass amidst chaos.</p><p>As Demmerle navigates the dangerous waters of political extremism, readers are invited to ponder the price of ideology, the nature of loyalty, and the fine line between activism and betrayal. This book is not just a recounting of historical events but a vibrant portrait of a man and a movement that sought to reshape America.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2597</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andy Clarno et al., "Imperial Policing: Weaponized Data in Carceral Chicago" (U Minnesota Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Chicago is a city with extreme concentrations of racialized poverty and inequity, one that relies on an extensive network of repressive agencies to police the poor and suppress struggles for social justice. Imperial Policing: Weaponized Data in Carceral Chicago (University of Minnesota Press, 2024) examines the role of local law enforcement, federal immigration authorities, and national security agencies in upholding the city’s highly unequal social order.
Collaboratively authored by the Policing in Chicago Research Group (PCRG), Imperial Policing was developed in dialogue with movements on the front lines of struggles against racist policing in Black, Latinx, and Arab/Muslim communities. The members of PCRG are Andy Clarno, Enrique Alvear Moreno, Janaé Bonsu-Love, Lydia Dana, Michael De Anda Muñiz, Ilā Ravichandran, and Haley Volpintesta. Imperial Policing analyzes the connections between three police “wars”—on crime, terror, and immigrants—focusing on the weaponization of data and the coordination between local and national agencies to suppress communities of color and undermine social movements. Topics include high-tech, data-based tools of policing; the racialized archetypes that ground the police wars; the manufacturing of criminals and terrorists; the subversion of sanctuary city protections; and abolitionist responses to policing, such as the Erase the Database campaign.
Andy Clarno is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Black Studies and coordinator of the Policing in Chicago Research Group at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His research examines racism, capitalism, colonialism, and empire in the early 21st century, with a focus on racialized policing and struggles for social justice in contexts of extreme inequality.
Michael De Anda Muñiz is an Assistant Professor in the Latina/Latino Studies Department at San Francisco State University. His research interests include culture, art, community engagement, space, and resistance.
Ilā Ravichandran is an assistant professor of legal studies at the University of Washington, Tacoma. Dr. Ravichandran’s research interests include science, knowledge, technology, biopolitics, policing, surveillance, counterinsurgency, state, queerness &amp; Black studies.
Timi Koyejo is a graduate student in urban studies at the University of Vienna. He has worked professionally as a researcher at the University of Chicago and as an urban policy advisor for the City of Chicago.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>32</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andy Clarno, Michael De Anda Muñiz, and Ilā Ravichandran</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Chicago is a city with extreme concentrations of racialized poverty and inequity, one that relies on an extensive network of repressive agencies to police the poor and suppress struggles for social justice. Imperial Policing: Weaponized Data in Carceral Chicago (University of Minnesota Press, 2024) examines the role of local law enforcement, federal immigration authorities, and national security agencies in upholding the city’s highly unequal social order.
Collaboratively authored by the Policing in Chicago Research Group (PCRG), Imperial Policing was developed in dialogue with movements on the front lines of struggles against racist policing in Black, Latinx, and Arab/Muslim communities. The members of PCRG are Andy Clarno, Enrique Alvear Moreno, Janaé Bonsu-Love, Lydia Dana, Michael De Anda Muñiz, Ilā Ravichandran, and Haley Volpintesta. Imperial Policing analyzes the connections between three police “wars”—on crime, terror, and immigrants—focusing on the weaponization of data and the coordination between local and national agencies to suppress communities of color and undermine social movements. Topics include high-tech, data-based tools of policing; the racialized archetypes that ground the police wars; the manufacturing of criminals and terrorists; the subversion of sanctuary city protections; and abolitionist responses to policing, such as the Erase the Database campaign.
Andy Clarno is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Black Studies and coordinator of the Policing in Chicago Research Group at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His research examines racism, capitalism, colonialism, and empire in the early 21st century, with a focus on racialized policing and struggles for social justice in contexts of extreme inequality.
Michael De Anda Muñiz is an Assistant Professor in the Latina/Latino Studies Department at San Francisco State University. His research interests include culture, art, community engagement, space, and resistance.
Ilā Ravichandran is an assistant professor of legal studies at the University of Washington, Tacoma. Dr. Ravichandran’s research interests include science, knowledge, technology, biopolitics, policing, surveillance, counterinsurgency, state, queerness &amp; Black studies.
Timi Koyejo is a graduate student in urban studies at the University of Vienna. He has worked professionally as a researcher at the University of Chicago and as an urban policy advisor for the City of Chicago.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Chicago is a city with extreme concentrations of racialized poverty and inequity, one that relies on an extensive network of repressive agencies to police the poor and suppress struggles for social justice.<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517917715"> <em>Imperial Policing: Weaponized Data in Carceral Chicago</em></a><em> </em>(University of Minnesota Press, 2024) examines the role of local law enforcement, federal immigration authorities, and national security agencies in upholding the city’s highly unequal social order.</p><p>Collaboratively authored by the Policing in Chicago Research Group (PCRG), <em>Imperial Policing</em> was developed in dialogue with movements on the front lines of struggles against racist policing in Black, Latinx, and Arab/Muslim communities. The members of PCRG are Andy Clarno, Enrique Alvear Moreno, Janaé Bonsu-Love, Lydia Dana, Michael De Anda Muñiz, Ilā Ravichandran, and Haley Volpintesta. <em>Imperial Policing </em>analyzes the connections between three police “wars”—on crime, terror, and immigrants—focusing on the weaponization of data and the coordination between local and national agencies to suppress communities of color and undermine social movements. Topics include high-tech, data-based tools of policing; the racialized archetypes that ground the police wars; the manufacturing of criminals and terrorists; the subversion of sanctuary city protections; and abolitionist responses to policing, such as the Erase the Database campaign.</p><p>Andy Clarno is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Black Studies and coordinator of the Policing in Chicago Research Group at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His research examines racism, capitalism, colonialism, and empire in the early 21st century, with a focus on racialized policing and struggles for social justice in contexts of extreme inequality.</p><p>Michael De Anda Muñiz is an Assistant Professor in the Latina/Latino Studies Department at San Francisco State University. His research interests include culture, art, community engagement, space, and resistance.</p><p>Ilā Ravichandran is an assistant professor of legal studies at the University of Washington, Tacoma. Dr. Ravichandran’s research interests include science, knowledge, technology, biopolitics, policing, surveillance, counterinsurgency, state, queerness &amp; Black studies.</p><p>Timi Koyejo is a graduate student in urban studies at the University of Vienna. He has worked professionally as a researcher at the University of Chicago and as an urban policy advisor for the City of Chicago.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4598</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Gienapp, "Against Constitutional Originalism: A Historical Critique" (Yale UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The legal theory of constitutional originalism has attracted increasing attention in recent years as the US Supreme Court has tilted with the weight of justices who self-describe as originalists. 
In Against Constitutional Originalism: A Historical Critique (Yale UP, 2024), Jonathan Gienapp examines the theory and describes how it falls short of achieving the interpretive authority that it claims. 
Gienapp asserts that we need to reconstruct 18th century legal arguments as they were originally understood before judging them, while originalists reject historical understanding in favor of a more pliable textualist approach that allows them to impose their modern legal perspectives onto the past. 
This "have your cake and eat it too" methodology allows originalists to claim the authority of the Founders while simultaneously discounting anything that those same Founders may have said, done, or understood that doesn't appear among the approximately 7500 words of the Constitution itself.  
This book speaks directly to originalists with a challenge to make a fundamental choice between recognizing how our modern constitutional practices distort the original constitution and embrace them for the modern fiction that they are, or recover the original Constitution that the Founders actually knew. 
Author recommended reading: 

The Interbellum Consitution: Union, Commerce, and Slavery in the Age of Federalisms (Yale UP, 2024) by Alison L. LaCroix

Related resources: 


The Structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas S. Kuhn


Edwin Meese speech to the American Bar Association in 1985


Constitutional Faith by Sanford Levinson


New Books Network interview with Jonathan Gienapp, when Derek Litvak spoke with him in 2019 about The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era (Harvard UP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>232</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Gienapp</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The legal theory of constitutional originalism has attracted increasing attention in recent years as the US Supreme Court has tilted with the weight of justices who self-describe as originalists. 
In Against Constitutional Originalism: A Historical Critique (Yale UP, 2024), Jonathan Gienapp examines the theory and describes how it falls short of achieving the interpretive authority that it claims. 
Gienapp asserts that we need to reconstruct 18th century legal arguments as they were originally understood before judging them, while originalists reject historical understanding in favor of a more pliable textualist approach that allows them to impose their modern legal perspectives onto the past. 
This "have your cake and eat it too" methodology allows originalists to claim the authority of the Founders while simultaneously discounting anything that those same Founders may have said, done, or understood that doesn't appear among the approximately 7500 words of the Constitution itself.  
This book speaks directly to originalists with a challenge to make a fundamental choice between recognizing how our modern constitutional practices distort the original constitution and embrace them for the modern fiction that they are, or recover the original Constitution that the Founders actually knew. 
Author recommended reading: 

The Interbellum Consitution: Union, Commerce, and Slavery in the Age of Federalisms (Yale UP, 2024) by Alison L. LaCroix

Related resources: 


The Structure of Scientific Revolutions by Thomas S. Kuhn


Edwin Meese speech to the American Bar Association in 1985


Constitutional Faith by Sanford Levinson


New Books Network interview with Jonathan Gienapp, when Derek Litvak spoke with him in 2019 about The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era (Harvard UP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The legal theory of constitutional originalism has attracted increasing attention in recent years as the US Supreme Court has tilted with the weight of justices who self-describe as originalists. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300265859"><em>Against Constitutional Originalism: A Historical Critique</em></a> (Yale UP, 2024), Jonathan Gienapp examines the theory and describes how it falls short of achieving the interpretive authority that it claims. </p><p>Gienapp asserts that we need to reconstruct 18th century legal arguments as they were originally understood before judging them, while originalists reject historical understanding in favor of a more pliable textualist approach that allows them to impose their modern legal perspectives onto the past. </p><p>This "have your cake and eat it too" methodology allows originalists to claim the authority of the Founders while simultaneously discounting anything that those same Founders may have said, done, or understood that doesn't appear among the approximately 7500 words of the Constitution itself.  </p><p>This book speaks directly to originalists with a challenge to make a fundamental choice between recognizing how our modern constitutional practices distort the original constitution and embrace them for the modern fiction that they are, or recover the original Constitution that the Founders actually knew. </p><p>Author recommended reading: </p><ul><li>
<a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300223217/the-interbellum-constitution/"><em>The Interbellum Consitution: Union, Commerce, and Slavery in the Age of Federalisms</em></a> (Yale UP, 2024) by Alison L. LaCroix</li></ul><p><br></p><p>Related resources: </p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/S/bo13179781.html"><em>The Structure of Scientific Revolutions</em></a> by Thomas S. Kuhn</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/ag/legacy/2011/08/23/07-09-1985.pdf">Edwin Meese speech to the American Bar Association</a> in 1985</li>
<li>
<a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691152400/constitutional-faith?srsltid=AfmBOootOUJTfpshvYBaMJRcfHPo2lN4LsGVG-YoonW8bydPmlB8z3mh"><em>Constitutional Faith</em></a> by Sanford Levinson</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/jonathan-gienapp-the-second-creation-fixing-the-american-constitution-in-the-founding-era-harvard-up-2018#entry:8092@1:url">New Books Network interview with Jonathan Gienapp</a>, when Derek Litvak spoke with him in 2019 about <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674185043"><em>The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era</em></a> (Harvard UP 2018).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4766</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Karyne E. Messina, "The Power of Community: A 45 Day Action Plan to Stop Trump from Turning Our Democracy into His Autocracy" (PI Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>An Amazon # 1 top release Kindle book during its debut, The Power of Community: A 45 Day Action Plan to Stop Trump from Turning Our Democracy into His Autocracy (PI Press, 2024) by psychoanalyst Dr. Karyne Messina, is a comprehensive guide designed to enhance public understanding of democratic processes and individual participation using psychoanalytic insights. The book provides a daily plan filled with reflective exercises and action-oriented tasks to empower readers to actively protect and participate in their democracy, especially considering modern political challenges and threats.
We the people have the power to preserve our democracy, and this book provides the solutions anyone willing to put in the time to do it. From writing social media posts to volunteering at the polls, The Power of Community explains what's at stake and how we can all do our part.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>191</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Karyne E. Messina</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An Amazon # 1 top release Kindle book during its debut, The Power of Community: A 45 Day Action Plan to Stop Trump from Turning Our Democracy into His Autocracy (PI Press, 2024) by psychoanalyst Dr. Karyne Messina, is a comprehensive guide designed to enhance public understanding of democratic processes and individual participation using psychoanalytic insights. The book provides a daily plan filled with reflective exercises and action-oriented tasks to empower readers to actively protect and participate in their democracy, especially considering modern political challenges and threats.
We the people have the power to preserve our democracy, and this book provides the solutions anyone willing to put in the time to do it. From writing social media posts to volunteering at the polls, The Power of Community explains what's at stake and how we can all do our part.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An Amazon # 1 top release Kindle book during its debut, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Power-Community-Karyne-Messina-ebook/dp/B0DDW6RWJD"><em>The Power of Community: A 45 Day Action Plan to Stop Trump from Turning Our Democracy into His Autocracy</em></a> (PI Press, 2024) by psychoanalyst Dr. Karyne Messina, is a comprehensive guide designed to enhance public understanding of democratic processes and individual participation using psychoanalytic insights. The book provides a daily plan filled with reflective exercises and action-oriented tasks to empower readers to actively protect and participate in their democracy, especially considering modern political challenges and threats.</p><p>We the people have the power to preserve our democracy, and this book provides the solutions anyone willing to put in the time to do it. From writing social media posts to volunteering at the polls, <em>The Power of Community</em> explains what's at stake and how we can all do our part.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3176</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[589f7edc-67c2-11ef-8ef0-f7323dc41d1a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1166521278.mp3?updated=1725128974" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Manuela Moschella, "Unexpected Revolutionaries: How Central Banks Made and Unmade Economic Orthodoxy" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In Unexpected Revolutionaries: How Central Banks Made and Unmade Economic Orthodoxy (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Manuela Moschella investigates the institutional transformation of central banks from the 1970s to the present.
Central banks are typically regarded as conservative, politically neutral institutions that uphold conventional macroeconomic wisdom. Yet in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis and the 2020 COVID-19 crisis, central banks have upended observer expectations by implementing largely unknown and unconventional monetary policies. Far from abiding by well-established policy playbooks, central banks now engage in practices such as providing liquidity support for a wide range of financial institutions and quantitative easing. They have even stretched the remit of monetary policy into issues such as inequality and climate change.
Dr. Moschella argues that the political nature of central banks lies at the heart of these transformations. While formally independent, central banks need political support to justify their policies and powers, and to obtain it, they carefully manage their reputation among their audience selected officials, market actors, and citizens. Challenged by reputational threats brought about by twenty-first-century recessionary and deflationary forces, central banks such as the Federal Reserve System and the European Central Bank strategically deviated from orthodox monetary policies to preempt or manage political backlash and to regain public trust. Central banks thus evolved into a new role only in coordination with fiscal authorities and on the back of public contestation.
Eye-opening and insightful, Unexpected Revolutionaries is necessary reading for discussions on the future of the neoliberal macroeconomic regime, the democratic oversight of monetary policymaking, and the role that central banks canor cannotplay in our domestic economies.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>56</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Manuela Moschella</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Unexpected Revolutionaries: How Central Banks Made and Unmade Economic Orthodoxy (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Manuela Moschella investigates the institutional transformation of central banks from the 1970s to the present.
Central banks are typically regarded as conservative, politically neutral institutions that uphold conventional macroeconomic wisdom. Yet in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis and the 2020 COVID-19 crisis, central banks have upended observer expectations by implementing largely unknown and unconventional monetary policies. Far from abiding by well-established policy playbooks, central banks now engage in practices such as providing liquidity support for a wide range of financial institutions and quantitative easing. They have even stretched the remit of monetary policy into issues such as inequality and climate change.
Dr. Moschella argues that the political nature of central banks lies at the heart of these transformations. While formally independent, central banks need political support to justify their policies and powers, and to obtain it, they carefully manage their reputation among their audience selected officials, market actors, and citizens. Challenged by reputational threats brought about by twenty-first-century recessionary and deflationary forces, central banks such as the Federal Reserve System and the European Central Bank strategically deviated from orthodox monetary policies to preempt or manage political backlash and to regain public trust. Central banks thus evolved into a new role only in coordination with fiscal authorities and on the back of public contestation.
Eye-opening and insightful, Unexpected Revolutionaries is necessary reading for discussions on the future of the neoliberal macroeconomic regime, the democratic oversight of monetary policymaking, and the role that central banks canor cannotplay in our domestic economies.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501774850"><em>Unexpected Revolutionaries: How Central Banks Made and Unmade Economic Orthodoxy</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Manuela Moschella investigates the institutional transformation of central banks from the 1970s to the present.</p><p>Central banks are typically regarded as conservative, politically neutral institutions that uphold conventional macroeconomic wisdom. Yet in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis and the 2020 COVID-19 crisis, central banks have upended observer expectations by implementing largely unknown and unconventional monetary policies. Far from abiding by well-established policy playbooks, central banks now engage in practices such as providing liquidity support for a wide range of financial institutions and quantitative easing. They have even stretched the remit of monetary policy into issues such as inequality and climate change.</p><p>Dr. Moschella argues that the political nature of central banks lies at the heart of these transformations. While formally independent, central banks need political support to justify their policies and powers, and to obtain it, they carefully manage their reputation among their audience selected officials, market actors, and citizens. Challenged by reputational threats brought about by twenty-first-century recessionary and deflationary forces, central banks such as the Federal Reserve System and the European Central Bank strategically deviated from orthodox monetary policies to preempt or manage political backlash and to regain public trust. Central banks thus evolved into a new role only in coordination with fiscal authorities and on the back of public contestation.</p><p>Eye-opening and insightful, <em>Unexpected Revolutionaries</em> is necessary reading for discussions on the future of the neoliberal macroeconomic regime, the democratic oversight of monetary policymaking, and the role that central banks canor cannotplay in our domestic economies.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2643</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Wendy Salkin, "Speaking for Others: The Ethics of Informal Political Representation" (Harvard UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>We are familiar with the idea of a formal representative, and perhaps the idea of a formal political representative readily comes to mind. Roughly, this is someone who has been selected by an official process to hold a political office where he or she is tasked with promoting, advocating, and speaking for a constituency. However, we are also familiar with informal representatives: those who speak for a constituency but are not appointed by formal processes. Once again, the idea of an informal political representative is probably familiar: rock stars and other celebrities commonly claim to “speak for” others with respect to distinctively political matters, and they are understood by the public to (informally) represent a constituency.
Of course, there are lots of ways in which informal political representation can go wrong. Surprisingly, the topic has not been thoroughly theorized. Until now. In Speaking for Others: The Ethics of Informal Political Representation (Harvard University Press 2024), Wendy Salkin develops an intricate framework for thinking about informal political representation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 01 Sep 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>352</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Wendy Salkin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We are familiar with the idea of a formal representative, and perhaps the idea of a formal political representative readily comes to mind. Roughly, this is someone who has been selected by an official process to hold a political office where he or she is tasked with promoting, advocating, and speaking for a constituency. However, we are also familiar with informal representatives: those who speak for a constituency but are not appointed by formal processes. Once again, the idea of an informal political representative is probably familiar: rock stars and other celebrities commonly claim to “speak for” others with respect to distinctively political matters, and they are understood by the public to (informally) represent a constituency.
Of course, there are lots of ways in which informal political representation can go wrong. Surprisingly, the topic has not been thoroughly theorized. Until now. In Speaking for Others: The Ethics of Informal Political Representation (Harvard University Press 2024), Wendy Salkin develops an intricate framework for thinking about informal political representation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We are familiar with the idea of a <em>formal </em>representative, and perhaps the idea of a formal <em>political </em>representative readily comes to mind. Roughly, this is someone who has been selected by an official process to hold a political office where he or she is tasked with promoting, advocating, and speaking for a constituency. However, we are also familiar with <em>informal </em>representatives: those who speak for a constituency but are not appointed by formal processes. Once again, the idea of an informal <em>political</em> representative is probably familiar: rock stars and other celebrities commonly claim to “speak for” others with respect to distinctively political matters, and they are <em>understood </em>by the public to (informally) represent a constituency.</p><p>Of course, there are lots of ways in which informal political representation can go wrong. Surprisingly, the topic has not been thoroughly theorized. Until now. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674238534"><em>Speaking for Others: The Ethics of Informal Political Representation</em></a> (Harvard University Press 2024), <a href="https://philosophy.stanford.edu/people/wendy-salkin">Wendy Salkin</a> develops an intricate framework for thinking about informal political representation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3885</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ronnie Grinberg, "Write like a Man: Jewish Masculinity and the New York Intellectuals" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In the years following World War II, the New York intellectuals became some of the most renowned critics and writers in the country. Although mostly male and Jewish, this prominent group also included women and non-Jews. Yet all of its members embraced a secular Jewish machismo that became a defining characteristic of the contemporary experience. Write like a Man: Jewish Masculinity and the New York Intellectuals (Princeton University Press, 2024) examines how the New York intellectuals shared a uniquely American conception of Jewish masculinity that prized verbal confrontation, polemical aggression, and an unflinching style of argumentation.
Dr. Ronnie Grinberg paints illuminating portraits of figures such as Norman Mailer, Hannah Arendt, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Mary McCarthy, Norman Podhoretz, Midge Decter, and Irving Howe. She describes how their construction of Jewish masculinity helped to propel the American Jew from outsider to insider even as they clashed over its meaning in a deeply anxious project of self-definition. Along the way, Dr. Grinberg sheds light on their fraught encounters with the most contentious issues and ideas of the day, from student radicalism and the civil rights movement to feminism, Freudianism, and neoconservatism.
A spellbinding chronicle of mid-century America, Write like a Man shows how a combative and intellectually grounded vision of Jewish manhood contributed to the masculinization of intellectual life and shaped some of the most important political and cultural debates of the postwar era.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>314</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ronnie Grinberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the years following World War II, the New York intellectuals became some of the most renowned critics and writers in the country. Although mostly male and Jewish, this prominent group also included women and non-Jews. Yet all of its members embraced a secular Jewish machismo that became a defining characteristic of the contemporary experience. Write like a Man: Jewish Masculinity and the New York Intellectuals (Princeton University Press, 2024) examines how the New York intellectuals shared a uniquely American conception of Jewish masculinity that prized verbal confrontation, polemical aggression, and an unflinching style of argumentation.
Dr. Ronnie Grinberg paints illuminating portraits of figures such as Norman Mailer, Hannah Arendt, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Mary McCarthy, Norman Podhoretz, Midge Decter, and Irving Howe. She describes how their construction of Jewish masculinity helped to propel the American Jew from outsider to insider even as they clashed over its meaning in a deeply anxious project of self-definition. Along the way, Dr. Grinberg sheds light on their fraught encounters with the most contentious issues and ideas of the day, from student radicalism and the civil rights movement to feminism, Freudianism, and neoconservatism.
A spellbinding chronicle of mid-century America, Write like a Man shows how a combative and intellectually grounded vision of Jewish manhood contributed to the masculinization of intellectual life and shaped some of the most important political and cultural debates of the postwar era.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the years following World War II, the New York intellectuals became some of the most renowned critics and writers in the country. Although mostly male and Jewish, this prominent group also included women and non-Jews. Yet all of its members embraced a secular Jewish machismo that became a defining characteristic of the contemporary experience. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691193090"><em>Write like a Man: Jewish Masculinity and the New York Intellectuals</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2024) examines how the New York intellectuals shared a uniquely American conception of Jewish masculinity that prized verbal confrontation, polemical aggression, and an unflinching style of argumentation.</p><p>Dr. Ronnie Grinberg paints illuminating portraits of figures such as Norman Mailer, Hannah Arendt, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Mary McCarthy, Norman Podhoretz, Midge Decter, and Irving Howe. She describes how their construction of Jewish masculinity helped to propel the American Jew from outsider to insider even as they clashed over its meaning in a deeply anxious project of self-definition. Along the way, Dr. Grinberg sheds light on their fraught encounters with the most contentious issues and ideas of the day, from student radicalism and the civil rights movement to feminism, Freudianism, and neoconservatism.</p><p>A spellbinding chronicle of mid-century America, <em>Write like a Man</em> shows how a combative and intellectually grounded vision of Jewish manhood contributed to the masculinization of intellectual life and shaped some of the most important political and cultural debates of the postwar era.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3246</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Bhaskar Sunkara, "The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality" (Basic Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>In The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality (Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of Jacobin magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>152</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bhaskar Sunkara</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality (Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of Jacobin magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541647107"><em>The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of <em>Jacobin</em> magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.</p><p><a href="https://independent.academia.edu/KirkMeighoo"><em>Kirk Meighoo</em></a><em> is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3915</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Joanna Wuest, "Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Scholars often narrate the legal cases confirming LGBTQ+ rights as a huge success story. While it took 100 years to confirm the rights of Black Americans, it took far less time for courts to recognize marriage and adoption rights or workplace discrimination protections for queer people.
The legal and political success of LGBTQ+ advocates often depended upon presenting sexual and gender identities as innate – or “immutable” to fit legal categories. Conservatives who oppose LGBTQ+ equality often argue that sexual and gender identity is something that can be taught. They use the offensive language of “grooming” and contagious “gender ideology” that corrupts susceptible children.
In Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Joanna Wuest unpacks how a biologically based understanding of gender and sexuality– based on arguments from the “natural sciences and mental health professions” – became central to American LGBTQ+ advocacy. Her book is both a “celebratory and cautionary” story about the costs of relying on science to win impressive victories for queer rights. The book interrogates the “LGBTQ+ rights movement, the scientific study of human difference, and the biopolitical character of citizenship that formed at the nexus of the two.” As LGBTQ+ advocates brought “science to bear on civil rights struggles,” they transformed American politics and the epistemology of identity politics more broadly.” 
Dr. Joanna Wuest is an incoming Assistant Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University and a sociolegal scholar specializing in sexual and gender minority rights, health, and political economy. Her book, Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement, received an Honorable Mention for the Society for Social Studies of Science's 2024 Rachel Carson Prize and was featured on a recent episode of Radiolab.
During the podcast, we mentioned:
Joanna’s article with Dr. Briana S. Last, “Agents of scientific uncertainty: Conflicts over evidence and expertise in gender-affirming care bans for minors” in Social Science &amp; Medicine.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>731</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joanna Wuest</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scholars often narrate the legal cases confirming LGBTQ+ rights as a huge success story. While it took 100 years to confirm the rights of Black Americans, it took far less time for courts to recognize marriage and adoption rights or workplace discrimination protections for queer people.
The legal and political success of LGBTQ+ advocates often depended upon presenting sexual and gender identities as innate – or “immutable” to fit legal categories. Conservatives who oppose LGBTQ+ equality often argue that sexual and gender identity is something that can be taught. They use the offensive language of “grooming” and contagious “gender ideology” that corrupts susceptible children.
In Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Joanna Wuest unpacks how a biologically based understanding of gender and sexuality– based on arguments from the “natural sciences and mental health professions” – became central to American LGBTQ+ advocacy. Her book is both a “celebratory and cautionary” story about the costs of relying on science to win impressive victories for queer rights. The book interrogates the “LGBTQ+ rights movement, the scientific study of human difference, and the biopolitical character of citizenship that formed at the nexus of the two.” As LGBTQ+ advocates brought “science to bear on civil rights struggles,” they transformed American politics and the epistemology of identity politics more broadly.” 
Dr. Joanna Wuest is an incoming Assistant Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University and a sociolegal scholar specializing in sexual and gender minority rights, health, and political economy. Her book, Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement, received an Honorable Mention for the Society for Social Studies of Science's 2024 Rachel Carson Prize and was featured on a recent episode of Radiolab.
During the podcast, we mentioned:
Joanna’s article with Dr. Briana S. Last, “Agents of scientific uncertainty: Conflicts over evidence and expertise in gender-affirming care bans for minors” in Social Science &amp; Medicine.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Scholars often narrate the legal cases confirming LGBTQ+ rights as a huge success story. While it took 100 years to confirm the rights of Black Americans, it took far less time for courts to recognize marriage and adoption rights or workplace discrimination protections for queer people.</p><p>The legal and political success of LGBTQ+ advocates often depended upon presenting sexual and gender identities as innate – or “immutable” to fit legal categories. Conservatives who oppose LGBTQ+ equality often argue that sexual and gender identity is something that can be taught. They use the offensive language of “grooming” and contagious “gender ideology” that corrupts susceptible children.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226827537"><em>Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2023)<em>, </em>Dr. Joanna Wuest unpacks how a biologically based understanding of gender and sexuality– based on arguments from the “natural sciences and mental health professions” – became central to American LGBTQ+ advocacy. Her book is both a “celebratory and cautionary” story about the costs of relying on science to win impressive victories for queer rights. The book interrogates the “LGBTQ+ rights movement, the scientific study of human difference, and the biopolitical character of citizenship that formed at the nexus of the two.” As LGBTQ+ advocates brought “science to bear on civil rights struggles,” they transformed American politics and the epistemology of identity politics more broadly.” </p><p><a href="https://www.joannawuest.com/publications.html">Dr. Joanna Wuest</a> is an incoming Assistant Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Stony Brook University and a sociolegal scholar specializing in sexual and gender minority rights, health, and political economy. Her book, <em>Born This Way: Science, Citizenship, and Inequality in the American LGBTQ+ Movement</em>, received an Honorable Mention for the Society for Social Studies of Science's 2024 Rachel Carson Prize and was featured on a recent episode of <em>Radiolab.</em></p><p>During the podcast, we mentioned:</p><p>Joanna’s article with Dr. Briana S. Last, “<a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0277953623008900">Agents of scientific uncertainty: Conflicts over evidence and expertise in gender-affirming care bans for minors</a>” in Social Science &amp; Medicine.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3320</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bd62b156-5d75-11ef-b1ab-232cc74e7382]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9172179574.mp3?updated=1723995751" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>The Democrats Have a Party: DNC2024</title>
      <description>On Thursday, Vice President Kamala Harris accepted the Democratic Party’s nomination in Chicago. Lilly and Susan talk to two presidential politics scholars to unpack the political impact of the convention.
When the Republicans convened in Milwaukee, the presidential race was a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. The four of us took stock of the race back in June and discussed calls for Biden to leave the race – but a shocking debate performance in late June rattled party faithful and donors. In June, few seemed enthusiastic about Vice President Harris as the person to take on Donald Trump. But on July 21st, President Joe Biden not only announced he was withdrawing. Biden endorsed Harris and she quickly and adroitly established herself as the only candidate. After a few weeks of strong campaigning with her VP Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, Harris and the Democrats went into the 4-day convention. Meena, Dan, Susan, and Lilly have a spiritied discussion!
Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University.
We mentioned former Georgia Lt. Governor Geoff Duncan endorsing Harris at the DNC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>29</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Meena Bose and Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On Thursday, Vice President Kamala Harris accepted the Democratic Party’s nomination in Chicago. Lilly and Susan talk to two presidential politics scholars to unpack the political impact of the convention.
When the Republicans convened in Milwaukee, the presidential race was a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. The four of us took stock of the race back in June and discussed calls for Biden to leave the race – but a shocking debate performance in late June rattled party faithful and donors. In June, few seemed enthusiastic about Vice President Harris as the person to take on Donald Trump. But on July 21st, President Joe Biden not only announced he was withdrawing. Biden endorsed Harris and she quickly and adroitly established herself as the only candidate. After a few weeks of strong campaigning with her VP Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, Harris and the Democrats went into the 4-day convention. Meena, Dan, Susan, and Lilly have a spiritied discussion!
Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University.
We mentioned former Georgia Lt. Governor Geoff Duncan endorsing Harris at the DNC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On Thursday, Vice President Kamala Harris accepted the Democratic Party’s nomination in Chicago. Lilly and Susan talk to two presidential politics scholars to unpack the political impact of the convention.</p><p>When the Republicans convened in Milwaukee, the presidential race was a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. T<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-previewing-the-2024-presidential-race#entry:318591@1:url">he four of us took stock of the race back in June</a> and discussed calls for Biden to leave the race – but a shocking debate performance in late June rattled party faithful and donors. In June, few seemed enthusiastic about Vice President Harris as the person to take on Donald Trump. But on July 21st, President Joe Biden not only announced he was withdrawing. Biden endorsed Harris and she quickly and adroitly established herself as the <em>only </em>candidate. After a few weeks of strong campaigning with her VP Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, Harris and the Democrats went into the 4-day convention. Meena, Dan, Susan, and Lilly have a spiritied discussion!</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a> is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a> is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University.</p><p>We mentioned <a href="https://www.c-span.org/video/?c5129384/fmr-georgia-lt-gov-geoff-duncan-speaks-dnc">former Georgia Lt. Governor Geoff Duncan endorsing Harris at the DNC</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3289</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James Barrera, "'We Want Better Education!': The 1960s Chicano Student Movement, School Walkouts, and the Quest for Educational Reform in South Texas" (Texas A&amp;M UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In 'We Want Better Education!': The 1960s Chicano Student Movement, School Walkouts, and the Quest for Educational Reform in South Texas (Texas A&amp;M UP, 2023), James B. Barrera offers a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the educational, cultural, and political issues of the Chicano Movement in Texas, which remains one of the lesser-known social and political efforts of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. This movement became the political training ground for greater Chicano empowerment for students. By the 1970s, it was these students who helped to organize La Raza Unida Party in Texas. This book explores the conditions faced by students of Mexican origin in public schools throughout the South Texas region, including Westside San Antonio, Edcouch-Elsa, Kingsville, and Crystal City. 
Barrera focuses on the relationship of Chicano students and their parents with the school systems and reveals the types of educational deficiencies faced by such students that led to greater political activism. He also shows how school-related issues became an important element of the students' political and cultural struggle to gain a quality education and equal treatment. Protests enabled students and their supporters to gain considerable political leverage in the decision-making process of their schools. Barrera incorporates information collected from archives throughout the state of Texas, including statistical data, government documents, census information, oral history accounts, and legal records. Of particular note are the in-depth interviews he conducted with numerous former students and community activists who participated or witnessed the various "walkouts" or student protests. "We Want Better Education!" is a major contribution to the historiography of social movements, Mexican American studies, and twentieth-century Texas and American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>273</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James Barrera</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 'We Want Better Education!': The 1960s Chicano Student Movement, School Walkouts, and the Quest for Educational Reform in South Texas (Texas A&amp;M UP, 2023), James B. Barrera offers a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the educational, cultural, and political issues of the Chicano Movement in Texas, which remains one of the lesser-known social and political efforts of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. This movement became the political training ground for greater Chicano empowerment for students. By the 1970s, it was these students who helped to organize La Raza Unida Party in Texas. This book explores the conditions faced by students of Mexican origin in public schools throughout the South Texas region, including Westside San Antonio, Edcouch-Elsa, Kingsville, and Crystal City. 
Barrera focuses on the relationship of Chicano students and their parents with the school systems and reveals the types of educational deficiencies faced by such students that led to greater political activism. He also shows how school-related issues became an important element of the students' political and cultural struggle to gain a quality education and equal treatment. Protests enabled students and their supporters to gain considerable political leverage in the decision-making process of their schools. Barrera incorporates information collected from archives throughout the state of Texas, including statistical data, government documents, census information, oral history accounts, and legal records. Of particular note are the in-depth interviews he conducted with numerous former students and community activists who participated or witnessed the various "walkouts" or student protests. "We Want Better Education!" is a major contribution to the historiography of social movements, Mexican American studies, and twentieth-century Texas and American history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781648430886"><em>'We Want Better Education!': The 1960s Chicano Student Movement, School Walkouts, and the Quest for Educational Reform in South Texas</em></a><em> </em>(Texas A&amp;M UP, 2023), James B. Barrera offers a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the educational, cultural, and political issues of the Chicano Movement in Texas, which remains one of the lesser-known social and political efforts of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. This movement became the political training ground for greater Chicano empowerment for students. By the 1970s, it was these students who helped to organize La Raza Unida Party in Texas. This book explores the conditions faced by students of Mexican origin in public schools throughout the South Texas region, including Westside San Antonio, Edcouch-Elsa, Kingsville, and Crystal City. </p><p>Barrera focuses on the relationship of Chicano students and their parents with the school systems and reveals the types of educational deficiencies faced by such students that led to greater political activism. He also shows how school-related issues became an important element of the students' political and cultural struggle to gain a quality education and equal treatment. Protests enabled students and their supporters to gain considerable political leverage in the decision-making process of their schools. Barrera incorporates information collected from archives throughout the state of Texas, including statistical data, government documents, census information, oral history accounts, and legal records. Of particular note are the in-depth interviews he conducted with numerous former students and community activists who participated or witnessed the various "walkouts" or student protests. "We Want Better Education!" is a major contribution to the historiography of social movements, Mexican American studies, and twentieth-century Texas and American history.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3227</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Damaging Rationality: Exxon-Funded Legal Research and the Exxon Valdez Oil Spill</title>
      <description>This is part #3 of a the (ir)Rational Alaskans, a Cited Podcast mini-series that re-examines the legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill.
In the last episode of the (ir)Rational Alaskans, Riki Ott, Linden O’Toole, and thousands of other Alaskan fishers won over $5 billion in punitive damages against Exxon for the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In our finale, while Ott and O’Toole wait for their cheques, Exxon fights back with a legal and academic appeal. In that appeal, they marshal some of the most-respected scholars of our generation.
The (ir)Rational Alaskans is a partnership with Canada’s National Observer. You can also read about this story in Jacobin. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Programming Note: This marks the end of our returning season, the Rationality Wars. We will back with another season shortly, sometime this fall. If you want to catch that season, make sure to stay subscribed to our podcast feed (Apple, Spotify, RSS). You can also stay updated by following us on X (@citedpodcast), and you can contact us directly at info [at] citedmedia.ca if you have any questions or any feedback. Finally, if you are impatient and just itching for more content, check out some of our other episodes, like: the other episodes in this season, if you joined up late; the episodes from last season, especially America's Chernobyl; or some of the highlights from our other podcast, Darts and Letters.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>67</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Rationality Wars, Episode 7</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This is part #3 of a the (ir)Rational Alaskans, a Cited Podcast mini-series that re-examines the legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill.
In the last episode of the (ir)Rational Alaskans, Riki Ott, Linden O’Toole, and thousands of other Alaskan fishers won over $5 billion in punitive damages against Exxon for the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In our finale, while Ott and O’Toole wait for their cheques, Exxon fights back with a legal and academic appeal. In that appeal, they marshal some of the most-respected scholars of our generation.
The (ir)Rational Alaskans is a partnership with Canada’s National Observer. You can also read about this story in Jacobin. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Programming Note: This marks the end of our returning season, the Rationality Wars. We will back with another season shortly, sometime this fall. If you want to catch that season, make sure to stay subscribed to our podcast feed (Apple, Spotify, RSS). You can also stay updated by following us on X (@citedpodcast), and you can contact us directly at info [at] citedmedia.ca if you have any questions or any feedback. Finally, if you are impatient and just itching for more content, check out some of our other episodes, like: the other episodes in this season, if you joined up late; the episodes from last season, especially America's Chernobyl; or some of the highlights from our other podcast, Darts and Letters.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This is part #3 of a <em>the </em><a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-02-the-rationality-wars/irrational-alaskans/"><em>(ir)Rational Alaskans</em></a><em>, </em>a <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast</em></a> mini-series that re-examines the legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill.</p><p>In<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/2024/08/13/episode-6-the-irrational-alaskans-pt-2-of-3/"> the last episode</a> of <em>the (ir)Rational Alaskans</em>, Riki Ott, Linden O’Toole, and thousands of other Alaskan fishers won over $5 billion in punitive damages against Exxon for the Exxon Valdez oil spill. In our finale, while Ott and O’Toole wait for their cheques, Exxon fights back with a legal and academic appeal. In that appeal, they marshal some of the most-respected scholars of our generation.</p><p>The <em>(ir)Rational Alaskans </em>is a partnership with <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/podcast/slick-science"><em>Canada’s National Observer</em></a><em>.</em> You can also read about this story in<a href="https://jacobin.com/2024/08/behavioral-economics-exxon-valdez-elitism"> <em>Jacobin</em></a><em>. </em>For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-02-the-rationality-wars/"> series page</a>.</p><p><strong>Programming Note</strong>: This marks the end of our returning season, <em>the Rationality Wars. </em>We will back with another season shortly, sometime this fall. If you want to catch that season, make sure to stay subscribed to our podcast feed (<a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/cited-podcast/id558228325">Apple</a>,<a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6pMLdKYpGooLKis7aORHSi"> Spotify</a>,<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/feed/podcast/"> RSS</a>). You can also stay updated by following us on X (<a href="https://x.com/citedpodcast">@citedpodcast</a>), and you can contact us directly at info [at] citedmedia.ca if you have any questions or any feedback. Finally, if you are impatient and just itching for more content, check out some of our other episodes, like: the other<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-02-the-rationality-wars/"> episodes in this season</a>, if you joined up late; the episodes from<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-01-the-science-wars/"> last season</a>, especially<a href="https://citedpodcast.com/2020/07/30/8-americas-chernobyl-1-of-2/"> <em>America's Chernobyl</em></a><em>; </em>or some of the<a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/category/highlights/"> highlights</a> from our other podcast, <em>Darts and Letters.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4310</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0a03dc72-60c0-11ef-8746-57accd95b68a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6373111576.mp3?updated=1724360561" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Phil Haun, "Tactical Air Power and the Vietnam War: Explaining Effectiveness in Modern Air Warfare" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Tactical Air Power and the Vietnam War: Explaining Effectiveness in Modern Air Warfare (Cambridge UP, 2023) introduces a much-needed theory of tactical air power to explain air power effectiveness in modern warfare with a particular focus on the Vietnam War as the first and largest modern air war. Phil Haun shows how in the Rolling Thunder, Commando Hunt, and Linebacker air campaigns, independently air power repeatedly failed to achieve US military and political objectives. In contrast, air forces in combined arms operations succeeded more often than not. In addition to predicting how armies will react to a lethal air threat, he identifies operational factors of air superiority, air-to-ground capabilities, and friendly ground force capabilities, along with environmental factors of weather, lighting, geography and terrain, and cover and concealment in order to explain air power effectiveness. The book concludes with analysis of modern air warfare since Vietnam along with an assessment of tactical air power relevance now and for the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1471</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Phil Haun</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Tactical Air Power and the Vietnam War: Explaining Effectiveness in Modern Air Warfare (Cambridge UP, 2023) introduces a much-needed theory of tactical air power to explain air power effectiveness in modern warfare with a particular focus on the Vietnam War as the first and largest modern air war. Phil Haun shows how in the Rolling Thunder, Commando Hunt, and Linebacker air campaigns, independently air power repeatedly failed to achieve US military and political objectives. In contrast, air forces in combined arms operations succeeded more often than not. In addition to predicting how armies will react to a lethal air threat, he identifies operational factors of air superiority, air-to-ground capabilities, and friendly ground force capabilities, along with environmental factors of weather, lighting, geography and terrain, and cover and concealment in order to explain air power effectiveness. The book concludes with analysis of modern air warfare since Vietnam along with an assessment of tactical air power relevance now and for the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009364195"><em>Tactical Air Power and the Vietnam War: Explaining Effectiveness in Modern Air Warfare</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2023) introduces a much-needed theory of tactical air power to explain air power effectiveness in modern warfare with a particular focus on the Vietnam War as the first and largest modern air war. Phil Haun shows how in the Rolling Thunder, Commando Hunt, and Linebacker air campaigns, independently air power repeatedly failed to achieve US military and political objectives. In contrast, air forces in combined arms operations succeeded more often than not. In addition to predicting how armies will react to a lethal air threat, he identifies operational factors of air superiority, air-to-ground capabilities, and friendly ground force capabilities, along with environmental factors of weather, lighting, geography and terrain, and cover and concealment in order to explain air power effectiveness. The book concludes with analysis of modern air warfare since Vietnam along with an assessment of tactical air power relevance now and for the future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2467</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[39d94f5a-615a-11ef-a91c-3fb490eb94e1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8322388995.mp3?updated=1724423498" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Wesley G. Phelps, "Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement" (U Texas Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In 2003, in a ruling that bordered on poetic, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in Lawrence v. Texas that sexual behavior between consenting adults was protected under the constitutional right to privacy. This was a landmark case in the course of LGBTQ+ rights in the Untied States, laying the groundwork for cases like 2015's Obergefell v. Hodges. Yet, this case did not emerge out of nowhere. 
In Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement (U Texas Press, 2023), University of North Texas history professor Wesley Phelps argues that behind each successful court case stands a litany of failures, challenges, and individual human stories, each of which laid the groundwork for these landmark successes. By tracking the long history of queer activism in Texas during the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, Phelps shows how the long road toward greater LGBTQ+ civil rights was paved with hard work by hundreds of activists, lawyers, and allies. No movement exists in a vacuum, and Before Lawrence v. Texas provides a roadmap showing how historical change really occurs. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>166</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Wesley G. Phelps</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2003, in a ruling that bordered on poetic, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in Lawrence v. Texas that sexual behavior between consenting adults was protected under the constitutional right to privacy. This was a landmark case in the course of LGBTQ+ rights in the Untied States, laying the groundwork for cases like 2015's Obergefell v. Hodges. Yet, this case did not emerge out of nowhere. 
In Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement (U Texas Press, 2023), University of North Texas history professor Wesley Phelps argues that behind each successful court case stands a litany of failures, challenges, and individual human stories, each of which laid the groundwork for these landmark successes. By tracking the long history of queer activism in Texas during the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, Phelps shows how the long road toward greater LGBTQ+ civil rights was paved with hard work by hundreds of activists, lawyers, and allies. No movement exists in a vacuum, and Before Lawrence v. Texas provides a roadmap showing how historical change really occurs. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2003, in a ruling that bordered on poetic, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in <em>Lawrence v. Texas</em> that sexual behavior between consenting adults was protected under the constitutional right to privacy. This was a landmark case in the course of LGBTQ+ rights in the Untied States, laying the groundwork for cases like 2015's <em>Obergefell v. Hodges</em>. Yet, this case did not emerge out of nowhere. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477329474"><em>Before Lawrence v. Texas: The Making of a Queer Social Movement</em></a><em> </em>(U Texas Press, 2023), University of North Texas history professor Wesley Phelps argues that behind each successful court case stands a litany of failures, challenges, and individual human stories, each of which laid the groundwork for these landmark successes. By tracking the long history of queer activism in Texas during the 1960s, 70s, and 80s, Phelps shows how the long road toward greater LGBTQ+ civil rights was paved with hard work by hundreds of activists, lawyers, and allies. No movement exists in a vacuum, and <em>Before Lawrence v. Texas</em> provides a roadmap showing how historical change really occurs. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3503</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f4af1420-60b2-11ef-8026-8f07d65dbcb1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3109802680.mp3?updated=1724352000" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gary Mucciaroni, "Answers to the Labour Question: Industrial Relations and the State in the Anglophone World, 1880–1945" (U Toronto Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Since the mid-nineteenth century, public officials, reformers, journalists, and other elites have referred to “the labour question.” The labour question was rooted in the system of wage labour that spread throughout much of Europe and its colonies and produced contending classes as industrialization unfolded. Answers to the Labour Question explores how the liberal state responded to workers’ demands that employers recognize trade unions as their legitimate representatives in their struggle for compensation and control over the workplace.
In Answers to the Labour Question: Industrial Relations and the State in the Anglophone World, 1880–1945 (University of Toronto Press, 2024), Dr. Gary Mucciaroni examines five Anglophone nations – Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, and the United States – whose differences are often overlooked in the literature on political economy, which lumps them together as liberal, “market-led” economies. Despite their many shared characteristics and common historical origins, these nations’ responses to the labour question diverged dramatically. Dr. Mucciaroni identifies the factors that explain why these nations developed such different industrial relations regimes and how the paths each nation took to the adoption of its regime reflected a different logic of institutional change. Drawing on newspaper accounts, parliamentary debates, and personal memoirs, among other sources, Answers to the Labour Question aims to understand the variety of state responses to industrial unrest and institutional change beyond the domain of industrial relations.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gary Mucciaroni</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since the mid-nineteenth century, public officials, reformers, journalists, and other elites have referred to “the labour question.” The labour question was rooted in the system of wage labour that spread throughout much of Europe and its colonies and produced contending classes as industrialization unfolded. Answers to the Labour Question explores how the liberal state responded to workers’ demands that employers recognize trade unions as their legitimate representatives in their struggle for compensation and control over the workplace.
In Answers to the Labour Question: Industrial Relations and the State in the Anglophone World, 1880–1945 (University of Toronto Press, 2024), Dr. Gary Mucciaroni examines five Anglophone nations – Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, and the United States – whose differences are often overlooked in the literature on political economy, which lumps them together as liberal, “market-led” economies. Despite their many shared characteristics and common historical origins, these nations’ responses to the labour question diverged dramatically. Dr. Mucciaroni identifies the factors that explain why these nations developed such different industrial relations regimes and how the paths each nation took to the adoption of its regime reflected a different logic of institutional change. Drawing on newspaper accounts, parliamentary debates, and personal memoirs, among other sources, Answers to the Labour Question aims to understand the variety of state responses to industrial unrest and institutional change beyond the domain of industrial relations.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since the mid-nineteenth century, public officials, reformers, journalists, and other elites have referred to “the labour question.” The labour question was rooted in the system of wage labour that spread throughout much of Europe and its colonies and produced contending classes as industrialization unfolded. <em>Answers to the Labour Question</em> explores how the liberal state responded to workers’ demands that employers recognize trade unions as their legitimate representatives in their struggle for compensation and control over the workplace.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781487551513"><em>Answers to the Labour Question: Industrial Relations and the State in the Anglophone World, 1880–1945</em></a> (University of Toronto Press, 2024), Dr. Gary Mucciaroni examines five Anglophone nations – Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, and the United States – whose differences are often overlooked in the literature on political economy, which lumps them together as liberal, “market-led” economies. Despite their many shared characteristics and common historical origins, these nations’ responses to the labour question diverged dramatically. Dr. Mucciaroni identifies the factors that explain why these nations developed such different industrial relations regimes and how the paths each nation took to the adoption of its regime reflected a different logic of institutional change. Drawing on newspaper accounts, parliamentary debates, and personal memoirs, among other sources, <em>Answers to the Labour Question</em> aims to understand the variety of state responses to industrial unrest and institutional change beyond the domain of industrial relations.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3961</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[83815eb6-60bc-11ef-8371-7bce2e0bec4a]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bruce W. Dearstyne, "Progressive New York: Change and Reform in the Empire State, 1900-1920: A Reader" (SUNY Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In the first two decades of the twentieth century, New York State was a hotbed of change. Cities grew as immigrants arrived from Europe and African Americans trekked up from the South. Corporations grew in power and women fought for the right to vote.
In political speeches, muckraking journalism, and expert reports, New Yorkers argued out the issues of what came to be called The Progressive Era—a period of social and political and change that sparked a range of reform movements.
The era and its causes loomed large in New York State, and the reforms fought out and enacted in New York were central to the Progressive Era nationwide.
In Progressive New York: Change and Reform in the Empire State, 1900-1920: A Reader (SUNY Press, 2024), Bruce Dearstyne has gathered a wealth of documents that bring to life the issues, ideas and passions of this important era.
Dearstyne has written widely on New York State history and worked in many capacities to document and explore the history of the Empire State. He was a professor at the College of Information Studies at the University of Maryland, where he still serves as an adjunct professor.
Host Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of journalism, and American Studies at Rutgers University. His latest book, When the City Stopped: Stories from New York’s Essential Workers, is due out in March 2025 from Cornell University Press. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>272</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bruce W. Dearstyne</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the first two decades of the twentieth century, New York State was a hotbed of change. Cities grew as immigrants arrived from Europe and African Americans trekked up from the South. Corporations grew in power and women fought for the right to vote.
In political speeches, muckraking journalism, and expert reports, New Yorkers argued out the issues of what came to be called The Progressive Era—a period of social and political and change that sparked a range of reform movements.
The era and its causes loomed large in New York State, and the reforms fought out and enacted in New York were central to the Progressive Era nationwide.
In Progressive New York: Change and Reform in the Empire State, 1900-1920: A Reader (SUNY Press, 2024), Bruce Dearstyne has gathered a wealth of documents that bring to life the issues, ideas and passions of this important era.
Dearstyne has written widely on New York State history and worked in many capacities to document and explore the history of the Empire State. He was a professor at the College of Information Studies at the University of Maryland, where he still serves as an adjunct professor.
Host Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of journalism, and American Studies at Rutgers University. His latest book, When the City Stopped: Stories from New York’s Essential Workers, is due out in March 2025 from Cornell University Press. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the first two decades of the twentieth century, New York State was a hotbed of change. Cities grew as immigrants arrived from Europe and African Americans trekked up from the South. Corporations grew in power and women fought for the right to vote.</p><p>In political speeches, muckraking journalism, and expert reports, New Yorkers argued out the issues of what came to be called The Progressive Era—a period of social and political and change that sparked a range of reform movements.</p><p>The era and its causes loomed large in New York State, and the reforms fought out and enacted in New York were central to the Progressive Era nationwide.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781438497389"><em>Progressive New York: Change and Reform in the Empire State, 1900-1920: A Reader</em></a><em> </em>(SUNY Press, 2024), Bruce Dearstyne has gathered a wealth of documents that bring to life the issues, ideas and passions of this important era.</p><p>Dearstyne has written widely on New York State history and worked in many capacities to document and explore the history of the Empire State. He was a professor at the College of Information Studies at the University of Maryland, where he still serves as an adjunct professor.</p><p><em>Host Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of journalism, and American Studies at Rutgers University. His latest book, When the City Stopped: Stories from New York’s Essential Workers, is due out in March 2025 from Cornell University Press. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2985</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Lost in Ideology: A Conversation with Jason Blakely</title>
      <description>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, Jason Blakely argues in his new book Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life (Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.
If you like this episode of New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their Interpretive Social Science, and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his Against the Grain.
Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to The Language Animal, Cosmic Connections, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, Septology.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jason Blakely</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, Jason Blakely argues in his new book Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life (Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.
If you like this episode of New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their Interpretive Social Science, and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his Against the Grain.
Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to The Language Animal, Cosmic Connections, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, Septology.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, <a href="https://seaver.pepperdine.edu/academics/faculty/jason-blakely/">Jason Blakely</a> argues in his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788216630"><em>Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life</em></a><em> </em>(Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.</p><p>If you like this episode of <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/interpretive-political-and-social-science">New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science</a> then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/mark-bevir-and-jason-blakely-interpretive-social-science-an-anti-naturalist-approach-oxford-up-2018#entry:32409@1:url"><em>Interpretive Social Science</em></a><em>, </em>and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-c-scott-against-the-grain-a-deep-history-of-the-earliest-states-yale-up-2017#entry:1646@1:url"><em>Against the Grain</em></a><em>.</em></p><p>Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to <em>The Language Animal,</em> <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/cosmic-connections-poetry-in-the-age-of-disenchantment-charles-taylor/20585720?ean=9780674296084"><em>Cosmic Connections</em></a>, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/septology-jon-fosse/18155361?ean=9781945492754"><em>Septology</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3583</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2513734771.mp3?updated=1728313454" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Peter Allen, “The Political Class: Why It Matters Who Our Politicians Are” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Who is in charge? In The Political Class: Why It Matters Who Our Politicians Are (Oxford University Press, 2018), Peter Allen, a Reader in Comparative Politics in the Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies at the University of Bath, explores the rise of a specific type of political leader and what this means for our politics. The book works through debates over the existence of a political class, arguing this ‘class’ is homogenised along lines of characteristics, attitudes, and behaviours, and carefully analysing potential defences of the political class. However, in presenting the intrinsic case, as well as an extensive and detailed range of other cases, against the political class the book presents a powerful critique of how politics is currently organised. Concluding with a range of practical suggestions for change, including quotas, randomised selection of representative, and changes to how politics is organised, the book will be essential reading for anyone concerned with who is in charge of society.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>98</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter Allen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who is in charge? In The Political Class: Why It Matters Who Our Politicians Are (Oxford University Press, 2018), Peter Allen, a Reader in Comparative Politics in the Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies at the University of Bath, explores the rise of a specific type of political leader and what this means for our politics. The book works through debates over the existence of a political class, arguing this ‘class’ is homogenised along lines of characteristics, attitudes, and behaviours, and carefully analysing potential defences of the political class. However, in presenting the intrinsic case, as well as an extensive and detailed range of other cases, against the political class the book presents a powerful critique of how politics is currently organised. Concluding with a range of practical suggestions for change, including quotas, randomised selection of representative, and changes to how politics is organised, the book will be essential reading for anyone concerned with who is in charge of society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who is in charge? In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QplLhWkaWL37fda_mKNeITgAAAFj2lkLpgEAAAFKAQkJ1jA/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0198795971/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0198795971&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=HX0EGXXnQBrUYKt1DgLfGQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Political Class: Why It Matters Who Our Politicians Are</a> (Oxford University Press, 2018), <a href="http://www.peter-allen.co.uk/">Peter Allen</a>, a Reader in Comparative Politics in the Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies at the University of Bath<a href="http://www.bath.ac.uk/departments/department-of-politics-languages-international-studies/">,</a> explores the rise of a specific type of political leader and what this means for our politics. The book works through debates over the existence of a political class, arguing this ‘class’ is homogenised along lines of characteristics, attitudes, and behaviours, and carefully analysing potential defences of the political class. However, in presenting the intrinsic case, as well as an extensive and detailed range of other cases, against the political class the book presents a powerful critique of how politics is currently organised. Concluding with a range of practical suggestions for change, including quotas, randomised selection of representative, and changes to how politics is organised, the book will be essential reading for anyone concerned with who is in charge of society.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2356</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74359]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8770200429.mp3?updated=1724103401" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Gerarldo Cadava, "The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump" (Ecco, 2020)</title>
      <description>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?
In The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump (Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator Geraldo Cadava illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 18 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>63</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gerarldo Cadava</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?
In The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump (Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator Geraldo Cadava illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/006294634X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump</em></a><em> </em>(Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator <a href="https://www.history.northwestern.edu/people/faculty/core-faculty/geraldo-l-cadava.html">Geraldo Cadava</a> illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.</p><p><em>Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, </em>Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas<em>. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/T_J_Gonzalez?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"><em>@T_J_Gonzalez</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3813</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Heath Brown, "Roadblocked: Joe Biden's Rocky Transition to the Presidency" (UP of Kansas, 2024)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Heath Brown’s new book, Roadblocked: Joe Biden's Rocky Transition to the Presidency (UP of Kansas, 2024), examines the presidential transition between the Trump Administration and the Biden Administration in late 2020 and into 2021. Presidential transitions are not all that frequent, since presidents who are re-elected do not need to go through a transition to their second term. Thus, while there have been over forty presidents, there have been far fewer transitions. And until January 6, 2021, the history of transitions has been marked by the peaceful change of power between presidents and parties. While Brown is not focusing on January 6, 2021, he is analyzing the unique transition between Donald J. Trump and Joe Biden, and their respective administrations, and how that particular transition did not necessarily reflect the institutional norms of previous presidential transitions.
Roadblocked tells two stories about the roadblocks. There were the external roadblocks, which came from the various ways in which the transition from Trump to Biden was stymied by members of the Executive branch, including the Director of the Government Services Administration (GSA) and the legal process of ascertainment, as well as principals who were uncooperative with the incoming team. There were also internal roadblocks within the Biden transition team itself, which also contributed to the rocky start of the new administration. Brown delineates the oddity of how the transition itself works—which is generally secretive and private. There are general discussions of transitions in political science and history, in terms of what is supposed to happen during this process, when those leaving positions and those entering positions generally sit side by side to learn the ins and outs of the position from the person holding that position. But the Biden transition also took place during the depths of the COVID-19 crisis, before vaccines were available, so much of the transition was virtual, another twist to the already complicated process.
The areas where the Biden transition team met with the most difficulty from the outgoing administration was with regard to the budgeting process and the Office of Management and Budget, and with the Intelligence, Foreign Policy, and Defense sectors. The appointees who ran these parts of the Executive branch were the least cooperative, and generally dismissive of the incoming Biden appointees. For the rest of the Executive branch, which is vast, there was generally good cooperation at most levels.
In terms of the internal difficulties, there were great concerns about technological vulnerabilities and the potential for hacking. This led to a kind of fragmented dynamic within the transition team, since there was a lot of siloing and not a lot of coordination. Given the abbreviated timeline, the general secrecy that goes on with presidential transitions, and the fact that much of this transition was taking place virtually, with members of the team distributed around the country (as well as in other countries), this all contributed to an internal discombobulation in terms of the transition.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>729</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Heath Brown</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Heath Brown’s new book, Roadblocked: Joe Biden's Rocky Transition to the Presidency (UP of Kansas, 2024), examines the presidential transition between the Trump Administration and the Biden Administration in late 2020 and into 2021. Presidential transitions are not all that frequent, since presidents who are re-elected do not need to go through a transition to their second term. Thus, while there have been over forty presidents, there have been far fewer transitions. And until January 6, 2021, the history of transitions has been marked by the peaceful change of power between presidents and parties. While Brown is not focusing on January 6, 2021, he is analyzing the unique transition between Donald J. Trump and Joe Biden, and their respective administrations, and how that particular transition did not necessarily reflect the institutional norms of previous presidential transitions.
Roadblocked tells two stories about the roadblocks. There were the external roadblocks, which came from the various ways in which the transition from Trump to Biden was stymied by members of the Executive branch, including the Director of the Government Services Administration (GSA) and the legal process of ascertainment, as well as principals who were uncooperative with the incoming team. There were also internal roadblocks within the Biden transition team itself, which also contributed to the rocky start of the new administration. Brown delineates the oddity of how the transition itself works—which is generally secretive and private. There are general discussions of transitions in political science and history, in terms of what is supposed to happen during this process, when those leaving positions and those entering positions generally sit side by side to learn the ins and outs of the position from the person holding that position. But the Biden transition also took place during the depths of the COVID-19 crisis, before vaccines were available, so much of the transition was virtual, another twist to the already complicated process.
The areas where the Biden transition team met with the most difficulty from the outgoing administration was with regard to the budgeting process and the Office of Management and Budget, and with the Intelligence, Foreign Policy, and Defense sectors. The appointees who ran these parts of the Executive branch were the least cooperative, and generally dismissive of the incoming Biden appointees. For the rest of the Executive branch, which is vast, there was generally good cooperation at most levels.
In terms of the internal difficulties, there were great concerns about technological vulnerabilities and the potential for hacking. This led to a kind of fragmented dynamic within the transition team, since there was a lot of siloing and not a lot of coordination. Given the abbreviated timeline, the general secrecy that goes on with presidential transitions, and the fact that much of this transition was taking place virtually, with members of the team distributed around the country (as well as in other countries), this all contributed to an internal discombobulation in terms of the transition.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Heath Brown’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700637072"><em>Roadblocked: Joe Biden's Rocky Transition to the Presidency</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2024), examines the presidential transition between the Trump Administration and the Biden Administration in late 2020 and into 2021. Presidential transitions are not all that frequent, since presidents who are re-elected do not need to go through a transition to their second term. Thus, while there have been over forty presidents, there have been far fewer transitions. And until January 6, 2021, the history of transitions has been marked by the peaceful change of power between presidents and parties. While Brown is not focusing on January 6, 2021, he is analyzing the unique transition between Donald J. Trump and Joe Biden, and their respective administrations, and how that particular transition did not necessarily reflect the institutional norms of previous presidential transitions.</p><p><em>Roadblocked</em> tells two stories about the roadblocks. There were the external roadblocks, which came from the various ways in which the transition from Trump to Biden was stymied by members of the Executive branch, including the Director of the Government Services Administration (GSA) and the legal process of <em>ascertainment</em>, as well as principals who were uncooperative with the incoming team. There were also internal roadblocks within the Biden transition team itself, which also contributed to the rocky start of the new administration. Brown delineates the oddity of how the transition itself works—which is generally secretive and private. There are general discussions of transitions in political science and history, in terms of what is supposed to happen during this process, when those leaving positions and those entering positions generally sit side by side to learn the ins and outs of the position from the person holding that position. But the Biden transition also took place during the depths of the COVID-19 crisis, before vaccines were available, so much of the transition was virtual, another twist to the already complicated process.</p><p>The areas where the Biden transition team met with the most difficulty from the outgoing administration was with regard to the budgeting process and the Office of Management and Budget, and with the Intelligence, Foreign Policy, and Defense sectors. The appointees who ran these parts of the Executive branch were the least cooperative, and generally dismissive of the incoming Biden appointees. For the rest of the Executive branch, which is vast, there was generally good cooperation at most levels.</p><p>In terms of the internal difficulties, there were great concerns about technological vulnerabilities and the potential for hacking. This led to a kind of fragmented dynamic within the transition team, since there was a lot of siloing and not a lot of coordination. Given the abbreviated timeline, the general secrecy that goes on with presidential transitions, and the fact that much of this transition was taking place virtually, with members of the team distributed around the country (as well as in other countries), this all contributed to an internal discombobulation in terms of the transition.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3429</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Policing and White Power with Daniel Kryder and David Cunningham (JP, EF)</title>
      <description>This June 2020 episode, originally part of a Global Policing series, was Recall this Book's first exploration of police brutality, systemic and personal racism and Black Lives Matter. Elizabeth and John were lucky to be joined by Daniel Kryder and David Cunningham, two scholars who have worked on these questions for decades.
Many of the mechanisms that create an oppressed and subordinated American community of color can seem subtle and indirect, despite the insidious ways they pervade housing law (The Color of Law), education (Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together, Savage Inequalities) and the carceral state (The Condemnation of Blackness, The New Jim Crow, Locking Up Our Own).
Although there is plenty of subtle racism in policing as well, there can be a brutally frontal quality to white-power policing: just look at the racial disparity in the stubbornly astronomically number of fatal shootings by police. David and Daniel ask how much of the current system of racial and class disparity can be traced back to slavery or to subsequent 19th century racial logic, and howw much arises from the confluence of other forces.
The conversation notes the widespread white participation in 2020 protests–did we ever expect to hear Mitt Romney chanting “Black Lives Matter”?– and what this might suggest about the possibilities for actual change. It also touches on the roles of the media and institutions such as police unions and the erosion of federal oversight of local police departments.
Mentioned in this episode:


Klansville, USA (cf. the PBS show of the same name that drew heavily on the book; and an interview David did on the topic of today’s Klan)


Kerner Commission Report (1968)


Ethical Society of Police (cf. this compelling local post-Ferguson PBS documentary that speaks with St. Louis African-American police officers)

Recallable Books

Walter Johnson, “The Broken Heart of America” (2020)

James Baldwin, “The Fire Next Time” (1963)

Ta-Nehisi Coates, “Between the World and Me” (2015)


Listen and Read Here:
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>132</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This June 2020 episode, originally part of a Global Policing series, was Recall this Book's first exploration of police brutality, systemic and personal racism and Black Lives Matter. Elizabeth and John were lucky to be joined by Daniel Kryder and David Cunningham, two scholars who have worked on these questions for decades.
Many of the mechanisms that create an oppressed and subordinated American community of color can seem subtle and indirect, despite the insidious ways they pervade housing law (The Color of Law), education (Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together, Savage Inequalities) and the carceral state (The Condemnation of Blackness, The New Jim Crow, Locking Up Our Own).
Although there is plenty of subtle racism in policing as well, there can be a brutally frontal quality to white-power policing: just look at the racial disparity in the stubbornly astronomically number of fatal shootings by police. David and Daniel ask how much of the current system of racial and class disparity can be traced back to slavery or to subsequent 19th century racial logic, and howw much arises from the confluence of other forces.
The conversation notes the widespread white participation in 2020 protests–did we ever expect to hear Mitt Romney chanting “Black Lives Matter”?– and what this might suggest about the possibilities for actual change. It also touches on the roles of the media and institutions such as police unions and the erosion of federal oversight of local police departments.
Mentioned in this episode:


Klansville, USA (cf. the PBS show of the same name that drew heavily on the book; and an interview David did on the topic of today’s Klan)


Kerner Commission Report (1968)


Ethical Society of Police (cf. this compelling local post-Ferguson PBS documentary that speaks with St. Louis African-American police officers)

Recallable Books

Walter Johnson, “The Broken Heart of America” (2020)

James Baldwin, “The Fire Next Time” (1963)

Ta-Nehisi Coates, “Between the World and Me” (2015)


Listen and Read Here:
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This June 2020 episode, originally part of a <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/episodes/global-policing/">Global Policing</a> series, was Recall this Book's first exploration of police brutality, systemic and personal racism and Black Lives Matter. Elizabeth and John were lucky to be joined by <a href="https://scholarworks.brandeis.edu/esploro/profile/daniel_kryder/overview?emplid=488b867310b49ff8036f0bd1f9d55e8522c1c62f">Daniel Kryder</a> and <a href="https://sociology.wustl.edu/people/david-cunningham">David Cunningham</a>, two scholars who have worked on these questions for decades.</p><p>Many of the mechanisms that create an oppressed and subordinated American community of color can seem subtle and indirect, despite the insidious ways they pervade housing law (<a href="https://wwnorton.com/books/The-Color-of-Law/"><em>The Color of Law</em></a>), education (<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Black-Kids-Sitting-Together-Cafeteria/dp/0465083617"><em>Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Savage_Inequalities"><em>Savage Inequalities</em></a>) and the carceral state (<a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674238145"><em>The Condemnation of Blackness</em></a>, <a href="https://newjimcrow.com/"><em>The New Jim Crow,</em></a> <a href="https://www.jamesformanjr.com/"><em>Locking Up Our Own</em></a>).</p><p>Although there is plenty of subtle racism in policing as well, there can be a brutally frontal quality to white-power policing: just look at the racial disparity in the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings-database/">stubbornly astronomically number of fatal shootings</a> by police. David and Daniel ask how much of the current system of racial and class disparity can be traced back to slavery or to subsequent 19th century racial logic, and howw much arises from the confluence of other forces.</p><p>The conversation notes the widespread white participation in 2020 protests–did we ever expect to hear Mitt Romney chanting “Black Lives Matter”?– and what this might suggest about the possibilities for actual change. It also touches on the roles of the media and institutions such as police unions and the erosion of federal oversight of local police departments.</p><p><strong>Mentioned in this episode:</strong></p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Klansville-U-S-Civil-Rights-Era/dp/0199752028">Klansville, USA</a> (cf. the <a href="https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/films/klansville/">PBS show of the same name </a>that drew heavily on the book; and<a href="https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/klansville-faq/"> an interview David did</a> on the topic of today’s Klan)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerner_Commission">Kerner Commission Report</a> (1968)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://esopstl.org/">Ethical Society of Police</a> (cf. this compelling <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xxSb-cY_VUE&amp;list=WL&amp;index=3&amp;t=0s">local post-Ferguson PBS documentary</a> that speaks with St. Louis African-American police officers)</li>
</ul><p><strong>Recallable Books</strong></p><ul>
<li>Walter Johnson, “<a href="https://www.basicbooks.com/titles/walter-johnson/the-broken-heart-of-america/9780465064267/">The Broken Heart of America</a>” (2020)</li>
<li>James Baldwin, “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Fire_Next_Time">The Fire Next Time</a>” (1963)</li>
<li>Ta-Nehisi Coates, “<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Between_the_World_and_Me">Between the World and Me</a>” (2015)</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Listen and <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/rtb-38-cunningham-kruder-transcrip.pdf">Read</a> Here:</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2255</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ac117fe0-5a55-11ef-836b-f75ab15f6c70]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3553035699.mp3?updated=1723651922" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Miguel Montalva Barba, "White Supremacy and Racism in Progressive America: Race, Place, and Space" (Policy Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>White Supremacy and Racism in Progressive America: Race, Place, and Space (Policy Press, 2024) examines the connections between race, place, and space, and sheds light on how they contribute and maintain racial hierarchies.
Dr. Miguel Montalva Barba focuses on the White residents of Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, which, according to the Cooks Political Report Partisan Voting Index, is the most liberal district in the state and 15th in the United States of America. The book uses settler colonialism and critical race theory to explore how self-identified progressive White residents perceive their gentrifying neighborhood and how they make sense of their positionality.
Using the extended case method, as well as in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis and visual/media analysis, the author reveals how systemic racialized inequality persists even in a politically progressive borough.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>476</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Miguel Montalva Barba</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>White Supremacy and Racism in Progressive America: Race, Place, and Space (Policy Press, 2024) examines the connections between race, place, and space, and sheds light on how they contribute and maintain racial hierarchies.
Dr. Miguel Montalva Barba focuses on the White residents of Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, which, according to the Cooks Political Report Partisan Voting Index, is the most liberal district in the state and 15th in the United States of America. The book uses settler colonialism and critical race theory to explore how self-identified progressive White residents perceive their gentrifying neighborhood and how they make sense of their positionality.
Using the extended case method, as well as in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis and visual/media analysis, the author reveals how systemic racialized inequality persists even in a politically progressive borough.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781529235432"><em>White Supremacy and Racism in Progressive America: Race, Place, and Space</em></a> (Policy Press, 2024) examines the connections between race, place, and space, and sheds light on how they contribute and maintain racial hierarchies.</p><p>Dr. Miguel Montalva Barba focuses on the White residents of Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, which, according to the Cooks Political Report Partisan Voting Index, is the most liberal district in the state and 15th in the United States of America. The book uses settler colonialism and critical race theory to explore how self-identified progressive White residents perceive their gentrifying neighborhood and how they make sense of their positionality.</p><p>Using the extended case method, as well as in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis and visual/media analysis, the author reveals how systemic racialized inequality persists even in a politically progressive borough.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3087</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0f4253aa-59a7-11ef-9b78-6b078ffaaa77]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1850441007.mp3?updated=1723578193" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James Madison and the Spirit of Self-Government: A Conversation with Colleen Sheehan</title>
      <description>Who was James Madison? Why were his Notes on Government so valuable to the American founding? Did James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington all achieve what Sheehan calls “Civic Friendship”? Colleen Sheehan joins Madison’s Notes to discuss her seminal works on James Madison: The Mind of James Madison: The Legacy of Classical Republicanism (Cambridge University Press, 2025) and James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government (Cambridge University Press, 2019).
Colleen Sheehan is a former Republican member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. A former, longtime member of the Villanova University faculty, she is currently a professor of politics and ethics in the Arizona State University's School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>114</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who was James Madison? Why were his Notes on Government so valuable to the American founding? Did James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington all achieve what Sheehan calls “Civic Friendship”? Colleen Sheehan joins Madison’s Notes to discuss her seminal works on James Madison: The Mind of James Madison: The Legacy of Classical Republicanism (Cambridge University Press, 2025) and James Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government (Cambridge University Press, 2019).
Colleen Sheehan is a former Republican member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. A former, longtime member of the Villanova University faculty, she is currently a professor of politics and ethics in the Arizona State University's School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership
Madison’s Notes is the podcast of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who was James Madison? Why were his <em>Notes on Government</em> so valuable to the American founding? Did James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and George Washington all achieve what Sheehan calls “Civic Friendship”? Colleen Sheehan joins Madison’s Notes to discuss her seminal works on James Madison: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781107029477"><em>The Mind of James Madison: The Legacy of Classical Republicanism</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2025) and <em>J</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780521727334"><em>ames Madison and the Spirit of Republican Self-Government </em></a>(Cambridge University Press, 2019).</p><p>Colleen Sheehan is a former Republican member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives. A former, longtime member of the Villanova University faculty, she is currently a professor of politics and ethics in the Arizona State University's School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a> is the podcast of Princeton <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3344</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[749a72f6-5988-11ef-afbb-2fefb1ad8806]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6004003623.mp3?updated=1728313527" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marc Ambinder, “The Brink: President Reagan and the Nuclear War Scare of 1983” (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2018)</title>
      <description>The Brink: President Reagan and the Nuclear War Scare of 1983 (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2018), by Marc Ambinder, is a history of US-Soviet Relations under Ronald Reagan and an exploration of nuclear command and control operations. Ambender weaves together accounts of military exercises, false alarms, and espionage to tell the story of how close the U.S. and the former Soviet Union came to nuclear war in 1983. The Brink is a narrative-style book that also details the evolution of U.S. nuclear war decision-making practices, continuity of government planning, and U.S. interactions with NATO and allies in during the 1980s.

Beth Windisch is a national security practitioner. You can tweet her @bethwindisch.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marc Ambinder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Brink: President Reagan and the Nuclear War Scare of 1983 (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2018), by Marc Ambinder, is a history of US-Soviet Relations under Ronald Reagan and an exploration of nuclear command and control operations. Ambender weaves together accounts of military exercises, false alarms, and espionage to tell the story of how close the U.S. and the former Soviet Union came to nuclear war in 1983. The Brink is a narrative-style book that also details the evolution of U.S. nuclear war decision-making practices, continuity of government planning, and U.S. interactions with NATO and allies in during the 1980s.

Beth Windisch is a national security practitioner. You can tweet her @bethwindisch.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QgyVf99pPBUwl2h6wcW4DvkAAAFkeeU51QEAAAFKAbBJi64/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1476760373/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1476760373&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=tZUFdSTvWxuMtFcmQHWSWg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Brink: President Reagan and the Nuclear War Scare of 1983</a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2018), by <a href="https://marcambinder.wordpress.com/">Marc Ambinder</a>, is a history of US-Soviet Relations under Ronald Reagan and an exploration of nuclear command and control operations. Ambender weaves together accounts of military exercises, false alarms, and espionage to tell the story of how close the U.S. and the former Soviet Union came to nuclear war in 1983. The Brink is a narrative-style book that also details the evolution of U.S. nuclear war decision-making practices, continuity of government planning, and U.S. interactions with NATO and allies in during the 1980s.</p><p><br></p><p>Beth Windisch is a national security practitioner. You can tweet her <a href="https://twitter.com/bethwindisch">@bethwindisch.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3489</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=75922]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2933851257.mp3?updated=1723496575" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Charles Hoffer, "The Supreme Court Footnote: A Surprising History" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>When the draft majority decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health was leaked, the media, public officials, and scholars focused on the overturning of Roe v. Wade. They noted Justice Alito’s strident tone and radical use of originalism to eliminate constitutional protection for reproductive rights. My guest today has written a book that asks us to also notice over 140 footnotes in the majority opinion and dissent. Are these notes part of the law? In his new book, The Supreme Court Footnote: A Surprising History (NYU Press, 2024), Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer insists that these notes are significant. The footnotes reveal the justices' beliefs about the Constitution's essence, highlight their controversial reasoning, and expose “vastly different interpretations of the role of Supreme Court Justice.”
Using a comprehensive qualitative analysis, The Supreme Court Footnote, offers a history of the evolution of footnotes in US Supreme Court opinions and a thoughtful set of case studies to reveal the particular ways that the footnote has affected Supreme Court decisions. Hoffer argues that justices alter the course of history through their decisions and the footnote is the way in which they push their own understanding of the Constitution.
Eight case studies show how the footnote has evolved over time. He begins with Chisholm v. Georgia in 1792 and ends with Dobbs v. Jackson case in 2022. Using Dred Scott, Viterbo v. Friedlander, Muller v. Oregon, United States v. Carolene Products, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, and District of Columbia v. Heller, Hoffer demonstrates how the footnotes reflect the changing role of the Supreme Court justice and the manner in which they interpret the Constitution. Dr. Hoffer looks back in order to look forward. He offers a study of the footnote that is relevant to contemporary debates over the Supreme Court, methods of interpretation, and politics. 
Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer is Distinguished Research Professor of History at the University of Georgia. Hoffer went to University of Rochester and Harvard and has taught at Ohio State, Notre Dame, and UGA (since 1978). He has written books on the Supreme Court, the Federal Court System, infanticide, impeachment, abortion, early American history, slave rebellions, and historical methods.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Anthony Grafton’s The Footnote: A Curious History (Harvard, 1999)

My NBN conversation with Laura F. Edward’s on her book (The People and their Peace), originalism and domestic violence


The University of Kansas’s Landmark Law Series


Peter’s book Reading Law Forward: The Making of a Democratic Jurisprudence from John Marshall to Stephen G. Breyer (University of Kansas, 2023)

The June 2024 recording of Justices Roberts and Alito on godliness

Susan’s “Sensitive Places?: How Gender Unmasks the Myth of Originalism in District of Columbia v. Heller” (Polity, 2021)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>728</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter Charles Hoffer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When the draft majority decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health was leaked, the media, public officials, and scholars focused on the overturning of Roe v. Wade. They noted Justice Alito’s strident tone and radical use of originalism to eliminate constitutional protection for reproductive rights. My guest today has written a book that asks us to also notice over 140 footnotes in the majority opinion and dissent. Are these notes part of the law? In his new book, The Supreme Court Footnote: A Surprising History (NYU Press, 2024), Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer insists that these notes are significant. The footnotes reveal the justices' beliefs about the Constitution's essence, highlight their controversial reasoning, and expose “vastly different interpretations of the role of Supreme Court Justice.”
Using a comprehensive qualitative analysis, The Supreme Court Footnote, offers a history of the evolution of footnotes in US Supreme Court opinions and a thoughtful set of case studies to reveal the particular ways that the footnote has affected Supreme Court decisions. Hoffer argues that justices alter the course of history through their decisions and the footnote is the way in which they push their own understanding of the Constitution.
Eight case studies show how the footnote has evolved over time. He begins with Chisholm v. Georgia in 1792 and ends with Dobbs v. Jackson case in 2022. Using Dred Scott, Viterbo v. Friedlander, Muller v. Oregon, United States v. Carolene Products, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, and District of Columbia v. Heller, Hoffer demonstrates how the footnotes reflect the changing role of the Supreme Court justice and the manner in which they interpret the Constitution. Dr. Hoffer looks back in order to look forward. He offers a study of the footnote that is relevant to contemporary debates over the Supreme Court, methods of interpretation, and politics. 
Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer is Distinguished Research Professor of History at the University of Georgia. Hoffer went to University of Rochester and Harvard and has taught at Ohio State, Notre Dame, and UGA (since 1978). He has written books on the Supreme Court, the Federal Court System, infanticide, impeachment, abortion, early American history, slave rebellions, and historical methods.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Anthony Grafton’s The Footnote: A Curious History (Harvard, 1999)

My NBN conversation with Laura F. Edward’s on her book (The People and their Peace), originalism and domestic violence


The University of Kansas’s Landmark Law Series


Peter’s book Reading Law Forward: The Making of a Democratic Jurisprudence from John Marshall to Stephen G. Breyer (University of Kansas, 2023)

The June 2024 recording of Justices Roberts and Alito on godliness

Susan’s “Sensitive Places?: How Gender Unmasks the Myth of Originalism in District of Columbia v. Heller” (Polity, 2021)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When the draft majority decision in <em>Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health</em> was leaked, the media, public officials, and scholars focused on the overturning of <em>Roe v. Wade</em>. They noted Justice Alito’s strident tone and radical use of originalism to eliminate constitutional protection for reproductive rights. My guest today has written a book that asks us to also notice over 140 footnotes in the majority opinion and dissent. Are these notes part of the law? In his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479830220"><em>The Supreme Court Footnote: A Surprising History</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2024), Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer insists that these notes are significant. The footnotes reveal the justices' beliefs about the Constitution's essence, highlight their controversial reasoning, and expose “vastly different interpretations of the role of Supreme Court Justice.”</p><p>Using a comprehensive qualitative analysis, <em>The Supreme Court Footnote</em>, offers a history of the evolution of footnotes in US Supreme Court opinions and a thoughtful set of case studies to reveal the particular ways that the footnote has affected Supreme Court decisions. Hoffer argues that justices alter the course of history through their decisions and the footnote is the way in which they push their own understanding of the Constitution.</p><p>Eight case studies show how the footnote has evolved over time. He begins with <em>Chisholm v. Georgia</em> in 1792 and ends with <em>Dobbs v. Jackson</em> case in 2022. Using <em>Dred Scott, Viterbo v. Friedlander, Muller v. Oregon, United States v. Carolene Products, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, </em>and <em>District of Columbia v. Heller</em>, Hoffer demonstrates how the footnotes reflect the changing role of the Supreme Court justice and the manner in which they interpret the Constitution. Dr. Hoffer looks back in order to look forward. He offers a study of the footnote that is relevant to contemporary debates over the Supreme Court, methods of interpretation, and politics. </p><p><a href="https://www.history.uga.edu/directory/people/peter-charles-hoffer">Dr. Peter Charles Hoffer</a> is Distinguished Research Professor of History at the University of Georgia. Hoffer went to University of Rochester and Harvard and has taught at Ohio State, Notre Dame, and UGA (since 1978). He has written books on the Supreme Court, the Federal Court System, infanticide, impeachment, abortion, early American history, slave rebellions, and historical methods.</p><p>During the podcast, we mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Anthony Grafton’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-footnote-a-curious-history-anthony-grafton/6715257?gad_source=1&amp;gclid=CjwKCAjw1K-zBhBIEiwAWeCOF2tJ27n38ZLn6FijfFGNbHSrTKoXMcfbqF5QyEiQ2ZpjbWZG5LUfpBoCOrsQAvD_BwE"><em>The Footnote: A Curious History</em></a> (Harvard, 1999)</li>
<li>My NBN <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-people-and-their-peace#entry:262520@1:url">conversation with Laura F. Edward’s on her book (<em>The People and their Peace), </em>originalism and domestic violence</a>
</li>
<li>The University of Kansas’s <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/search-grid/?keyword=landmark+law+cases">Landmark Law Series</a>
</li>
<li>Peter’s book <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/reading-law-forward-the-making-of-a-democratic-jurisprudence-from-john-marshall-to-stephen-g-breyer-peter-charles-hoffer/20014339"><em>Reading Law Forward: The Making of a Democratic Jurisprudence from John Marshall to Stephen G. Breyer</em></a> (University of Kansas, 2023)</li>
<li>The <a href="https://www.npr.org/2024/06/12/nx-s1-5002000/lauren-windsor-secret-recordings-supreme-court-chief-justice-roberts-and-justice-alito">June 2024 recording of Justices Roberts and Alito</a> on godliness</li>
<li>Susan’s “<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/%E2%80%A2%09https:/www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/712393">Sensitive Places?: How Gender Unmasks the Myth of Originalism in <em>District of Columbia</em> v. <em>Heller</em></a>” (<em>Polity</em>, 2021)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3753</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[540d1ff4-5693-11ef-8749-3f9c104740da]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8399365277.mp3?updated=1723287005" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Spencer Piston, “Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with Spencer Piston about a provocative new book Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Spencer Piston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with Spencer Piston about a provocative new book Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with <a href="https://www.bu.edu/polisci/people/faculty/piston/">Spencer Piston</a> about a provocative new book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QvnGse4NYYNDh_rWO8B3lmEAAAFlqwPukQEAAAFKAZ2HNBU/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108447120/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108447120&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=XnAedP8BSMRPOP7fXewoLQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77693]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1388534061.mp3?updated=1723318707" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Paul Volcker: “The only number that works is zero”</title>
      <description>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In the fourth and final episode of this series, he talks to William Silber – author of Volcker: The Triumph of Persistence (Bloomsbury, 2012). A giant (literally) of 20th-century policymaking, Volcker chaired the Fed from 1979 to 1987, implementing monetarist shock therapy, driving up the fed funds rate from 11% to 20% to crush inflation expectations, and pulling inflation down from nearly 15% in early 1980 to below 3% three years later.
“For Volcker, the most important denigrating fact of inflation was … that it undermines trust in government,” says Silber. “When we give the government the right to print money … we trust that the government will not debase the currency … When you think about inflation in that context, there is no number – two, four, six. Any number is bad. The only number that works is zero .. If you asked Volcker – and I asked him – what's the right number, he said zero”.
From 1990 until his retirement in 2019, Bill Silber was professor of economics at the Stern School of Business, New York University. His award-winning book is built on more than 100 hours of interviews with Volcker. The author of seven other books, Silber’s latest – The Power of Nothing to Lose: The Hail Mary Effect in Politics, War, and Business – will be published in paperback in September 2024.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 09 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>158</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/130fcbe0-5293-11ef-ba75-5f3c0307410b/image/eb590bba21c5cca0a49b7d4af5fe575c.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the Room at the Federal Reserve, Episode 4</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In the fourth and final episode of this series, he talks to William Silber – author of Volcker: The Triumph of Persistence (Bloomsbury, 2012). A giant (literally) of 20th-century policymaking, Volcker chaired the Fed from 1979 to 1987, implementing monetarist shock therapy, driving up the fed funds rate from 11% to 20% to crush inflation expectations, and pulling inflation down from nearly 15% in early 1980 to below 3% three years later.
“For Volcker, the most important denigrating fact of inflation was … that it undermines trust in government,” says Silber. “When we give the government the right to print money … we trust that the government will not debase the currency … When you think about inflation in that context, there is no number – two, four, six. Any number is bad. The only number that works is zero .. If you asked Volcker – and I asked him – what's the right number, he said zero”.
From 1990 until his retirement in 2019, Bill Silber was professor of economics at the Stern School of Business, New York University. His award-winning book is built on more than 100 hours of interviews with Volcker. The author of seven other books, Silber’s latest – The Power of Nothing to Lose: The Hail Mary Effect in Politics, War, and Business – will be published in paperback in September 2024.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p><p>In this podcast series, <a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.</p><p>In the fourth and final episode of this series, he talks to <a href="https://pages.stern.nyu.edu/~wsilber/">William Silber</a> – author of <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/volcker-the-triumph-of-persistence-william-l-silber/4177744?ean=9781620402924">Volcker: The Triumph of Persistence</a> (Bloomsbury, 2012). A giant (literally) of 20th-century policymaking, Volcker chaired the Fed from 1979 to 1987, implementing monetarist shock therapy, driving up the fed funds rate from 11% to 20% to crush inflation expectations, and pulling inflation down from nearly 15% in early 1980 to below 3% three years later.</p><p>“For Volcker, the most important denigrating fact of inflation was … that it undermines trust in government,” says Silber. “When we give the government the right to print money … we trust that the government will not debase the currency … When you think about inflation in that context, there is no number – two, four, six. Any number is bad. The only number that works is zero .. If you asked Volcker – and I asked him – what's the right number, he said zero”.</p><p>From 1990 until his retirement in 2019, Bill Silber was professor of economics at the Stern School of Business, New York University. His award-winning book is built on more than 100 hours of interviews with Volcker. The author of seven other books, Silber’s latest – <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/the-power-of-nothing-to-lose-the-hail-mary-effect-in-politics-war-and-business-william-l-silber/5027564?ean=9780063011526">The Power of Nothing to Lose: The Hail Mary Effect in Politics, War, and Business</a> – will be published in paperback in September 2024.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2840</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[130fcbe0-5293-11ef-ba75-5f3c0307410b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8445462227.mp3?updated=1722799086" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel Kahneman’s Forgotten Legacy: Investigating Exxon-Funded Psychological Research</title>
      <description>After the unprecedented Exxon Valdez oil spill, a jury of ordinary Alaskans decided that Exxon had to be punished. However, Exxon fought back against their punishment. They did so, in-part, by supporting research that suggested jurors are irrational. This work came from an esteemed group of psychologists, behavioural economists, and legal theorists–including Daniel Kahneman, and Cass Sunstein.
In this three-part series in partnership with Canada’s National Observer, Cited Podcast investigates the forgotten legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill and the research that followed. This first part, an Alaskan Nightmare, covers the spill and its immediate effects. Subsequent episodes will run weekly. Subscribe today to ensure you do not miss part #2, 12 Angry Alaskans, and part #3, Damaging Rationality.
This is episode five of Cited Podcast’s returning season, the Rationality Wars. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 09 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Rationality Wars, Episode 5</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After the unprecedented Exxon Valdez oil spill, a jury of ordinary Alaskans decided that Exxon had to be punished. However, Exxon fought back against their punishment. They did so, in-part, by supporting research that suggested jurors are irrational. This work came from an esteemed group of psychologists, behavioural economists, and legal theorists–including Daniel Kahneman, and Cass Sunstein.
In this three-part series in partnership with Canada’s National Observer, Cited Podcast investigates the forgotten legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill and the research that followed. This first part, an Alaskan Nightmare, covers the spill and its immediate effects. Subsequent episodes will run weekly. Subscribe today to ensure you do not miss part #2, 12 Angry Alaskans, and part #3, Damaging Rationality.
This is episode five of Cited Podcast’s returning season, the Rationality Wars. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After the unprecedented Exxon Valdez oil spill, a jury of ordinary Alaskans decided that Exxon had to be punished. However, Exxon fought back against their punishment. They did so, in-part, by supporting research that suggested jurors are irrational. This work came from an esteemed group of psychologists, behavioural economists, and legal theorists–including Daniel Kahneman, and Cass Sunstein.</p><p>In this three-part series in partnership with <a href="https://www.nationalobserver.com/"><em>Canada’s National Observer</em></a>, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast</em></a> investigates the forgotten legacy of the Exxon Valdez oil spill and the research that followed. This first part, <em>an Alaskan Nightmare, </em>covers the spill and its immediate effects. Subsequent episodes will run weekly. <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/cited-podcast/id558228325">Subscribe today</a> to ensure you do not miss part #2, <em>12 Angry Alaskans, </em>and part #3, <em>Damaging Rationality</em>.</p><p>This is episode five of <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> returning season, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-02-the-rationality-wars/"><em>the Rationality Wars</em></a>. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/This%20is%20episode%20three%20of%20Cited%20Podcast%E2%80%99s%20returning%20season,%20the%20Rationality%20Wars.%20This%20season%20tells%20stories%20of%20political%20and%20scholarly%20battles%20to%20define%20rationality%20and%20irrationality.%20For%20a%20full%20list%20of%20credits,%20and%20for%20the%20rest%20of%20the%20episodes,%20visit%20the%20series%20page.">visit the series page</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3795</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8584971764.mp3?updated=1723139796" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Arthur Burns: “The smartest guy in the room”</title>
      <description>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this third episode, he talks to Wyatt Wells – author of Economist in an Uncertain World – Arthur F. Burns and The Federal Reserve, 1970–1978 (Columbia University Press, 1994). Burns has had a bad press - so bad that Chris Hughes, one of Facebook's founders, was moved to rehabilitate him. Leading the Fed from 1970 to 1978 when inflation averaged 9%, Burns was an accomplished business-cycle economist but also a politically partisan Chair intensely loyal to Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Going far beyond his remit as a central banker, Burns oversaw government efforts to control prices and wages as an alternative to monetary policy.
“If you couple an incomes policy with a tight fiscal and monetary policy, it can work. The problem is that it often becomes an excuse for not doing that,” says Wells. “Burns found himself trapped in this position where he felt he couldn't raise interest rates without wrecking the controls programme and possibly his own career – his own position at the Fed. It's clear in ‘73, he knows interest rates need to go up. They're trying to raise them but he's got these political concessions and he's doing this sort of dance, trying to square the circle … And of course: ‘I'm the smartest guy in the room. Therefore, I should play a key role in this effort to balance everything’. I think there are very few Federal Reserve chairmen who have elbowed their way into other areas in the way that Burns did. Maybe none”.
An economic historian, Wyatt Wells has been Professor of History at Auburn University, Montgomery, since 1997.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>157</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/83a5d40a-5291-11ef-8d32-6b81f754e399/image/eb590bba21c5cca0a49b7d4af5fe575c.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Arthur Burns</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this third episode, he talks to Wyatt Wells – author of Economist in an Uncertain World – Arthur F. Burns and The Federal Reserve, 1970–1978 (Columbia University Press, 1994). Burns has had a bad press - so bad that Chris Hughes, one of Facebook's founders, was moved to rehabilitate him. Leading the Fed from 1970 to 1978 when inflation averaged 9%, Burns was an accomplished business-cycle economist but also a politically partisan Chair intensely loyal to Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Going far beyond his remit as a central banker, Burns oversaw government efforts to control prices and wages as an alternative to monetary policy.
“If you couple an incomes policy with a tight fiscal and monetary policy, it can work. The problem is that it often becomes an excuse for not doing that,” says Wells. “Burns found himself trapped in this position where he felt he couldn't raise interest rates without wrecking the controls programme and possibly his own career – his own position at the Fed. It's clear in ‘73, he knows interest rates need to go up. They're trying to raise them but he's got these political concessions and he's doing this sort of dance, trying to square the circle … And of course: ‘I'm the smartest guy in the room. Therefore, I should play a key role in this effort to balance everything’. I think there are very few Federal Reserve chairmen who have elbowed their way into other areas in the way that Burns did. Maybe none”.
An economic historian, Wyatt Wells has been Professor of History at Auburn University, Montgomery, since 1997.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p><p>In this podcast series, <a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.</p><p>In this third episode, he talks to <a href="https://www.aum.edu/directory/wyatt-wells/?printinfo=1">Wyatt Wells</a> – author of <a href="https://cup.columbia.edu/book/economist-in-an-uncertain-world/9780231084963">Economist in an Uncertain World – Arthur F. Burns and The Federal Reserve, 1970–1978</a> (Columbia University Press, 1994). Burns has had a bad press - so bad that Chris Hughes, one of Facebook's founders, was moved to <a href="https://democracyjournal.org/magazine/67/rethinking-arthur-burns-the-worst-fed-chair-in-history/">rehabilitate</a> him. Leading the Fed from 1970 to 1978 when inflation averaged 9%, Burns was an accomplished business-cycle economist but also a politically partisan Chair intensely loyal to Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Going far beyond his remit as a central banker, Burns oversaw government efforts to control prices and wages as an alternative to monetary policy.</p><p>“If you couple an incomes policy with a tight fiscal and monetary policy, it can work. The problem is that it often becomes an excuse for not doing that,” says Wells. “Burns found himself trapped in this position where he felt he couldn't raise interest rates without wrecking the controls programme and possibly his own career – his own position at the Fed. It's clear in ‘73, he knows interest rates need to go up. They're trying to raise them but he's got these political concessions and he's doing this sort of dance, trying to square the circle … And of course: ‘I'm the smartest guy in the room. Therefore, I should play a key role in this effort to balance everything’. I think there are very few Federal Reserve chairmen who have elbowed their way into other areas in the way that Burns did. Maybe none”.</p><p>An economic historian, Wyatt Wells has been Professor of History at Auburn University, Montgomery, since 1997.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2738</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[83a5d40a-5291-11ef-8d32-6b81f754e399]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5102204545.mp3?updated=1722798898" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melissa Fitzgerald and Mary McCormack, "What's Next: A Backstage Pass to The West Wing, Its Cast and Crew, and Its Enduring Legacy of Service" (Dutton, 2024)</title>
      <description>Twenty-five years ago, The West Wing premiered to great acclaim. This book is a behind-the-scenes look into the creation and legacy of the series, as told by cast members Melissa Fitzgerald and Mary McCormack. The authors help us step back inside the world of President Jed Bartlet’s Oval Office as they reunite the West Wing cast and crew, including series creator Aaron Sorkin and many others, in a lively and colorful “backstage pass” to the timeless series. 
From cast member origin stories to the collective cathartic farewell on the show’s final night of filming, What's Next: A Backstage Pass to The West Wing, Its Cast and Crew, and Its Enduring Legacy of Service (Dutton, 2024). includes on-set and off-camera anecdotes that even West Wing superfans (Wingnuts) have never heard. Meanwhile, a deeper analysis of the show’s legacy through American culture, service, government, and civic life underscores how the series envisaged an American politics of decency and honor, creating an aspirational White House beyond the bounds of fictional television. Fitzgerald and McCormick revisit beloved episodes with fresh, untold commentary; compile poignant and hilarious stories from the show’s production; highlight initiatives supported by the cast, crew, and creators; and make a powerful case for competent, empathetic leadership, hope, and optimism for whatever lies ahead.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>209</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melissa Fitzgerald and Mary McCormack</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Twenty-five years ago, The West Wing premiered to great acclaim. This book is a behind-the-scenes look into the creation and legacy of the series, as told by cast members Melissa Fitzgerald and Mary McCormack. The authors help us step back inside the world of President Jed Bartlet’s Oval Office as they reunite the West Wing cast and crew, including series creator Aaron Sorkin and many others, in a lively and colorful “backstage pass” to the timeless series. 
From cast member origin stories to the collective cathartic farewell on the show’s final night of filming, What's Next: A Backstage Pass to The West Wing, Its Cast and Crew, and Its Enduring Legacy of Service (Dutton, 2024). includes on-set and off-camera anecdotes that even West Wing superfans (Wingnuts) have never heard. Meanwhile, a deeper analysis of the show’s legacy through American culture, service, government, and civic life underscores how the series envisaged an American politics of decency and honor, creating an aspirational White House beyond the bounds of fictional television. Fitzgerald and McCormick revisit beloved episodes with fresh, untold commentary; compile poignant and hilarious stories from the show’s production; highlight initiatives supported by the cast, crew, and creators; and make a powerful case for competent, empathetic leadership, hope, and optimism for whatever lies ahead.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Twenty-five years ago, <em>The West Wing</em> premiered to great acclaim. This book is a behind-the-scenes look into the creation and legacy of the series, as told by cast members Melissa Fitzgerald and Mary McCormack. The authors help us step back inside the world of President Jed Bartlet’s Oval Office as they reunite the West Wing cast and crew, including series creator Aaron Sorkin and many others, in a lively and colorful “backstage pass” to the timeless series. </p><p>From cast member origin stories to the collective cathartic farewell on the show’s final night of filming, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593184547"><em>What's Next: A Backstage Pass to The West Wing, Its Cast and Crew, and Its Enduring Legacy of Service</em></a> (Dutton, 2024). includes on-set and off-camera anecdotes that even West Wing superfans (Wingnuts) have never heard. Meanwhile, a deeper analysis of the show’s legacy through American culture, service, government, and civic life underscores how the series envisaged an American politics of decency and honor, creating an aspirational White House beyond the bounds of fictional television. Fitzgerald and McCormick revisit beloved episodes with fresh, untold commentary; compile poignant and hilarious stories from the show’s production; highlight initiatives supported by the cast, crew, and creators; and make a powerful case for competent, empathetic leadership, hope, and optimism for whatever lies ahead.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3690</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4754a740-5419-11ef-bedb-c7136cc53f25]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3064142622.mp3?updated=1722969792" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bill Martin: “Truman looked at him and said: ‘Traitor’”</title>
      <description>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this second episode, he interviews Robert Bremner – author of Chairman of the Fed: William McChesney Martin Jr. and the Creation of the Modern American Financial System (Yale University Press, 2004). Bill Martin still holds the record for the longest chairmanship at the Fed – holding the office from 1951 to 1970. A Democrat, he was first nominated by President Harry Truman and reappointed (more or less willingly) by Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. He dismantled government wartime controls over interest rates, battled to save the postwar currency-management regime, democratised the Fed, and fought successive presidents to keep its independence.
These conflicts started early, says Bremner. “Martin told this story about walking down Wall Street and passing the president going the other way and Martin said: ‘Good morning, Mr. President, great to see you’. And Truman looked at him and said: ‘Traitor’. Basically Truman wanted to continue low interest
rates certainly until he left office and for as long as possible”.
After a career in finance at the World Bank and in the mutual-fund industry, Bob Bremner is now a director of the Westminster Ingleside Foundation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>156</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/0d259790-528f-11ef-963e-db6d2e823a73/image/eb590bba21c5cca0a49b7d4af5fe575c.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the Room at the Federal Reserve, Episode 2</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this second episode, he interviews Robert Bremner – author of Chairman of the Fed: William McChesney Martin Jr. and the Creation of the Modern American Financial System (Yale University Press, 2004). Bill Martin still holds the record for the longest chairmanship at the Fed – holding the office from 1951 to 1970. A Democrat, he was first nominated by President Harry Truman and reappointed (more or less willingly) by Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. He dismantled government wartime controls over interest rates, battled to save the postwar currency-management regime, democratised the Fed, and fought successive presidents to keep its independence.
These conflicts started early, says Bremner. “Martin told this story about walking down Wall Street and passing the president going the other way and Martin said: ‘Good morning, Mr. President, great to see you’. And Truman looked at him and said: ‘Traitor’. Basically Truman wanted to continue low interest
rates certainly until he left office and for as long as possible”.
After a career in finance at the World Bank and in the mutual-fund industry, Bob Bremner is now a director of the Westminster Ingleside Foundation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p><p>In this podcast series, <a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.</p><p>In this second episode, he interviews Robert Bremner – author of <a href="https://yalebooks.co.uk/book/9780300191387/chairman-of-the-fed/">Chairman of the Fed: William McChesney Martin Jr. and the Creation of the Modern American Financial System</a> (Yale University Press, 2004). Bill Martin still holds the record for the longest chairmanship at the Fed – holding the office from 1951 to 1970. A Democrat, he was first nominated by President Harry Truman and reappointed (more or less willingly) by Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. He dismantled government wartime controls over interest rates, battled to save the postwar currency-management regime, democratised the Fed, and fought successive presidents to keep its independence.</p><p>These conflicts started early, says Bremner. “Martin told this story about walking down Wall Street and passing the president going the other way and Martin said: ‘Good morning, Mr. President, great to see you’. And Truman looked at him and said: ‘Traitor’. Basically Truman wanted to continue low interest</p><p>rates certainly until he left office and for as long as possible”.</p><p>After a career in finance at the World Bank and in the mutual-fund industry, Bob Bremner is now a director of the Westminster Ingleside Foundation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2786</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0d259790-528f-11ef-963e-db6d2e823a73]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3133716197.mp3?updated=1722798660" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Samuel Ely Bagg, "The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>This year, many countries around the world, including most of the world's most populous democracies, have consequential nation-wide elections. In many of these elections, democracy itself is at stake. The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023) is an urgent call to rethink centuries of conventional wisdom about what democracy is, why it matters, and how to make it better. Drawing from history, social science, psychology, and critical theory, Samuel Ely Bagg explains why we should shift our orientation away from maximizing collective self-rule and why prevailing strategies of democratic reform often make things worse. Bagg argues we should see democracy as a way of protecting public power from capture - a vision that is at once more realistic and, he argues, more inspiring. The book presents an ambitious and comprehensive engagement with democracy's foundations, principles, and practices. Make no mistake, this work of political theory is profoundly worldly: it bears reading for those interested in politics across time, space, and scale - from the reconstruction US to contemporary Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela. 
Samuel Bagg is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina, where he teaches courses in political theory. Before coming to UofSC, he taught at the University of Oxford, McGill University, and Duke University, where he received his PhD in 2017.
Vatsal Naresh is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. His recent publications include co-edited volumes on Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>727</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel Ely Bagg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This year, many countries around the world, including most of the world's most populous democracies, have consequential nation-wide elections. In many of these elections, democracy itself is at stake. The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023) is an urgent call to rethink centuries of conventional wisdom about what democracy is, why it matters, and how to make it better. Drawing from history, social science, psychology, and critical theory, Samuel Ely Bagg explains why we should shift our orientation away from maximizing collective self-rule and why prevailing strategies of democratic reform often make things worse. Bagg argues we should see democracy as a way of protecting public power from capture - a vision that is at once more realistic and, he argues, more inspiring. The book presents an ambitious and comprehensive engagement with democracy's foundations, principles, and practices. Make no mistake, this work of political theory is profoundly worldly: it bears reading for those interested in politics across time, space, and scale - from the reconstruction US to contemporary Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela. 
Samuel Bagg is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina, where he teaches courses in political theory. Before coming to UofSC, he taught at the University of Oxford, McGill University, and Duke University, where he received his PhD in 2017.
Vatsal Naresh is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. His recent publications include co-edited volumes on Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This year, many countries around the world, including most of the world's most populous democracies, have consequential nation-wide elections. In many of these elections, democracy itself is at stake. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192848826"><em>The Dispersion of Power: A Critical Realist Theory of Democracy</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023) is an urgent call to rethink centuries of conventional wisdom about what democracy is, why it matters, and how to make it better. Drawing from history, social science, psychology, and critical theory, Samuel Ely Bagg explains why we should shift our orientation away from maximizing collective self-rule and why prevailing strategies of democratic reform often make things worse. Bagg argues we should see democracy as a way of protecting public power from capture - a vision that is at once more realistic and, he argues, more inspiring. The book presents an ambitious and comprehensive engagement with democracy's foundations, principles, and practices. Make no mistake, this work of political theory is profoundly worldly: it bears reading for those interested in politics across time, space, and scale - from the reconstruction US to contemporary Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela. </p><p>Samuel Bagg is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of South Carolina, where he teaches courses in political theory. Before coming to UofSC, he taught at the University of Oxford, McGill University, and Duke University, where he received his PhD in 2017.</p><p><a href="https://vatsalnaresh.com/">Vatsal Naresh</a> is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. His recent publications include co-edited volumes on Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4793</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5f483a6e-5366-11ef-b651-4b6dae77bb04]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2123215357.mp3?updated=1722890849" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jason Blakely, "Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life" (Agenda Publishing, 2023)</title>
      <description>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, Jason Blakely argues in his new book Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life (Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.
If you like this episode of New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their Interpretive Social Science, and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his Against the Grain.
Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to The Language Animal, Cosmic Connections, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, Septology.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>20</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jason Blakely</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, Jason Blakely argues in his new book Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life (Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.
If you like this episode of New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their Interpretive Social Science, and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his Against the Grain.
Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to The Language Animal, Cosmic Connections, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, Septology.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If ideology has never before been so much in evidence as a fact and so little understood as it appears to be today then, <a href="https://seaver.pepperdine.edu/academics/faculty/jason-blakely/">Jason Blakely</a> argues in his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788216630"><em>Lost in Ideology: Interpreting Modern Political Life</em></a><em> </em>(Agenda Publishing, 2023), this may not be because we are like travellers guided by old maps of the political world but because we make the mistake of thinking that our maps are the worlds in which we live and act politically. When we read them as if they are reality, rather than a representation of it, we get lost.</p><p>If you like this episode of <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/interpretive-political-and-social-science">New Books in Interpretive Political and Social Science</a> then you might also be interested in others in the series, including Jason and Mark Bevir talking about their <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/mark-bevir-and-jason-blakely-interpretive-social-science-an-anti-naturalist-approach-oxford-up-2018#entry:32409@1:url"><em>Interpretive Social Science</em></a><em>, </em>and James C. Scott, who passed away shortly before this episode was recorded, discussing his <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-c-scott-against-the-grain-a-deep-history-of-the-earliest-states-yale-up-2017#entry:1646@1:url"><em>Against the Grain</em></a><em>.</em></p><p>Jason recommends Charles Taylor’s sequel to <em>The Language Animal,</em> <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/cosmic-connections-poetry-in-the-age-of-disenchantment-charles-taylor/20585720?ean=9780674296084"><em>Cosmic Connections</em></a>, and Jon Fosse’s novelistic exploration of the human condition, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/septology-jon-fosse/18155361?ean=9781945492754"><em>Septology</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2426</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dcb6797c-526f-11ef-82a1-e7fcb5382220]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4858523672.mp3?updated=1722889835" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marriner Eccles: Reform “may not have happened in 1935 if Eccles hadn't been there”</title>
      <description>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this first episode, he interviews Mark Nelson - author of Jumping the Abyss: Marriner S. Eccles and the New Deal, 1933-1940 (University of Utah Press, 2017). Eccles chaired the Fed from 1934 to 1948, turned it into a Washington power centre, and centralised policymaking with the Board of Governors.
The US might have been better served if Eccles and his nemesis Henry Morgenthau, the Treasury Secretary from 1934-1945, had swapped roles, says Nelson. "That's true except for the fact that Eccles did do something very important at the Fed and that is the Banking Act of 1935, which really changed the Fed in an enormously important way and Morgenthau would not have done that ... I think it would have happened at some point. You could make the argument, though, that it may not have happened in 1935 if Eccles hadn't been there because Eccles took the job at the Fed on the understanding that these changes would be made”.
An actor-turned-historian, Mark Nelson was educated at Pepperdine University and Claremont Graduate University and today teaches at Greenville Technical College, South Carolina. His next book will be Race and Recovery: James F. Byrnes and the New Deal.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>155</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/ccab7b72-528d-11ef-b533-fb1cfde5c721/image/eb590bba21c5cca0a49b7d4af5fe575c.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the Room at the Federal Reserve, Episode 1</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.
In this podcast series, Tim Gwynn Jones - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.
In this first episode, he interviews Mark Nelson - author of Jumping the Abyss: Marriner S. Eccles and the New Deal, 1933-1940 (University of Utah Press, 2017). Eccles chaired the Fed from 1934 to 1948, turned it into a Washington power centre, and centralised policymaking with the Board of Governors.
The US might have been better served if Eccles and his nemesis Henry Morgenthau, the Treasury Secretary from 1934-1945, had swapped roles, says Nelson. "That's true except for the fact that Eccles did do something very important at the Fed and that is the Banking Act of 1935, which really changed the Fed in an enormously important way and Morgenthau would not have done that ... I think it would have happened at some point. You could make the argument, though, that it may not have happened in 1935 if Eccles hadn't been there because Eccles took the job at the Fed on the understanding that these changes would be made”.
An actor-turned-historian, Mark Nelson was educated at Pepperdine University and Claremont Graduate University and today teaches at Greenville Technical College, South Carolina. His next book will be Race and Recovery: James F. Byrnes and the New Deal.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than any other global institution, the US Federal Reserve’s decisions and communications drive capital markets and alter financial conditions everywhere from Seattle to Seoul. While its interest rate are set by an expert committee, for almost a century, the Fed’s core philosophy and operational approach have been moulded by one person: the Chair of the Board of Governors.</p><p>In this podcast series, <a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> - a veteran central bank "watcher" - talks to authors of books about the Fed's most influential Chairs, starting with Marriner Eccles, Bill Martin, Arthur Burns, and Paul Volcker.</p><p>In this first episode, he interviews Mark Nelson - author of <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/jumping-the-abyss-marriner-s-eccles-and-the-new-deal-1933-1940-mark-wayne-nelson/3276758?ean=9781607815556">Jumping the Abyss: Marriner S. Eccles and the New Deal, 1933-1940</a> (University of Utah Press, 2017). Eccles chaired the Fed from 1934 to 1948, turned it into a Washington power centre, and centralised policymaking with the Board of Governors.</p><p>The US might have been better served if Eccles and his nemesis Henry Morgenthau, the Treasury Secretary from 1934-1945, had swapped roles, says Nelson. "That's true except for the fact that Eccles did do something very important at the Fed and that is the Banking Act of 1935, which really changed the Fed in an enormously important way and Morgenthau would not have done that ... I think it would have happened at some point. You could make the argument, though, that it may not have happened in 1935 if Eccles hadn't been there because Eccles took the job at the Fed on the understanding that these changes would be made”.</p><p>An actor-turned-historian, Mark Nelson was educated at Pepperdine University and Claremont Graduate University and today teaches at Greenville Technical College, South Carolina. His next book will be <em>Race and Recovery: James F. Byrnes and the New Deal</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3749</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ccab7b72-528d-11ef-b533-fb1cfde5c721]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3494806791.mp3?updated=1722798965" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Race, Gender, and the 2024 Presidential Election Cycle</title>
      <description>Vice President Kamala Harris is poised to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for president. The path to this nomination and the generation election has been a bit unusual—with President Joe Biden deciding not to pursue re-election but doing so after the primary season has concluded. Thus, there is a rather condensed election season, and Vice President Kamala Harris has worked to bring the Democratic Party together after she received President Biden’s endorsement after he withdrew from the race. Given the changing dynamics of the presidential race, we also find ourselves with an unexpected choice for the presidency, Kamala Harris, a former attorney general for California, a senator from California, a former prosecutor, and now the vice president of the United States. Harris is also bi-racial, of South Asian and Black heritage, and she will be the second woman nominated as the standard bearer for one of the two major political parties in the United States.
I invited three experts on presidential politics, gender, and race in American politics to join me to discuss Kamala Harris’s historic and unique run for the presidency. Mary McHugh, Executive Director of Civic and Community Engagement, Stevens Service Learning Center at Merrimack College and member of the Political Science Department at Merrimack, Valeria Sinclair-Chapman, Deputy Director of the American Association for the Advancement of Science SEA Change Program, and professor of political science at Purdue University, and Linda Beail, Professor of Political Science at Point Loma Nazarene University and co-author of the 2012 book, Framing Sarah Palin: Pit Bulls, Puritans, and Politics, all joined the conversation to think about the presidential race, Kamala Harris, race, gender, masculinity, and partisan politics. We cover a lot of ground, including the presentation of masculinity at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee in July, how TikTok and viral memes may influence younger voters, and how Kamala Harris is trying to frame herself and how others are trying to frame her in the course of the abbreviated election cycle. We examine historical contexts for women ascending to office, and how that might be a component of the shifting candidates and how Americans think about elections. We also dive into some of the controversial comments about “crazy cat ladies” and concepts of motherhood, politics, and racial and gendered double binds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>28</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Mary McHugh, Linda Beail, Valeria Sinclair-Chapman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Vice President Kamala Harris is poised to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for president. The path to this nomination and the generation election has been a bit unusual—with President Joe Biden deciding not to pursue re-election but doing so after the primary season has concluded. Thus, there is a rather condensed election season, and Vice President Kamala Harris has worked to bring the Democratic Party together after she received President Biden’s endorsement after he withdrew from the race. Given the changing dynamics of the presidential race, we also find ourselves with an unexpected choice for the presidency, Kamala Harris, a former attorney general for California, a senator from California, a former prosecutor, and now the vice president of the United States. Harris is also bi-racial, of South Asian and Black heritage, and she will be the second woman nominated as the standard bearer for one of the two major political parties in the United States.
I invited three experts on presidential politics, gender, and race in American politics to join me to discuss Kamala Harris’s historic and unique run for the presidency. Mary McHugh, Executive Director of Civic and Community Engagement, Stevens Service Learning Center at Merrimack College and member of the Political Science Department at Merrimack, Valeria Sinclair-Chapman, Deputy Director of the American Association for the Advancement of Science SEA Change Program, and professor of political science at Purdue University, and Linda Beail, Professor of Political Science at Point Loma Nazarene University and co-author of the 2012 book, Framing Sarah Palin: Pit Bulls, Puritans, and Politics, all joined the conversation to think about the presidential race, Kamala Harris, race, gender, masculinity, and partisan politics. We cover a lot of ground, including the presentation of masculinity at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee in July, how TikTok and viral memes may influence younger voters, and how Kamala Harris is trying to frame herself and how others are trying to frame her in the course of the abbreviated election cycle. We examine historical contexts for women ascending to office, and how that might be a component of the shifting candidates and how Americans think about elections. We also dive into some of the controversial comments about “crazy cat ladies” and concepts of motherhood, politics, and racial and gendered double binds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Vice President Kamala Harris is poised to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for president. The path to this nomination and the generation election has been a bit unusual—with President Joe Biden deciding not to pursue re-election but doing so after the primary season has concluded. Thus, there is a rather condensed election season, and Vice President Kamala Harris has worked to bring the Democratic Party together after she received President Biden’s endorsement after he withdrew from the race. Given the changing dynamics of the presidential race, we also find ourselves with an unexpected choice for the presidency, Kamala Harris, a former attorney general for California, a senator from California, a former prosecutor, and now the vice president of the United States. Harris is also bi-racial, of South Asian and Black heritage, and she will be the second woman nominated as the standard bearer for one of the two major political parties in the United States.</p><p>I invited three experts on presidential politics, gender, and race in American politics to join me to discuss Kamala Harris’s historic and unique run for the presidency. Mary McHugh, Executive Director of Civic and Community Engagement, Stevens Service Learning Center at Merrimack College and member of the Political Science Department at Merrimack, Valeria Sinclair-Chapman, Deputy Director of the American Association for the Advancement of Science SEA Change Program, and professor of political science at Purdue University, and Linda Beail, Professor of Political Science at Point Loma Nazarene University and co-author of the 2012 book, <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Framing-Sarah-Palin-Pit-Bulls-Puritans-and-Politics/Beail-Longworth/p/book/9780415893367"><em>Framing Sarah Palin: Pit Bulls, Puritans, and Politics</em></a>, all joined the conversation to think about the presidential race, Kamala Harris, race, gender, masculinity, and partisan politics. We cover a lot of ground, including the presentation of masculinity at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee in July, how TikTok and viral memes may influence younger voters, and how Kamala Harris is trying to frame herself and how others are trying to frame her in the course of the abbreviated election cycle. We examine historical contexts for women ascending to office, and how that might be a component of the shifting candidates and how Americans think about elections. We also dive into some of the controversial comments about “crazy cat ladies” and concepts of motherhood, politics, and racial and gendered double binds.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2978</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d065f9fe-51bb-11ef-9843-bf4742a4e0f4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7837633388.mp3?updated=1722706736" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Katherine Hempstead, "Uncovered: The Story of Insurance in America" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Historically, the insurance industry in America has been fragmented. As a result, there have been debates and conflicts over the proper roles of federal and state governments, business, and the responsibilities of individuals. Who should cover the risks of loss? And to what extent should risk be shared and by whom?
In Uncovered: The Story of Insurance in America (Oxford UP, 2023), Katherine Hempstead answers these questions by exploring the history of the insurance business and its regulation in the United States from the 1870s through the twentieth century. Specifically, she focuses on the friction between the public demand for insurance and the private imperatives of insurers. Tracing the history of the industry from the early days of life, fire, and casualty insurance to the development of state regulation in the late nineteenth century, Hempstead examines the role that insurers initially played in the largely voluntary social safety net and how this changed over time. After the Great Depression, the federal government assumed a greater role in the provision of insurance, while insurers enthusiastically pursued the growing business of employee benefits. As the twentieth century progressed, insurers and government have become interdependent, with insurers participating in publicly funded markets. As Hempstead shows, periodic crises in life, fire, health, auto, and liability insurance highlighted gaps between the coverage that insurers were willing to provide and what the public demanded.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>106</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Katherine Hempstead</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Historically, the insurance industry in America has been fragmented. As a result, there have been debates and conflicts over the proper roles of federal and state governments, business, and the responsibilities of individuals. Who should cover the risks of loss? And to what extent should risk be shared and by whom?
In Uncovered: The Story of Insurance in America (Oxford UP, 2023), Katherine Hempstead answers these questions by exploring the history of the insurance business and its regulation in the United States from the 1870s through the twentieth century. Specifically, she focuses on the friction between the public demand for insurance and the private imperatives of insurers. Tracing the history of the industry from the early days of life, fire, and casualty insurance to the development of state regulation in the late nineteenth century, Hempstead examines the role that insurers initially played in the largely voluntary social safety net and how this changed over time. After the Great Depression, the federal government assumed a greater role in the provision of insurance, while insurers enthusiastically pursued the growing business of employee benefits. As the twentieth century progressed, insurers and government have become interdependent, with insurers participating in publicly funded markets. As Hempstead shows, periodic crises in life, fire, health, auto, and liability insurance highlighted gaps between the coverage that insurers were willing to provide and what the public demanded.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Historically, the insurance industry in America has been fragmented. As a result, there have been debates and conflicts over the proper roles of federal and state governments, business, and the responsibilities of individuals. Who should cover the risks of loss? And to what extent should risk be shared and by whom?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190094157"><em>Uncovered: The Story of Insurance in America </em></a><em>(</em>Oxford UP, 2023), Katherine Hempstead answers these questions by exploring the history of the insurance business and its regulation in the United States from the 1870s through the twentieth century. Specifically, she focuses on the friction between the public demand for insurance and the private imperatives of insurers. Tracing the history of the industry from the early days of life, fire, and casualty insurance to the development of state regulation in the late nineteenth century, Hempstead examines the role that insurers initially played in the largely voluntary social safety net and how this changed over time. After the Great Depression, the federal government assumed a greater role in the provision of insurance, while insurers enthusiastically pursued the growing business of employee benefits. As the twentieth century progressed, insurers and government have become interdependent, with insurers participating in publicly funded markets. As Hempstead shows, periodic crises in life, fire, health, auto, and liability insurance highlighted gaps between the coverage that insurers were willing to provide and what the public demanded.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2557</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b7c1a268-51c5-11ef-8b31-3359848ff505]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9476129760.mp3?updated=1722710561" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julia Sonnevend, "Charm: How Magnetic Personalities Shape Global Politics" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Politics is a site of performance, and contemporary politicians often perform the role of a regular person--perhaps someone we would like to have a beer with. They win elections not because of the elevated rhetorical performances we often associate with charisma ("ask not what your country can do for you"), but because of something more ordinary and relatable. 
The everyday magic spell that politicians cast using mass and social media is what sociologist Julia Sonnevend calls "charm." In Charm: How Magnetic Personalities Shape Global Politics (Princeton UP, 2024), Sonnevend explores charm (and the related "charm offensive") as a keyword of contemporary global politics. Successful political leaders deploy this form of personal magnetism--which relies on proximity to political tribes and manifests across a variety of media platforms--to appear authentic and accessible in their quest for power.
Sonnevend examines the mediated self-representations of a set of liberal, illiberal, and authoritarian political leaders, past and present: New Zealand's Jacinda Ardern, Hungary's Viktor Orbán, Iran's Mohammad Javad Zarif, North Korea's Kim Jong-un, and Germany's Angela Merkel. She considers how charm (or the lack of it) is wielded as a political tool, and the ways charm is weaponized to shape the international image of a country, potentially influencing decisions about military aid, trade, and even tourism. Sonnevend argues that charm will shape the future of democracy worldwide, as political values will be increasingly embodied by mediated personalities. These figures will rise and fall, often fading into irrelevance; but if we do not understand charm's political power, we cannot grasp today's fragile political moment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Aug 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>102</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julia Sonnevend</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Politics is a site of performance, and contemporary politicians often perform the role of a regular person--perhaps someone we would like to have a beer with. They win elections not because of the elevated rhetorical performances we often associate with charisma ("ask not what your country can do for you"), but because of something more ordinary and relatable. 
The everyday magic spell that politicians cast using mass and social media is what sociologist Julia Sonnevend calls "charm." In Charm: How Magnetic Personalities Shape Global Politics (Princeton UP, 2024), Sonnevend explores charm (and the related "charm offensive") as a keyword of contemporary global politics. Successful political leaders deploy this form of personal magnetism--which relies on proximity to political tribes and manifests across a variety of media platforms--to appear authentic and accessible in their quest for power.
Sonnevend examines the mediated self-representations of a set of liberal, illiberal, and authoritarian political leaders, past and present: New Zealand's Jacinda Ardern, Hungary's Viktor Orbán, Iran's Mohammad Javad Zarif, North Korea's Kim Jong-un, and Germany's Angela Merkel. She considers how charm (or the lack of it) is wielded as a political tool, and the ways charm is weaponized to shape the international image of a country, potentially influencing decisions about military aid, trade, and even tourism. Sonnevend argues that charm will shape the future of democracy worldwide, as political values will be increasingly embodied by mediated personalities. These figures will rise and fall, often fading into irrelevance; but if we do not understand charm's political power, we cannot grasp today's fragile political moment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Politics is a site of performance, and contemporary politicians often perform the role of a regular person--perhaps someone we would like to have a beer with. They win elections not because of the elevated rhetorical performances we often associate with charisma ("ask not what your country can do for you"), but because of something more ordinary and relatable. </p><p>The everyday magic spell that politicians cast using mass and social media is what sociologist Julia Sonnevend calls "charm." In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691230337"><em>Charm: How Magnetic Personalities Shape Global Politics</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2024), Sonnevend explores charm (and the related "charm offensive") as a keyword of contemporary global politics. Successful political leaders deploy this form of personal magnetism--which relies on proximity to political tribes and manifests across a variety of media platforms--to appear authentic and accessible in their quest for power.</p><p>Sonnevend examines the mediated self-representations of a set of liberal, illiberal, and authoritarian political leaders, past and present: New Zealand's Jacinda Ardern, Hungary's Viktor Orbán, Iran's Mohammad Javad Zarif, North Korea's Kim Jong-un, and Germany's Angela Merkel. She considers how charm (or the lack of it) is wielded as a political tool, and the ways charm is weaponized to shape the international image of a country, potentially influencing decisions about military aid, trade, and even tourism. Sonnevend argues that charm will shape the future of democracy worldwide, as political values will be increasingly embodied by mediated personalities. These figures will rise and fall, often fading into irrelevance; but if we do not understand charm's political power, we cannot grasp today's fragile political moment.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1908</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c8c4f5ec-4793-11ef-a4a4-ff3c749938a2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8781813103.mp3?updated=1721588525" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Pozen, "The Constitution of the War on Drugs" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The U.S. government's decades-long "war on drugs" is increasingly recognized as a moral travesty as well as a policy failure. The criminalization of substances such as marijuana and magic mushrooms offends core tenets of liberalism, from the right to self-rule to protection of privacy to freedom of religion. It contributes to mass incarceration and racial subordination. And it costs billions of dollars per year—all without advancing public health. Yet, in hundreds upon hundreds of cases, courts have allowed the war to proceed virtually unchecked. How could a set of policies so draconian, destructive, and discriminatory escape constitutional curtailment?
In The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford UP, 2024), David Pozen provides an authoritative, critical constitutional history of the drug war, casting new light on both drug prohibition and U.S. constitutional development. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, advocates argued that criminal drug bans violate the Constitution's guarantees of due process, equal protection, federalism, free speech, free exercise of religion, and humane punishment. Many scholars and jurists agreed. Pozen demonstrates the plausibility of a constitutional path not taken, one that would have led to a more compassionate approach to drug control.
Rather than restrain the drug war, the Constitution helped to legitimate and entrench it. Pozen shows how a profoundly illiberal and paternalistic policy regime was assimilated into, and came to shape, an ostensibly liberal and pluralistic constitutional order. Placing the U.S. jurisprudence in comparative context, The Constitution of the War on Drugs offers a comprehensive review of drug-rights decisions along with a roadmap to constitutional reform options available today.
This book is available open access here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>228</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Pozen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The U.S. government's decades-long "war on drugs" is increasingly recognized as a moral travesty as well as a policy failure. The criminalization of substances such as marijuana and magic mushrooms offends core tenets of liberalism, from the right to self-rule to protection of privacy to freedom of religion. It contributes to mass incarceration and racial subordination. And it costs billions of dollars per year—all without advancing public health. Yet, in hundreds upon hundreds of cases, courts have allowed the war to proceed virtually unchecked. How could a set of policies so draconian, destructive, and discriminatory escape constitutional curtailment?
In The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford UP, 2024), David Pozen provides an authoritative, critical constitutional history of the drug war, casting new light on both drug prohibition and U.S. constitutional development. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, advocates argued that criminal drug bans violate the Constitution's guarantees of due process, equal protection, federalism, free speech, free exercise of religion, and humane punishment. Many scholars and jurists agreed. Pozen demonstrates the plausibility of a constitutional path not taken, one that would have led to a more compassionate approach to drug control.
Rather than restrain the drug war, the Constitution helped to legitimate and entrench it. Pozen shows how a profoundly illiberal and paternalistic policy regime was assimilated into, and came to shape, an ostensibly liberal and pluralistic constitutional order. Placing the U.S. jurisprudence in comparative context, The Constitution of the War on Drugs offers a comprehensive review of drug-rights decisions along with a roadmap to constitutional reform options available today.
This book is available open access here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The U.S. government's decades-long "war on drugs" is increasingly recognized as a moral travesty as well as a policy failure. The criminalization of substances such as marijuana and magic mushrooms offends core tenets of liberalism, from the right to self-rule to protection of privacy to freedom of religion. It contributes to mass incarceration and racial subordination. And it costs billions of dollars per year—all without advancing public health. Yet, in hundreds upon hundreds of cases, courts have allowed the war to proceed virtually unchecked. How could a set of policies so draconian, destructive, and discriminatory escape constitutional curtailment?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197685457"><em>The Constitution of the War on Drugs</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2024), David Pozen provides an authoritative, critical constitutional history of the drug war, casting new light on both drug prohibition and U.S. constitutional development. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, advocates argued that criminal drug bans violate the Constitution's guarantees of due process, equal protection, federalism, free speech, free exercise of religion, and humane punishment. Many scholars and jurists agreed. Pozen demonstrates the plausibility of a constitutional path not taken, one that would have led to a more compassionate approach to drug control.</p><p>Rather than restrain the drug war, the Constitution helped to legitimate and entrench it. Pozen shows how a profoundly illiberal and paternalistic policy regime was assimilated into, and came to shape, an ostensibly liberal and pluralistic constitutional order. Placing the U.S. jurisprudence in comparative context, <em>The Constitution of the War on Drugs </em>offers a comprehensive review of drug-rights decisions along with a roadmap to constitutional reform options available today.</p><p>This book is available open access <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4692949">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2542</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8994296487.mp3?updated=1722179217" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Changing Dynamics in the Presidential Race, 2024</title>
      <description>The Republican Party held its nominating convention a week ago in Milwaukee, formally nominating former President Donald Trump as the standard-bearer for the GOP, and also his vice-presidential pick, Senator J.D. Vance (R-OH). Just before the convention kicked off, Trump was the target of an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania. The GOP convention was unique in having the former president there over all days of the event. But since the convention concluded, President Joe Biden has announced that he will not be standing for re-election, and immediately endorsed his vice president, Kamala Harris, to become the Democratic nominee for president. As we are taping this podcast on Wednesday, July 24th, Vice President Kamala Harris looks like the presumptive Democratic nominee, about 4 weeks before the Democratic convention. It has been a head spinning two weeks of politics in the United States and the dynamics and focus of the presidential race has shifted dramatically.
To take stock of where the race stands about 100 days out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors OF a new De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making. The first volume is Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.
Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State. They are also veterans of Postscript, having come on the show in the past few weeks to discuss the state of the presidential election and consider it in historical and institutional context. 
We spend this conversation talking about the changing dynamics in the presidential field, and the decisions made by President Biden to step aside. We go over the conventions, discussing the recent Republican convention and what the Democratic convention may be like in a few weeks’ time. We talk about issues that may define the race or are defining the race, including the economy, immigration, and reproductive rights. We also, as good political scientists, discuss the prospective options for the vice-presidential selection that Vice President Harris will have to make over the next few weeks.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Julia Azari’s Substack post at Good Politics/Bad Politics on Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign kickoff event in West Allis, WI on Tuesday, July 23.


The Daily’s episode focusing on the assassination attempt on President Donald Trump in Pennsylvania.

Susan Liebell’s piece in The Medium from April on Vice President Kamala Harris and Reproductive Rights.

Bret Stephen’s op-ed at the New York Times titled “Democrats Deserved a Contest, Not a Coronation.”



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>26</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Meena Bose and Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Republican Party held its nominating convention a week ago in Milwaukee, formally nominating former President Donald Trump as the standard-bearer for the GOP, and also his vice-presidential pick, Senator J.D. Vance (R-OH). Just before the convention kicked off, Trump was the target of an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania. The GOP convention was unique in having the former president there over all days of the event. But since the convention concluded, President Joe Biden has announced that he will not be standing for re-election, and immediately endorsed his vice president, Kamala Harris, to become the Democratic nominee for president. As we are taping this podcast on Wednesday, July 24th, Vice President Kamala Harris looks like the presumptive Democratic nominee, about 4 weeks before the Democratic convention. It has been a head spinning two weeks of politics in the United States and the dynamics and focus of the presidential race has shifted dramatically.
To take stock of where the race stands about 100 days out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors OF a new De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making. The first volume is Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.
Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State. They are also veterans of Postscript, having come on the show in the past few weeks to discuss the state of the presidential election and consider it in historical and institutional context. 
We spend this conversation talking about the changing dynamics in the presidential field, and the decisions made by President Biden to step aside. We go over the conventions, discussing the recent Republican convention and what the Democratic convention may be like in a few weeks’ time. We talk about issues that may define the race or are defining the race, including the economy, immigration, and reproductive rights. We also, as good political scientists, discuss the prospective options for the vice-presidential selection that Vice President Harris will have to make over the next few weeks.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Julia Azari’s Substack post at Good Politics/Bad Politics on Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign kickoff event in West Allis, WI on Tuesday, July 23.


The Daily’s episode focusing on the assassination attempt on President Donald Trump in Pennsylvania.

Susan Liebell’s piece in The Medium from April on Vice President Kamala Harris and Reproductive Rights.

Bret Stephen’s op-ed at the New York Times titled “Democrats Deserved a Contest, Not a Coronation.”



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Republican Party held its nominating convention a week ago in Milwaukee, formally nominating former President Donald Trump as the standard-bearer for the GOP, and also his vice-presidential pick, Senator J.D. Vance (R-OH). Just before the convention kicked off, Trump was the target of an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania. The GOP convention was unique in having the former president there over all days of the event. But since the convention concluded, President Joe Biden has announced that he will not be standing for re-election, and immediately endorsed his vice president, Kamala Harris, to become the Democratic nominee for president. As we are taping this podcast on Wednesday, July 24th, Vice President Kamala Harris looks like the presumptive Democratic nominee, about 4 weeks before the Democratic convention. It has been a head spinning two weeks of politics in the United States and the dynamics and focus of the presidential race has shifted dramatically.</p><p>To take stock of where the race stands about 100 days out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a> is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a> is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors OF a new <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/serial/dgppl-b/html">De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making</a><strong>. </strong>The first volume is <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/isbn/9783111384108/html?lang=en"><em>Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities</em></a> (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.</p><p>Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/executive-policymaking-the-role-of-the-omb-in-the-presidency/9780815737957"><em>Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency</em></a> (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/daniel-e-ponder-presidential-leverage-presidents-approval-and-the-american-state-stanford-up-2018#entry:10110@1:url"><em>Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State</em></a>. They are also veterans of <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-the-biden-administration-and-the-resiliency-of-the-american-presidency#entry:53579@1:url"><em>Postscript</em></a><em>, </em>having come on the show in the past few weeks to discuss the state of the presidential election and consider it in historical and institutional context. </p><p>We spend this conversation talking about the changing dynamics in the presidential field, and the decisions made by President Biden to step aside. We go over the conventions, discussing the recent Republican convention and what the Democratic convention may be like in a few weeks’ time. We talk about issues that may define the race or are defining the race, including the economy, immigration, and reproductive rights. We also, as good political scientists, discuss the prospective options for the vice-presidential selection that Vice President Harris will have to make over the next few weeks.</p><p>During the podcast, we mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Julia Azari’s <a href="https://goodpoliticsbadpolitics.substack.com/p/harris-kicks-off-her-campaign-in">Substack post</a> at <a href="https://goodpoliticsbadpolitics.substack.com/"><em>Good Politics/Bad Politics</em></a> on Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign kickoff event in West Allis, WI on Tuesday, July 23.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/15/podcasts/the-daily/trump-shooting.html">The Daily’s episode</a> focusing on the assassination attempt on President Donald Trump in Pennsylvania.</li>
<li>Susan Liebell’s piece in <a href="https://medium.com/3streams/the-vice-president-matters-in-2024-6b2fc2178fa5">The Medium</a> from April on Vice President Kamala Harris and Reproductive Rights.</li>
<li>Bret Stephen’s op-ed at the New York Times titled <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/23/opinion/kamala-harris-democrats.html">“Democrats Deserved a Contest, Not a Coronation.”</a>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3205</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Quantifying the American Mind: George Gallup, and the Promise of Political Polling</title>
      <description>Early pollsters thought they had the psychological tools to quantify American mind, thereby enabling a truly democratic polity that would be governed by a rational public opinion. Today, we malign the misinformed public and dismiss the deluge of frivolous polls. How did the rational public become the phantom public? We tell the story of George Gallup, his critics, and also examine alternatives to political polling.
This is episode three of Cited Podcast’s returning season, the Rationality Wars. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Rationality Wars, Episode 4</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Early pollsters thought they had the psychological tools to quantify American mind, thereby enabling a truly democratic polity that would be governed by a rational public opinion. Today, we malign the misinformed public and dismiss the deluge of frivolous polls. How did the rational public become the phantom public? We tell the story of George Gallup, his critics, and also examine alternatives to political polling.
This is episode three of Cited Podcast’s returning season, the Rationality Wars. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Early pollsters thought they had the psychological tools to quantify American mind, thereby enabling a truly democratic polity that would be governed by a rational public opinion. Today, we malign the misinformed public and dismiss the deluge of frivolous polls. How did <em>the rational public </em>become <em>the phantom public? We tell the story of George Gallup, his critics, and also examine alternatives to political polling.</em></p><p>This is episode three of <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/"><em>Cited Podcast’s</em></a> returning season, <a href="https://citedpodcast.com/category/season-02-the-rationality-wars/"><em>the Rationality Wars</em></a>. This season tells stories of political and scholarly battles to define rationality and irrationality. For a full list of credits, and for the rest of the episodes, visit the series page.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4413</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Anne Applebaum, "Autocracy, Inc.: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World" (Doubleday Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>"Everyone assumed that in a more open, interconnected world, democracy and liberal ideas would spread to the autocratic states. Nobody imagined that autocracy and illiberalism would spread to the democratic world instead". So writes Anne Applebaum in Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World (Double Day Books, 2024).
Applebaum's new book develops the themes she rehearsed in Twilight of Democracy (2020), an analysis of the rise of authoritarianism in Eastern Europe and national conservatism in the UK and the US. Ranging across the club of authoritarians but with an inevitable focus on China and Russia, Autocracy Inc. examines autocrats' growing sophistication and coordination and how they have been enabled by the naivety (and greed) of business and politicians in liberal democracies. "The vehicles of disruption can be right-wing, left-wing, separatist or nationalist - even taking the form of medical conspiracies or moral panic," she writes. "Only the purpose never changes: Autocracy Inc. hopes to rewrite the rules of the international system itself".
Anne Applebaum is an American-Polish historian and staff writer for The Atlantic. Apart from Twilight of Democracy, she has written three histories - Gulag: A History (2003), Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956 (2012), and Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine (2017).
*The author's book recommendations were The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution by Bernard Bailyn (Harvard University Press, 50th Anniversary edition 2017) and Anna Karenina by Leo Tolstoy (OUP, 2016 - translated by Rosamund Bartlett).
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts at twenty4two on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>189</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anne Applebaum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"Everyone assumed that in a more open, interconnected world, democracy and liberal ideas would spread to the autocratic states. Nobody imagined that autocracy and illiberalism would spread to the democratic world instead". So writes Anne Applebaum in Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World (Double Day Books, 2024).
Applebaum's new book develops the themes she rehearsed in Twilight of Democracy (2020), an analysis of the rise of authoritarianism in Eastern Europe and national conservatism in the UK and the US. Ranging across the club of authoritarians but with an inevitable focus on China and Russia, Autocracy Inc. examines autocrats' growing sophistication and coordination and how they have been enabled by the naivety (and greed) of business and politicians in liberal democracies. "The vehicles of disruption can be right-wing, left-wing, separatist or nationalist - even taking the form of medical conspiracies or moral panic," she writes. "Only the purpose never changes: Autocracy Inc. hopes to rewrite the rules of the international system itself".
Anne Applebaum is an American-Polish historian and staff writer for The Atlantic. Apart from Twilight of Democracy, she has written three histories - Gulag: A History (2003), Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956 (2012), and Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine (2017).
*The author's book recommendations were The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution by Bernard Bailyn (Harvard University Press, 50th Anniversary edition 2017) and Anna Karenina by Leo Tolstoy (OUP, 2016 - translated by Rosamund Bartlett).
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts at twenty4two on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>"Everyone assumed that in a more open, interconnected world, democracy and liberal ideas would spread to the autocratic states. Nobody imagined that autocracy and illiberalism would spread to the democratic world instead". So writes Anne Applebaum in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780385549936"><em>Autocracy, Inc: The Dictators Who Want to Run the World</em></a> (Double Day Books, 2024).</p><p>Applebaum's new book develops the themes she rehearsed in <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/twilight-of-democracy-the-failure-of-politics-and-the-parting-of-friends-anne-applebaum/4908387?ean=9780141991672">Twilight of Democracy</a> (2020), an analysis of the rise of authoritarianism in Eastern Europe and national conservatism in the UK and the US. Ranging across the club of authoritarians but with an inevitable focus on China and Russia, Autocracy Inc. examines autocrats' growing sophistication and coordination and how they have been enabled by the naivety (and greed) of business and politicians in liberal democracies. "The vehicles of disruption can be right-wing, left-wing, separatist or nationalist - even taking the form of medical conspiracies or moral panic," she writes. "Only the purpose never changes: Autocracy Inc. hopes to rewrite the rules of the international system itself".</p><p>Anne Applebaum is an American-Polish historian and staff writer for <em>The Atlantic</em>. Apart from Twilight of Democracy, she has written three histories - <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/gulag-a-history-of-the-soviet-camps-anne-applebaum/3185849?ean=9780140283105">Gulag: A History</a> (2003), <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/iron-curtain-the-crushing-of-eastern-europe-1944-56-anne-applebaum/926813?ean=9780141021874">Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1944-1956</a> (2012), and <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/red-famine-stalin-s-war-on-ukraine-anne-applebaum/4285164?ean=9780141978284">Red Famine: Stalin's War on Ukraine</a> (2017).</p><p>*The author's <a href="https://timgwynnjones.medium.com/writers-writers-684e06f16315">book recommendations</a> were <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/the-ideological-origins-of-the-american-revolution-fiftieth-anniversary-edition-bernard-bailyn/2632678?ean=9780674975651">The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution</a> by Bernard Bailyn (Harvard University Press, 50th Anniversary edition 2017) and <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/anna-karenina-leo-tolstoy/169858?ean=9780198748847">Anna Karenina</a> by Leo Tolstoy (OUP, 2016 - translated by Rosamund Bartlett).</p><p><a href="https://www.clippings.me/users/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes and podcasts at <a href="https://twentyfourtwo.substack.com/">twenty4two</a> on Substack.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2724</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Gavriel D. Rosenfeld and Janet Ward, "Fascism in America: Past and Present" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Has fascism arrived in America? 
In Fascism in America: Past and Present (Cambridge UP, 2023), Gavriel D. Rosenfeld and Janet Ward have gathered experts to survey the history of fascism in the United States. Although the US established a staunch anti-fascist reputation by defeating the Axis powers in World War II, the unsettling truth is that fascist ideas have long been present within American society. Since the election of Donald Trump as President in 2016, scholars have debated whether Trumpism should be seen as an outgrowth of American conservatism or of a darker – and potentially fascist – tradition. Fascism in America contributes to this debate by examining the activities of interwar right-wing groups like the Silver Shirts, the KKK, and the America First movement, as well as the post-war rise of Black antifascism and white vigilantism, the representation of American Nazis in popular culture, and policy options for combating right-wing extremism.
Gavriel David Rosenfeld is President of the Center for Jewish History in New York City and Professor of History at Fairfield University. His areas of academic specialization include the history of Nazi Germany, memory studies, and counterfactual history.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>268</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gavriel D. Rosenfeld</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Has fascism arrived in America? 
In Fascism in America: Past and Present (Cambridge UP, 2023), Gavriel D. Rosenfeld and Janet Ward have gathered experts to survey the history of fascism in the United States. Although the US established a staunch anti-fascist reputation by defeating the Axis powers in World War II, the unsettling truth is that fascist ideas have long been present within American society. Since the election of Donald Trump as President in 2016, scholars have debated whether Trumpism should be seen as an outgrowth of American conservatism or of a darker – and potentially fascist – tradition. Fascism in America contributes to this debate by examining the activities of interwar right-wing groups like the Silver Shirts, the KKK, and the America First movement, as well as the post-war rise of Black antifascism and white vigilantism, the representation of American Nazis in popular culture, and policy options for combating right-wing extremism.
Gavriel David Rosenfeld is President of the Center for Jewish History in New York City and Professor of History at Fairfield University. His areas of academic specialization include the history of Nazi Germany, memory studies, and counterfactual history.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Has fascism arrived in America? </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009337410"><em>Fascism in America: Past and Present</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023), Gavriel D. Rosenfeld and Janet Ward have gathered experts to survey the history of fascism in the United States. Although the US established a staunch anti-fascist reputation by defeating the Axis powers in World War II, the unsettling truth is that fascist ideas have long been present within American society. Since the election of Donald Trump as President in 2016, scholars have debated whether Trumpism should be seen as an outgrowth of American conservatism or of a darker – and potentially fascist – tradition. Fascism in America contributes to this debate by examining the activities of interwar right-wing groups like the Silver Shirts, the KKK, and the America First movement, as well as the post-war rise of Black antifascism and white vigilantism, the representation of American Nazis in popular culture, and policy options for combating right-wing extremism.</p><p>Gavriel David Rosenfeld is President of the Center for Jewish History in New York City and Professor of History at Fairfield University. His areas of academic specialization include the history of Nazi Germany, memory studies, and counterfactual history.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2196</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[da6c73d8-4699-11ef-b3fb-8758ced95397]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>David E. Kaiser, “The Road to Dallas: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy” (Harvard UP, 2008)</title>
      <description>There are some topics that historians know not to touch. They are just too hot (or too cold). The assassination of JFK is one of them. Most scholars would say either: (a) the topic has been done to death so nothing new can be said or (b) it’s been so thoroughly co-opted by nutty theorists that no sane discussion is possible. Thank goodness David Kaiser believes neither of these things, for if he did we would never have his thought-provoking The Road to Dallas. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy (Harvard UP, 2008). Taking a professional historian’s skills to documents old and new, Kaiser provides what is doubtless the best argument available that the assassination was in fact a conspiracy, though not the one you may know from a certain movie by Oliver Stone. He weighs each piece of evidence and builds his case point by point. Conclusions are never forced but follow naturally from the record. Not everyone will agree with Kaiser’s position, but it must be taken seriously by anyone interested in the topic. Kaiser has thrown down the gauntlet to those who believe Oswald acted alone. Now it is for other historians to take it up. PS: Read David’s blog “History Unfolding.” Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David E. Kaiser</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There are some topics that historians know not to touch. They are just too hot (or too cold). The assassination of JFK is one of them. Most scholars would say either: (a) the topic has been done to death so nothing new can be said or (b) it’s been so thoroughly co-opted by nutty theorists that no sane discussion is possible. Thank goodness David Kaiser believes neither of these things, for if he did we would never have his thought-provoking The Road to Dallas. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy (Harvard UP, 2008). Taking a professional historian’s skills to documents old and new, Kaiser provides what is doubtless the best argument available that the assassination was in fact a conspiracy, though not the one you may know from a certain movie by Oliver Stone. He weighs each piece of evidence and builds his case point by point. Conclusions are never forced but follow naturally from the record. Not everyone will agree with Kaiser’s position, but it must be taken seriously by anyone interested in the topic. Kaiser has thrown down the gauntlet to those who believe Oswald acted alone. Now it is for other historians to take it up. PS: Read David’s blog “History Unfolding.” Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There are some topics that historians know not to touch. They are just too hot (or too cold). The assassination of JFK is one of them. Most scholars would say either: (a) the topic has been done to death so nothing new can be said or (b) it’s been so thoroughly co-opted by nutty theorists that no sane discussion is possible. Thank goodness <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_E._Kaiser">David Kaiser</a> believes neither of these things, for if he did we would never have his thought-provoking <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674034724/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Road to Dallas. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy </a>(Harvard UP, 2008). Taking a professional historian’s skills to documents old and new, Kaiser provides what is doubtless the best argument available that the assassination was in fact a conspiracy, though not the one you may know from a certain movie by Oliver Stone. He weighs each piece of evidence and builds his case point by point. Conclusions are never forced but follow naturally from the record. Not everyone will agree with Kaiser’s position, but it must be taken seriously by anyone interested in the topic. Kaiser has thrown down the gauntlet to those who believe Oswald acted alone. Now it is for other historians to take it up. PS: Read David’s blog “<a href="http://historyunfolding.blogspot.com/">History Unfolding</a>.” Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4673</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=109]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2411331269.mp3?updated=1721507096" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Kevin Mattson, "We're Not Here to Entertain: Punk Rock, Ronald Reagan, and the Real Culture War of 1980s America" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In his new book, We're Not Here to Entertain: Punk Rock, Ronald Reagan, and the Real Culture War of 1980s America (Oxford UP, 2020), Kevin Mattson documents punk rock in the early 1980s through a comprehensive look into the music, zines, films, bands, and punk Do-It-Yourself (DIY) tactics. He shows how widespread the punk movement was in creating a counterculture that challenged the conservative narrative of 1980s America. Mattson places the punk countercultural movement into the wider context of Reagan’s America and the cultural war that his presidency created. In opposition to Reagan’s panic narratives of nuclear wars, his tax cuts for the rich, and cuts to public education and other social services, punks saw themselves as everything they rejected about the US. Mattson’s extensive archival research into the punk counterculture makes for an informative and captivating read into the larger ways in which punk impacted American cultural identities and challenged 1980s conservativism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>79</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Mattson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book, We're Not Here to Entertain: Punk Rock, Ronald Reagan, and the Real Culture War of 1980s America (Oxford UP, 2020), Kevin Mattson documents punk rock in the early 1980s through a comprehensive look into the music, zines, films, bands, and punk Do-It-Yourself (DIY) tactics. He shows how widespread the punk movement was in creating a counterculture that challenged the conservative narrative of 1980s America. Mattson places the punk countercultural movement into the wider context of Reagan’s America and the cultural war that his presidency created. In opposition to Reagan’s panic narratives of nuclear wars, his tax cuts for the rich, and cuts to public education and other social services, punks saw themselves as everything they rejected about the US. Mattson’s extensive archival research into the punk counterculture makes for an informative and captivating read into the larger ways in which punk impacted American cultural identities and challenged 1980s conservativism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190908232"><em>We're Not Here to Entertain: Punk Rock, Ronald Reagan, and the Real Culture War of 1980s America</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2020), Kevin Mattson documents punk rock in the early 1980s through a comprehensive look into the music, zines, films, bands, and punk Do-It-Yourself (DIY) tactics. He shows how widespread the punk movement was in creating a counterculture that challenged the conservative narrative of 1980s America. Mattson places the punk countercultural movement into the wider context of Reagan’s America and the cultural war that his presidency created. In opposition to Reagan’s panic narratives of nuclear wars, his tax cuts for the rich, and cuts to public education and other social services, punks saw themselves as everything they rejected about the US. Mattson’s extensive archival research into the punk counterculture makes for an informative and captivating read into the larger ways in which punk impacted American cultural identities and challenged 1980s conservativism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Arie Perliger, "American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism" (Columbia UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.
In American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger (Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, American Zealots is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>73</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Arie Perliger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.
In American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger (Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, American Zealots is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231167116"><em>American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, <em>American Zealots</em> is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f1146678-46b6-11ef-80c4-cbec2df3710e]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Breanne Fahs, "Burn It Down: Feminist Manifestos for the Revolution" (Verso, 2020)</title>
      <description>Burn It Down: Feminist Manifestos for the Revolution (Verso, 2020), Breanne Fahs has curated a comprehensive collection of feminist manifestos from the nineteenth century to today. Fahs collected over seventy-five manifestos from around the world, calling on feminists to act, be defiant and show their rage. This thought-provoking and timely collection includes not only popular manifestos often taught in women and gender studies courses, but also introduces readers to works from feminist activists who are often placed on the margins. The eight sections of the book cover manifestos from a wide range of feminist activist spectrums: queer/trans, anticapitalist/anarchist, angry/violent, indigenous/women of color, sex/body, hacker/cyborg, trashy/punk, and witchy/bitchy. Fahs has put together a collection that has something for everyone and that is a must-need on every feminist bookshelf.
Rebekah Buchanan is an Associate Professor of English at Western Illinois University. She researches zines, zine writers and the influence of music subcultures and fandom on writers and narratives. She is the author of Writing a Riot: Riot Grrrl Zines and Feminist Rhetorics (Peter Lang, 2018). You can find more about her on her website, follow her on Twitter @rj_buchanan or email her at rj-buchanan@wiu.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Breanne Fahs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Burn It Down: Feminist Manifestos for the Revolution (Verso, 2020), Breanne Fahs has curated a comprehensive collection of feminist manifestos from the nineteenth century to today. Fahs collected over seventy-five manifestos from around the world, calling on feminists to act, be defiant and show their rage. This thought-provoking and timely collection includes not only popular manifestos often taught in women and gender studies courses, but also introduces readers to works from feminist activists who are often placed on the margins. The eight sections of the book cover manifestos from a wide range of feminist activist spectrums: queer/trans, anticapitalist/anarchist, angry/violent, indigenous/women of color, sex/body, hacker/cyborg, trashy/punk, and witchy/bitchy. Fahs has put together a collection that has something for everyone and that is a must-need on every feminist bookshelf.
Rebekah Buchanan is an Associate Professor of English at Western Illinois University. She researches zines, zine writers and the influence of music subcultures and fandom on writers and narratives. She is the author of Writing a Riot: Riot Grrrl Zines and Feminist Rhetorics (Peter Lang, 2018). You can find more about her on her website, follow her on Twitter @rj_buchanan or email her at rj-buchanan@wiu.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1788735382/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Burn It Down: Feminist Manifestos for the Revolution</em></a> (Verso, 2020), <a href="http://www.breannefahs.com/">Breanne Fahs</a> has curated a comprehensive collection of feminist manifestos from the nineteenth century to today. Fahs collected over seventy-five manifestos from around the world, calling on feminists to act, be defiant and show their rage. This thought-provoking and timely collection includes not only popular manifestos often taught in women and gender studies courses, but also introduces readers to works from feminist activists who are often placed on the margins. The eight sections of the book cover manifestos from a wide range of feminist activist spectrums: queer/trans, anticapitalist/anarchist, angry/violent, indigenous/women of color, sex/body, hacker/cyborg, trashy/punk, and witchy/bitchy. Fahs has put together a collection that has something for everyone and that is a must-need on every feminist bookshelf.</p><p><a href="https://wiu.academia.edu/RebekahBuchanan"><em>Rebekah Buchanan</em></a><em> is an Associate Professor of English at Western Illinois University. She researches zines, zine writers and the influence of music subcultures and fandom on writers and narratives. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.peterlang.com/view/product/30541">Writing a Riot: Riot Grrrl Zines and Feminist Rhetorics</a> (Peter Lang, 2018)<em>. You can find more about her on her website, follow her on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/rj_buchanan"><em>@rj_buchanan</em></a><em> or email her at </em><a href="mailto:rj-buchanan@wiu.edu"><em>rj-buchanan@wiu.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3362</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Francine Banner, "Beyond Complicity: Why We Blame Each Other Instead of Systems" (U California Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Beyond Complicity: Why We Blame Each Other Instead of Systems (University of California Press, 2024) by Dr. Francine Banner is a fascinating cultural diagnosis that identifies our obsession with complicity as a symptom of a deeply divided society. The questions surrounding what it means to be legally complicit are the same ones we may ask ourselves as we evaluate our own and others' responsibility for inherited and ongoing harms, such as racism, sexism, and climate change: What does it mean that someone "knew" they were contributing to wrongdoing? How much involvement must a person have in order to be complicit? At what point are we obligated to intervene?
Dr. Banner ties together pop culture, politics, law, and social movements to provide a framework for thinking about what we know intuitively: that our society is defined by crisis, risk, and the quest to root out hazards at all costs. Engaging with legal cases, historical examples, and contemporary case studies, Beyond Complicity unfolds the complex role that complicity plays in US law and society today, offering suggestions for how to shift focus away from blame and toward positive, lasting systemic change.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>227</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Francine Banner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Beyond Complicity: Why We Blame Each Other Instead of Systems (University of California Press, 2024) by Dr. Francine Banner is a fascinating cultural diagnosis that identifies our obsession with complicity as a symptom of a deeply divided society. The questions surrounding what it means to be legally complicit are the same ones we may ask ourselves as we evaluate our own and others' responsibility for inherited and ongoing harms, such as racism, sexism, and climate change: What does it mean that someone "knew" they were contributing to wrongdoing? How much involvement must a person have in order to be complicit? At what point are we obligated to intervene?
Dr. Banner ties together pop culture, politics, law, and social movements to provide a framework for thinking about what we know intuitively: that our society is defined by crisis, risk, and the quest to root out hazards at all costs. Engaging with legal cases, historical examples, and contemporary case studies, Beyond Complicity unfolds the complex role that complicity plays in US law and society today, offering suggestions for how to shift focus away from blame and toward positive, lasting systemic change.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520399464"><em>Beyond Complicity: Why We Blame Each Other Instead of Systems</em></a> (University of California Press, 2024) by Dr. Francine Banner is a fascinating cultural diagnosis that identifies our obsession with complicity as a symptom of a deeply divided society. The questions surrounding what it means to be legally complicit are the same ones we may ask ourselves as we evaluate our own and others' responsibility for inherited and ongoing harms, such as racism, sexism, and climate change: What does it mean that someone "knew" they were contributing to wrongdoing? How much involvement must a person have in order to be complicit? At what point are we obligated to intervene?</p><p>Dr. Banner ties together pop culture, politics, law, and social movements to provide a framework for thinking about what we know intuitively: that our society is defined by crisis, risk, and the quest to root out hazards at all costs. Engaging with legal cases, historical examples, and contemporary case studies, <em>Beyond Complicity</em> unfolds the complex role that complicity plays in US law and society today, offering suggestions for how to shift focus away from blame and toward positive, lasting systemic change.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3212</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f57a856e-4605-11ef-ad1d-4f5bb8b40bab]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9863094470.mp3?updated=1721420282" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steve Gillon, “The Kennedy Assassination: 24 Hours After” (Basic Books, 2009)</title>
      <description>You could fill a large library with books about JFK’s assassination. We’ve even touched on the subject here. The topic of the transfer of power from JFK to LBJ, however, has been neglected. I was under the impression that after JFK was pronounced dead, LBJ took an oath and that was that. As Steve Gillon points out in his terrific new The Kennedy Assassination–24 Hours After. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Pivotal First Day as President (Basic, 2009), that was not that. Rather, the transition was marked by confusion, doubt, anger, mistrust, jealousy, intrigue, and drama of every sort. At the center of it all were two parties–the out-sized president-presumptive, LBJ, and the Kennedy Clan, led by RFK. They were not on good terms. LBJ liked and admired JFK, but he resented the pretense and privilege of the Kennedy Clan. He hated RFK. JFK liked and admired LBJ, but his “people” thought Johnson was a buffoon, and they could not imagine him as president. RFK hated LBJ. JFK managed to kept LBJ and the Clan separated. But he was now dead and the battle was therefore joined. Read all about it in this page-turner of a book.
By the way, the History Channel has made a documentary based on Steve’s book. You can read about it here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>77</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steve Gillon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>You could fill a large library with books about JFK’s assassination. We’ve even touched on the subject here. The topic of the transfer of power from JFK to LBJ, however, has been neglected. I was under the impression that after JFK was pronounced dead, LBJ took an oath and that was that. As Steve Gillon points out in his terrific new The Kennedy Assassination–24 Hours After. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Pivotal First Day as President (Basic, 2009), that was not that. Rather, the transition was marked by confusion, doubt, anger, mistrust, jealousy, intrigue, and drama of every sort. At the center of it all were two parties–the out-sized president-presumptive, LBJ, and the Kennedy Clan, led by RFK. They were not on good terms. LBJ liked and admired JFK, but he resented the pretense and privilege of the Kennedy Clan. He hated RFK. JFK liked and admired LBJ, but his “people” thought Johnson was a buffoon, and they could not imagine him as president. RFK hated LBJ. JFK managed to kept LBJ and the Clan separated. But he was now dead and the battle was therefore joined. Read all about it in this page-turner of a book.
By the way, the History Channel has made a documentary based on Steve’s book. You can read about it here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>You could fill a large library with books about JFK’s assassination. We’ve even touched on the subject <a href="http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=109">here</a>. The topic of the transfer of power from JFK to LBJ, however, has been neglected. I was under the impression that after JFK was pronounced dead, LBJ took an oath and that was that. As <a href="http://www.ou.edu/cas/history/fac-staff-gillon.html">Steve Gillon</a> points out in his terrific new <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/046501870X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Kennedy Assassination–24 Hours After. Lyndon B. Johnson’s Pivotal First Day as President</a> (Basic, 2009), that was not that. Rather, the transition was marked by confusion, doubt, anger, mistrust, jealousy, intrigue, and drama of every sort. At the center of it all were two parties–the out-sized president-presumptive, LBJ, and the Kennedy Clan, led by RFK. They were not on good terms. LBJ liked and admired JFK, but he resented the pretense and privilege of the Kennedy Clan. He hated RFK. JFK liked and admired LBJ, but his “people” thought Johnson was a buffoon, and they could not imagine him as president. RFK hated LBJ. JFK managed to kept LBJ and the Clan separated. But he was now dead and the battle was therefore joined. Read all about it in this page-turner of a book.</p><p>By the way, the History Channel has made a documentary based on Steve’s book. You can read about it <a href="http://www.history.com/shows.do?action=detail&amp;episodeId=488254">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=1361]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2356046363.mp3?updated=1721506171" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matt Stoller, "Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy" (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.
The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 20 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>144</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matt Stoller</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.
The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501182891"><em>Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy</em></a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.</p><p>The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.</p><p>Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3183</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3306302423.mp3?updated=1721420889" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hamilton Nolan, "The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor" (Hachette Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>Inequality is America's biggest problem. Unions are the single strongest tool that working people have to fix it. Organized labor has been in decline for decades. Yet it sits today at a moment of enormous opportunity. In the wake of the pandemic, a highly visible wave of strikes and new organizing campaigns have driven the popularity of unions to historic highs. The simmering battle inside of the labor movement over how to tap into its revolutionary potential--or allow it to be squandered--will determine the economic and social course of American life for years to come.
In chapters that span the country, Nolan shows readers the actual places where labor and politics meld. He highlights how organized labor can and does wield power effectively: a union that dominates Las Vegas and is trying to scale nationally; a successful decades-long campaign to organize California's child care workers; the human face of a surprising strike of factory workers trying to preserve their pathway to the middle class. Throughout, Nolan follows Sara Nelson, the fiery and charismatic head of the flight attendants' union, as she struggles with how (and whether) to assert herself as a national leader, to try to fix what is broken. The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor (Hachette Books, 2024) draws the line from forgotten workplaces in rural West Virginia to Washington's halls of power, and shows how labor solidarity can utterly transform American politics--if it can first transform itself.
A labor journalist for more than a decade, Nolan helped unionize his own industry. The Hammer is a urgent on-the-ground excavation of the past, present, and future of the American labor movement.
Hamilton Nolan is a labor journalist who writes regularly for In These Times magazine and The Guardian. He has written about labor, politics, and class war for The New York Times, the Washington Post, Gawker, Splinter, and other publications. He was the longest-serving writer in Gawker’s history, and was a leader in unionizing Gawker Media in 2015. Hamilton is a proud member of the Writers Guild of America, East.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>190</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hamilton Nolan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Inequality is America's biggest problem. Unions are the single strongest tool that working people have to fix it. Organized labor has been in decline for decades. Yet it sits today at a moment of enormous opportunity. In the wake of the pandemic, a highly visible wave of strikes and new organizing campaigns have driven the popularity of unions to historic highs. The simmering battle inside of the labor movement over how to tap into its revolutionary potential--or allow it to be squandered--will determine the economic and social course of American life for years to come.
In chapters that span the country, Nolan shows readers the actual places where labor and politics meld. He highlights how organized labor can and does wield power effectively: a union that dominates Las Vegas and is trying to scale nationally; a successful decades-long campaign to organize California's child care workers; the human face of a surprising strike of factory workers trying to preserve their pathway to the middle class. Throughout, Nolan follows Sara Nelson, the fiery and charismatic head of the flight attendants' union, as she struggles with how (and whether) to assert herself as a national leader, to try to fix what is broken. The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor (Hachette Books, 2024) draws the line from forgotten workplaces in rural West Virginia to Washington's halls of power, and shows how labor solidarity can utterly transform American politics--if it can first transform itself.
A labor journalist for more than a decade, Nolan helped unionize his own industry. The Hammer is a urgent on-the-ground excavation of the past, present, and future of the American labor movement.
Hamilton Nolan is a labor journalist who writes regularly for In These Times magazine and The Guardian. He has written about labor, politics, and class war for The New York Times, the Washington Post, Gawker, Splinter, and other publications. He was the longest-serving writer in Gawker’s history, and was a leader in unionizing Gawker Media in 2015. Hamilton is a proud member of the Writers Guild of America, East.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Inequality is America's biggest problem. Unions are the single strongest tool that working people have to fix it. Organized labor has been in decline for decades. Yet it sits today at a moment of enormous opportunity. In the wake of the pandemic, a highly visible wave of strikes and new organizing campaigns have driven the popularity of unions to historic highs. The simmering battle inside of the labor movement over how to tap into its revolutionary potential--or allow it to be squandered--will determine the economic and social course of American life for years to come.</p><p>In chapters that span the country, Nolan shows readers the actual places where labor and politics meld. He highlights how organized labor <em>can</em> and <em>does</em> wield power effectively: a union that dominates Las Vegas and is trying to scale nationally; a successful decades-long campaign to organize California's child care workers; the human face of a surprising strike of factory workers trying to preserve their pathway to the middle class. Throughout, Nolan follows Sara Nelson, the fiery and charismatic head of the flight attendants' union, as she struggles with how (and whether) to assert herself as a national leader, to try to fix what is broken. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780306830921"><em>The Hammer: Power, Inequality, and the Struggle for the Soul of Labor</em></a> (Hachette Books, 2024) draws the line from forgotten workplaces in rural West Virginia to Washington's halls of power, and shows how labor solidarity can utterly transform American politics--if it can first transform itself.</p><p>A labor journalist for more than a decade, Nolan helped unionize his own industry. <em>The Hammer</em> is a urgent on-the-ground excavation of the past, present, and future of the American labor movement.</p><p>Hamilton Nolan is a labor journalist who writes regularly for In These Times magazine and The Guardian. He has written about labor, politics, and class war for The New York Times, the Washington Post, Gawker, Splinter, and other publications. He was the longest-serving writer in Gawker’s history, and was a leader in unionizing Gawker Media in 2015. Hamilton is a proud member of the Writers Guild of America, East.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3139</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael Willrich, "American Anarchy: The Epic Struggle between Immigrant Radicals and the US Government at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century" (Basic Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the early twentieth century, anarchists like Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman championed a radical vision of a world without states, laws, or private property. Militant and sometimes violent, anarchists were heroes to many working-class immigrants. But to many others, anarchism was a terrifyingly foreign ideology. Determined to crush it, government officials launched a decades-long “war on anarchy,” a brutal program of spying, censorship, and deportation that set the foundations of the modern surveillance state. The lawyers who came to the anarchists’ defense advanced groundbreaking arguments for free speech and due process, inspiring the emergence of the civil liberties movement.
Michael Willrich's book American Anarchy: The Epic Struggle between Immigrant Radicals and the US Government at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century (Basic Books, 2023) tells the gripping tale of the anarchists, their allies, and their enemies, showing how their battles over freedom and power still shape our public life.
Geraldine Gudefin is a French-born modern Jewish historian researching Jewish family life, legal pluralism, and the migration experiences of Jews in France and the United States. She is currently a research fellow at the Hebrew University’s Avraham Harman Research Institute of Contemporary Jewry, and is completing a book titled An Impossible Divorce? East European Jews and the Limits of Legal Pluralism in France, 1900-1939.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>266</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Willrich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the early twentieth century, anarchists like Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman championed a radical vision of a world without states, laws, or private property. Militant and sometimes violent, anarchists were heroes to many working-class immigrants. But to many others, anarchism was a terrifyingly foreign ideology. Determined to crush it, government officials launched a decades-long “war on anarchy,” a brutal program of spying, censorship, and deportation that set the foundations of the modern surveillance state. The lawyers who came to the anarchists’ defense advanced groundbreaking arguments for free speech and due process, inspiring the emergence of the civil liberties movement.
Michael Willrich's book American Anarchy: The Epic Struggle between Immigrant Radicals and the US Government at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century (Basic Books, 2023) tells the gripping tale of the anarchists, their allies, and their enemies, showing how their battles over freedom and power still shape our public life.
Geraldine Gudefin is a French-born modern Jewish historian researching Jewish family life, legal pluralism, and the migration experiences of Jews in France and the United States. She is currently a research fellow at the Hebrew University’s Avraham Harman Research Institute of Contemporary Jewry, and is completing a book titled An Impossible Divorce? East European Jews and the Limits of Legal Pluralism in France, 1900-1939.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the early twentieth century, anarchists like Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman championed a radical vision of a world without states, laws, or private property. Militant and sometimes violent, anarchists were heroes to many working-class immigrants. But to many others, anarchism was a terrifyingly foreign ideology. Determined to crush it, government officials launched a decades-long “war on anarchy,” a brutal program of spying, censorship, and deportation that set the foundations of the modern surveillance state. The lawyers who came to the anarchists’ defense advanced groundbreaking arguments for free speech and due process, inspiring the emergence of the civil liberties movement.</p><p>Michael Willrich's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541697379"><em>American Anarchy: The Epic Struggle between Immigrant Radicals and the US Government at the Dawn of the Twentieth Century </em></a>(Basic Books, 2023) tells the gripping tale of the anarchists, their allies, and their enemies, showing how their battles over freedom and power still shape our public life.</p><p><a href="https://huji.academia.edu/GeraldineGudefin"><em>Geraldine Gudefin</em></a><em> is a French-born modern Jewish historian researching Jewish family life, legal pluralism, and the migration experiences of Jews in France and the United States. She is currently a research fellow at the Hebrew University’s Avraham Harman Research Institute of Contemporary Jewry, and is completing a book titled An Impossible Divorce? East European Jews and the Limits of Legal Pluralism in France, 1900-1939.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4198</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Tea Krulos, "American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness" (Feral House, 2020)</title>
      <description>The mainstream news media struggles to understand the power of social media. In contrast, conspiracy advocates, malicious political movements, and even foreign governments have long understood how to harness the power of fear and the fear of power into lucrative outlets for outrage and money. But what happens when the messengers of “inside knowledge” go too far?
Author Tea Krulos tells the story of one man, Richard McCaslin, whose fractured thinking made him the ideal consumer of even the most arcane of conspiracy theories. Acting on the daily rants of Alex Jones and his ilk, McCaslin takes matters into his own hands to stop the unseen powers behind the world’s disasters who congregate at conspiracy world’s Mecca—The Bohemian Grove. It all goes wrong with terrible consequences for the man who styled himself The Phantom Patriot.
McCaslin is not alone, as conspiracy-driven political action has bubbled its way up from the margins of society to the White House. It’s no longer a lone deranged kook convinced of getting secret messages from a cereal box; now, it’s slick videos and well-funded outrage campaigns ready to peddle the latest innuendos and lies in hopes of harnessing the chaos for political gain. What is the long-term effect on people who believe these barely believable stories? Who benefits, and who pays the price?
In American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness (Feral House, 2020), Krulos investigates and explains the power of conspiracy, and the shared madness it brings on the American psyche.
Tea Krulos is a freelance journalist and author from Milwaukee, WI. Some of his favorite subjects to explore include subcultures and social movements, weird news, the paranormal, and strange personalities. He also writes about local art and entertainment, lifestyle, and food/drink for publications like Milwaukee Magazine, Shepherd Express, and Milwaukee Record. His five non-fiction books are American Madness, Wisconsin Legends &amp; Lore, Apocalypse Any Day Now, Monster Hunters, and Heroes in the Night. He’s also been published in places like Atlas Obscura, Fortean Times, and Scandinavian Traveler and writes a weekly column called “Tea’s Weird Week” at teakrulos.com.
Tyler Thier is a faculty member and administrator in the Department of Writing Studies &amp; Rhetoric at Hofstra University. He regularly writes and teaches cultural criticism, and his scholarship is concerned with malicious rhetoric and dangerous media—specifically, extremist manifestos.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>265</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tea Krulos</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The mainstream news media struggles to understand the power of social media. In contrast, conspiracy advocates, malicious political movements, and even foreign governments have long understood how to harness the power of fear and the fear of power into lucrative outlets for outrage and money. But what happens when the messengers of “inside knowledge” go too far?
Author Tea Krulos tells the story of one man, Richard McCaslin, whose fractured thinking made him the ideal consumer of even the most arcane of conspiracy theories. Acting on the daily rants of Alex Jones and his ilk, McCaslin takes matters into his own hands to stop the unseen powers behind the world’s disasters who congregate at conspiracy world’s Mecca—The Bohemian Grove. It all goes wrong with terrible consequences for the man who styled himself The Phantom Patriot.
McCaslin is not alone, as conspiracy-driven political action has bubbled its way up from the margins of society to the White House. It’s no longer a lone deranged kook convinced of getting secret messages from a cereal box; now, it’s slick videos and well-funded outrage campaigns ready to peddle the latest innuendos and lies in hopes of harnessing the chaos for political gain. What is the long-term effect on people who believe these barely believable stories? Who benefits, and who pays the price?
In American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness (Feral House, 2020), Krulos investigates and explains the power of conspiracy, and the shared madness it brings on the American psyche.
Tea Krulos is a freelance journalist and author from Milwaukee, WI. Some of his favorite subjects to explore include subcultures and social movements, weird news, the paranormal, and strange personalities. He also writes about local art and entertainment, lifestyle, and food/drink for publications like Milwaukee Magazine, Shepherd Express, and Milwaukee Record. His five non-fiction books are American Madness, Wisconsin Legends &amp; Lore, Apocalypse Any Day Now, Monster Hunters, and Heroes in the Night. He’s also been published in places like Atlas Obscura, Fortean Times, and Scandinavian Traveler and writes a weekly column called “Tea’s Weird Week” at teakrulos.com.
Tyler Thier is a faculty member and administrator in the Department of Writing Studies &amp; Rhetoric at Hofstra University. He regularly writes and teaches cultural criticism, and his scholarship is concerned with malicious rhetoric and dangerous media—specifically, extremist manifestos.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The mainstream news media struggles to understand the power of social media. In contrast, conspiracy advocates, malicious political movements, and even foreign governments have long understood how to harness the power of fear and the fear of power into lucrative outlets for outrage and money. But what happens when the messengers of “inside knowledge” go too far?</p><p>Author Tea Krulos tells the story of one man, Richard McCaslin, whose fractured thinking made him the ideal consumer of even the most arcane of conspiracy theories. Acting on the daily rants of Alex Jones and his ilk, McCaslin takes matters into his own hands to stop the unseen powers behind the world’s disasters who congregate at conspiracy world’s Mecca—The Bohemian Grove. It all goes wrong with terrible consequences for the man who styled himself The Phantom Patriot.</p><p>McCaslin is not alone, as conspiracy-driven political action has bubbled its way up from the margins of society to the White House. It’s no longer a lone deranged kook convinced of getting secret messages from a cereal box; now, it’s slick videos and well-funded outrage campaigns ready to peddle the latest innuendos and lies in hopes of harnessing the chaos for political gain. What is the long-term effect on people who believe these barely believable stories? Who benefits, and who pays the price?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781627310963"><em>American Madness: The Story of the Phantom Patriot and How Conspiracy Theories Hijacked American Consciousness</em></a><em> </em>(Feral House, 2020), Krulos investigates and explains the power of conspiracy, and the shared madness it brings on the American psyche.</p><p>Tea Krulos is a freelance journalist and author from Milwaukee, WI. Some of his favorite subjects to explore include subcultures and social movements, weird news, the paranormal, and strange personalities. He also writes about local art and entertainment, lifestyle, and food/drink for publications like <em>Milwaukee Magazine</em>, <em>Shepherd Express</em>, and <em>Milwaukee Record</em>. His five non-fiction books are <em>American Madness</em>, <em>Wisconsin Legends &amp; Lore</em>, <em>Apocalypse Any Day Now</em>, <em>Monster Hunters</em>, and <em>Heroes in the Night</em>. He’s also been published in places like <em>Atlas Obscura</em>, <em>Fortean Times</em>, and <em>Scandinavian Traveler</em> and writes a weekly column called “Tea’s Weird Week” at <a href="https://teakrulos.com/">teakrulos.com</a>.</p><p><em>Tyler Thier is a faculty member and administrator in the Department of Writing Studies &amp; Rhetoric at Hofstra University. He regularly writes and teaches cultural criticism, and his scholarship is concerned with malicious rhetoric and dangerous media—specifically, extremist manifestos.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3454</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Kellie Carter Jackson, "We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance" (Seal Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Black resistance to white supremacy is often reduced to a simple binary, between Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s nonviolence and Malcolm X’s “by any means necessary.” In We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance (Seal Press, 2024), historian Kellie Carter Jackson urges us to move past this false choice, offering an unflinching examination of the breadth of Black responses to white oppression, particularly those pioneered by Black women.
The dismissal of “Black violence” as an illegitimate form of resistance is itself a manifestation of white supremacy, a distraction from the insidious, unrelenting violence of structural racism. Force—from work stoppages and property destruction to armed revolt—has played a pivotal part in securing freedom and justice for Black people since the days of the American and Haitian Revolutions. But violence is only one tool among many. Carter Jackson examines other, no less vital tactics that have shaped the Black struggle, from the restorative power of finding joy in the face of suffering to the quiet strength of simply walking away.
Clear-eyed, impassioned, and ultimately hopeful, We Refuse offers a fundamental corrective to the historical record, a love letter to Black resilience, and a path toward liberation.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>466</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kellie Carter Jackson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Black resistance to white supremacy is often reduced to a simple binary, between Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s nonviolence and Malcolm X’s “by any means necessary.” In We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance (Seal Press, 2024), historian Kellie Carter Jackson urges us to move past this false choice, offering an unflinching examination of the breadth of Black responses to white oppression, particularly those pioneered by Black women.
The dismissal of “Black violence” as an illegitimate form of resistance is itself a manifestation of white supremacy, a distraction from the insidious, unrelenting violence of structural racism. Force—from work stoppages and property destruction to armed revolt—has played a pivotal part in securing freedom and justice for Black people since the days of the American and Haitian Revolutions. But violence is only one tool among many. Carter Jackson examines other, no less vital tactics that have shaped the Black struggle, from the restorative power of finding joy in the face of suffering to the quiet strength of simply walking away.
Clear-eyed, impassioned, and ultimately hopeful, We Refuse offers a fundamental corrective to the historical record, a love letter to Black resilience, and a path toward liberation.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Black resistance to white supremacy is often reduced to a simple binary, between Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s nonviolence and Malcolm X’s “by any means necessary.” In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541602908"><em>We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance</em></a> (Seal Press, 2024), historian Kellie Carter Jackson urges us to move past this false choice, offering an unflinching examination of the breadth of Black responses to white oppression, particularly those pioneered by Black women.</p><p>The dismissal of “Black violence” as an illegitimate form of resistance is itself a manifestation of white supremacy, a distraction from the insidious, unrelenting violence of structural racism. Force—from work stoppages and property destruction to armed revolt—has played a pivotal part in securing freedom and justice for Black people since the days of the American and Haitian Revolutions. But violence is only one tool among many. Carter Jackson examines other, no less vital tactics that have shaped the Black struggle, from the restorative power of finding joy in the face of suffering to the quiet strength of simply walking away.</p><p>Clear-eyed, impassioned, and ultimately hopeful, We Refuse offers a fundamental corrective to the historical record, a love letter to Black resilience, and a path toward liberation.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:omariaverette@gmail.com"><em>omariaverette@gmail.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3459</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Neil J. Young, "Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right (U Chicago Press, 2024) is a fascinating and engaging historical tour of those who were gay and active in Republican and conservative politics over the course of the last 80 years. Neil J. Young has written an accessible and deeply sources book that brings forward stories about those in the closet, those out of the closet, and in some cases, the move to come out as gay in Republican politics and in conservative activism. Young explains early on that part of the impetus for the book is the contemporary question: why would anyone be a gay Republican? But the discussion is far from simple, and the book traces more than eight decades of history focusing on the evolution and changing ideology of the Republican Party while also exploring different factions within the party, in a variety of places and regions in the United States. All of this is woven together to provide a lively history. Young himself is part of this history, as he explains his own political evolution and his personal story.
One of the points that becomes clear in Coming Out Republican is that there are distinctions between conservativism and Republican politics. It is also undeniable from the research and the history that the individuals who are gay Republicans, either in the 1950s or in the 1980s or in the 2020s, are generally middle- or upper-class white men. The book starts in the 1950s in Washington, D.C., where a number of closeted gay men were instrumental in fundraising and political activism for both the Republican Party and the conservative movement. Young also notes that Washington, D.C. at this time had a lively gay community. What is fascinating with this starting point is that these gay men were adamantly anti-Communist, as Young explains it, they were essentially creating a kind of closet for themselves that protected them from many of the homophobic attacks that were made during the McCarthy era. Moving through historical periods and back and forth across the country, Young traces the different kinds of activists and the causes within the Republican party that animated them—personal freedom and liberty, bodily autonomy, fiscal conservativism, anti-statism, etc.—alongside the evolution of the Republican Party itself, which integrates white Evangelical voters, especially from the South, during this same time period. 
Coming Out Republican provides the reader with essentially two historical accounts, focusing on the role and place of gay Republicans and conservatives within the party and the conservative movement as a whole, while also delineating the shifts in the conversative movement towards the New Right, and a Republican Party that highlights socially conservative policy, which tends to be more limiting of individual freedom and bodily autonomy. Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right also outlines the other side of the LGBTQ movement, teasing out how those on the left were or were not engaged in the quest for equal rights and full citizenship for LGBTQ individuals. This is a really interesting assessment, since it pulls out competing approaches to rights advocacy and political advocacy, and also spotlights the places and times when advocacy was absent.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>724</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Neil J. Young</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right (U Chicago Press, 2024) is a fascinating and engaging historical tour of those who were gay and active in Republican and conservative politics over the course of the last 80 years. Neil J. Young has written an accessible and deeply sources book that brings forward stories about those in the closet, those out of the closet, and in some cases, the move to come out as gay in Republican politics and in conservative activism. Young explains early on that part of the impetus for the book is the contemporary question: why would anyone be a gay Republican? But the discussion is far from simple, and the book traces more than eight decades of history focusing on the evolution and changing ideology of the Republican Party while also exploring different factions within the party, in a variety of places and regions in the United States. All of this is woven together to provide a lively history. Young himself is part of this history, as he explains his own political evolution and his personal story.
One of the points that becomes clear in Coming Out Republican is that there are distinctions between conservativism and Republican politics. It is also undeniable from the research and the history that the individuals who are gay Republicans, either in the 1950s or in the 1980s or in the 2020s, are generally middle- or upper-class white men. The book starts in the 1950s in Washington, D.C., where a number of closeted gay men were instrumental in fundraising and political activism for both the Republican Party and the conservative movement. Young also notes that Washington, D.C. at this time had a lively gay community. What is fascinating with this starting point is that these gay men were adamantly anti-Communist, as Young explains it, they were essentially creating a kind of closet for themselves that protected them from many of the homophobic attacks that were made during the McCarthy era. Moving through historical periods and back and forth across the country, Young traces the different kinds of activists and the causes within the Republican party that animated them—personal freedom and liberty, bodily autonomy, fiscal conservativism, anti-statism, etc.—alongside the evolution of the Republican Party itself, which integrates white Evangelical voters, especially from the South, during this same time period. 
Coming Out Republican provides the reader with essentially two historical accounts, focusing on the role and place of gay Republicans and conservatives within the party and the conservative movement as a whole, while also delineating the shifts in the conversative movement towards the New Right, and a Republican Party that highlights socially conservative policy, which tends to be more limiting of individual freedom and bodily autonomy. Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right also outlines the other side of the LGBTQ movement, teasing out how those on the left were or were not engaged in the quest for equal rights and full citizenship for LGBTQ individuals. This is a really interesting assessment, since it pulls out competing approaches to rights advocacy and political advocacy, and also spotlights the places and times when advocacy was absent.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226818054"><em>Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right</em> </a>(U Chicago Press, 2024) is a fascinating and engaging historical tour of those who were gay and active in Republican and conservative politics over the course of the last 80 years. Neil J. Young has written an accessible and deeply sources book that brings forward stories about those in the closet, those out of the closet, and in some cases, the move to come out as gay in Republican politics and in conservative activism. Young explains early on that part of the impetus for the book is the contemporary question: why would anyone be a gay Republican? But the discussion is far from simple, and the book traces more than eight decades of history focusing on the evolution and changing ideology of the Republican Party while also exploring different factions within the party, in a variety of places and regions in the United States. All of this is woven together to provide a lively history. Young himself is part of this history, as he explains his own political evolution and his personal story.</p><p>One of the points that becomes clear in <em>Coming Out Republican</em> is that there are distinctions between conservativism and Republican politics. It is also undeniable from the research and the history that the individuals who are gay Republicans, either in the 1950s or in the 1980s or in the 2020s, are generally middle- or upper-class white men. The book starts in the 1950s in Washington, D.C., where a number of closeted gay men were instrumental in fundraising and political activism for both the Republican Party and the conservative movement. Young also notes that Washington, D.C. at this time had a lively gay community. What is fascinating with this starting point is that these gay men were adamantly anti-Communist, as Young explains it, they were essentially creating a kind of closet for themselves that protected them from many of the homophobic attacks that were made during the McCarthy era. Moving through historical periods and back and forth across the country, Young traces the different kinds of activists and the causes within the Republican party that animated them—personal freedom and liberty, bodily autonomy, fiscal conservativism, anti-statism, etc.—alongside the evolution of the Republican Party itself, which integrates white Evangelical voters, especially from the South, during this same time period. </p><p><em>Coming Out Republican</em> provides the reader with essentially two historical accounts, focusing on the role and place of gay Republicans and conservatives within the party and the conservative movement as a whole, while also delineating the shifts in the conversative movement towards the New Right, and a Republican Party that highlights socially conservative policy, which tends to be more limiting of individual freedom and bodily autonomy<em>. Coming Out Republican: A History of the Gay Right</em> also outlines the other side of the LGBTQ movement, teasing out how those on the left were or were not engaged in the quest for equal rights and full citizenship for LGBTQ individuals. This is a really interesting assessment, since it pulls out competing approaches to rights advocacy and political advocacy, and also spotlights the places and times when advocacy was absent.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3697</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Premal Dharia et al., "Dismantling Mass Incarceration: A Handbook for Change" (FSG Originals, 2024)</title>
      <description>In recent years, a searching national conversation has called attention to the social and racial injustices that define America’s criminal system. The incarceration of vast numbers of people, and the punitive treatment of African Americans in particular, are targets of widespread criticism. But despite the election of progressive prosecutors in several cities and the passage of reform legislation at the local, state, and federal levels, the system remains very much intact. How can the damage and depredations of the carceral state be undone? 
In this pathbreaking reader, three of the nation’s leading advocates —Premal Dharia, James Forman Jr., and Maria Hawilo—provide us with tools to move from despair and critique to hope and action. Dismantling Mass Incarceration: A Handbook for Change (FSG Originals, 2024) surveys new approaches to confronting the carceral state in all its guises, exploring ways that police, prosecutors, public defenders, judges, prisons, and even life after prison can be radically reconceived. The book captures debates about the comparative merits of reforming or abolishing prisons and police forces, and introduces a host of bold but practical interventions. The contributors range from noted figures such as Angela Davis, Clint Smith, and Larry Krasner to local organizers, judges, and people currently or formerly incarcerated. The result is an invaluable guide for students, activists, and anyone who wishes to understand mass incarceration—and hasten its end.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>185</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Maria Hawilo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In recent years, a searching national conversation has called attention to the social and racial injustices that define America’s criminal system. The incarceration of vast numbers of people, and the punitive treatment of African Americans in particular, are targets of widespread criticism. But despite the election of progressive prosecutors in several cities and the passage of reform legislation at the local, state, and federal levels, the system remains very much intact. How can the damage and depredations of the carceral state be undone? 
In this pathbreaking reader, three of the nation’s leading advocates —Premal Dharia, James Forman Jr., and Maria Hawilo—provide us with tools to move from despair and critique to hope and action. Dismantling Mass Incarceration: A Handbook for Change (FSG Originals, 2024) surveys new approaches to confronting the carceral state in all its guises, exploring ways that police, prosecutors, public defenders, judges, prisons, and even life after prison can be radically reconceived. The book captures debates about the comparative merits of reforming or abolishing prisons and police forces, and introduces a host of bold but practical interventions. The contributors range from noted figures such as Angela Davis, Clint Smith, and Larry Krasner to local organizers, judges, and people currently or formerly incarcerated. The result is an invaluable guide for students, activists, and anyone who wishes to understand mass incarceration—and hasten its end.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In recent years, a searching national conversation has called attention to the social and racial injustices that define America’s criminal system. The incarceration of vast numbers of people, and the punitive treatment of African Americans in particular, are targets of widespread criticism. But despite the election of progressive prosecutors in several cities and the passage of reform legislation at the local, state, and federal levels, the system remains very much intact. How can the damage and depredations of the carceral state be undone? </p><p>In this pathbreaking reader, three of the nation’s leading advocates —Premal Dharia, James Forman Jr., and Maria Hawilo—provide us with tools to move from despair and critique to hope and action.<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374614485"><em>Dismantling Mass Incarceration: A Handbook for Change </em></a>(FSG Originals, 2024) surveys new approaches to confronting the carceral state in all its guises, exploring ways that police, prosecutors, public defenders, judges, prisons, and even life after prison can be radically reconceived. The book captures debates about the comparative merits of reforming or abolishing prisons and police forces, and introduces a host of bold but practical interventions. The contributors range from noted figures such as Angela Davis, Clint Smith, and Larry Krasner to local organizers, judges, and people currently or formerly incarcerated. The result is an invaluable guide for students, activists, and anyone who wishes to understand mass incarceration—and hasten its end.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1909</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jason Hannan, "Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>We commonly think of trolls as anonymous online pranksters who hide behind clever avatars and screen names. In Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media (Oxford UP, 2024), Jason Hannan reveals how the trolls have emerged from the cave and now walk in the clear light of day. Once limited to the darker corners of the internet, trolls have since gone mainstream, invading our politics and eroding our civic culture. Trolls are changing the norms of democratic politics and shaping how we communicate in the public sphere. Adding a twist to Neil Postman's classic thesis, this book argues that we are not so much amusing as trolling ourselves to death. But how did this come to be? Is this transformation attributable solely to digital technology? Or are there deeper political, economic, and cultural roots? 
This book moves beyond the familiar picture of trolls by recasting trolling in a broader historical light. It shows how trolling is the logical expression of widespread alienation, cynicism, and paranoia deeply rooted in a culture of possessive individualism. Drawing from Postman, Alasdair MacIntyre, Karl Marx, and Hannah Arendt, this book explores the disturbing rise of political unreason in the form of mass trolling. It explains the proliferation of disinformation, conspiracy theory, "cancel culture," and public shaming. Taking inspiration from G. F. W. Hegel, Paulo F reire, and bell hooks, this book makes a case for building a spirit of trust to counter the culture of mass distrust that feeds the epidemic of political trolling.
Dr. Jason Hannan is Professor in the Department of Rhetoric, Writing, and Communications at the University of Winnipeg. He is the author of Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media (Oxford University Press, 2023) and the editor of Meatsplaining: The Animal Agriculture Industry and the Rhetoric of Denial (Sydney University Press, 2020). His current book project is Reactionary Speech: Conservatism and the Rhetoric of Denial.
Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>137</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jason Hannan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We commonly think of trolls as anonymous online pranksters who hide behind clever avatars and screen names. In Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media (Oxford UP, 2024), Jason Hannan reveals how the trolls have emerged from the cave and now walk in the clear light of day. Once limited to the darker corners of the internet, trolls have since gone mainstream, invading our politics and eroding our civic culture. Trolls are changing the norms of democratic politics and shaping how we communicate in the public sphere. Adding a twist to Neil Postman's classic thesis, this book argues that we are not so much amusing as trolling ourselves to death. But how did this come to be? Is this transformation attributable solely to digital technology? Or are there deeper political, economic, and cultural roots? 
This book moves beyond the familiar picture of trolls by recasting trolling in a broader historical light. It shows how trolling is the logical expression of widespread alienation, cynicism, and paranoia deeply rooted in a culture of possessive individualism. Drawing from Postman, Alasdair MacIntyre, Karl Marx, and Hannah Arendt, this book explores the disturbing rise of political unreason in the form of mass trolling. It explains the proliferation of disinformation, conspiracy theory, "cancel culture," and public shaming. Taking inspiration from G. F. W. Hegel, Paulo F reire, and bell hooks, this book makes a case for building a spirit of trust to counter the culture of mass distrust that feeds the epidemic of political trolling.
Dr. Jason Hannan is Professor in the Department of Rhetoric, Writing, and Communications at the University of Winnipeg. He is the author of Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media (Oxford University Press, 2023) and the editor of Meatsplaining: The Animal Agriculture Industry and the Rhetoric of Denial (Sydney University Press, 2020). His current book project is Reactionary Speech: Conservatism and the Rhetoric of Denial.
Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We commonly think of trolls as anonymous online pranksters who hide behind clever avatars and screen names. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197557778"><em>Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2024), Jason Hannan reveals how the trolls have emerged from the cave and now walk in the clear light of day. Once limited to the darker corners of the internet, trolls have since gone mainstream, invading our politics and eroding our civic culture. Trolls are changing the norms of democratic politics and shaping how we communicate in the public sphere. Adding a twist to Neil Postman's classic thesis, this book argues that we are not so much amusing as trolling ourselves to death. But how did this come to be? Is this transformation attributable solely to digital technology? Or are there deeper political, economic, and cultural roots? </p><p>This book moves beyond the familiar picture of trolls by recasting trolling in a broader historical light. It shows how trolling is the logical expression of widespread alienation, cynicism, and paranoia deeply rooted in a culture of possessive individualism. Drawing from Postman, Alasdair MacIntyre, Karl Marx, and Hannah Arendt, this book explores the disturbing rise of political unreason in the form of mass trolling. It explains the proliferation of disinformation, conspiracy theory, "cancel culture," and public shaming. Taking inspiration from G. F. W. Hegel, Paulo F reire, and bell hooks, this book makes a case for building a spirit of trust to counter the culture of mass distrust that feeds the epidemic of political trolling.</p><p>Dr. Jason Hannan is Professor in the Department of Rhetoric, Writing, and Communications at the University of Winnipeg. He is the author of <em>Trolling Ourselves to Death: Democracy in the Age of Social Media</em> (Oxford University Press, 2023) and the editor of <em>Meatsplaining: The Animal Agriculture Industry and the Rhetoric of Denial</em> (Sydney University Press, 2020). His current book project is <em>Reactionary Speech: Conservatism and the Rhetoric of Denial.</em></p><p>Dr. Michael LaMagna is the Information Literacy Program &amp; Library Services Coordinator and Professor of Library Services at Delaware County Community College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2829</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6799705555.mp3?updated=1719860051" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Does the June POTUS Debate Matter?</title>
      <description>On Thursday, June 27th, President Joe Biden and Trump debated for 90 minutes without a live audience or the usually provided by the Commission on Presidential Debates. Instead, two CNN journalists – Dana Bash and Jake Tapper – asked the questions. Not only was the format a departure but the timing was unusually early for a presidential debate. Today’s podcast is a conversation between Susan Liebell at Saint Joseph’s University and Dr. Daniel E. Ponder, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. We started with a little context about American debates (including the first televised debate between the 1960 presidential candidates Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Democratic Senator John F. Kennedy). Dan outlined some big moments in previous presidential debates and whether they mattered in November. We then assessed the performances of Biden and Trump – and how that might affect voters.
Some items we mentioned:

Did reading the transcript leave people with a more positive view of Biden?

“Our Debate Wraps:How the system failed. How Biden's stubbornness hurt him. And how it will play in November” from Jonathan Bernstein, Julia Azari, and David S. Bernstein on Good Politics/Bad Politics, June 27, 2024


Gretchen Whitmer Wants a Gen X President — in 2028” The Interview via The New York Times, June 22, 2024

Lilly Goren and Susan’s earlier conversation with Meena Bose and Dan Ponder, “Previewing the 2024 Presidential Race,” Postscript via New Books Network, June 17, 2024

Biden’s strong performance in the VP debate with Paul Ryan in 2012 in full here with key moments at 11:11 (Iran), 21:48 (jobs), 32.43 (Medicare and social security), and 1:13 (abortion).

Elaine Kamarck’s Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates (Brookings, 2016) and Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again (Brookings, 2016)


Nicolle Wallace, Trump lied “as often as he breathed” on MSNBC, June 27, 2024.


CNN Flash Poll, June 27, 2024.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Jul 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>26</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On Thursday, June 27th, President Joe Biden and Trump debated for 90 minutes without a live audience or the usually provided by the Commission on Presidential Debates. Instead, two CNN journalists – Dana Bash and Jake Tapper – asked the questions. Not only was the format a departure but the timing was unusually early for a presidential debate. Today’s podcast is a conversation between Susan Liebell at Saint Joseph’s University and Dr. Daniel E. Ponder, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. We started with a little context about American debates (including the first televised debate between the 1960 presidential candidates Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Democratic Senator John F. Kennedy). Dan outlined some big moments in previous presidential debates and whether they mattered in November. We then assessed the performances of Biden and Trump – and how that might affect voters.
Some items we mentioned:

Did reading the transcript leave people with a more positive view of Biden?

“Our Debate Wraps:How the system failed. How Biden's stubbornness hurt him. And how it will play in November” from Jonathan Bernstein, Julia Azari, and David S. Bernstein on Good Politics/Bad Politics, June 27, 2024


Gretchen Whitmer Wants a Gen X President — in 2028” The Interview via The New York Times, June 22, 2024

Lilly Goren and Susan’s earlier conversation with Meena Bose and Dan Ponder, “Previewing the 2024 Presidential Race,” Postscript via New Books Network, June 17, 2024

Biden’s strong performance in the VP debate with Paul Ryan in 2012 in full here with key moments at 11:11 (Iran), 21:48 (jobs), 32.43 (Medicare and social security), and 1:13 (abortion).

Elaine Kamarck’s Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates (Brookings, 2016) and Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again (Brookings, 2016)


Nicolle Wallace, Trump lied “as often as he breathed” on MSNBC, June 27, 2024.


CNN Flash Poll, June 27, 2024.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On Thursday, June 27th, President Joe Biden and Trump debated for 90 minutes without a live audience or the usually provided by the Commission on Presidential Debates. Instead, two CNN journalists – Dana Bash and Jake Tapper – asked the questions. Not only was the format a departure but the timing was unusually early for a presidential debate. Today’s podcast is a conversation between Susan Liebell at Saint Joseph’s University and Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a>, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University. We started with a little context about American debates (<a href="https://youtu.be/AYP8-oxq8ig?si=md-rEJXxGCKhvHr1">including the first televised debate between the 1960 presidential candidates Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Democratic Senator John F. Kennedy</a>). Dan outlined some big moments in previous presidential debates and whether they mattered in November. We then assessed the performances of Biden and Trump – and how that might affect voters.</p><p>Some items we mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Did <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2024/06/27/politics/read-biden-trump-debate-rush-transcript/index.html">reading the transcript</a> leave people with a more positive view of Biden?</li>
<li>“<a href="https://open.substack.com/pub/goodpoliticsbadpolitics/p/our-debate-wraps?r=3bcyf7&amp;utm_campaign=post&amp;utm_medium=web">Our Debate Wraps:How the system failed. How Biden's stubbornness hurt him. And how it will play in November</a>” from Jonathan Bernstein, Julia Azari, and David S. Bernstein on Good Politics/Bad Politics, June 27, 2024</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/22/magazine/gretchen-whitmer-interview.html">Gretchen Whitmer Wants a Gen X President — in 2028</a>” The Interview via The New York Times, June 22, 2024</li>
<li>Lilly Goren and Susan’s earlier conversation with Meena Bose and Dan Ponder, “<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-previewing-the-2024-presidential-race#entry:318591@1:url">Previewing the 2024 Presidential Race</a>,” <em>Postscript </em>via <em>New Books Network</em>, June 17, 2024</li>
<li>Biden’s strong performance in the VP debate with Paul Ryan in 2012 <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yYcdSwbrErI">in full here</a> with key moments at 11:11 (Iran), 21:48 (jobs), 32.43 (Medicare and social security), and 1:13 (abortion).</li>
<li>Elaine Kamarck’s <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/books/primary-politics-2/"><em>Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates</em></a> (Brookings, 2016) and <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/books/why-presidents-fail-and-how-they-can-succeed-again/"><em>Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again</em></a> (Brookings, 2016)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.facebook.com/reel/1204383720740966">Nicolle Wallace, Trump lied “as often as he breathed”</a> on MSNBC, June 27, 2024.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.cnn.com/2024/06/28/politics/debate-poll-cnn-trump-biden/index.html">CNN Flash Poll</a>, June 27, 2024.</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[028a8ede-3648-11ef-806f-5b44cf53f57d]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Democratic Regression: The Political Causes of Authoritarian Populism</title>
      <description>Why are so many democracies experiencing the rise of authoritarian populism? And what can we do to address this? Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Armin Schäfer and Michael Zürn about their new book The Democratic Regression: The Political Causes of Authoritarian Populism (Polity Press, 2023). Armin and Michael explain what authoritarian populism is, why and how it is driven by increasingly unresponsive and unrepresentative parliaments, as well as the transfer of power to unelected institutions, and offer some possible solutions for countering this trend.


Armin Schäfer is a Professor of Political Science with a focus on Comparative Politics at the University of Mainz.


Michael Zürn is Director of the research unit Global Governance at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center and Professor of International Relations at the Free University Berlin.


Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR, and was also an editor of The Politics of Development.


The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle> A Conversation with Armin Schäfer and Michael Zürn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why are so many democracies experiencing the rise of authoritarian populism? And what can we do to address this? Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Armin Schäfer and Michael Zürn about their new book The Democratic Regression: The Political Causes of Authoritarian Populism (Polity Press, 2023). Armin and Michael explain what authoritarian populism is, why and how it is driven by increasingly unresponsive and unrepresentative parliaments, as well as the transfer of power to unelected institutions, and offer some possible solutions for countering this trend.


Armin Schäfer is a Professor of Political Science with a focus on Comparative Politics at the University of Mainz.


Michael Zürn is Director of the research unit Global Governance at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center and Professor of International Relations at the Free University Berlin.


Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR, and was also an editor of The Politics of Development.


The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why are so many democracies experiencing the rise of authoritarian populism? And what can we do to address this? Join Nic Cheeseman as he talks to Armin Schäfer and Michael Zürn about their new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781509558773"><em>The Democratic Regression: The Political Causes of Authoritarian Populism</em></a> (Polity Press, 2023). Armin and Michael explain what authoritarian populism is, why and how it is driven by increasingly unresponsive and unrepresentative parliaments, as well as the transfer of power to unelected institutions, and offer some possible solutions for countering this trend.</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://vergleich.politik.uni-mainz.de/armin-schaefer/">Armin Schäfer</a> is a Professor of Political Science with a focus on Comparative Politics at the University of Mainz.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.wzb.eu/en/persons/michael-zurn">Michael Zürn</a> is Director of the research unit Global Governance at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center and Professor of International Relations at the Free University Berlin.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cheeseman-nic.aspx">Nic Cheeseman</a> is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR, and was also an editor of <em>The</em> <em>Politics of Development</em>.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2081</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer C. Berkshire and Jack Schneider, "The Education Wars: A Citizen’s Guide and Defense Manual" (The New Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>A perfectly timed book for the educational resistance—those of us who believe in public schools Culture wars have engulfed our schools. Extremist groups are seeking to ban books, limit what educators can teach, and threaten the very foundations of public education. What’s behind these efforts? Why are our schools suddenly so vulnerable? And how can the millions of Americans who love their public schools fight back? 
In this concise, hard-hitting guide, journalist Jennifer C. Berkshire and education scholar Jack Schneider answer these questions and chart a way forward. The Education Wars: A Citizen’s Guide and Defense Manual (The New Press, 2024) explains the sudden obsession with race and gender in schools, as well as the ascendancy of book-banning efforts. It offers a clear analysis of school vouchers and the impact they’ll have on school finances. It deciphers the movement for “parents’ rights,” explaining the rights that students and taxpayers also have. And it reveals how the ostensible pursuit of “religious freedom” opens the door to discrimination against vulnerable children. Berkshire and Schneider outline the core issues driving the education wars, offering essential information about issues, actors, and potential outcomes. In so doing, they lay out what is at stake for parents, teachers, and students and provide a road map for ensuring that public education survives this present assault. A book that will enrage and enlighten the millions of citizens who believe in their public schools, here is a long-overdue handbook and guide to action.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>233</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jennifer C. Berkshire and Jack Schneider</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A perfectly timed book for the educational resistance—those of us who believe in public schools Culture wars have engulfed our schools. Extremist groups are seeking to ban books, limit what educators can teach, and threaten the very foundations of public education. What’s behind these efforts? Why are our schools suddenly so vulnerable? And how can the millions of Americans who love their public schools fight back? 
In this concise, hard-hitting guide, journalist Jennifer C. Berkshire and education scholar Jack Schneider answer these questions and chart a way forward. The Education Wars: A Citizen’s Guide and Defense Manual (The New Press, 2024) explains the sudden obsession with race and gender in schools, as well as the ascendancy of book-banning efforts. It offers a clear analysis of school vouchers and the impact they’ll have on school finances. It deciphers the movement for “parents’ rights,” explaining the rights that students and taxpayers also have. And it reveals how the ostensible pursuit of “religious freedom” opens the door to discrimination against vulnerable children. Berkshire and Schneider outline the core issues driving the education wars, offering essential information about issues, actors, and potential outcomes. In so doing, they lay out what is at stake for parents, teachers, and students and provide a road map for ensuring that public education survives this present assault. A book that will enrage and enlighten the millions of citizens who believe in their public schools, here is a long-overdue handbook and guide to action.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A perfectly timed book for the educational resistance—those of us who believe in public schools Culture wars have engulfed our schools. Extremist groups are seeking to ban books, limit what educators can teach, and threaten the very foundations of public education. What’s behind these efforts? Why are our schools suddenly so vulnerable? And how can the millions of Americans who love their public schools fight back? </p><p>In this concise, hard-hitting guide, journalist Jennifer C. Berkshire and education scholar Jack Schneider answer these questions and chart a way forward. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620978542"><em>The Education Wars: A Citizen’s Guide and Defense Manual</em></a> (The New Press, 2024) explains the sudden obsession with race and gender in schools, as well as the ascendancy of book-banning efforts. It offers a clear analysis of school vouchers and the impact they’ll have on school finances. It deciphers the movement for “parents’ rights,” explaining the rights that students and taxpayers also have. And it reveals how the ostensible pursuit of “religious freedom” opens the door to discrimination against vulnerable children. Berkshire and Schneider outline the core issues driving the education wars, offering essential information about issues, actors, and potential outcomes. In so doing, they lay out what is at stake for parents, teachers, and students and provide a road map for ensuring that public education survives this present assault. A book that will enrage and enlighten the millions of citizens who believe in their public schools, here is a long-overdue handbook and guide to action.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1877</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Donald Stoker, "Purpose and Power: US Grand Strategy from the Revolutionary Era to the Present" (Cambridge UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In our interview, I spoke with Donald Stoker about the changes in American grand strategy over the past 250 years and the major themes from his new book: Purpose and Power: US Grand Strategy from the Revolutionary Era to the Present (Cambridge UP, 2024).
Across the full span of the nation’s history, Stoker challenges our understanding of the purposes and uses of American power. From the struggle for independence to the era of renewed competition with China and Russia, he reveals the grand strategies underpinning the nation’s pursuit of sovereignty, security, expansion, and democracy abroad. He shows how successive administrations have projected diplomatic, military, and economic power, and mobilized ideas and information to preserve American freedoms at home and secure US aims abroad. He exposes the myth of American isolationism, the good and ill of America’s quest for democracy overseas, and how too often its administrations have lacked clear political aims or a concrete vision for where they want to go. Understanding this history is vital if America is to relearn how to use its power to meet the challenges ahead and to think more clearly about political aims and grand strategy.
The interview reflects the opinions of the author and not that of the US government or National Defense University.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>38</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Donald Stoker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In our interview, I spoke with Donald Stoker about the changes in American grand strategy over the past 250 years and the major themes from his new book: Purpose and Power: US Grand Strategy from the Revolutionary Era to the Present (Cambridge UP, 2024).
Across the full span of the nation’s history, Stoker challenges our understanding of the purposes and uses of American power. From the struggle for independence to the era of renewed competition with China and Russia, he reveals the grand strategies underpinning the nation’s pursuit of sovereignty, security, expansion, and democracy abroad. He shows how successive administrations have projected diplomatic, military, and economic power, and mobilized ideas and information to preserve American freedoms at home and secure US aims abroad. He exposes the myth of American isolationism, the good and ill of America’s quest for democracy overseas, and how too often its administrations have lacked clear political aims or a concrete vision for where they want to go. Understanding this history is vital if America is to relearn how to use its power to meet the challenges ahead and to think more clearly about political aims and grand strategy.
The interview reflects the opinions of the author and not that of the US government or National Defense University.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at andrew.pace@usm.edu or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In our interview, I spoke with Donald Stoker about the changes in American grand strategy over the past 250 years and the major themes from his new book: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009257275"><em>Purpose and Power: US Grand Strategy from the Revolutionary Era to the Present</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2024).</p><p>Across the full span of the nation’s history, Stoker challenges our understanding of the purposes and uses of American power. From the struggle for independence to the era of renewed competition with China and Russia, he reveals the grand strategies underpinning the nation’s pursuit of sovereignty, security, expansion, and democracy abroad. He shows how successive administrations have projected diplomatic, military, and economic power, and mobilized ideas and information to preserve American freedoms at home and secure US aims abroad. He exposes the myth of American isolationism, the good and ill of America’s quest for democracy overseas, and how too often its administrations have lacked clear political aims or a concrete vision for where they want to go. Understanding this history is vital if America is to relearn how to use its power to meet the challenges ahead and to think more clearly about political aims and grand strategy.</p><p>The interview reflects the opinions of the author and not that of the US government or National Defense University.</p><p><strong><em>Andrew O. Pace</em></strong><em> is a historian of the US in the world who specializes in the moral fog of war. He is currently a DPAA Research Partner Fellow at the University of Southern Mississippi and a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network. He is also working on a book about the reversal in US grand strategy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:andrew.pace@usm.edu"><em>andrew.pace@usm.edu</em></a><em> or via andrewopace.com. Andrew is not an employee of DPAA, he supports DPAA through a partnership. The views presented are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of DPAA, DoD or its components. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2814</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Emily Zackin and Chloe N. Thurston, "The Political Development of American Debt Relief" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>A political history of the rise and fall of American debt relief. Americans have a long history with debt. They also have a long history of mobilizing for debt relief. Throughout the nineteenth century, indebted citizens demanded government protection from their financial burdens, challenging readings of the Constitution that exalted property rights at the expense of the vulnerable. Their appeals shaped the country’s periodic experiments with state debt relief and federal bankruptcy law, constituting a pre-industrial safety net. Yet, the twentieth century saw the erosion of debtor politics and the eventual retrenchment of bankruptcy protections. The Political Development of American Debt Relief (U Chicago Press, 2024) traces how geographic, sectoral, and racial politics shaped debtor activism over time, enhancing our understanding of state-building, constitutionalism, and social policy.
Emily Zackin is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. Her first book was Looking for Rights in All the Wrong Places: Why State Constitutions Contain America’s Positive Rights (Princeton UP, 2013).
Chloe Thurston is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University. Her first book was  At the Boundaries of Homeownership: Credit, Discrimination and the American State (Cambridge UP, 2018).
Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her first book was America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge UP, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>184</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emily Zackin and Chloe N. Thurston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A political history of the rise and fall of American debt relief. Americans have a long history with debt. They also have a long history of mobilizing for debt relief. Throughout the nineteenth century, indebted citizens demanded government protection from their financial burdens, challenging readings of the Constitution that exalted property rights at the expense of the vulnerable. Their appeals shaped the country’s periodic experiments with state debt relief and federal bankruptcy law, constituting a pre-industrial safety net. Yet, the twentieth century saw the erosion of debtor politics and the eventual retrenchment of bankruptcy protections. The Political Development of American Debt Relief (U Chicago Press, 2024) traces how geographic, sectoral, and racial politics shaped debtor activism over time, enhancing our understanding of state-building, constitutionalism, and social policy.
Emily Zackin is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. Her first book was Looking for Rights in All the Wrong Places: Why State Constitutions Contain America’s Positive Rights (Princeton UP, 2013).
Chloe Thurston is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University. Her first book was  At the Boundaries of Homeownership: Credit, Discrimination and the American State (Cambridge UP, 2018).
Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her first book was America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge UP, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A political history of the rise and fall of American debt relief. Americans have a long history with debt. They also have a long history of mobilizing for debt relief. Throughout the nineteenth century, indebted citizens demanded government protection from their financial burdens, challenging readings of the Constitution that exalted property rights at the expense of the vulnerable. Their appeals shaped the country’s periodic experiments with state debt relief and federal bankruptcy law, constituting a pre-industrial safety net. Yet, the twentieth century saw the erosion of debtor politics and the eventual retrenchment of bankruptcy protections. <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/9780226832371"><em>The Political Development of American Debt Relief</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2024) traces how geographic, sectoral, and racial politics shaped debtor activism over time, enhancing our understanding of state-building, constitutionalism, and social policy.</p><p>Emily Zackin is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. Her first book was <em>Looking for Rights in All the Wrong Places: Why State Constitutions Contain America’s Positive Rights </em>(Princeton UP, 2013).</p><p>Chloe Thurston is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University. Her first book was  <em>At the Boundaries of Homeownership: Credit, Discrimination and the American State </em>(Cambridge UP, 2018).</p><p>Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her first book was <em>America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State</em> (Cambridge UP, 2020).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3507</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Postscript: Unpacking the 2024 U.S. Presidential Debate, Conventions, and Polling</title>
      <description>The first presidential debate will be held on June 27th, 2024 and the Republicans are heading to Milwaukee (a city Donald Trump recently called “horrible” and crime-ridden). Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell had a wide ranging discussion including analysis of the upcoming debate, summer conventions, party platforms, and polling with three experts.
Dr. Julia Azari is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Her scholarship focuses on the American presidency, political parties, political communication and American political development. Her most recent public facing pieces on are “Making sense of the 2024 election:When nothing seems to make sense, social science can still help” and “Checking in on Biden and Political Time.” Dr. Jonathan Bernstein is a political scientist who focuses on US politics, Political Parties, Congress the Presidency, Elections, and Democracy. He is now co-writing Good Politics/Bad Politics (a “plain newsletter about government and elections in the U.S.”) with Julia and David S. Bernstein. He recently wrote “How Debates Work. And all the things they don't - and shouldn't – do” and “Trump Acts Like an Idiot. Don’t Blame It on Age.” Dr. Seth Masket is Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center on Politics at the University of Denver. He writes about political parties, American Politics, polarization, nominations, state legislatures, social networks, campaigns and elections. He can be found on Substack as Tusk and recently published “When debates are no longer automatic:Why Biden and Trump are debating and what they hope to get out of it” and “The Republican State Party Network: A deeper dive into party platforms, with some raised eyebrows at Michigan.“
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Julia Azari and Seth Masket’s June 27 live-blog of the first Presidential Debate will be at Arena. Follow them on social media for updates on what will be a GREAT conversation.

Nat Cohen, “If Everyone Voted, Would Biden Benefit? Not Anymore.” New York Times, 6/15/24 (on infrequent voters)

Seth Masket, “It's not just Texas State GOPs veer to the extremes on policy and democracy.” 6/7/24 (on extremism in state party platforms)

Erika Franklin Fowler, 6/19/24 Bluesky post on advertising when candidates are well-known


The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025: The Presidential Transition Project available here and summarized on Jenn White with Todd Swillich on podcast 1A, “If You Can Keep It” (on conservative nationalist “platform” that is not authored by GOP).


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>25</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Julia Azari, Jonathan Bernstein, and Seth Masket</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first presidential debate will be held on June 27th, 2024 and the Republicans are heading to Milwaukee (a city Donald Trump recently called “horrible” and crime-ridden). Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell had a wide ranging discussion including analysis of the upcoming debate, summer conventions, party platforms, and polling with three experts.
Dr. Julia Azari is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Her scholarship focuses on the American presidency, political parties, political communication and American political development. Her most recent public facing pieces on are “Making sense of the 2024 election:When nothing seems to make sense, social science can still help” and “Checking in on Biden and Political Time.” Dr. Jonathan Bernstein is a political scientist who focuses on US politics, Political Parties, Congress the Presidency, Elections, and Democracy. He is now co-writing Good Politics/Bad Politics (a “plain newsletter about government and elections in the U.S.”) with Julia and David S. Bernstein. He recently wrote “How Debates Work. And all the things they don't - and shouldn't – do” and “Trump Acts Like an Idiot. Don’t Blame It on Age.” Dr. Seth Masket is Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center on Politics at the University of Denver. He writes about political parties, American Politics, polarization, nominations, state legislatures, social networks, campaigns and elections. He can be found on Substack as Tusk and recently published “When debates are no longer automatic:Why Biden and Trump are debating and what they hope to get out of it” and “The Republican State Party Network: A deeper dive into party platforms, with some raised eyebrows at Michigan.“
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Julia Azari and Seth Masket’s June 27 live-blog of the first Presidential Debate will be at Arena. Follow them on social media for updates on what will be a GREAT conversation.

Nat Cohen, “If Everyone Voted, Would Biden Benefit? Not Anymore.” New York Times, 6/15/24 (on infrequent voters)

Seth Masket, “It's not just Texas State GOPs veer to the extremes on policy and democracy.” 6/7/24 (on extremism in state party platforms)

Erika Franklin Fowler, 6/19/24 Bluesky post on advertising when candidates are well-known


The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025: The Presidential Transition Project available here and summarized on Jenn White with Todd Swillich on podcast 1A, “If You Can Keep It” (on conservative nationalist “platform” that is not authored by GOP).


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first presidential debate will be held on June 27th, 2024 and the Republicans are heading to Milwaukee (a city Donald Trump recently called “horrible” and crime-ridden). Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell had a wide ranging discussion including analysis of the upcoming debate, summer conventions, party platforms, and polling with three experts.</p><p><a href="https://www.marquette.edu/political-science/directory/julia-azari.php">Dr. Julia Azari</a> is Professor of Political Science at Marquette University and a prolific media commentator on politics. Her scholarship focuses on the American presidency, political parties, political communication and American political development. Her most recent public facing pieces on are <a href="https://goodpoliticsbadpolitics.substack.com/p/making-sense-of-the-2024-election?utm_source=post-email-title&amp;publication_id=2456093&amp;post_id=145842218&amp;utm_campaign=email-post-title&amp;isFreemail=false&amp;r=3bcyf7&amp;triedRedirect=true&amp;utm_medium=email">“Making sense of the 2024 election:When nothing seems to make sense, social science can still help</a>” and “<a href="https://substack.com/home/post/p-145613860">Checking in on Biden and Political Time</a>.” <a href="https://substack.com/profile/582027-jonathan-bernstein">Dr. Jonathan Bernstein</a> is a political scientist who focuses on US politics, Political Parties, Congress the Presidency, Elections, and Democracy. He is now co-writing <a href="https://goodpoliticsbadpolitics.substack.com/">Good Politics/Bad Politics</a> (a “plain newsletter about government and elections in the U.S.”) with Julia and David S. Bernstein. He recently wrote “<a href="https://goodpoliticsbadpolitics.substack.com/p/how-debates-work?utm_source=post-email-title&amp;publication_id=2456093&amp;post_id=145813363&amp;utm_campaign=email-post-title&amp;isFreemail=false&amp;r=3bcyf7&amp;triedRedirect=true&amp;utm_medium=email">How Debates Work. And all the things they don't - and shouldn't – do</a>” and “<a href="https://substack.com/profile/582027-jonathan-bernstein">Trump Acts Like an Idiot. Don’t Blame It on Age</a>.” <a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/seth-masket">Dr. Seth Masket</a> is Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center on Politics at the University of Denver. He writes about political parties, American Politics, polarization, nominations, state legislatures, social networks, campaigns and elections. He can be found on Substack as <a href="https://smotus.substack.com/">Tusk</a> and recently published “<a href="https://smotus.substack.com/p/when-debates-are-no-longer-automatic?utm_source=post-email-title&amp;publication_id=1327720&amp;post_id=145839119&amp;utm_campaign=email-post-title&amp;isFreemail=true&amp;r=3bcyf7&amp;triedRedirect=true&amp;utm_medium=email">When debates are no longer automatic:Why Biden and Trump are debating and what they hope to get out of it</a>” and “<a href="https://substack.com/home/post/p-145591781">The Republican State Party Network: A deeper dive into party platforms, with some raised eyebrows at Michigan</a>.“</p><p>During the podcast, we mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Julia Azari and Seth Masket’s June 27 <a href="https://go.arena.im/live/tuskgood-politics/nY9w4Gp">live-blog of the first Presidential Debate will be at Arena</a>. Follow them on social media for updates on what will be a GREAT conversation.</li>
<li>Nat Cohen, “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/15/upshot/election-democrats-republicans-turnout-trump.html"><em>If Everyone Voted, Would Biden Benefit? Not Anymore</em></a><em>.” New York Times</em>, 6/15/24 (on infrequent voters)</li>
<li>Seth Masket, “<a href="https://smotus.substack.com/p/its-not-just-texas">It's not just Texas State GOPs veer to the extremes on policy and democracy</a>.” 6/7/24 (on extremism in state party platforms)</li>
<li>Erika Franklin Fowler, 6/19/24 <a href="https://bsky.app/profile/efranklinfowler.bsky.social/post/3kvbwxslrru2h"><em>Bluesky</em></a><em> </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/efranklinfowler.bsky.social/post/3kvbwxslrru2h">post on advertising when candidates are well-known</a>
</li>
<li>The Heritage Foundation’s <em>Project 2025: The Presidential Transition Project</em> available <a href="https://www.project2025.org/">here</a> and summarized on Jenn White with Todd Swillich on podcast<em> 1A</em>, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2024/06/17/1198911377/1a-06-17-2024#:~:text=It's%20called%20the%20Presidential%20Transition,to%20greatly%20disrupt%20the%20government.">“If You Can Keep It</a>” (on conservative nationalist “platform” that is not authored by GOP).</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2703</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hank Willenbrink, "Performing for the Don: Theatres of Faith in the Age of Trump" (Routledge, 2024)</title>
      <description>From his overwhelming embrace by evangelicals and other people of faith to his championing of policies and conservative judicial candidates long sought by right-wing Christians, Donald Trump’s candidacy, campaign, and presidency were empowered by believers of many stripes who employed different methods of rationalizing or Christianizing Trump and his administration. In Performing for the Don: Theatres of Faith in the Trump Era (Routledge, 2024), Hank Willenbrink examines this intersection of political power and religion through the lens of performance studies, in part via Trump’s own expressions but predominantly through mass media performances of his Christian supporters. 
From Trump’s affiliation with his “court evangelicals” and televangelists to the 2018 film The Trump Prophecy and other prophetic/apostolic movements latching onto Trump’s ascension in service of dominionistic ends, and from his support among very conservative Catholics to the “cult” of Trump that has coalesced in conspiratorial online spaces advocating QAnon beliefs, the last decade has witnessed a mainstreaming of theology and ideology ripe for an interdisciplinary analysis of the performative aspects of Trump’s faith-based support. Dr. Willenbrink joined the New Books Network to discuss all these subjects as well as Christian nationalism in the present American political climate.
Hank Willenbrink (Ph.D. in Dramatic Art from the University of California, Santa Barbara) is Associate Professor in the Department of English and Theatre at The University of Scranton in Pennsylvania. A scholar and theatre artist, Hank has published on a range of topics like Hell Houses, the playwright Naomi Iizuka, the intersections of playwriting and nature writing, and the use of music in HBO’s Girls. With his wife, Dr. Yamile Silva, he co-edited an anthology of contemporary Spanish and Portuguese writing. Hank’s play, The Boat in the Tiger Suit, premiered in New York and is published by Original Works Publishing. He’s developed theatrical work internationally, including at Sala Beckett in Barcelona. Hank has also led several interdisciplinary, community-engaged projects that bring together students and community members of diverse backgrounds and disciplines to engage in deeper and more intentional ways through collectively created theatrical performance. Hank played in a number of questionable bands, co-founded the music blog We Listen for You, and hails from Toad Suck, Arkansas. He is currently continuing the research that he discusses on today’s podcast episode on his Substack: performingforthedon.substack.com.
Rob Heaton (Ph.D., University of Denver, 2019) primarily hosts Biblical Studies conversations for New Books in Religion and teaches New Testament, Christian origins, and early Christianity at Anderson University in Indiana. He recently authored The Shepherd of Hermas as Scriptura Non Grata: From Popularity in Early Christianity to Exclusion from the New Testament Canon (Lexington Books, 2023). For more about Rob and his work, or to offer feedback related to this episode, please visit his website at https://www.robheaton.com.

Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 23 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hank Willenbrink</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From his overwhelming embrace by evangelicals and other people of faith to his championing of policies and conservative judicial candidates long sought by right-wing Christians, Donald Trump’s candidacy, campaign, and presidency were empowered by believers of many stripes who employed different methods of rationalizing or Christianizing Trump and his administration. In Performing for the Don: Theatres of Faith in the Trump Era (Routledge, 2024), Hank Willenbrink examines this intersection of political power and religion through the lens of performance studies, in part via Trump’s own expressions but predominantly through mass media performances of his Christian supporters. 
From Trump’s affiliation with his “court evangelicals” and televangelists to the 2018 film The Trump Prophecy and other prophetic/apostolic movements latching onto Trump’s ascension in service of dominionistic ends, and from his support among very conservative Catholics to the “cult” of Trump that has coalesced in conspiratorial online spaces advocating QAnon beliefs, the last decade has witnessed a mainstreaming of theology and ideology ripe for an interdisciplinary analysis of the performative aspects of Trump’s faith-based support. Dr. Willenbrink joined the New Books Network to discuss all these subjects as well as Christian nationalism in the present American political climate.
Hank Willenbrink (Ph.D. in Dramatic Art from the University of California, Santa Barbara) is Associate Professor in the Department of English and Theatre at The University of Scranton in Pennsylvania. A scholar and theatre artist, Hank has published on a range of topics like Hell Houses, the playwright Naomi Iizuka, the intersections of playwriting and nature writing, and the use of music in HBO’s Girls. With his wife, Dr. Yamile Silva, he co-edited an anthology of contemporary Spanish and Portuguese writing. Hank’s play, The Boat in the Tiger Suit, premiered in New York and is published by Original Works Publishing. He’s developed theatrical work internationally, including at Sala Beckett in Barcelona. Hank has also led several interdisciplinary, community-engaged projects that bring together students and community members of diverse backgrounds and disciplines to engage in deeper and more intentional ways through collectively created theatrical performance. Hank played in a number of questionable bands, co-founded the music blog We Listen for You, and hails from Toad Suck, Arkansas. He is currently continuing the research that he discusses on today’s podcast episode on his Substack: performingforthedon.substack.com.
Rob Heaton (Ph.D., University of Denver, 2019) primarily hosts Biblical Studies conversations for New Books in Religion and teaches New Testament, Christian origins, and early Christianity at Anderson University in Indiana. He recently authored The Shepherd of Hermas as Scriptura Non Grata: From Popularity in Early Christianity to Exclusion from the New Testament Canon (Lexington Books, 2023). For more about Rob and his work, or to offer feedback related to this episode, please visit his website at https://www.robheaton.com.

Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From his overwhelming embrace by evangelicals and other people of faith to his championing of policies and conservative judicial candidates long sought by right-wing Christians, Donald Trump’s candidacy, campaign, and presidency were empowered by believers of many stripes who employed different methods of rationalizing or Christianizing Trump and his administration. In <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Performing-for-the-Don-Theaters-of-Faith-in-the-Trump-Era/Willenbrink/p/book/9781032302898"><em>Performing for the Don: Theatres of Faith in the Trump Era</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2024), Hank Willenbrink examines this intersection of political power and religion through the lens of performance studies, in part via Trump’s own expressions but predominantly through mass media performances of his Christian supporters. </p><p>From Trump’s affiliation with his “court evangelicals” and televangelists to the 2018 film <em>The Trump Prophecy</em> and other prophetic/apostolic movements latching onto Trump’s ascension in service of dominionistic ends, and from his support among very conservative Catholics to the “cult” of Trump that has coalesced in conspiratorial online spaces advocating QAnon beliefs, the last decade has witnessed a mainstreaming of theology and ideology ripe for an interdisciplinary analysis of the performative aspects of Trump’s faith-based support. Dr. Willenbrink joined the New Books Network to discuss all these subjects as well as Christian nationalism in the present American political climate.</p><p>Hank Willenbrink (Ph.D. in Dramatic Art from the University of California, Santa Barbara) is Associate Professor in the Department of English and Theatre at The University of Scranton in Pennsylvania. A scholar and theatre artist, Hank has published on a range of topics like Hell Houses, the playwright Naomi Iizuka, the intersections of playwriting and nature writing, and the use of music in HBO’s <em>Girls</em>. With his wife, Dr. Yamile Silva, he co-edited an anthology of contemporary Spanish and Portuguese writing. Hank’s play, <em>The Boat in the Tiger Suit</em>, premiered in New York and is published by Original Works Publishing. He’s developed theatrical work internationally, including at Sala Beckett in Barcelona. Hank has also led several interdisciplinary, community-engaged projects that bring together students and community members of diverse backgrounds and disciplines to engage in deeper and more intentional ways through collectively created theatrical performance. Hank played in a number of questionable bands, co-founded the music blog We Listen for You, and hails from Toad Suck, Arkansas. He is currently continuing the research that he discusses on today’s podcast episode on his Substack: <a href="https://performingforthedon.substack.com/">performingforthedon.substack.com</a>.</p><p><em>Rob Heaton (Ph.D., University of Denver, 2019) primarily hosts Biblical Studies conversations for New Books in Religion and teaches New Testament, Christian origins, and early Christianity at Anderson University in Indiana. He recently authored </em><a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781666921861/The-Shepherd-of-Hermas-as-Scriptura-Non-Grata-From-Popularity-in-Early-Christianity-to-Exclusion-from-the-New-Testament-Canon"><em>The Shepherd of Hermas as Scriptura Non Grata: From Popularity in Early Christianity to Exclusion from the New Testament Canon</em></a><em> (Lexington Books, 2023). For more about Rob and his work, or to offer feedback related to this episode, please visit his website at </em><a href="https://www.robheaton.com/"><em>https://www.robheaton.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5426</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paula Marie Seniors, "Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists" (U Georgia Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae’s daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors’s daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women’s activism in this era.
Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors’s radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions?
Seniors’s historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists’ place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 22 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>464</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paula Marie Seniors</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae’s daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors’s daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women’s activism in this era.
Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors’s radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions?
Seniors’s historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists’ place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820366425"><em>Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists</em></a> (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae’s daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors’s daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women’s activism in this era.</p><p>Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors’s radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions?</p><p>Seniors’s historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists’ place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:omariaverette@gmail.com"><em>omariaverette@gmail.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2791</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: The Supreme Court’s Decisions on Bump Stocks and Mifepristone</title>
      <description>In this episode of our occasional series, Postscript, we focus on the Supreme Court’s recently published decisions in two cases, about guns and abortion, but more about how the Executive and Judicial branches of government function in the United States. Constitutional Law scholar (and New Books in Political Science co-host) Susan Liebell takes us through Garland v. Cargill, which focused on the Trump Administration’s implementation of a prohibition against bump stocks for rifles following the deadly shooting in Las Vegas, Nevada in 2017. Liebell, a published expert on the Second Amendment and the long history of gun regulation in the United States, explains the thrust of the case, which is only tangentially connected to the Second Amendment, but calls into question the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearm’s (ATF) expertise, particularly in context of the majority opinion’s decision that the ATF was not using its administrative power correctly. The majority opinion, written by Justice Clarence Thomas, may signal the Supreme Court’s inclinations towards Chevron deference, which is also before the Court this term in the case of Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo.
Liebell, also an expert on abortion access, reproductive health regulation, and citizenship, explains the Court’s unanimous decision in Food and Drug Administration v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine. The opinion, written by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, focused solely on the question of standing, and whether the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine actually qualified to bring the case since there was no clear injury that had been sustained in the suit they brought before the District Court in Amarillo, Texas. Thus, the drug Mifepristone, which was to be banned nationwide in the initial court ruling by U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, was not banned as a result of this lawsuit brought by the Food and Drug Administration. This case, not dissimilar from Garland v. Cargill, focuses on procedural questions more than it focuses on other issues. And the unanimous decision is about that legal procedure, not about the FDA, or the process to through which drugs are brought to market in the United States, or about the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine’s indictment of the process for prescribing mifepristone. Our conversation threads through these cases, and others (like Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and District of Columbia v. Heller) that set the foundation for these cases to come forward.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 20 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Susan Liebell and Lilly Goren</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of our occasional series, Postscript, we focus on the Supreme Court’s recently published decisions in two cases, about guns and abortion, but more about how the Executive and Judicial branches of government function in the United States. Constitutional Law scholar (and New Books in Political Science co-host) Susan Liebell takes us through Garland v. Cargill, which focused on the Trump Administration’s implementation of a prohibition against bump stocks for rifles following the deadly shooting in Las Vegas, Nevada in 2017. Liebell, a published expert on the Second Amendment and the long history of gun regulation in the United States, explains the thrust of the case, which is only tangentially connected to the Second Amendment, but calls into question the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearm’s (ATF) expertise, particularly in context of the majority opinion’s decision that the ATF was not using its administrative power correctly. The majority opinion, written by Justice Clarence Thomas, may signal the Supreme Court’s inclinations towards Chevron deference, which is also before the Court this term in the case of Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo.
Liebell, also an expert on abortion access, reproductive health regulation, and citizenship, explains the Court’s unanimous decision in Food and Drug Administration v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine. The opinion, written by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, focused solely on the question of standing, and whether the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine actually qualified to bring the case since there was no clear injury that had been sustained in the suit they brought before the District Court in Amarillo, Texas. Thus, the drug Mifepristone, which was to be banned nationwide in the initial court ruling by U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, was not banned as a result of this lawsuit brought by the Food and Drug Administration. This case, not dissimilar from Garland v. Cargill, focuses on procedural questions more than it focuses on other issues. And the unanimous decision is about that legal procedure, not about the FDA, or the process to through which drugs are brought to market in the United States, or about the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine’s indictment of the process for prescribing mifepristone. Our conversation threads through these cases, and others (like Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and District of Columbia v. Heller) that set the foundation for these cases to come forward.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of our occasional series, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/special-series/postscript"><em>Postscript</em></a>, we focus on the Supreme Court’s recently published decisions in two cases, about guns and abortion, but more about how the Executive and Judicial branches of government function in the United States. Constitutional Law scholar (and <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/9a1ab667-550e-4823-9287-f93ad4fd0a67">New Books in Political Science co-host</a>) <a href="https://directory.sju.edu/susan-liebell">Susan Liebell</a> takes us through <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-976_e29g.pdf">Garland v. Cargill</a>, which focused on the Trump Administration’s implementation of a prohibition against bump stocks for rifles following the deadly shooting in Las Vegas, Nevada in 2017. Liebell, a published expert on the Second Amendment and the long history of gun regulation in the United States, explains the thrust of the case, which is only tangentially connected to the Second Amendment, but calls into question the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearm’s (ATF) expertise, particularly in context of the majority opinion’s decision that the ATF was not using its administrative power correctly. The <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/602/22-976/#tab-opinion-4902868">majority opinion</a>, written by Justice Clarence Thomas, may signal the Supreme Court’s inclinations towards <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/1983/82-1005">Chevron deference</a>, which is also before the Court this term in the case of <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2023/22-451">Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo</a>.</p><p>Liebell, also an expert on abortion access, reproductive health regulation, and citizenship, explains the Court’s unanimous decision in <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2023/23-235">Food and Drug Administration v. Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine</a>. The opinion, written by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, focused solely on the question of standing, and whether the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine actually qualified to bring the case since there was no clear injury that had been sustained in the suit they brought before the District Court in Amarillo, Texas. Thus, the drug Mifepristone, which was to be banned nationwide in the initial court ruling by U.S. District Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk, was not banned as a result of this lawsuit brought by the Food and Drug Administration. This case, not dissimilar from Garland v. Cargill, focuses on procedural questions more than it focuses on other issues. And the unanimous decision is about that legal procedure, not about the FDA, or the process to through which drugs are brought to market in the United States, or about the Alliance for Hippocratic Medicine’s indictment of the process for prescribing mifepristone. Our conversation threads through these cases, and others (like <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2021/19-1392">Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization</a> and <a href="https://www.oyez.org/cases/2007/07-290">District of Columbia v. Heller</a>) that set the foundation for these cases to come forward.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2208</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Aziz Rana, "The Constitutional Bind: How Americans Came to Idolize a Document That Fails Them" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In a pathbreaking retelling of the American experience, Aziz Rana shows that today’s reverential constitutional culture is a distinctively twentieth-century phenomenon. Rana connects this widespread idolization to another relatively recent development: the rise of US global dominance. Ultimately, such veneration has had far-reaching consequences: despite offering a unifying language of reform, it has also unleashed an interventionist national security state abroad while undermining the possibility of deeper change at home.
Revealing how the current constitutional order was forged over the twentieth century, The Constitutional Bind: How Americans Came to Idolize a Document That Fails Them (U Chicago Press, 2024) also sheds light on an array of movement activists—in Black, Indigenous, feminist, labor, and immigrant politics—who struggled to imagine different constitutional horizons. As time passed, these voices of opposition were excised from memory. Today, they offer essential insights that Rana reconstructs to forward an ambitious and comprehensive vision for moving past the constitutional bind.
Aziz Rana is a Professor and Provost’s Distinguished Fellow at Boston College Law School and the incoming J. Donald Monan, S.J., University Professor of Law and Government (beginning 2024).
Vatsal Naresh is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. He is the editor of Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>214</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aziz Rana</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a pathbreaking retelling of the American experience, Aziz Rana shows that today’s reverential constitutional culture is a distinctively twentieth-century phenomenon. Rana connects this widespread idolization to another relatively recent development: the rise of US global dominance. Ultimately, such veneration has had far-reaching consequences: despite offering a unifying language of reform, it has also unleashed an interventionist national security state abroad while undermining the possibility of deeper change at home.
Revealing how the current constitutional order was forged over the twentieth century, The Constitutional Bind: How Americans Came to Idolize a Document That Fails Them (U Chicago Press, 2024) also sheds light on an array of movement activists—in Black, Indigenous, feminist, labor, and immigrant politics—who struggled to imagine different constitutional horizons. As time passed, these voices of opposition were excised from memory. Today, they offer essential insights that Rana reconstructs to forward an ambitious and comprehensive vision for moving past the constitutional bind.
Aziz Rana is a Professor and Provost’s Distinguished Fellow at Boston College Law School and the incoming J. Donald Monan, S.J., University Professor of Law and Government (beginning 2024).
Vatsal Naresh is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. He is the editor of Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a pathbreaking retelling of the American experience, Aziz Rana shows that today’s reverential constitutional culture is a distinctively twentieth-century phenomenon. Rana connects this widespread idolization to another relatively recent development: the rise of US global dominance. Ultimately, such veneration has had far-reaching consequences: despite offering a unifying language of reform, it has also unleashed an interventionist national security state abroad while undermining the possibility of deeper change at home.</p><p>Revealing how the current constitutional order was forged over the twentieth century, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226350721"><em>The Constitutional Bind: How Americans Came to Idolize a Document That Fails Them</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2024) also sheds light on an array of movement activists—in Black, Indigenous, feminist, labor, and immigrant politics—who struggled to imagine different constitutional horizons. As time passed, these voices of opposition were excised from memory. Today, they offer essential insights that Rana reconstructs to forward an ambitious and comprehensive vision for moving past the constitutional bind.</p><p>Aziz Rana is a Professor and Provost’s Distinguished Fellow at Boston College Law School and the incoming J. Donald Monan, S.J., University Professor of Law and Government (beginning 2024).</p><p><a href="https://vatsalnaresh.com/"><em>Vatsal Naresh</em></a><em> is a Lecturer in Social Studies at Harvard University. He is the editor of Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism (OUP 2021) and Constituent Assemblies (CUP 2018).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4570</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jared McDonald, "Feeling Their Pain: Why Voters Want Leaders who Care" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The 2020 Presidential Election in the United States marked, for many, a return to "compassionate politics." Joe Biden had run on a platform of empathy, emphasising his personal history as a means of connecting with everyone from American workers who had lost jobs to military families who had lost loved ones. Although perceptions of candidate compassion are broadly understood to influence vote choice, less understood is the question of how candidates convince voters they truly "care about people like them." In Feeling their Pain: Why Voters Want Leaders who Care (Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Jared McDonald provides a framework for understanding why voters view some politicians as more compassionate than others.

Dr. McDonald shows that perceptions of compassion in candidates for public office are based on the number and intensity of commonalities that bind citizens to political leaders. Commonalities can come in many forms, such as a shared experience ("I've been through what you've been through"), a shared emotion ("I feel the way you feel"), or a shared identity ("I am who you are"). Compassion is conceptualised through the lens of self-interest. Compassion may be universal, such as when candidates convey empathy to all individuals who are struggling. Or compassion may be exclusionary, such as when candidates express a preference for some groups over others. Thus, the way campaigns choose to wield compassion in their messaging strategies has important implications not only for election outcomes, but for American political polarisation as well.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>722</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jared McDonald</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 2020 Presidential Election in the United States marked, for many, a return to "compassionate politics." Joe Biden had run on a platform of empathy, emphasising his personal history as a means of connecting with everyone from American workers who had lost jobs to military families who had lost loved ones. Although perceptions of candidate compassion are broadly understood to influence vote choice, less understood is the question of how candidates convince voters they truly "care about people like them." In Feeling their Pain: Why Voters Want Leaders who Care (Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Jared McDonald provides a framework for understanding why voters view some politicians as more compassionate than others.

Dr. McDonald shows that perceptions of compassion in candidates for public office are based on the number and intensity of commonalities that bind citizens to political leaders. Commonalities can come in many forms, such as a shared experience ("I've been through what you've been through"), a shared emotion ("I feel the way you feel"), or a shared identity ("I am who you are"). Compassion is conceptualised through the lens of self-interest. Compassion may be universal, such as when candidates convey empathy to all individuals who are struggling. Or compassion may be exclusionary, such as when candidates express a preference for some groups over others. Thus, the way campaigns choose to wield compassion in their messaging strategies has important implications not only for election outcomes, but for American political polarisation as well.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 2020 Presidential Election in the United States marked, for many, a return to "compassionate politics." Joe Biden had run on a platform of empathy, emphasising his personal history as a means of connecting with everyone from American workers who had lost jobs to military families who had lost loved ones. Although perceptions of candidate compassion are broadly understood to influence vote choice, less understood is the question of how candidates convince voters they truly "care about people like them." In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197696903"><em>Feeling their Pain: Why Voters Want Leaders who Care</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Jared McDonald provides a framework for understanding why voters view some politicians as more compassionate than others.</p><p><br></p><p>Dr. McDonald shows that perceptions of compassion in candidates for public office are based on the number and intensity of commonalities that bind citizens to political leaders. Commonalities can come in many forms, such as a shared experience ("I've been through what you've been through"), a shared emotion ("I feel the way you feel"), or a shared identity ("I am who you are"). Compassion is conceptualised through the lens of self-interest. Compassion may be universal, such as when candidates convey empathy to all individuals who are struggling. Or compassion may be exclusionary, such as when candidates express a preference for some groups over others. Thus, the way campaigns choose to wield compassion in their messaging strategies has important implications not only for election outcomes, but for American political polarisation as well.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3248</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Previewing the 2024 Presidential Race</title>
      <description>States are holding primaries. The Democrats and Republicans will convene in July and August but it has already been decided that the presidential race will be a rematch. Former President Donald Trump will challenge President Joe Biden. To take stock of where the race stands five months out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors of a new De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making. The first volume is Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.
Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State. They are also veterans of Postscript and we are thrilled to welcome them back to talk about the 2024 presidential race.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Frances Lee’s Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign (U of Chicago, 2016)

Elaine Kamarck’s Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates (Brookings, 2016) and Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again (Brookings, 2016)

Ezra Klein’s New York Times opinion piece “The Democrats have a better option than Biden,” 21 February 2024

Ezra Klein’s interview with Elaine Kamarck, “Here’s How An Open Democratic Convention Would Work,” New York Times, 21 February 2024

Peter Baker’s “For Democrats Pining for an Alternative, Biden Team Has a Message: Get Over It,” New York Times, 2 March 2024


University of Chicago’s GenForward Poll (June 2024)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>23</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Meena Bose and Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>States are holding primaries. The Democrats and Republicans will convene in July and August but it has already been decided that the presidential race will be a rematch. Former President Donald Trump will challenge President Joe Biden. To take stock of where the race stands five months out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. Meena Bose is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. Daniel E. Ponder is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors of a new De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making. The first volume is Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.
Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State. They are also veterans of Postscript and we are thrilled to welcome them back to talk about the 2024 presidential race.
During the podcast, we mentioned:

Frances Lee’s Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign (U of Chicago, 2016)

Elaine Kamarck’s Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates (Brookings, 2016) and Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again (Brookings, 2016)

Ezra Klein’s New York Times opinion piece “The Democrats have a better option than Biden,” 21 February 2024

Ezra Klein’s interview with Elaine Kamarck, “Here’s How An Open Democratic Convention Would Work,” New York Times, 21 February 2024

Peter Baker’s “For Democrats Pining for an Alternative, Biden Team Has a Message: Get Over It,” New York Times, 2 March 2024


University of Chicago’s GenForward Poll (June 2024)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>States are holding primaries. The Democrats and Republicans will convene in July and August but it has already been decided that the presidential race will be a rematch. Former President Donald Trump will challenge President Joe Biden. To take stock of where the race stands five months out, we have two experts on the presidency. Dr. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a> is the Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, both at Hofstra University. Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a> is the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University. Meena and Dan are the co-editors of a new <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/serial/dgppl-b/html">De Gruyter Series in Presidential Politics, Leadership, and Policy Making</a><strong>. </strong>The first volume is <a href="https://www.degruyter.com/document/isbn/9783111384108/html?lang=en"><em>Evaluating the Obama Presidency: From Transformational Goals to Governing Realities</em></a> (De Gruyter, 2024) edited by Meena Bose and Paul Fritz. It includes a chapter on presidential leverage and Obama’s decision making on Syria by Dan Ponder and Jeff VanDenBerg.</p><p>Previously, Meena joined the podcast to discuss her book <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/executive-policymaking-the-role-of-the-omb-in-the-presidency/9780815737957"><em>Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency</em></a> (co-authored with Andrew Rudalevige) and Dan also chatted with Lilly about his book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/daniel-e-ponder-presidential-leverage-presidents-approval-and-the-american-state-stanford-up-2018#entry:10110@1:url"><em>Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State</em></a>. They are also veterans of <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/postscript-the-biden-administration-and-the-resiliency-of-the-american-presidency#entry:53579@1:url"><em>Postscript</em></a> and we are thrilled to welcome them back to talk about the 2024 presidential race.</p><p>During the podcast, we mentioned:</p><ul>
<li>Frances Lee’s <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/I/bo24732099.html"><em>Insecure Majorities</em></a><em>: </em><a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/I/bo24732099.html"><em>Congress and the Perpetual Campaign</em></a> (U of Chicago, 2016)</li>
<li>Elaine Kamarck’s <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/books/primary-politics-2/"><em>Primary Politics: Everything You Need to Know about How America Nominates Its Presidential Candidates</em></a> (Brookings, 2016) and <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/books/why-presidents-fail-and-how-they-can-succeed-again/"><em>Why Presidents Fail And How They Can Succeed Again</em></a> (Brookings, 2016)</li>
<li>Ezra Klein’s <em>New York Times </em>opinion piece “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/16/opinion/ezra-klein-biden-audio-essay.html">The Democrats have a better option than Biden</a>,” 21 February 2024</li>
<li>Ezra Klein’s interview with Elaine Kamarck, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/21/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-elaine-kamarck.html?searchResultPosition=7">“Here’s How An Open Democratic Convention Would Work,”</a> <em>New York Times, </em>21 February 2024</li>
<li>Peter Baker’s <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/02/us/politics/biden-poll.html?searchResultPosition=4">“For Democrats Pining for an Alternative, Biden Team Has a Message: Get Over It,”</a> <em>New York Times, </em>2 March 2024</li>
<li>
<a href="https://the1a.org/segments/if-you-can-keep-it-young-voters-in-2024/">University of Chicago’s GenForward Poll</a> (June 2024)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3345</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2389981582.mp3?updated=1718381769" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Madman in the White House?</title>
      <description>Did Woodrow Wilson's daddy issues cause World War II? And what might this teach us about our contemporary political plight? Jordan Osserman talks with psychoanalyst Jamieson Webster and historian Patrick Weil about The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard UP, 2023). While conducting research at Yale, Patrick Weil chanced upon the unpublished and unredacted original manuscript of Sigmund Freud and Ambassador William Bullit's notorious psychobiography of former US President Woodrow Wilson - sat in an unlabelled dusty box. Weil's investigation of this incredible and poorly understood Freud-Bullit collaboration led him to radically reconsider Woodrow Wilson's role in the Treaty of Versailles, and the value of psychoanalysis in illuminating a self-sabotage of world historical proportions. 
Jamieson Webster is a psychoanalyst in New York City. She is the author of the forthcoming On Breathing (Peninsula, 2025), Disorganisation &amp; Sex (Divided, 2022), The Life and Death of Psychoanalysis (Karnac, 2011) and Conversion Disorder (Columbia University Press, 2018); she also co-wrote, with Simon Critchley, Stay, Illusion! The Hamlet Doctrine (Pantheon, 2013). She contributes regularly to Artforum, The New York Times and the New York Review of Books.
Patrick Weil is a Visiting Professor of Law at Yale Law School, and a senior research fellow at the French National Research Center in the University of Paris1, Pantheon-Sorbonne. Professor Weil's work focuses on comparative immigration, citizenship, and church-state law and policy. His most recent books are The Madman in the White House. Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard University Press, 2023) and De La Laïcité en France (Grasset, 2021). Weil is also, since 2006, the founder and the chairman of the NGO Libraries Without Borders (Bibliothèques Sans Frontières).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 16 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>232</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Jamieson Webster and Patrick Weil</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Did Woodrow Wilson's daddy issues cause World War II? And what might this teach us about our contemporary political plight? Jordan Osserman talks with psychoanalyst Jamieson Webster and historian Patrick Weil about The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard UP, 2023). While conducting research at Yale, Patrick Weil chanced upon the unpublished and unredacted original manuscript of Sigmund Freud and Ambassador William Bullit's notorious psychobiography of former US President Woodrow Wilson - sat in an unlabelled dusty box. Weil's investigation of this incredible and poorly understood Freud-Bullit collaboration led him to radically reconsider Woodrow Wilson's role in the Treaty of Versailles, and the value of psychoanalysis in illuminating a self-sabotage of world historical proportions. 
Jamieson Webster is a psychoanalyst in New York City. She is the author of the forthcoming On Breathing (Peninsula, 2025), Disorganisation &amp; Sex (Divided, 2022), The Life and Death of Psychoanalysis (Karnac, 2011) and Conversion Disorder (Columbia University Press, 2018); she also co-wrote, with Simon Critchley, Stay, Illusion! The Hamlet Doctrine (Pantheon, 2013). She contributes regularly to Artforum, The New York Times and the New York Review of Books.
Patrick Weil is a Visiting Professor of Law at Yale Law School, and a senior research fellow at the French National Research Center in the University of Paris1, Pantheon-Sorbonne. Professor Weil's work focuses on comparative immigration, citizenship, and church-state law and policy. His most recent books are The Madman in the White House. Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard University Press, 2023) and De La Laïcité en France (Grasset, 2021). Weil is also, since 2006, the founder and the chairman of the NGO Libraries Without Borders (Bibliothèques Sans Frontières).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Did Woodrow Wilson's daddy issues cause World War II? And what might this teach us about our contemporary political plight? Jordan Osserman talks with psychoanalyst Jamieson Webster and historian Patrick Weil about <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674291614"><em>The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard UP, 2023). While conducting research at Yale, Patrick Weil chanced upon the unpublished and unredacted original manuscript of Sigmund Freud and Ambassador William Bullit's notorious psychobiography of former US President Woodrow Wilson - sat in an unlabelled dusty box. Weil's investigation of this incredible and poorly understood Freud-Bullit collaboration led him to radically reconsider Woodrow Wilson's role in the Treaty of Versailles, and the value of psychoanalysis in illuminating a self-sabotage of world historical proportions. </p><p>Jamieson Webster is a psychoanalyst in New York City. She is the author of the forthcoming <em>On Breathing</em> (Peninsula, 2025), <em>Disorganisation &amp; Sex</em> (Divided, 2022), <em>The Life and Death of Psychoanalysis </em>(Karnac, 2011) and <em>Conversion Disorder</em> (Columbia University Press, 2018); she also co-wrote, with Simon Critchley, <em>Stay, Illusion! The Hamlet Doctrine</em> (Pantheon, 2013). She contributes regularly to Artforum, The New York Times and the New York Review of Books.</p><p>Patrick Weil is a Visiting Professor of Law at Yale Law School, and a senior research fellow at the French National Research Center in the University of Paris1, Pantheon-Sorbonne. Professor Weil's work focuses on comparative immigration, citizenship, and church-state law and policy. His most recent books are <em>The Madman in the White House. Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson</em> (Harvard University Press, 2023) and <em>De La Laïcité en France (</em>Grasset, 2021). Weil is also, since 2006, the founder and the chairman of the NGO Libraries Without Borders (Bibliothèques Sans Frontières).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3828</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lauren Lassabe Shepherd, "Resistance from the Right: Conservatives and the Campus Wars in Modern America" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Pivoting from studies that emphasize the dominance of progressivism on American college campuses during the late sixties and early seventies, Lauren Lassabe Shepherd positions conservative critiques of, and agendas in, American colleges and universities as an essential dimension of a broader conversation of conservative backlash against liberal education.
This book explores the story of how stakeholders in American higher education organized and reacted to challenges to their power from the New Left and Black Power student resistance movements of the late 1960s. By examining the range of conservative student organizations and coalition building, Shepherd shows how wealthy donors and conservative intellectuals trained future GOP leaders such as Karl Rove, Bill Barr, Jeff Sessions, Pat Buchanan, and others in conservative politics, providing them with tactics to consciously drive American politics and culture further to the authoritarian right and to "reclaim" American higher education.
Lauren Lassabe Shepherd is instructor of higher education at the University of New Orleans.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lauren Lassabe Shepherd</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Pivoting from studies that emphasize the dominance of progressivism on American college campuses during the late sixties and early seventies, Lauren Lassabe Shepherd positions conservative critiques of, and agendas in, American colleges and universities as an essential dimension of a broader conversation of conservative backlash against liberal education.
This book explores the story of how stakeholders in American higher education organized and reacted to challenges to their power from the New Left and Black Power student resistance movements of the late 1960s. By examining the range of conservative student organizations and coalition building, Shepherd shows how wealthy donors and conservative intellectuals trained future GOP leaders such as Karl Rove, Bill Barr, Jeff Sessions, Pat Buchanan, and others in conservative politics, providing them with tactics to consciously drive American politics and culture further to the authoritarian right and to "reclaim" American higher education.
Lauren Lassabe Shepherd is instructor of higher education at the University of New Orleans.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Pivoting from studies that emphasize the dominance of progressivism on American college campuses during the late sixties and early seventies, Lauren Lassabe Shepherd positions conservative critiques of, and agendas in, American colleges and universities as an essential dimension of a broader conversation of conservative backlash against liberal education.</p><p>This book explores the story of how stakeholders in American higher education organized and reacted to challenges to their power from the New Left and Black Power student resistance movements of the late 1960s. By examining the range of conservative student organizations and coalition building, Shepherd shows how wealthy donors and conservative intellectuals trained future GOP leaders such as Karl Rove, Bill Barr, Jeff Sessions, Pat Buchanan, and others in conservative politics, providing them with tactics to consciously drive American politics and culture further to the authoritarian right and to "reclaim" American higher education.</p><p>Lauren Lassabe Shepherd is instructor of higher education at the University of New Orleans.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3064</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jessica Calarco, "Holding It Together: How Women Became America's Safety Net" (Portfolio, 2024)</title>
      <description>How do unequal societies function? In Holding It Together: How Women Became America's Safety Net (Portfolio, 2024), Jesscia Calarco, an Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, examines how America’s DIY society depends on the labour of mothers and excludes the sorts of social supports present in other countries. This dependence has hugely negative social and individual consequences, as demonstrated by the rich qualitiative and quantitative data examined in the book. Alongside the analysis of the problems and consequences of women’s role in the US, the book also thinks through solutions, demonstrating how much political discourse is far from the collective action that is likely to be effective for social change. An outstanding contribution to social science and contemporary politics, the book is essential reading for anyone interested in contemporary social inequalities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>464</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jessica Calarco</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do unequal societies function? In Holding It Together: How Women Became America's Safety Net (Portfolio, 2024), Jesscia Calarco, an Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, examines how America’s DIY society depends on the labour of mothers and excludes the sorts of social supports present in other countries. This dependence has hugely negative social and individual consequences, as demonstrated by the rich qualitiative and quantitative data examined in the book. Alongside the analysis of the problems and consequences of women’s role in the US, the book also thinks through solutions, demonstrating how much political discourse is far from the collective action that is likely to be effective for social change. An outstanding contribution to social science and contemporary politics, the book is essential reading for anyone interested in contemporary social inequalities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do unequal societies function? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593538128"><em>Holding It Together: How Women Became America's Safety Net</em></a><em> </em>(Portfolio, 2024), <a href="https://x.com/jessicacalarco">Jesscia Calarco</a>, an <a href="http://www.jessicacalarco.com/">Associate Professor of Sociology</a> at the <a href="https://sociology.wisc.edu/staff/calarco-jessica/">University of Wisconsin-Madison,</a> examines how America’s DIY society depends on the labour of mothers and excludes the sorts of social supports present in other countries. This dependence has hugely negative social and individual consequences, as demonstrated by the rich qualitiative and quantitative data examined in the book. Alongside the analysis of the problems and consequences of women’s role in the US, the book also thinks through solutions, demonstrating how much political discourse is far from the collective action that is likely to be effective for social change. An outstanding contribution to social science and contemporary politics, the book is essential reading for anyone interested in contemporary social inequalities.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2783</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher William England, "Land and Liberty: Henry George and the Crafting of Modern Liberalism" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Henry George’s Progress and Poverty was one of the best-selling books of the 19th century, and his ideas were taken up by by powerful figures as diverse as Sun Yat-sen, Leo Tolstoy, and Theodor Herzl. Yet, in the 21st century, George is often reduced to a footnote in the history of the Gilded Age. In Land and Liberty: Henry George and the Crafting of Modern Liberalism (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Christopher William England uncovers the influence of Georgism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and the movement’s contributions to American liberalism. In surveying George’s devotees and their impacts at the municipal and national levels, England demonstrates that George’s ideas were pivotal in reconciling liberalism to a democratic welfare state.
In this episode, we discuss George’s land value tax, domestic and international Georgist movements, and the influence of Progress and Poverty on American and British liberalism.
Reed Schwartz (@reedschwartzsf) is an MPhil student in Intellectual History at the University of Cambridge.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>213</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher William England</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Henry George’s Progress and Poverty was one of the best-selling books of the 19th century, and his ideas were taken up by by powerful figures as diverse as Sun Yat-sen, Leo Tolstoy, and Theodor Herzl. Yet, in the 21st century, George is often reduced to a footnote in the history of the Gilded Age. In Land and Liberty: Henry George and the Crafting of Modern Liberalism (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Christopher William England uncovers the influence of Georgism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and the movement’s contributions to American liberalism. In surveying George’s devotees and their impacts at the municipal and national levels, England demonstrates that George’s ideas were pivotal in reconciling liberalism to a democratic welfare state.
In this episode, we discuss George’s land value tax, domestic and international Georgist movements, and the influence of Progress and Poverty on American and British liberalism.
Reed Schwartz (@reedschwartzsf) is an MPhil student in Intellectual History at the University of Cambridge.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Henry George’s <em>Progress and Poverty</em> was one of the best-selling books of the 19th century, and his ideas were taken up by by powerful figures as diverse as Sun Yat-sen, Leo Tolstoy, and Theodor Herzl. Yet, in the 21st century, George is often reduced to a footnote in the history of the Gilded Age. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421445403"><em>Land and Liberty: Henry George and the Crafting of Modern Liberalism</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)<em>, </em>Christopher William England uncovers the influence of Georgism in the 19th and 20th centuries, and the movement’s contributions to American liberalism. In surveying George’s devotees and their impacts at the municipal and national levels, England demonstrates that George’s ideas were pivotal in reconciling liberalism to a democratic welfare state.</p><p>In this episode, we discuss George’s land value tax, domestic and international Georgist movements, and the influence of <em>Progress and Poverty </em>on American and British liberalism.</p><p><em>Reed Schwartz (@reedschwartzsf) is an MPhil student in Intellectual History at the University of Cambridge.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2501</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b864ad1e-28c1-11ef-8e7c-fb460797ed11]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>What and Why are Political Beliefs? A Conversation with Oliver Traldi</title>
      <description>What are political beliefs and how do we form them? Oliver Traldi, a current John and Daria Barry Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the James Madison Program, discusses this and more in his recently-published his first book, Political Beliefs: A Philosophical Introduction (Routledge, 2024), a textbook which aims to explain the reasons behind political beliefs and disagreements from a philosophical perspective. In this conversation, Oliver delves into the unique contributions of philosophy to the study of political beliefs, the sources of our political ideas, the impact of online discourse and technological advancements on political trust and polarization, the importance of developing personal heuristics for evaluating information, and the challenges of maintaining trust in institutions and experts.
Oliver Traldi received his PhD in Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame, where he specialized in epistemology. After his You can read Oliver's essays and other writings here, and his textbook is available for free here.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>111</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What are political beliefs and how do we form them? Oliver Traldi, a current John and Daria Barry Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the James Madison Program, discusses this and more in his recently-published his first book, Political Beliefs: A Philosophical Introduction (Routledge, 2024), a textbook which aims to explain the reasons behind political beliefs and disagreements from a philosophical perspective. In this conversation, Oliver delves into the unique contributions of philosophy to the study of political beliefs, the sources of our political ideas, the impact of online discourse and technological advancements on political trust and polarization, the importance of developing personal heuristics for evaluating information, and the challenges of maintaining trust in institutions and experts.
Oliver Traldi received his PhD in Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame, where he specialized in epistemology. After his You can read Oliver's essays and other writings here, and his textbook is available for free here.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What are political beliefs and how do we form them? <a href="https://olivertraldi.weebly.com/">Oliver Traldi</a>, a current John and Daria Barry Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the James Madison Program, discusses this and more in his recently-published his first book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032409108"><em>Political Beliefs: A Philosophical Introduction</em></a> (Routledge, 2024), a textbook which aims to explain the reasons behind political beliefs and disagreements from a philosophical perspective. In this conversation, Oliver delves into the unique contributions of philosophy to the study of political beliefs, the sources of our political ideas, the impact of online discourse and technological advancements on political trust and polarization, the importance of developing personal heuristics for evaluating information, and the challenges of maintaining trust in institutions and experts.</p><p>Oliver Traldi received his PhD in Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame, where he specialized in epistemology. After his You can read Oliver's essays and other writings <a href="https://olivertraldi.weebly.com/popular-writing.html">here</a>, and his textbook is available for free <a href="https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-mono/10.4324/9781003355274/political-beliefs-oliver-traldi">here</a>.</p><p>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3453</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d739a076-28c8-11ef-822a-33f375e663a7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6339933964.mp3?updated=1724697942" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Adam Berg, "The Olympics that Never Happened: Denver '76 and the Politics of Growth" (U Texas Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>If you don't recall the 1976 Denver Olympic Games, it's because they never happened. The Mile-High City won the right to host the winter games and then was forced by Colorado citizens to back away from its successful Olympic bid through a statewide ballot initiative. In The Olympics that Never Happened: Denver '76 and the Politics of Growth (University of Texas Press, 2022) Dr. Adam Berg details the powerful Colorado regime that gained the games for Denver and the grassroots activism that brought down its Olympic dreams, and he explores the legacy of this milestone moment for the games and politics in the United States.
The ink was hardly dry on Denver's host agreement when Mexican American and African American urbanites, white middle-class environmentalists, and fiscally concerned local politicians realised opposition to the Olympics provided them new political openings. The Olympics quickly became a platform for taking stands on a range of issues, from conservation to urban livability to the very idea of growth, which for decades had been unquestioned in Colorado. The Olympics That Never Happened argues that hostility to the Olympics galvanised and empowered diverse citizens in a major US city, with long-term ramifications for Colorado and political activism elsewhere. The Olympics themselves were changed forever, compelling organisers to take seriously competing interests from subgroups within their communities.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>26</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adam Berg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If you don't recall the 1976 Denver Olympic Games, it's because they never happened. The Mile-High City won the right to host the winter games and then was forced by Colorado citizens to back away from its successful Olympic bid through a statewide ballot initiative. In The Olympics that Never Happened: Denver '76 and the Politics of Growth (University of Texas Press, 2022) Dr. Adam Berg details the powerful Colorado regime that gained the games for Denver and the grassroots activism that brought down its Olympic dreams, and he explores the legacy of this milestone moment for the games and politics in the United States.
The ink was hardly dry on Denver's host agreement when Mexican American and African American urbanites, white middle-class environmentalists, and fiscally concerned local politicians realised opposition to the Olympics provided them new political openings. The Olympics quickly became a platform for taking stands on a range of issues, from conservation to urban livability to the very idea of growth, which for decades had been unquestioned in Colorado. The Olympics That Never Happened argues that hostility to the Olympics galvanised and empowered diverse citizens in a major US city, with long-term ramifications for Colorado and political activism elsewhere. The Olympics themselves were changed forever, compelling organisers to take seriously competing interests from subgroups within their communities.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If you don't recall the 1976 Denver Olympic Games, it's because they never happened. The Mile-High City won the right to host the winter games and then was forced by Colorado citizens to back away from its successful Olympic bid through a statewide ballot initiative. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477326459"><em>The Olympics that Never Happened: Denver '76 and the Politics of Growth</em></a> (University of Texas Press, 2022) Dr. Adam Berg details the powerful Colorado regime that gained the games for Denver and the grassroots activism that brought down its Olympic dreams, and he explores the legacy of this milestone moment for the games and politics in the United States.</p><p>The ink was hardly dry on Denver's host agreement when Mexican American and African American urbanites, white middle-class environmentalists, and fiscally concerned local politicians realised opposition to the Olympics provided them new political openings. The Olympics quickly became a platform for taking stands on a range of issues, from conservation to urban livability to the very idea of growth, which for decades had been unquestioned in Colorado. <em>The Olympics That Never Happened</em> argues that hostility to the Olympics galvanised and empowered diverse citizens in a major US city, with long-term ramifications for Colorado and political activism elsewhere. The Olympics themselves were changed forever, compelling organisers to take seriously competing interests from subgroups within their communities.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2690</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Laura Gómez, "Inventing Latinos: A New Story of American Racism" (The New Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Latinos have long influenced everything from electoral politics to popular culture, yet many people instinctively regard them as recent immigrants rather than a longstanding racial group. In Inventing Latinos: A New Story of American Racism (The New Press, 2020), Laura Gómez, a leading expert on race, law, and society, illuminates the fascinating race-making, unmaking, and re-making of Latino identity that has spanned centuries, leaving a permanent imprint on how race operates in the United States today.
Pulling back the lens as the country approaches an unprecedented demographic shift (Latinos will comprise a third of the American population in a matter of decades), Gómez also reveals the nefarious roles the United States has played in Latin America—from military interventions and economic exploitation to political interference—that, taken together, have destabilized national economies to send migrants northward over the course of more than a century. It’s no coincidence that the vast majority of Latinos migrate from the places most impacted by this nation’s dirty deeds, leading Gómez to a bold call for reparations. In this audacious effort to reframe the often-confused and misrepresented discourse over the Latinx generation, Gómez provides essential context for today’s most pressing political and public debates—representation, voice, interpretation, and power—giving all of us a brilliant framework to engage cultural controversies, elections, current events, and more.
David-James Gonzales (DJ) is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter @djgonzoPhD.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Laura Gómez</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Latinos have long influenced everything from electoral politics to popular culture, yet many people instinctively regard them as recent immigrants rather than a longstanding racial group. In Inventing Latinos: A New Story of American Racism (The New Press, 2020), Laura Gómez, a leading expert on race, law, and society, illuminates the fascinating race-making, unmaking, and re-making of Latino identity that has spanned centuries, leaving a permanent imprint on how race operates in the United States today.
Pulling back the lens as the country approaches an unprecedented demographic shift (Latinos will comprise a third of the American population in a matter of decades), Gómez also reveals the nefarious roles the United States has played in Latin America—from military interventions and economic exploitation to political interference—that, taken together, have destabilized national economies to send migrants northward over the course of more than a century. It’s no coincidence that the vast majority of Latinos migrate from the places most impacted by this nation’s dirty deeds, leading Gómez to a bold call for reparations. In this audacious effort to reframe the often-confused and misrepresented discourse over the Latinx generation, Gómez provides essential context for today’s most pressing political and public debates—representation, voice, interpretation, and power—giving all of us a brilliant framework to engage cultural controversies, elections, current events, and more.
David-James Gonzales (DJ) is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter @djgonzoPhD.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Latinos have long influenced everything from electoral politics to popular culture, yet many people instinctively regard them as recent immigrants rather than a longstanding racial group. In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1595589171/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Inventing Latinos: A New Story of American Racism</em></a> (The New Press, 2020), <a href="https://chavez.ucla.edu/person/laura-e-gomez/">Laura Gómez</a>, a leading expert on race, law, and society, illuminates the fascinating race-making, unmaking, and re-making of Latino identity that has spanned centuries, leaving a permanent imprint on how race operates in the United States today.</p><p>Pulling back the lens as the country approaches an unprecedented demographic shift (Latinos will comprise a third of the American population in a matter of decades), Gómez also reveals the nefarious roles the United States has played in Latin America—from military interventions and economic exploitation to political interference—that, taken together, have destabilized national economies to send migrants northward over the course of more than a century. It’s no coincidence that the vast majority of Latinos migrate from the places most impacted by this nation’s dirty deeds, leading Gómez to a bold call for reparations. In this audacious effort to reframe the often-confused and misrepresented discourse over the Latinx generation, Gómez provides essential context for today’s most pressing political and public debates—representation, voice, interpretation, and power—giving all of us a brilliant framework to engage cultural controversies, elections, current events, and more.</p><p><a href="https://fhssfaculty.byu.edu/FacultyPage/djgonzo">David-James Gonzales (DJ)</a><em> is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/djgonzophd?lang=en"><em>@djgonzoPhD</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3804</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Shannon Bontrager, "Death at the Edges of Empire: Fallen Soldiers, Cultural Memory, and the Making of an American Nation, 1863-1921" (U Nebraska Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Hundreds of thousands of individuals perished in the epic conflict of the American Civil War. As battles raged and the specter of death and dying hung over the divided nation, the living worked not only to bury their dead but also to commemorate them. President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address perhaps best voiced the public yearning to memorialize the war dead. His address marked the beginning of a new tradition of commemorating American soldiers and also signaled a transformation in the relationship between the government and the citizenry through an embedded promise and obligation for the living to remember the dead.
In Death at the Edges of Empire: Fallen Soldiers, Cultural Memory, and the Making of an American Nation, 1863-1921 (U Nebraska Press, 2020) Shannon Bontrager examines the culture of death, burial, and commemoration of American war dead. By focusing on the Civil War, the Spanish-Cuban-American War, the Philippine-American War, and World War I, Bontrager produces a history of collective memories of war expressed through American cultural traditions emerging within broader transatlantic and transpacific networks. Examining the pragmatic collaborations between middle-class Americans and government officials negotiating the contradictory terrain of empire and nation, Death at the Edges of Empire shows how Americans imposed modern order on the inevitability of death as well as how they used the war dead to reimagine political identities and opportunities into imperial ambitions.
Alex Beckstrand is a PhD candidate in history at the University of Connecticut and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>108</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shannon Bontrager</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hundreds of thousands of individuals perished in the epic conflict of the American Civil War. As battles raged and the specter of death and dying hung over the divided nation, the living worked not only to bury their dead but also to commemorate them. President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address perhaps best voiced the public yearning to memorialize the war dead. His address marked the beginning of a new tradition of commemorating American soldiers and also signaled a transformation in the relationship between the government and the citizenry through an embedded promise and obligation for the living to remember the dead.
In Death at the Edges of Empire: Fallen Soldiers, Cultural Memory, and the Making of an American Nation, 1863-1921 (U Nebraska Press, 2020) Shannon Bontrager examines the culture of death, burial, and commemoration of American war dead. By focusing on the Civil War, the Spanish-Cuban-American War, the Philippine-American War, and World War I, Bontrager produces a history of collective memories of war expressed through American cultural traditions emerging within broader transatlantic and transpacific networks. Examining the pragmatic collaborations between middle-class Americans and government officials negotiating the contradictory terrain of empire and nation, Death at the Edges of Empire shows how Americans imposed modern order on the inevitability of death as well as how they used the war dead to reimagine political identities and opportunities into imperial ambitions.
Alex Beckstrand is a PhD candidate in history at the University of Connecticut and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hundreds of thousands of individuals perished in the epic conflict of the American Civil War. As battles raged and the specter of death and dying hung over the divided nation, the living worked not only to bury their dead but also to commemorate them. President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address perhaps best voiced the public yearning to memorialize the war dead. His address marked the beginning of a new tradition of commemorating American soldiers and also signaled a transformation in the relationship between the government and the citizenry through an embedded promise and obligation for the living to remember the dead.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496229045"><em>Death at the Edges of Empire: Fallen Soldiers, Cultural Memory, and the Making of an American Nation, 1863-1921</em></a> (U Nebraska Press, 2020) Shannon Bontrager examines the culture of death, burial, and commemoration of American war dead. By focusing on the Civil War, the Spanish-Cuban-American War, the Philippine-American War, and World War I, Bontrager produces a history of collective memories of war expressed through American cultural traditions emerging within broader transatlantic and transpacific networks. Examining the pragmatic collaborations between middle-class Americans and government officials negotiating the contradictory terrain of empire and nation, <em>Death at the Edges of Empire</em> shows how Americans imposed modern order on the inevitability of death as well as how they used the war dead to reimagine political identities and opportunities into imperial ambitions.</p><p><em>Alex Beckstrand is a PhD candidate in history at the University of Connecticut and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6078</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Kathleen Day, "Broken Bargain: Bankers, Bailouts, and the Struggle to Tame Wall Street" (Yale UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Think that today's debates about the role of the Federal Reserve Bank, financial regulation, "too big to fail", etc. are new? Think again. Who should control banks, who should regulate banks, what should banks even do--these questions have been debated since the founding of the Republic. Replace CNBC's David Faber with Alexander Hamilton, and Joe Kernan with Thomas Jefferson (or James Madison) and the arguments about banking, moral hazard, and regulation would be largely the same, though the attire would be quite different.
Kathleen Day's new book Broken Bargain: Bankers, Bailouts, and the Struggle to Tame Wall Street (Yale University Press, 2019) provides a detailed two-century history of the give and take between government authority and financial institutions (and the individuals caught between them). The challenges over time have changed--the absence of a single currency in the early 19th century, insufficient credit in the late 19th century, the roaring and patently stupid 1920s, and then the whole range of financial innovations in the postwar period--but the key issues recur over and over again. Day sides in the end with the need for consistent regulation from impartial and empowered bureaucrats, but alas, the last two centuries have shown that they are hard to come by. Not everyone will agree with her take on banks and regulation, but there can be no doubt about the underlying "capitalism is messy" theme running through our history and this book.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors. You can follow him on Twitter @Back2BizBook or at http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>5</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kathleen Day</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Think that today's debates about the role of the Federal Reserve Bank, financial regulation, "too big to fail", etc. are new? Think again. Who should control banks, who should regulate banks, what should banks even do--these questions have been debated since the founding of the Republic. Replace CNBC's David Faber with Alexander Hamilton, and Joe Kernan with Thomas Jefferson (or James Madison) and the arguments about banking, moral hazard, and regulation would be largely the same, though the attire would be quite different.
Kathleen Day's new book Broken Bargain: Bankers, Bailouts, and the Struggle to Tame Wall Street (Yale University Press, 2019) provides a detailed two-century history of the give and take between government authority and financial institutions (and the individuals caught between them). The challenges over time have changed--the absence of a single currency in the early 19th century, insufficient credit in the late 19th century, the roaring and patently stupid 1920s, and then the whole range of financial innovations in the postwar period--but the key issues recur over and over again. Day sides in the end with the need for consistent regulation from impartial and empowered bureaucrats, but alas, the last two centuries have shown that they are hard to come by. Not everyone will agree with her take on banks and regulation, but there can be no doubt about the underlying "capitalism is messy" theme running through our history and this book.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors. You can follow him on Twitter @Back2BizBook or at http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Think that today's debates about the role of the Federal Reserve Bank, financial regulation, "too big to fail", etc. are new? Think again. Who should control banks, who should regulate banks, what should banks even do--these questions have been debated since the founding of the Republic. Replace CNBC's David Faber with Alexander Hamilton, and Joe Kernan with Thomas Jefferson (or James Madison) and the arguments about banking, moral hazard, and regulation would be largely the same, though the attire would be quite different.</p><p><a href="https://carey.jhu.edu/faculty-research/faculty-directory/kathleen-day-ms-mba/">Kathleen Day</a>'s new book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QovAtFTf6_eC_4j1Yue7e7sAAAFoN-tinQEAAAFKAWU28cM/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0300223323/?creativeASIN=0300223323&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=ma1ydYZUCYptZrgnLiwPZg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Broken Bargain: Bankers, Bailouts, and the Struggle to Tame Wall Street</em></a> (Yale University Press, 2019) provides a detailed two-century history of the give and take between government authority and financial institutions (and the individuals caught between them). The challenges over time have changed--the absence of a single currency in the early 19th century, insufficient credit in the late 19th century, the roaring and patently stupid 1920s, and then the whole range of financial innovations in the postwar period--but the key issues recur over and over again. Day sides in the end with the need for consistent regulation from impartial and empowered bureaucrats, but alas, the last two centuries have shown that they are hard to come by. Not everyone will agree with her take on banks and regulation, but there can be no doubt about the underlying "capitalism is messy" theme running through our history and this book.</p><p><em>Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Getting-Back-Business-Portfolio-Investors/dp/1260135322">Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors</a>.<em> You can follow him on Twitter</em><a href="https://twitter.com/Back2BizBook"><em> @Back2BizBook</em></a><em> or at </em><a href="http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com/"><em>http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3434</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert G. Boatright, "Reform and Retrenchment: A Century of Efforts to Fix Primary Elections" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Until 1900, most political parties in the United States chose their leaders – either in back rooms with a few party elites making decisions or in conventions. The direct primary, in which voters select party nominees for state and federal offices, was one of the most widely adopted political reforms of the early twentieth century Progressive movement.
Intuitively, the direct primary sounds democratic. Voters directly select the candidates. They have more of say over who will ultimately represent or govern them. But decades of scholarship suggests that direct primaries might not have changed the outcomes of party nominations. The conventional wisdom is that as the strength of the Progressive movement declined and voters paid attention to other issues. Party leaders were able to reassert control over candidate selection. In Reform and Retrenchment: A Century of Efforts to Fix Primary Elections (Oxford UP, 2024), Dr. Robert G. Boatright insists this narrative is incorrect and misleading for contemporary efforts to reform the primary election system in the U.S. because some of the early concerns about primaries are still with us today.
The book presents data from 1928-1970 explaining the type of reforms states implemented and their success or failure. Dr. Boatright argues that the introduction of the indirect primary created more chaos than scholars have previously documented. Political parties, factions, and reform groups manipulated primary election laws to gain advantage, often under the guise of enhancing democracy. How does this history impact contemporary plans for reform of the primary system? Many suggested reforms were tried – and failed – during the 20th century. Boatright concludes that despite the clear flaws in the direct primary system, little can be done to change the primary system. Reformers should instead focus on elections and governance. The end of the podcast features his suggestions.
During the podcast, Rob mentions Dr. Jack Santucci’s More Parties or No Parties: The Politics of Electoral Reform in America (Oxford 2022).
Dr. Robert G. Boatright is Professor of Political Science at Clark University in Worcester, MA and the Director of Research for the National Institute for Civil Discourse at the University of Arizona. His research focuses on the effects of campaign and election laws on the behavior of politicians and interest groups with a particular emphasis on primary elections and campaign finance laws. He is the author or editor of 9 books. Heath Brown and I have interviewed Rob previously on New Books in Political Science: Trumping Politics as Usual:Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections
(with co-author Valerie Sperling) and The Deregulatory Moment?: A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>720</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert G. Boatright</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Until 1900, most political parties in the United States chose their leaders – either in back rooms with a few party elites making decisions or in conventions. The direct primary, in which voters select party nominees for state and federal offices, was one of the most widely adopted political reforms of the early twentieth century Progressive movement.
Intuitively, the direct primary sounds democratic. Voters directly select the candidates. They have more of say over who will ultimately represent or govern them. But decades of scholarship suggests that direct primaries might not have changed the outcomes of party nominations. The conventional wisdom is that as the strength of the Progressive movement declined and voters paid attention to other issues. Party leaders were able to reassert control over candidate selection. In Reform and Retrenchment: A Century of Efforts to Fix Primary Elections (Oxford UP, 2024), Dr. Robert G. Boatright insists this narrative is incorrect and misleading for contemporary efforts to reform the primary election system in the U.S. because some of the early concerns about primaries are still with us today.
The book presents data from 1928-1970 explaining the type of reforms states implemented and their success or failure. Dr. Boatright argues that the introduction of the indirect primary created more chaos than scholars have previously documented. Political parties, factions, and reform groups manipulated primary election laws to gain advantage, often under the guise of enhancing democracy. How does this history impact contemporary plans for reform of the primary system? Many suggested reforms were tried – and failed – during the 20th century. Boatright concludes that despite the clear flaws in the direct primary system, little can be done to change the primary system. Reformers should instead focus on elections and governance. The end of the podcast features his suggestions.
During the podcast, Rob mentions Dr. Jack Santucci’s More Parties or No Parties: The Politics of Electoral Reform in America (Oxford 2022).
Dr. Robert G. Boatright is Professor of Political Science at Clark University in Worcester, MA and the Director of Research for the National Institute for Civil Discourse at the University of Arizona. His research focuses on the effects of campaign and election laws on the behavior of politicians and interest groups with a particular emphasis on primary elections and campaign finance laws. He is the author or editor of 9 books. Heath Brown and I have interviewed Rob previously on New Books in Political Science: Trumping Politics as Usual:Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections
(with co-author Valerie Sperling) and The Deregulatory Moment?: A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Until 1900, most political parties in the United States chose their leaders – either in back rooms with a few party elites making decisions or in conventions. The direct primary, in which voters select party nominees for state and federal offices, was one of the most widely adopted political reforms of the early twentieth century Progressive movement.</p><p>Intuitively, the direct primary sounds democratic. Voters directly select the candidates. They have more of say over who will ultimately represent or govern them. But decades of scholarship suggests that direct primaries might not have changed the outcomes of party nominations. The conventional wisdom is that as the strength of the Progressive movement declined and voters paid attention to other issues. Party leaders were able to reassert control over candidate selection. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197774083"><em>Reform and Retrenchment: A Century of Efforts to Fix Primary Elections</em> </a>(Oxford UP, 2024), Dr. Robert G. Boatright insists this narrative is incorrect and misleading for contemporary efforts to reform the primary election system in the U.S. because some of the early concerns about primaries are still with us today.</p><p>The book presents data from 1928-1970 explaining the type of reforms states implemented and their success or failure. Dr. Boatright argues that the introduction of the indirect primary created more chaos than scholars have previously documented. Political parties, factions, and reform groups manipulated primary election laws to gain advantage, often under the guise of enhancing democracy. How does this history impact contemporary plans for reform of the primary system? Many suggested reforms were tried – and failed – during the 20th century. Boatright concludes that despite the clear flaws in the direct primary system, little can be done to change the primary system. Reformers should instead focus on elections and governance. The end of the podcast features his suggestions.</p><p>During the podcast, Rob mentions Dr. Jack Santucci’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/more-parties-or-no-parties-the-politics-of-electoral-reform-in-america-jack-santucci/18386145?ean=9780197630655"><em>More Parties or No Parties: The Politics of Electoral Reform in America</em></a> (Oxford 2022).</p><p><a href="http://wordpress.clarku.edu/rboatright/">Dr. Robert G. Boatright</a> is Professor of Political Science at Clark University in Worcester, MA and the Director of Research for the National Institute for Civil Discourse at the University of Arizona. His research focuses on the effects of campaign and election laws on the behavior of politicians and interest groups with a particular emphasis on primary elections and campaign finance laws. He is the author or editor of 9 books. Heath Brown and I have interviewed Rob previously on New Books in Political Science: <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/r-g-boatright-and-v-sperling-trumping-politics-as-usual-masculinity-misogyny-and-the-2016-elections-oxford-up-2019#entry:31619@1:url"><em>Trumping Politics as Usual:Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections</em></a></p><p>(with co-author Valerie Sperling) and <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/robert-boatright-ed-the-deregulatory-moment-a-comparative-perspective-on-changing-campaign-finance-laws-u-of-michigan-press-2015#entry:14406@1:url"><em>The Deregulatory Moment?: A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3586</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ec5c37ea-24ca-11ef-be49-8f0c64399705]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephanie Ternullo, "How the Heartland Went Red: Why Local Forces Matter in an Age of Nationalized Politics" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Over the past several decades, predominantly White, postindustrial cities in America’s agriculture and manufacturing centre have flipped from blue to red. Cities that were once part of the traditional Democratic New Deal coalition began to vote Republican, providing crucial support for the electoral victories of Republican presidents from Reagan to Trump. 
In How the Heartland Went Red Why Local Forces Matter in an Age of Nationalized Politics (Princeton University Press, 2024), Dr. Stephanie Ternullo argues for the importance of place in understanding this rightward shift, showing how voters in these small Midwestern cities view national politics—whether Republican appeals to racial and religious identities or Democrat’s appeals to class—through the lens of local conditions.
Offering a comparative study of three White blue-collar Midwestern cities in the run-up to the 2020 election, Ternullo shows the ways that local contexts have sped up or slowed down White voters’ shift to the right. One of these cities has voted overwhelmingly Republican for decades; one swung to the right in 2016 but remains closely divided between Republicans and Democrats; and one, defying current trends, remains reliably Democratic. Through extensive interviews, Ternullo traces the structural and organisational dimensions of place that frame residents’ perceptions of political and economic developments. These place-based conditions—including the ways that local leaders define their cities’ challenges—help prioritise residents’ social identities, connecting them to one party over another. Despite elite polarisation, fragmented media, and the nationalisation of American politics, Ternullo argues, the importance of place persists—as one of many factors informing partisanship, but as a particularly important one among cross-pressured voters whose loyalties are contested.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>262</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephanie Ternullo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past several decades, predominantly White, postindustrial cities in America’s agriculture and manufacturing centre have flipped from blue to red. Cities that were once part of the traditional Democratic New Deal coalition began to vote Republican, providing crucial support for the electoral victories of Republican presidents from Reagan to Trump. 
In How the Heartland Went Red Why Local Forces Matter in an Age of Nationalized Politics (Princeton University Press, 2024), Dr. Stephanie Ternullo argues for the importance of place in understanding this rightward shift, showing how voters in these small Midwestern cities view national politics—whether Republican appeals to racial and religious identities or Democrat’s appeals to class—through the lens of local conditions.
Offering a comparative study of three White blue-collar Midwestern cities in the run-up to the 2020 election, Ternullo shows the ways that local contexts have sped up or slowed down White voters’ shift to the right. One of these cities has voted overwhelmingly Republican for decades; one swung to the right in 2016 but remains closely divided between Republicans and Democrats; and one, defying current trends, remains reliably Democratic. Through extensive interviews, Ternullo traces the structural and organisational dimensions of place that frame residents’ perceptions of political and economic developments. These place-based conditions—including the ways that local leaders define their cities’ challenges—help prioritise residents’ social identities, connecting them to one party over another. Despite elite polarisation, fragmented media, and the nationalisation of American politics, Ternullo argues, the importance of place persists—as one of many factors informing partisanship, but as a particularly important one among cross-pressured voters whose loyalties are contested.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past several decades, predominantly White, postindustrial cities in America’s agriculture and manufacturing centre have flipped from blue to red. Cities that were once part of the traditional Democratic New Deal coalition began to vote Republican, providing crucial support for the electoral victories of Republican presidents from Reagan to Trump. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691249704"><em>How the Heartland Went Red Why Local Forces Matter in an Age of Nationalized Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2024), Dr. Stephanie Ternullo argues for the importance of place in understanding this rightward shift, showing how voters in these small Midwestern cities view national politics—whether Republican appeals to racial and religious identities or Democrat’s appeals to class—through the lens of local conditions.</p><p>Offering a comparative study of three White blue-collar Midwestern cities in the run-up to the 2020 election, Ternullo shows the ways that local contexts have sped up or slowed down White voters’ shift to the right. One of these cities has voted overwhelmingly Republican for decades; one swung to the right in 2016 but remains closely divided between Republicans and Democrats; and one, defying current trends, remains reliably Democratic. Through extensive interviews, Ternullo traces the structural and organisational dimensions of place that frame residents’ perceptions of political and economic developments. These place-based conditions—including the ways that local leaders define their cities’ challenges—help prioritise residents’ social identities, connecting them to one party over another. Despite elite polarisation, fragmented media, and the nationalisation of American politics, Ternullo argues, the importance of place persists—as one of many factors informing partisanship, but as a particularly important one among cross-pressured voters whose loyalties are contested.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3258</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy P. Storhoff, "Harmony and Normalization: US-Cuban Musical Diplomacy" (UP of Mississippi, 2020)</title>
      <description>Harmony and Normalization: US-Cuban Musical Diplomacy (University Press of Mississippi, 2020) explores the channels of musical exchange between Cuba and the United States during the eight-year presidency of Barack Obama, who eased the musical embargo of the island and restored relations with Cuba. Musical exchanges during this period act as a lens through which to view not only US-Cuban musical relations but also the larger political, economic, and cultural implications of musical dialogue between these two nations. In this first book on the subject since Obama’s presidency, musicologist Timothy P. Storhoff describes how, after specific policy changes, musicians were some of the first to take advantage of new opportunities for travel, push the boundaries of new regulations, and expose both the possibilities and limitations of licensing musical exchange. This ethnography demonstrates how performances reflect aspirations for stronger transnational ties and a common desire to restore the once-thriving US-Cuban musical relationship.
Dr. Timothy Storhoff is an orchestra administrator, fundraiser, and ethnomusicologist in Winston-Salem, North Carolina.
Emily Ruth Allen (@emmyru91) is a PhD candidate in Musicology at Florida State University. She is currently working on a dissertation about parade musics in Mobile, Alabama’s Carnival celebrations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 09 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>109</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy P. Storhoff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Harmony and Normalization: US-Cuban Musical Diplomacy (University Press of Mississippi, 2020) explores the channels of musical exchange between Cuba and the United States during the eight-year presidency of Barack Obama, who eased the musical embargo of the island and restored relations with Cuba. Musical exchanges during this period act as a lens through which to view not only US-Cuban musical relations but also the larger political, economic, and cultural implications of musical dialogue between these two nations. In this first book on the subject since Obama’s presidency, musicologist Timothy P. Storhoff describes how, after specific policy changes, musicians were some of the first to take advantage of new opportunities for travel, push the boundaries of new regulations, and expose both the possibilities and limitations of licensing musical exchange. This ethnography demonstrates how performances reflect aspirations for stronger transnational ties and a common desire to restore the once-thriving US-Cuban musical relationship.
Dr. Timothy Storhoff is an orchestra administrator, fundraiser, and ethnomusicologist in Winston-Salem, North Carolina.
Emily Ruth Allen (@emmyru91) is a PhD candidate in Musicology at Florida State University. She is currently working on a dissertation about parade musics in Mobile, Alabama’s Carnival celebrations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496830876"><em>Harmony and Normalization: US-Cuban Musical Diplomacy</em></a> (University Press of Mississippi, 2020) explores the channels of musical exchange between Cuba and the United States during the eight-year presidency of Barack Obama, who eased the musical embargo of the island and restored relations with Cuba. Musical exchanges during this period act as a lens through which to view not only US-Cuban musical relations but also the larger political, economic, and cultural implications of musical dialogue between these two nations. In this first book on the subject since Obama’s presidency, musicologist Timothy P. Storhoff describes how, after specific policy changes, musicians were some of the first to take advantage of new opportunities for travel, push the boundaries of new regulations, and expose both the possibilities and limitations of licensing musical exchange. This ethnography demonstrates how performances reflect aspirations for stronger transnational ties and a common desire to restore the once-thriving US-Cuban musical relationship.</p><p>Dr. Timothy Storhoff is an orchestra administrator, fundraiser, and ethnomusicologist in Winston-Salem, North Carolina.</p><p><em>Emily Ruth Allen (</em><a href="https://twitter.com/emmyru91"><em>@emmyru91</em></a><em>) is a PhD candidate in Musicology at Florida State University. She is currently working on a dissertation about parade musics in Mobile, Alabama’s Carnival celebrations.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3553</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adrienne Brown, "The Residential Is Racial: A Perceptual History of Mass Homeownership" (Stanford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Housing experts and activists have long described the foundational role race has played in the creation of mass homeownership. This book insistently tracks the inverse: the role of mass homeownership in changing the definition, perception, and value of race.
In The Residential Is Racial: A Perceptual History of Mass Homeownership (Stanford University Press, 2024) Dr. Adrienne Brown reveals how mass homeownership remade the rubrics of race, from the early cases realtors made for homeownership's necessity to white survival through to the 1968 Fair Housing Act. Reading real estate archives and appraisal textbooks alongside literary works by F. Scott Fitzgerald, John Steinbeck, Lorraine Hansberry, Richard Wright, Gwendolyn Brooks, James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, John Cheever, and Thomas Pynchon, Dr. Brown goes beyond merely identifying the discriminatory mechanisms that the real estate industry used to forestall black homeownership. Rather, she reveals that redlining and other forms of racial discrimination are perceptual modes, changing what it means to sense race and assign it value.
Resituating residential discrimination as a key moment within the history of perception and aesthetics as well as of policy, demography, and democracy, we get an even more expansive picture of both its origins and its impacts. This book discovers that the racial honing of perception on the block—seeing race like a bureaucrat, an appraiser, and a homeowner—has become central to the functioning of the residential itself.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 09 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>261</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adrienne Brown</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Housing experts and activists have long described the foundational role race has played in the creation of mass homeownership. This book insistently tracks the inverse: the role of mass homeownership in changing the definition, perception, and value of race.
In The Residential Is Racial: A Perceptual History of Mass Homeownership (Stanford University Press, 2024) Dr. Adrienne Brown reveals how mass homeownership remade the rubrics of race, from the early cases realtors made for homeownership's necessity to white survival through to the 1968 Fair Housing Act. Reading real estate archives and appraisal textbooks alongside literary works by F. Scott Fitzgerald, John Steinbeck, Lorraine Hansberry, Richard Wright, Gwendolyn Brooks, James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, John Cheever, and Thomas Pynchon, Dr. Brown goes beyond merely identifying the discriminatory mechanisms that the real estate industry used to forestall black homeownership. Rather, she reveals that redlining and other forms of racial discrimination are perceptual modes, changing what it means to sense race and assign it value.
Resituating residential discrimination as a key moment within the history of perception and aesthetics as well as of policy, demography, and democracy, we get an even more expansive picture of both its origins and its impacts. This book discovers that the racial honing of perception on the block—seeing race like a bureaucrat, an appraiser, and a homeowner—has become central to the functioning of the residential itself.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Housing experts and activists have long described the foundational role race has played in the creation of mass homeownership. This book insistently tracks the inverse: the role of mass homeownership in changing the definition, perception, and value of race.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503638648"><em>The Residential Is Racial: A Perceptual History of Mass Homeownership</em></a> (Stanford University Press, 2024) Dr. Adrienne Brown reveals how mass homeownership remade the rubrics of race, from the early cases realtors made for homeownership's necessity to white survival through to the 1968 Fair Housing Act. Reading real estate archives and appraisal textbooks alongside literary works by F. Scott Fitzgerald, John Steinbeck, Lorraine Hansberry, Richard Wright, Gwendolyn Brooks, James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, John Cheever, and Thomas Pynchon, Dr. Brown goes beyond merely identifying the discriminatory mechanisms that the real estate industry used to forestall black homeownership. Rather, she reveals that redlining and other forms of racial discrimination are perceptual modes, changing what it means to sense race and assign it value.</p><p>Resituating residential discrimination as a key moment within the history of perception and aesthetics as well as of policy, demography, and democracy, we get an even more expansive picture of both its origins and its impacts. This book discovers that the racial honing of perception on the block—seeing race like a bureaucrat, an appraiser, and a homeowner—has become central to the functioning of the residential itself.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3712</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8da672fc-250f-11ef-ab6c-a7d44f2d78bf]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6728970604.mp3?updated=1717794357" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan H. Ebel, "From Dust They Came: Government Camps and the Religion of Reform in New Deal California" (NYU Press,2023)</title>
      <description>From Dust They Came: Government Camps and the Religion of Reform in New Deal California (NYU Press, 2023) tells the story of the federal government’s Depression-era effort to redeem Dust Bowl refugees in rural California through the religion of reform.
During the Depression hundreds of thousands of families left the Great Plains and Southwest to look for farm work in California. Seeing destitute white families living in filthy shelters, reform-minded New Deal officials built a series of camps to provide shelter and community. 
Drawn from the archives of the federal camp system, Jonathan H. Ebel tells the story of the religious dynamics in and around the farm labor camps, making the case that they served as mission sites for the conversion of migrants to more modern ways of living and believing, centered around ideas of virtuous citizenship based on a foundation of seemingly secular values such as cleanliness, hard work, and family life. The migrants, particularly those who came from charismatic and conservative Protestant faiths, sometimes had different ideas about right living. 
Ebel shows how the New Deal program was animated simultaneously by humanitarian concern and by the belief that these poor white migrants and their religious practices needed to be transformed for them to achieve a better life in a modernized, secular world. 
Recommended reading: 
The Last Report on the Miracles at Little No Horse by Louise Erdrich
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>260</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan H. Ebel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From Dust They Came: Government Camps and the Religion of Reform in New Deal California (NYU Press, 2023) tells the story of the federal government’s Depression-era effort to redeem Dust Bowl refugees in rural California through the religion of reform.
During the Depression hundreds of thousands of families left the Great Plains and Southwest to look for farm work in California. Seeing destitute white families living in filthy shelters, reform-minded New Deal officials built a series of camps to provide shelter and community. 
Drawn from the archives of the federal camp system, Jonathan H. Ebel tells the story of the religious dynamics in and around the farm labor camps, making the case that they served as mission sites for the conversion of migrants to more modern ways of living and believing, centered around ideas of virtuous citizenship based on a foundation of seemingly secular values such as cleanliness, hard work, and family life. The migrants, particularly those who came from charismatic and conservative Protestant faiths, sometimes had different ideas about right living. 
Ebel shows how the New Deal program was animated simultaneously by humanitarian concern and by the belief that these poor white migrants and their religious practices needed to be transformed for them to achieve a better life in a modernized, secular world. 
Recommended reading: 
The Last Report on the Miracles at Little No Horse by Louise Erdrich
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://nyupress.org/9781479823635/from-dust-they-came/"><em>From Dust They Came: Government Camps and the Religion of Reform in New Deal California</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023) tells the story of the federal government’s Depression-era effort to redeem Dust Bowl refugees in rural California through the religion of reform.</p><p>During the Depression hundreds of thousands of families left the Great Plains and Southwest to look for farm work in California. Seeing destitute white families living in filthy shelters, reform-minded New Deal officials built a series of camps to provide shelter and community. </p><p>Drawn from the archives of the federal camp system, Jonathan H. Ebel tells the story of the religious dynamics in and around the farm labor camps, making the case that they served as mission sites for the conversion of migrants to more modern ways of living and believing, centered around ideas of virtuous citizenship based on a foundation of seemingly secular values such as cleanliness, hard work, and family life. The migrants, particularly those who came from charismatic and conservative Protestant faiths, sometimes had different ideas about right living. </p><p>Ebel shows how the New Deal program was animated simultaneously by humanitarian concern and by the belief that these poor white migrants and their religious practices needed to be transformed for them to achieve a better life in a modernized, secular world. </p><p>Recommended reading: </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-last-report-on-the-miracles-at-little-no-horse-louise-erdrich/8974538?ean=9780061577628"><em>The Last Report on the Miracles at Little No Horse</em></a> by Louise Erdrich</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9272110283.mp3?updated=1717695935" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Alan H. McGowan, "The Political Activism of Anthropologist Franz Boas, Citizen Scientist" (Cambridge Scholars Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Alan McGowan delves into Franz Boas’s dual identity as both a scientist and a political activist, shedding light on how his work transcended academic boundaries to make a profound impact on society. In The Political Activism of Anthropologist Franz Boas, Citizen Scientist (Cambridge Scholars Press, 2024), McGowan provides a comprehensive overview of Boas’s career, from his groundbreaking research on cultural relativism to his advocacy for social justice and racial equality. By drawing on a wealth of primary sources and historical documents, he paints a vivid portrait of Boas as a multifaceted figure whose work was deeply intertwined with his political beliefs. Uncovering the intricate connection between his scientific endeavors and political beliefs, McGowan illuminates how Boas used his platform as an anthropologist to challenge societal norms and advocate for those on the fringes. Furthermore, the book offers valuable insights into the broader implications of Boas’s legacy. By emphasizing Boas’s commitment to antiracism, cultural relativism, and social justice, the author underscores the enduring relevance of Boas’s ideas in contemporary discussions on race, identity, and inequality. McGowan’s insightful analysis and engaging narrative style make this book a valuable resource for scholars, students, and anyone interested in the intersection of science, politics, and social change.
Alan H. McGowan is Adjunct Professor of Environmental Studies at The New School. Prior to coming to The New School, he founded and was president of the Gene Media Forum, an arm of the Newhouse School of Journalism at Syracuse University. Previously, he was for twenty years the president of the Scientists’ Institute for Public Information, a major bridge between the scientific community and the media. His research interests focus on the intersection between science and technology and social issues, including ethics, politics, and the economy.
Yadong Li is a PhD student in anthropology at Tulane University. His research interests lie at the intersection of the anthropology of state, the anthropology of time, hope studies, and post-structuralist philosophy. More details about his scholarship and research interests can be found here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>304</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alan H. McGowan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Alan McGowan delves into Franz Boas’s dual identity as both a scientist and a political activist, shedding light on how his work transcended academic boundaries to make a profound impact on society. In The Political Activism of Anthropologist Franz Boas, Citizen Scientist (Cambridge Scholars Press, 2024), McGowan provides a comprehensive overview of Boas’s career, from his groundbreaking research on cultural relativism to his advocacy for social justice and racial equality. By drawing on a wealth of primary sources and historical documents, he paints a vivid portrait of Boas as a multifaceted figure whose work was deeply intertwined with his political beliefs. Uncovering the intricate connection between his scientific endeavors and political beliefs, McGowan illuminates how Boas used his platform as an anthropologist to challenge societal norms and advocate for those on the fringes. Furthermore, the book offers valuable insights into the broader implications of Boas’s legacy. By emphasizing Boas’s commitment to antiracism, cultural relativism, and social justice, the author underscores the enduring relevance of Boas’s ideas in contemporary discussions on race, identity, and inequality. McGowan’s insightful analysis and engaging narrative style make this book a valuable resource for scholars, students, and anyone interested in the intersection of science, politics, and social change.
Alan H. McGowan is Adjunct Professor of Environmental Studies at The New School. Prior to coming to The New School, he founded and was president of the Gene Media Forum, an arm of the Newhouse School of Journalism at Syracuse University. Previously, he was for twenty years the president of the Scientists’ Institute for Public Information, a major bridge between the scientific community and the media. His research interests focus on the intersection between science and technology and social issues, including ethics, politics, and the economy.
Yadong Li is a PhD student in anthropology at Tulane University. His research interests lie at the intersection of the anthropology of state, the anthropology of time, hope studies, and post-structuralist philosophy. More details about his scholarship and research interests can be found here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Alan McGowan delves into Franz Boas’s dual identity as both a scientist and a political activist, shedding light on how his work transcended academic boundaries to make a profound impact on society. In <a href="https://www.cambridgescholars.com/product/978-1-5275-6685-9"><em>The Political Activism of Anthropologist Franz Boas, Citizen Scientist</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge Scholars Press, 2024), McGowan provides a comprehensive overview of Boas’s career, from his groundbreaking research on cultural relativism to his advocacy for social justice and racial equality. By drawing on a wealth of primary sources and historical documents, he paints a vivid portrait of Boas as a multifaceted figure whose work was deeply intertwined with his political beliefs. Uncovering the intricate connection between his scientific endeavors and political beliefs, McGowan illuminates how Boas used his platform as an anthropologist to challenge societal norms and advocate for those on the fringes. Furthermore, the book offers valuable insights into the broader implications of Boas’s legacy. By emphasizing Boas’s commitment to antiracism, cultural relativism, and social justice, the author underscores the enduring relevance of Boas’s ideas in contemporary discussions on race, identity, and inequality. McGowan’s insightful analysis and engaging narrative style make this book a valuable resource for scholars, students, and anyone interested in the intersection of science, politics, and social change.</p><p>Alan H. McGowan is Adjunct Professor of Environmental Studies at The New School. Prior to coming to The New School, he founded and was president of the Gene Media Forum, an arm of the Newhouse School of Journalism at Syracuse University. Previously, he was for twenty years the president of the Scientists’ Institute for Public Information, a major bridge between the scientific community and the media. His research interests focus on the intersection between science and technology and social issues, including ethics, politics, and the economy.</p><p>Yadong Li is a PhD student in anthropology at Tulane University. His research interests lie at the intersection of the anthropology of state, the anthropology of time, hope studies, and post-structuralist philosophy. More details about his scholarship and research interests can be found <a href="https://liberalarts.tulane.edu/departments/anthropology/people/graduate-students/yadong-li">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2972</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[adba3eae-241d-11ef-a094-f77eb70a5084]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1365641490.mp3?updated=1717690046" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adam Goodman, "The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked how? In The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.
Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 02 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>64</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adam Goodman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked how? In The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.
Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked <em>how</em>? In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0691182159/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.</p><p>Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4029</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2fecc7d2-1f89-11ef-b7e2-fb8353d1ed7f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6820292328.mp3?updated=1717187387" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ronald R. Sundstrom, "Just Shelter: Gentrification, Integration, Race, and Reconstruction" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>It is widely acknowledged that the United States is in the grip of an enduring housing crisis. It is less frequently recognized that this crisis amounts to more than there being an insufficient supply of adequate shelter. It rather is tied to a range of other forms of social and economic vulnerability – and many of these forms of vulnerability impede a citizen’s capacity to function as a full member of society. What’s more, the familiar terms we deploy in discussing the housing crisis – gentrification, integration, segregation, and so on – stand in need of philosophical clarification.
In Just Shelter: Gentrification, Integration, Race, and Reconstruction (Oxford UP, 2024), Ronald R. Sundstrom draws upon tools derived from moral philosophy, political theory, and urban studies to provide the beginning of a comprehensive analysis of justice in “social-spatial arrangements.” He proposes a liberal-egalitarian and reconstructive, yet pragmatic, approach to addressing the challenges posed by our country’s legacy of unjust housing policies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Jun 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>343</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ronald R. Sundstrom</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It is widely acknowledged that the United States is in the grip of an enduring housing crisis. It is less frequently recognized that this crisis amounts to more than there being an insufficient supply of adequate shelter. It rather is tied to a range of other forms of social and economic vulnerability – and many of these forms of vulnerability impede a citizen’s capacity to function as a full member of society. What’s more, the familiar terms we deploy in discussing the housing crisis – gentrification, integration, segregation, and so on – stand in need of philosophical clarification.
In Just Shelter: Gentrification, Integration, Race, and Reconstruction (Oxford UP, 2024), Ronald R. Sundstrom draws upon tools derived from moral philosophy, political theory, and urban studies to provide the beginning of a comprehensive analysis of justice in “social-spatial arrangements.” He proposes a liberal-egalitarian and reconstructive, yet pragmatic, approach to addressing the challenges posed by our country’s legacy of unjust housing policies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It is widely acknowledged that the United States is in the grip of an enduring housing crisis. It is less frequently recognized that this crisis amounts to more than there being an insufficient supply of adequate shelter. It rather is tied to a range of other forms of social and economic vulnerability – and many of these forms of vulnerability impede a citizen’s capacity to function as a full member of society. What’s more, the familiar terms we deploy in discussing the housing crisis – gentrification, integration, segregation, and so on – stand in need of philosophical clarification.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190948146"><em>Just Shelter: Gentrification, Integration, Race, and Reconstruction</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2024), <a href="https://www.usfca.edu/faculty/ronald-sundstrom">Ronald R. Sundstrom</a> draws upon tools derived from moral philosophy, political theory, and urban studies to provide the beginning of a comprehensive analysis of justice in “social-spatial arrangements.” He proposes a liberal-egalitarian and reconstructive, yet pragmatic, approach to addressing the challenges posed by our country’s legacy of unjust housing policies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4125</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ca6017d2-1602-11ef-b76e-7b6f8115259e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9478196020.mp3?updated=1716139298" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kazushi Minami, "People's Diplomacy: How Americans and Chinese Transformed US-China Relations During the Cold War" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In People's Diplomacy: How Americans and Chinese Transformed US-China Relations During the Cold War (Cornell UP, 2024), Kazushi Minami shows how the American and Chinese people rebuilt US-China relations in the 1970s, a pivotal decade bookended by Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China and 1979 normalization of diplomatic relations. Top policymakers in Washington and Beijing drew the blueprint for the new bilateral relationship, but the work of building it was left to a host of Americans and Chinese from all walks of life, who engaged in "people-to-people" exchanges. After two decades of estrangement and hostility caused by the Cold War, these people dramatically changed the nature of US-China relations. Americans reimagined China as a country of opportunities, irresistible because of its prodigious potential, while Chinese reinterpreted the United States as an agent of modernization, capable of enriching their country and rejuvenating their lives. Drawing on extensive research at two dozen archives in the United States and China, People's Diplomacy redefines contemporary US-China relations as a creation of the American and Chinese people.
Kazushi Minami is Associate Professor at the Osaka School of International Public Policy, Osaka University. He received his Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin before joining OSIPP in 2019. Drawing on English, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean sources, his research investigates various aspects of international relations in East Asia to foster a deeper understanding of the region from both historical and policy perspectives.
Nick Zeller is an independent scholar working on China’s international relations and the history of radical politics in Asia. He has held faculty positions in History at the University of South Carolina and Kennesaw State University. He earned his Ph.D. in Modern Chinese History from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 2021.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>94</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kazushi Minami</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In People's Diplomacy: How Americans and Chinese Transformed US-China Relations During the Cold War (Cornell UP, 2024), Kazushi Minami shows how the American and Chinese people rebuilt US-China relations in the 1970s, a pivotal decade bookended by Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China and 1979 normalization of diplomatic relations. Top policymakers in Washington and Beijing drew the blueprint for the new bilateral relationship, but the work of building it was left to a host of Americans and Chinese from all walks of life, who engaged in "people-to-people" exchanges. After two decades of estrangement and hostility caused by the Cold War, these people dramatically changed the nature of US-China relations. Americans reimagined China as a country of opportunities, irresistible because of its prodigious potential, while Chinese reinterpreted the United States as an agent of modernization, capable of enriching their country and rejuvenating their lives. Drawing on extensive research at two dozen archives in the United States and China, People's Diplomacy redefines contemporary US-China relations as a creation of the American and Chinese people.
Kazushi Minami is Associate Professor at the Osaka School of International Public Policy, Osaka University. He received his Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin before joining OSIPP in 2019. Drawing on English, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean sources, his research investigates various aspects of international relations in East Asia to foster a deeper understanding of the region from both historical and policy perspectives.
Nick Zeller is an independent scholar working on China’s international relations and the history of radical politics in Asia. He has held faculty positions in History at the University of South Carolina and Kennesaw State University. He earned his Ph.D. in Modern Chinese History from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 2021.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501774157"><em>People's Diplomacy: How Americans and Chinese Transformed US-China Relations During the Cold Wa</em>r</a> (Cornell UP, 2024), Kazushi Minami shows how the American and Chinese people rebuilt US-China relations in the 1970s, a pivotal decade bookended by Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China and 1979 normalization of diplomatic relations. Top policymakers in Washington and Beijing drew the blueprint for the new bilateral relationship, but the work of building it was left to a host of Americans and Chinese from all walks of life, who engaged in "people-to-people" exchanges. After two decades of estrangement and hostility caused by the Cold War, these people dramatically changed the nature of US-China relations. Americans reimagined China as a country of opportunities, irresistible because of its prodigious potential, while Chinese reinterpreted the United States as an agent of modernization, capable of enriching their country and rejuvenating their lives. Drawing on extensive research at two dozen archives in the United States and China, <em>People's Diplomacy</em> redefines contemporary US-China relations as a creation of the American and Chinese people.</p><p>Kazushi Minami is Associate Professor at the Osaka School of International Public Policy, Osaka University. He received his Ph.D. in History from the University of Texas at Austin before joining OSIPP in 2019. Drawing on English, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean sources, his research investigates various aspects of international relations in East Asia to foster a deeper understanding of the region from both historical and policy perspectives.</p><p><em>Nick Zeller is an independent scholar working on China’s international relations and the history of radical politics in Asia. He has held faculty positions in History at the University of South Carolina and Kennesaw State University. He earned his Ph.D. in Modern Chinese History from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 2021.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4203</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>All About Money? Elections, Campaign Spending and the Effects on Democracy</title>
      <description>Election campaigns are becoming ever more expensive, with many parties and candidates spending large sums of money on advertising, campaign materials, and staff. But how does money affect campaign environment and electoral outcomes? Does more money mean better chances of winning? And what role do large businesses play in this? Listen to William Horncastle as he talks to Petra Alderman about his research on campaign spending, the UK and the US campaign finance rules and regulations, and the effects money has on democracy and the current state of politics.
William Horncastle is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Bedfordshire.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
*** This episode was recorded before the announcement of the UK general election date. The election is taking place on 4 July 2024.***
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with William Horncastle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Election campaigns are becoming ever more expensive, with many parties and candidates spending large sums of money on advertising, campaign materials, and staff. But how does money affect campaign environment and electoral outcomes? Does more money mean better chances of winning? And what role do large businesses play in this? Listen to William Horncastle as he talks to Petra Alderman about his research on campaign spending, the UK and the US campaign finance rules and regulations, and the effects money has on democracy and the current state of politics.
William Horncastle is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Bedfordshire.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
*** This episode was recorded before the announcement of the UK general election date. The election is taking place on 4 July 2024.***
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Election campaigns are becoming ever more expensive, with many parties and candidates spending large sums of money on advertising, campaign materials, and staff. But how does money affect campaign environment and electoral outcomes? Does more money mean better chances of winning? And what role do large businesses play in this? Listen to William Horncastle as he talks to Petra Alderman about his research on campaign spending, the UK and the US campaign finance rules and regulations, and the effects money has on democracy and the current state of politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.beds.ac.uk/howtoapply/departments/appliedsocialsciences/staff/william-horncastle/">William Horncastle</a> is a Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Bedfordshire.</p><p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/alderman-petra.aspx">Petra Alderman</a> is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.</p><p>*** This episode was recorded before the announcement of the UK general election date. The election is taking place on 4 July 2024.***</p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on X (Twitter) at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1582</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin A. Schupmann, "Democracy Despite Itself: Liberal Constitutionalism and Militant Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Seeking a second term as US president in November, Donald Trump joins a roster of politicians whose declared aim is to use legal means to bend democracy to their will and in their interests. The system withstood his first term. In Venezuela, Ecuador, Turkey, and Hungary, the systems didn’t, and they are undergoing stress tests in Israel, Slovakia, and Georgia.
In Venezuela, Turkey and Hungary, elections still happen and parliaments, courts, and media are intact but checks and balances have been steadily eroded as one party bids for sustained majority rule. Since the turn of the millennium, 80% of cases of democratic retreat have taken this form rather than through violence.
Worst of all, “illiberal democracy” is popular. Between 2016 and 2020, Trump added 11 million votes. In 2022, after 12 consecutive years in power, Hungary’s ruling party extended its support. Recent polls show that a third of Americans would prefer a strong unelected leader to a weak elected one while a fifth of French under-35s are indifferent to the prospect of an end to democracy.
In Democracy Despite Itself: Liberal Constitutionalism and Militant Democracy (OUP Press, 2024) Benjamin Schupmann addresses this democratic internal rot and how to defend against it. "Democratic cannibalism is a perennial problem,” he writes. “It is a question of when, not if, popular anti-democratic movements will erupt from within and try to use legal revolutionary methods to devour democracy. Democratic constitution should be designed to provide democrats with the means to defend it and themselves".
Benjamin Schupmann is an Assistant Professor at Yale-NUS College in Singapore. He got his PhD at Columbia University and then taught at Duke Kunshan University and the National University of Singapore. Democracy Despite Itself is his second book. His first – Carl Schmitt's State and Constitutional Theory – was published in 2017.
*The author's book recommendations are Sovereignty Across Generations: Constituent Power and Political Liberalism by Alessandro Ferrara (OUP Oxford, 2023) and Social Acceleration: A New Theory of Modernity by Hartmut Rosa (Columbia University Press, 2013). 
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>718</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin A. Schupmann</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Seeking a second term as US president in November, Donald Trump joins a roster of politicians whose declared aim is to use legal means to bend democracy to their will and in their interests. The system withstood his first term. In Venezuela, Ecuador, Turkey, and Hungary, the systems didn’t, and they are undergoing stress tests in Israel, Slovakia, and Georgia.
In Venezuela, Turkey and Hungary, elections still happen and parliaments, courts, and media are intact but checks and balances have been steadily eroded as one party bids for sustained majority rule. Since the turn of the millennium, 80% of cases of democratic retreat have taken this form rather than through violence.
Worst of all, “illiberal democracy” is popular. Between 2016 and 2020, Trump added 11 million votes. In 2022, after 12 consecutive years in power, Hungary’s ruling party extended its support. Recent polls show that a third of Americans would prefer a strong unelected leader to a weak elected one while a fifth of French under-35s are indifferent to the prospect of an end to democracy.
In Democracy Despite Itself: Liberal Constitutionalism and Militant Democracy (OUP Press, 2024) Benjamin Schupmann addresses this democratic internal rot and how to defend against it. "Democratic cannibalism is a perennial problem,” he writes. “It is a question of when, not if, popular anti-democratic movements will erupt from within and try to use legal revolutionary methods to devour democracy. Democratic constitution should be designed to provide democrats with the means to defend it and themselves".
Benjamin Schupmann is an Assistant Professor at Yale-NUS College in Singapore. He got his PhD at Columbia University and then taught at Duke Kunshan University and the National University of Singapore. Democracy Despite Itself is his second book. His first – Carl Schmitt's State and Constitutional Theory – was published in 2017.
*The author's book recommendations are Sovereignty Across Generations: Constituent Power and Political Liberalism by Alessandro Ferrara (OUP Oxford, 2023) and Social Acceleration: A New Theory of Modernity by Hartmut Rosa (Columbia University Press, 2013). 
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Seeking a second term as US president in November, Donald Trump joins a roster of politicians whose declared aim is to use legal means to bend democracy to their will and in their interests. The system withstood his first term. In Venezuela, Ecuador, Turkey, and Hungary, the systems didn’t, and they are undergoing stress tests in Israel, Slovakia, and Georgia.</p><p>In Venezuela, Turkey and Hungary, elections still happen and parliaments, courts, and media are intact but checks and balances have been steadily eroded as one party bids for sustained majority rule. Since the turn of the millennium, 80% of cases of democratic retreat have taken this form rather than through violence.</p><p>Worst of all, “illiberal democracy” is popular. Between 2016 and 2020, Trump added 11 million votes. In 2022, after 12 consecutive years in power, Hungary’s ruling party extended its support. Recent polls show that a third of Americans would prefer a strong unelected leader to a weak elected one while a fifth of French under-35s are indifferent to the prospect of an end to democracy.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192873026"><em>Democracy Despite Itself: Liberal Constitutionalism and Militant Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(OUP Press, 2024) Benjamin Schupmann addresses this democratic internal rot and how to defend against it. "Democratic cannibalism is a perennial problem,” he writes. “It is a question of when, not if, popular anti-democratic movements will erupt from within and try to use legal revolutionary methods to devour democracy. Democratic constitution should be designed to provide democrats with the means to defend it and themselves".</p><p>Benjamin Schupmann is an Assistant Professor at Yale-NUS College in Singapore. He got his PhD at Columbia University and then taught at Duke Kunshan University and the National University of Singapore. <em>Democracy Despite Itself </em>is his second book. His first – <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/carl-schmitt-s-state-and-constitutional-theory-a-critical-analysis-benjamin-schupmann/2165879?ean=9780198791614">Carl Schmitt's State and Constitutional Theory</a> – was published in 2017.</p><p>*The author's book recommendations are <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/sovereignty-across-generations-constituent-power-and-political-liberalism-alessandro-ferrara/7300481?ean=9780192871077">Sovereignty Across Generations: Constituent Power and Political Liberalism</a> by Alessandro Ferrara (OUP Oxford, 2023) and <a href="https://www.amazon.co.uk/Social-Acceleration-Modernity-Directions-Critical/dp/0231148356">Social Acceleration: A New Theory of Modernity</a> by Hartmut Rosa (Columbia University Press, 2013). </p><p><a href="https://www.clippings.me/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the <a href="https://twentyfourtwo.substack.com/">twenty4two</a> newsletter on Substack.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2518</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8167374040.mp3?updated=1716130759" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Anne Kim, "Poverty for Profit: How Corporations Get Rich off America’s Poor" (The New Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Poverty is big business in America. The federal government spends about $900 billion a year on programs that directly or disproportionately impact poor Americans, including antipoverty programs such as the earned income tax credit, Medicaid, and affordable housing vouchers and subsidies. States and local governments spend tens of billions more. 
Ironically, these enormous sums fuel the “corporate poverty complex,” a vast web of hidden industries and entrenched private-sector interests that profit from the bureaucracies regulating the lives of the poor. From bail bondsmen to dialysis providers to towing companies, their business models depend on exploiting low-income Americans, and their political influence ensures a thriving set of industries where everyone profits except the poor, while U.S. taxpayers foot the bill.
In Poverty for Profit: How Corporations Get Rich off America’s Poor (The New Press, 2024), veteran journalist Anne Kim investigates the multiple industries that infiltrate almost every aspect of the lives of the poor—health care, housing, criminal justice, and nutrition. She explains how these businesses are aided by public policies such as the wholesale privatization of government services and the political influence these industries wield over lawmakers and regulators. Supported by original investigative reporting on the lesser-known players profiting from the antipoverty industry, Poverty for Profit adds a crucial dimension to our understanding of how structural inequality and structural racism function today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>183</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anne Kim</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Poverty is big business in America. The federal government spends about $900 billion a year on programs that directly or disproportionately impact poor Americans, including antipoverty programs such as the earned income tax credit, Medicaid, and affordable housing vouchers and subsidies. States and local governments spend tens of billions more. 
Ironically, these enormous sums fuel the “corporate poverty complex,” a vast web of hidden industries and entrenched private-sector interests that profit from the bureaucracies regulating the lives of the poor. From bail bondsmen to dialysis providers to towing companies, their business models depend on exploiting low-income Americans, and their political influence ensures a thriving set of industries where everyone profits except the poor, while U.S. taxpayers foot the bill.
In Poverty for Profit: How Corporations Get Rich off America’s Poor (The New Press, 2024), veteran journalist Anne Kim investigates the multiple industries that infiltrate almost every aspect of the lives of the poor—health care, housing, criminal justice, and nutrition. She explains how these businesses are aided by public policies such as the wholesale privatization of government services and the political influence these industries wield over lawmakers and regulators. Supported by original investigative reporting on the lesser-known players profiting from the antipoverty industry, Poverty for Profit adds a crucial dimension to our understanding of how structural inequality and structural racism function today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Poverty is big business in America. The federal government spends about $900 billion a year on programs that directly or disproportionately impact poor Americans, including antipoverty programs such as the earned income tax credit, Medicaid, and affordable housing vouchers and subsidies. States and local governments spend tens of billions more. </p><p>Ironically, these enormous sums fuel the “corporate poverty complex,” a vast web of hidden industries and entrenched private-sector interests that profit from the bureaucracies regulating the lives of the poor. From bail bondsmen to dialysis providers to towing companies, their business models depend on exploiting low-income Americans, and their political influence ensures a thriving set of industries where everyone profits except the poor, while U.S. taxpayers foot the bill.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620977811"><em>Poverty for Profit: How Corporations Get Rich off America’s Poor</em></a> (The New Press, 2024), veteran journalist Anne Kim investigates the multiple industries that infiltrate almost every aspect of the lives of the poor—health care, housing, criminal justice, and nutrition. She explains how these businesses are aided by public policies such as the wholesale privatization of government services and the political influence these industries wield over lawmakers and regulators. Supported by original investigative reporting on the lesser-known players profiting from the antipoverty industry,<em> Poverty for Profit</em> adds a crucial dimension to our understanding of how structural inequality and structural racism function today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1699</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bea1414a-1de2-11ef-9633-eb5094611b77]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5240638208.mp3?updated=1717005087" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>M. Ramirez and D. Peterson, "Ignored Racism: White Animus Toward Latinos (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Although Latinos are now the largest non-majority group in the United States, existing research on white attitudes toward Latinos has focused almost exclusively on attitudes toward immigration. Ignored Racism: White Animus Toward Latinos (Cambridge University Press) changes that.
It argues that such accounts fundamentally underestimate the political power of whites' animus toward Latinos and thus miss how conflict extends well beyond immigration to issues such as voting rights, criminal punishment, policing, and which candidates to support.
Providing historical and cultural context and drawing on rich survey and experimental evidence, Mark Ramirez and David Peterson show that Latino racism-ethnicism (LRE) is a coherent belief system about Latinos that is conceptually and empirically distinct from other forms of out-group hostility, and from partisanship and ideology. Moreover, animus toward Latinos has become a powerful force in contemporary American politics, shaping white public opinion in elections and across a number of important issue areas - and resulting in policies that harm Latinos disproportionately.
Mark D. Ramirez is Associate Professor in the School of Politics and Global Studies at Arizona State University.
David A. M. Peterson is Professor and Whitaker-Lindgren Faculty Fellow in Political Science at Iowa State University.
David-James Gonzales (DJ) is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter @djgonzoPhD.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>71</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Ramirez and David Peterson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Although Latinos are now the largest non-majority group in the United States, existing research on white attitudes toward Latinos has focused almost exclusively on attitudes toward immigration. Ignored Racism: White Animus Toward Latinos (Cambridge University Press) changes that.
It argues that such accounts fundamentally underestimate the political power of whites' animus toward Latinos and thus miss how conflict extends well beyond immigration to issues such as voting rights, criminal punishment, policing, and which candidates to support.
Providing historical and cultural context and drawing on rich survey and experimental evidence, Mark Ramirez and David Peterson show that Latino racism-ethnicism (LRE) is a coherent belief system about Latinos that is conceptually and empirically distinct from other forms of out-group hostility, and from partisanship and ideology. Moreover, animus toward Latinos has become a powerful force in contemporary American politics, shaping white public opinion in elections and across a number of important issue areas - and resulting in policies that harm Latinos disproportionately.
Mark D. Ramirez is Associate Professor in the School of Politics and Global Studies at Arizona State University.
David A. M. Peterson is Professor and Whitaker-Lindgren Faculty Fellow in Political Science at Iowa State University.
David-James Gonzales (DJ) is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter @djgonzoPhD.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Although Latinos are now the largest non-majority group in the United States, existing research on white attitudes toward Latinos has focused almost exclusively on attitudes toward immigration. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108495325"><em>Ignored Racism: White Animus Toward Latinos</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press) changes that.</p><p>It argues that such accounts fundamentally underestimate the political power of whites' animus toward Latinos and thus miss how conflict extends well beyond immigration to issues such as voting rights, criminal punishment, policing, and which candidates to support.</p><p>Providing historical and cultural context and drawing on rich survey and experimental evidence, Mark Ramirez and David Peterson show that Latino racism-ethnicism (LRE) is a coherent belief system about Latinos that is conceptually and empirically distinct from other forms of out-group hostility, and from partisanship and ideology. Moreover, animus toward Latinos has become a powerful force in contemporary American politics, shaping white public opinion in elections and across a number of important issue areas - and resulting in policies that harm Latinos disproportionately.</p><p><a href="https://isearch.asu.edu/profile/283441">Mark D. Ramirez</a> is Associate Professor in the School of Politics and Global Studies at Arizona State University.</p><p><a href="https://www.pols.iastate.edu/directory/david-peterson/">David A. M. Peterson</a> is Professor and Whitaker-Lindgren Faculty Fellow in Political Science at Iowa State University.</p><p><a href="https://fhssfaculty.byu.edu/FacultyPage/djgonzo"><em>David-James Gonzales</em></a><em> (DJ) is Assistant Professor of History at Brigham Young University. He is a historian of migration, urbanization, and social movements in the U.S., and specializes in Latina/o/x politics and social movements. Follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/djgonzophd?lang=en"><em>@djgonzoPhD</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3574</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Social Acceptance of Inequality</title>
      <description>On this episode of International Horizons, Francesco Duina, Charles A. Dana Professor of Sociology at Bates College and Luca Storti, Associate Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Turin in Italy and a Research Fellow of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies, discuss the rise of inequalities around the globe and the divergent attitudes towards them since 1970. How can those inequalities be broken down? 
In this week’s episode, Duina and Storti preview their book-in-progress on The Social Acceptance of Inequality, and they examine four types of logic leading us to accept inequalities in today’s world. Not surprisingly, the concept of meritocracy plays a major role in our thinking about contemporary inequality, although perhaps more so in the United States than in Europe.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>147</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion of Francesco Duina and Luca Storti</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On this episode of International Horizons, Francesco Duina, Charles A. Dana Professor of Sociology at Bates College and Luca Storti, Associate Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Turin in Italy and a Research Fellow of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies, discuss the rise of inequalities around the globe and the divergent attitudes towards them since 1970. How can those inequalities be broken down? 
In this week’s episode, Duina and Storti preview their book-in-progress on The Social Acceptance of Inequality, and they examine four types of logic leading us to accept inequalities in today’s world. Not surprisingly, the concept of meritocracy plays a major role in our thinking about contemporary inequality, although perhaps more so in the United States than in Europe.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On this episode of International Horizons, Francesco Duina, Charles A. Dana Professor of Sociology at Bates College and Luca Storti, Associate Professor of Economic Sociology at the University of Turin in Italy and a Research Fellow of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies, discuss the rise of inequalities around the globe and the divergent attitudes towards them since 1970. How can those inequalities be broken down? </p><p>In this week’s episode, Duina and Storti preview their book-in-progress on <em>The Social Acceptance of Inequality</em>, and they examine four types of logic leading us to accept inequalities in today’s world. Not surprisingly, the concept of meritocracy plays a major role in our thinking about contemporary inequality, although perhaps more so in the United States than in Europe.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1921</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Vanessa Walker, "Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U.S. Human Rights Diplomacy" (Cornell UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Vanessa Walker's Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U. S. Human Rights Diplomacy (Cornell University Press, 2020) explores the relationship between policy makers and nongovernment advocates in Latin America and the United States government in order to explain the rise of anti-interventionist human rights policies uniquely critical of U.S. power during the Cold War. Walker shows that the new human rights policies of the 1970s were based on a complex dynamic of domestic and foreign considerations that was rife with tensions between the seats of power in the United States and Latin America, and the growing activist movement that sought to reform them. By addressing the development of U.S. diplomacy and politics alongside that of activist networks, especially in Chile and Argentina, Walker shows that Latin America was central to the policy assumptions that shaped the Carter administration's foreign policy agenda. The coup that ousted the socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, sparked new human rights advocacy as a direct result of U.S. policies that supported authoritarian regimes in the name of Cold War security interests. From 1973 onward, the attention of Washington and capitals around the globe turned to Latin America as the testing ground for the viability of a new paradigm for U.S. power. This approach, oriented around human rights, required collaboration among activists and state officials in places as diverse as Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Washington, DC. Principles in Power tells the complicated story of the potentials and limits of partnership between government and nongovernment actors. Analyzing how different groups deployed human rights language to reform domestic and international power, Walker explores the multiple and often conflicting purposes of U.S. human rights policy.
Jo Butterfield is the Advisor for the Human Rights Certificate offered by the University of Iowa Center for Human Rights and is an Adjunct Asst. Professor with the UI Department of History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>33</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Vanessa Walker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Vanessa Walker's Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U. S. Human Rights Diplomacy (Cornell University Press, 2020) explores the relationship between policy makers and nongovernment advocates in Latin America and the United States government in order to explain the rise of anti-interventionist human rights policies uniquely critical of U.S. power during the Cold War. Walker shows that the new human rights policies of the 1970s were based on a complex dynamic of domestic and foreign considerations that was rife with tensions between the seats of power in the United States and Latin America, and the growing activist movement that sought to reform them. By addressing the development of U.S. diplomacy and politics alongside that of activist networks, especially in Chile and Argentina, Walker shows that Latin America was central to the policy assumptions that shaped the Carter administration's foreign policy agenda. The coup that ousted the socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, sparked new human rights advocacy as a direct result of U.S. policies that supported authoritarian regimes in the name of Cold War security interests. From 1973 onward, the attention of Washington and capitals around the globe turned to Latin America as the testing ground for the viability of a new paradigm for U.S. power. This approach, oriented around human rights, required collaboration among activists and state officials in places as diverse as Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Washington, DC. Principles in Power tells the complicated story of the potentials and limits of partnership between government and nongovernment actors. Analyzing how different groups deployed human rights language to reform domestic and international power, Walker explores the multiple and often conflicting purposes of U.S. human rights policy.
Jo Butterfield is the Advisor for the Human Rights Certificate offered by the University of Iowa Center for Human Rights and is an Adjunct Asst. Professor with the UI Department of History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Vanessa Walker's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501713682"><em>Principles in Power: Latin America and the Politics of U. S. Human Rights Diplomacy</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell University Press, 2020) explores the relationship between policy makers and nongovernment advocates in Latin America and the United States government in order to explain the rise of anti-interventionist human rights policies uniquely critical of U.S. power during the Cold War. Walker shows that the new human rights policies of the 1970s were based on a complex dynamic of domestic and foreign considerations that was rife with tensions between the seats of power in the United States and Latin America, and the growing activist movement that sought to reform them. By addressing the development of U.S. diplomacy and politics alongside that of activist networks, especially in Chile and Argentina, Walker shows that Latin America was central to the policy assumptions that shaped the Carter administration's foreign policy agenda. The coup that ousted the socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, sparked new human rights advocacy as a direct result of U.S. policies that supported authoritarian regimes in the name of Cold War security interests. From 1973 onward, the attention of Washington and capitals around the globe turned to Latin America as the testing ground for the viability of a new paradigm for U.S. power. This approach, oriented around human rights, required collaboration among activists and state officials in places as diverse as Buenos Aires, Santiago, and Washington, DC. Principles in Power tells the complicated story of the potentials and limits of partnership between government and nongovernment actors. Analyzing how different groups deployed human rights language to reform domestic and international power, Walker explores the multiple and often conflicting purposes of U.S. human rights policy.</p><p><a href="https://clas.uiowa.edu/history/people/jo-butterfield"><em>Jo Butterfield</em></a><em> is the Advisor for the </em><a href="https://uichr.uiowa.edu/academics/certificate-human-rights"><em>Human Rights Certificate</em></a><em> offered by the </em><a href="https://uichr.uiowa.edu/"><em>University of Iowa Center for Human Rights</em></a><em> and is an Adjunct Asst. Professor with the UI Department of History.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3877</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Larry Roeder and Barry Harrelson, "Dirt Don't Burn: A Black Community's Struggle for Educational Equality Under Segregation" (Georgetown UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The system of educational apartheid that existed in the United States until the Brown v. Board of Education decision and its aftermath has affected every aspect of life for Black Americans.
Larry Roeder and Barry Harrelson's book Dirt Don't Burn: A Black Community's Struggle for Educational Equality Under Segregation (Georgetown UP, 2023) is the riveting narrative of an extraordinary community that overcame the cultural and legal hurdles of systematic racism. Dirt Don't Burn describes how Loudoun County, Virginia, which once denied educational opportunity to Black Americans, gradually increased the equality of education for all children in the area. The book includes powerful stories of the largely unknown individuals and organizations that brought change to enduring habits of exclusion and prejudice toward African Americans.
Dirt Don't Burn sheds new light on the history of segregation and inequity in American history. It provides new historical details and insights into African American experiences based on original research through thousands of previously lost records, archival NAACP files, and records of educational philanthropies. This book will appeal to readers interested in American history, African American history, and regional history, as well as educational policy and social justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>461</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Larry Roeder and Barry Harrelson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The system of educational apartheid that existed in the United States until the Brown v. Board of Education decision and its aftermath has affected every aspect of life for Black Americans.
Larry Roeder and Barry Harrelson's book Dirt Don't Burn: A Black Community's Struggle for Educational Equality Under Segregation (Georgetown UP, 2023) is the riveting narrative of an extraordinary community that overcame the cultural and legal hurdles of systematic racism. Dirt Don't Burn describes how Loudoun County, Virginia, which once denied educational opportunity to Black Americans, gradually increased the equality of education for all children in the area. The book includes powerful stories of the largely unknown individuals and organizations that brought change to enduring habits of exclusion and prejudice toward African Americans.
Dirt Don't Burn sheds new light on the history of segregation and inequity in American history. It provides new historical details and insights into African American experiences based on original research through thousands of previously lost records, archival NAACP files, and records of educational philanthropies. This book will appeal to readers interested in American history, African American history, and regional history, as well as educational policy and social justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The system of educational apartheid that existed in the United States until the Brown v. Board of Education decision and its aftermath has affected every aspect of life for Black Americans.</p><p>Larry Roeder and Barry Harrelson's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781647123635"><em>Dirt Don't Burn: A Black Community's Struggle for Educational Equality Under Segregation</em></a><em> </em>(Georgetown UP, 2023) is the riveting narrative of an extraordinary community that overcame the cultural and legal hurdles of systematic racism. <em>Dirt Don't Burn</em> describes how Loudoun County, Virginia, which once denied educational opportunity to Black Americans, gradually increased the equality of education for all children in the area. The book includes powerful stories of the largely unknown individuals and organizations that brought change to enduring habits of exclusion and prejudice toward African Americans.</p><p><em>Dirt Don't Burn</em> sheds new light on the history of segregation and inequity in American history. It provides new historical details and insights into African American experiences based on original research through thousands of previously lost records, archival NAACP files, and records of educational philanthropies. This book will appeal to readers interested in American history, African American history, and regional history, as well as educational policy and social justice.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3299</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Carola Binder, "Shock Values: Prices and Inflation in American Democracy" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>A sweeping history of the United States’ economy and politics, in Shock Values: Prices and Inflation in American Democracy (U Chicago Press, 2024), Carola Binder reveals how the American state has been shaped by a massive, ever-evolving effort to insulate its economy from the real and perceived dangers of price fluctuations. Carola Binder narrates how the pains of rising and falling prices have brought lasting changes for every generation of Americans. And with each brush with price instability, the United States has been reinvented—not as a more perfect union, but as a reflection of its most recent failures.
Shock Values tells the untold story of prices and price stabilization in the United States. Expansive and enlightening, Binder recounts the interest-group politics, legal battles, and economic ideas that have shaped a nation from the dawn of the republic to the present.
Carola Binder is Associate Professor and Chair of Economics at Haverford College. Twitter.
Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>102</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carola Binder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sweeping history of the United States’ economy and politics, in Shock Values: Prices and Inflation in American Democracy (U Chicago Press, 2024), Carola Binder reveals how the American state has been shaped by a massive, ever-evolving effort to insulate its economy from the real and perceived dangers of price fluctuations. Carola Binder narrates how the pains of rising and falling prices have brought lasting changes for every generation of Americans. And with each brush with price instability, the United States has been reinvented—not as a more perfect union, but as a reflection of its most recent failures.
Shock Values tells the untold story of prices and price stabilization in the United States. Expansive and enlightening, Binder recounts the interest-group politics, legal battles, and economic ideas that have shaped a nation from the dawn of the republic to the present.
Carola Binder is Associate Professor and Chair of Economics at Haverford College. Twitter.
Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sweeping history of the United States’ economy and politics, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226833095"><em>Shock Values: Prices and Inflation in American Democracy</em> </a>(U Chicago Press, 2024), Carola Binder reveals how the American state has been shaped by a massive, ever-evolving effort to insulate its economy from the real and perceived dangers of price fluctuations. Carola Binder narrates how the pains of rising and falling prices have brought lasting changes for every generation of Americans. And with each brush with price instability, the United States has been reinvented—not as a more perfect union, but as a reflection of its most recent failures.</p><p><em>Shock Values</em> tells the untold story of prices and price stabilization in the United States. Expansive and enlightening, Binder recounts the interest-group politics, legal battles, and economic ideas that have shaped a nation from the dawn of the republic to the present.</p><p>Carola Binder is Associate Professor and Chair of Economics at Haverford College. <a href="https://x.com/cconces?lang=en">Twitter</a>.</p><p><em>Brian Hamilton is chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. </em><a href="http://twitter.com/brianfhamilton"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>. </em><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/"><em>Website</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2630</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alan Jenkins and Gan Golan, "1/6, The Graphic Novel: What if the Attack on the U.S. Capitol had Succeeded?" (Sun Print Solutions, 2023)</title>
      <description>What if the January 6, 2021 Insurrection had been successful? A tale of what was, what could have been, and what still could be?
1/6: The Graphic Novel (Sun Print Solutions, 2023) chillingly illustrates how close we came to authoritarian rule in America and the threats to our democracy that we still face. In the tradition of speculative fiction from George Orwell’s 1984 to Margaret Atwood’s Handmaid’s Tale to the Twilight Zone, it explores themes of autocracy, scapegoating, strategic disinformation, and more, all told through a compelling, character-driven story.
Drawing on real-life events, 1/6 travels the road that led from back-room meetings, white supremacist rallies, and the Four Seasons Landscaping parking lot to a violent attack on the Capitol that left several Americans dead and shook our nation to its core.
It then imagines a world in which the events of that day turned out very differently.
1/6 is for lovers of graphic novels, lovers of speculative fiction, lovers of politics, and lovers of our democracy. It’s a story that demands our attention and calls on us to take action…while we still can.
Issue #1 of the 4-Issue Series is available on Amazon, Issuu, and in a print edition.
Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>16</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alan Jenkins and Gan Golan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What if the January 6, 2021 Insurrection had been successful? A tale of what was, what could have been, and what still could be?
1/6: The Graphic Novel (Sun Print Solutions, 2023) chillingly illustrates how close we came to authoritarian rule in America and the threats to our democracy that we still face. In the tradition of speculative fiction from George Orwell’s 1984 to Margaret Atwood’s Handmaid’s Tale to the Twilight Zone, it explores themes of autocracy, scapegoating, strategic disinformation, and more, all told through a compelling, character-driven story.
Drawing on real-life events, 1/6 travels the road that led from back-room meetings, white supremacist rallies, and the Four Seasons Landscaping parking lot to a violent attack on the Capitol that left several Americans dead and shook our nation to its core.
It then imagines a world in which the events of that day turned out very differently.
1/6 is for lovers of graphic novels, lovers of speculative fiction, lovers of politics, and lovers of our democracy. It’s a story that demands our attention and calls on us to take action…while we still can.
Issue #1 of the 4-Issue Series is available on Amazon, Issuu, and in a print edition.
Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What if the January 6, 2021 Insurrection had been successful? A tale of what was, what could have been, and what still could be?</p><p><em>1/6: The Graphic Novel</em> (Sun Print Solutions, 2023) chillingly illustrates how close we came to authoritarian rule in America and the threats to our democracy that we still face. In the tradition of speculative fiction from George Orwell’s 1984 to Margaret Atwood’s Handmaid’s Tale to the Twilight Zone, it explores themes of autocracy, scapegoating, strategic disinformation, and more, all told through a compelling, character-driven story.</p><p>Drawing on real-life events, 1/6 travels the road that led from back-room meetings, white supremacist rallies, and the Four Seasons Landscaping parking lot to a violent attack on the Capitol that left several Americans dead and shook our nation to its core.</p><p>It then imagines a world in which the events of that day turned out very differently.</p><p>1/6 is for lovers of graphic novels, lovers of speculative fiction, lovers of politics, and lovers of our democracy. It’s a story that demands our attention and calls on us to take action…while we still can.</p><p>Issue #1 of the 4-Issue Series is available on<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Graphic-Novel-Attack-Capitol-Succeeded-ebook/dp/B0BR4BVFGX"> Amazon</a>, <a href="https://issuu.com/onesixcomics/docs/onesixcomics_issue_01_20230104">Issuu</a>, and in a print edition.</p><p><em>Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Rights-Lives-Evolution-Struggle-Liberation/dp/0826506658/ref=sr_1_1?crid=294FH7OWIM8UU&amp;dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.5O9HuYnUNAjxobLe7Dufmta_qn-XIMKvhehoaymQxOHYTDG5VCIy2Kzh8wylCyZtMuUItxd468KUk75RCdz13yMPnRi-bwcLMNyjUFF9DbrmKJChilzJCL44LvHk0sjzznFUMCoGef7M3bzhMbRk-xs5v9DeOOs214IGx_qyyhLfZz5GLqaNZkpCYku6AsPsmSi1HE95-Us-ZRrNjnyPfE1Mo7iFobz9mzLM-KHz_fI.lDLnV0b05AgDclfLPGhrqnSmOFY_VxQOqN14ce58cBs&amp;dib_tag=se&amp;keywords=from+rights+to+lives+book&amp;qid=1711049289&amp;sprefix=from+rights+to+lives+boo%2Caps%2C117&amp;sr=8-1"><em>From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3351</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Marc C. Johnson, "Mansfield and Dirksen: Bipartisan Giants of the Senate" (U Oklahoma Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The U.S. Senate is so sharply polarized along partisan and ideological lines today that it's easy to believe it was always this way. But in the turbulent 1960s, even as battles over civil rights and the war in Vietnam dominated American politics, bipartisanship often prevailed. One key reason: two remarkable leaders who remain giants of the Senate--Republican leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois and Democratic leader Mike Mansfield of Montana, the longest-serving majority leader in Senate history, so revered for his integrity, fairness, and modesty that the late Washington Post reporter David Broder called him "the greatest American I ever met." The political and personal relationship of these party leaders, extraordinary by today's standards, is the lens through which Marc C. Johnson examines in Mansfield and Dirksen: Bipartisan Giants of the Senate (U Oklahoma Press, 2023).
Working together, with the Democrat often ceding public leadership to his Republican counterpart, Mansfield and Dirksen passed landmark civil rights and voting rights legislation, created Medicare, and helped bring about a foundational nuclear arms limitation treaty. The two leaders could not have been more different in personality and style: Mansfield, a laconic, soft-spoken, almost shy college history professor, and Dirksen, an aspiring actor known for his flamboyance and sense of humor, dubbed the "Wizard of Ooze" by reporters. Drawing on extensive Senate archives, Johnson explores the congressional careers of these iconic leaders, their intimate relationships with Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, and their own close professional friendship based on respect, candor, and mutual affection.
A study of politics but also an analysis of different approaches to leadership, this is a portrait of a U.S. Senate that no longer exists--one in which two leaders, while exercising partisan political responsibilities, could still come together to pass groundbreaking legislation--and a reminder of what is possible.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>259</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marc C. Johnson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The U.S. Senate is so sharply polarized along partisan and ideological lines today that it's easy to believe it was always this way. But in the turbulent 1960s, even as battles over civil rights and the war in Vietnam dominated American politics, bipartisanship often prevailed. One key reason: two remarkable leaders who remain giants of the Senate--Republican leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois and Democratic leader Mike Mansfield of Montana, the longest-serving majority leader in Senate history, so revered for his integrity, fairness, and modesty that the late Washington Post reporter David Broder called him "the greatest American I ever met." The political and personal relationship of these party leaders, extraordinary by today's standards, is the lens through which Marc C. Johnson examines in Mansfield and Dirksen: Bipartisan Giants of the Senate (U Oklahoma Press, 2023).
Working together, with the Democrat often ceding public leadership to his Republican counterpart, Mansfield and Dirksen passed landmark civil rights and voting rights legislation, created Medicare, and helped bring about a foundational nuclear arms limitation treaty. The two leaders could not have been more different in personality and style: Mansfield, a laconic, soft-spoken, almost shy college history professor, and Dirksen, an aspiring actor known for his flamboyance and sense of humor, dubbed the "Wizard of Ooze" by reporters. Drawing on extensive Senate archives, Johnson explores the congressional careers of these iconic leaders, their intimate relationships with Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, and their own close professional friendship based on respect, candor, and mutual affection.
A study of politics but also an analysis of different approaches to leadership, this is a portrait of a U.S. Senate that no longer exists--one in which two leaders, while exercising partisan political responsibilities, could still come together to pass groundbreaking legislation--and a reminder of what is possible.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The U.S. Senate is so sharply polarized along partisan and ideological lines today that it's easy to believe it was always this way. But in the turbulent 1960s, even as battles over civil rights and the war in Vietnam dominated American politics, bipartisanship often prevailed. One key reason: two remarkable leaders who remain giants of the Senate--Republican leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois and Democratic leader Mike Mansfield of Montana, the longest-serving majority leader in Senate history, so revered for his integrity, fairness, and modesty that the late <em>Washington Post</em> reporter David Broder called him "the greatest American I ever met." The political and personal relationship of these party leaders, extraordinary by today's standards, is the lens through which Marc C. Johnson examines in<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780806192697"><em>Mansfield and Dirksen: Bipartisan Giants of the Senate</em></a> (U Oklahoma Press, 2023).</p><p>Working together, with the Democrat often ceding public leadership to his Republican counterpart, Mansfield and Dirksen passed landmark civil rights and voting rights legislation, created Medicare, and helped bring about a foundational nuclear arms limitation treaty. The two leaders could not have been more different in personality and style: Mansfield, a laconic, soft-spoken, almost shy college history professor, and Dirksen, an aspiring actor known for his flamboyance and sense of humor, dubbed the "Wizard of Ooze" by reporters. Drawing on extensive Senate archives, Johnson explores the congressional careers of these iconic leaders, their intimate relationships with Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, and their own close professional friendship based on respect, candor, and mutual affection.</p><p>A study of politics but also an analysis of different approaches to leadership, this is a portrait of a U.S. Senate that no longer exists--one in which two leaders, while exercising partisan political responsibilities, could still come together to pass groundbreaking legislation--and a reminder of what is possible.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3907</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Reiman and Paul Leighton, "The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>For 40 years, this classic text has taken the issue of economic inequality seriously and asked: Why are our prisons filled with the poor? Why aren't the tools of the criminal justice system being used to protect Americans from predatory business practices and to punish well-off people who cause widespread harm? 
This new edition continues to engage readers in important exercises of critical thinking: Why has the U.S. relied so heavily on tough crime policies despite evidence of their limited effectiveness, and how much of the decline in crime rates can be attributed to them? Why does the U.S. have such a high crime rate compared to other developed nations, and what could we do about it? Are the morally blameworthy harms of the rich and poor equally translated into criminal laws that protect the public from harms on the streets and harms from the suites? How much class bias is present in the criminal justice system-both when the rich and poor engage in the same act, and when the rich use their leadership of corporations to perpetrate mass victimization? 
The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison (Routledge, 2023) shows readers that much of what goes on in the criminal justice system violates citizens' sense of basic fairness. It presents extensive evidence from mainstream data that the criminal justice system does not function in the way it says it does nor in the way that readers believe it should.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>182</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul Leighton</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For 40 years, this classic text has taken the issue of economic inequality seriously and asked: Why are our prisons filled with the poor? Why aren't the tools of the criminal justice system being used to protect Americans from predatory business practices and to punish well-off people who cause widespread harm? 
This new edition continues to engage readers in important exercises of critical thinking: Why has the U.S. relied so heavily on tough crime policies despite evidence of their limited effectiveness, and how much of the decline in crime rates can be attributed to them? Why does the U.S. have such a high crime rate compared to other developed nations, and what could we do about it? Are the morally blameworthy harms of the rich and poor equally translated into criminal laws that protect the public from harms on the streets and harms from the suites? How much class bias is present in the criminal justice system-both when the rich and poor engage in the same act, and when the rich use their leadership of corporations to perpetrate mass victimization? 
The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison (Routledge, 2023) shows readers that much of what goes on in the criminal justice system violates citizens' sense of basic fairness. It presents extensive evidence from mainstream data that the criminal justice system does not function in the way it says it does nor in the way that readers believe it should.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For 40 years, this classic text has taken the issue of economic inequality seriously and asked: Why are our prisons filled with the poor? Why aren't the tools of the criminal justice system being used to protect Americans from predatory business practices and to punish well-off people who cause widespread harm? </p><p>This new edition continues to engage readers in important exercises of critical thinking: Why has the U.S. relied so heavily on tough crime policies despite evidence of their limited effectiveness, and how much of the decline in crime rates can be attributed to them? Why does the U.S. have such a high crime rate compared to other developed nations, and what could we do about it? Are the morally blameworthy harms of the rich and poor equally translated into criminal laws that protect the public from harms on the streets and harms from the suites? How much class bias is present in the criminal justice system-both when the rich and poor engage in the same act, and when the rich use their leadership of corporations to perpetrate mass victimization? </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032437521"><em>The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison</em></a> (Routledge, 2023) shows readers that much of what goes on in the criminal justice system violates citizens' sense of basic fairness. It presents extensive evidence from mainstream data that the criminal justice system does not function in the way it says it does nor in the way that readers believe it should.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2194</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Dmitry Grozoubinski, "Why Politicians Lie About Trade...How, and What You Need to Know" (Canbury Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In November, it will be 25 years since the Battle of Seattle – the summit and street fight that marked the end of a half-century of ever-broadening global trade negotiations. Between 2013 and 2016, the same “anti-globalisation” movement sank a US-EU bid to build a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership but it wasn’t until 2016 – with the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump’s election as president – that the postwar trade liberalisation process threatened to go into reverse.
With his trade expertise and a voice made for Twitter, Dmitry Grozoubinski was – as he admits in Why Politicians Lie About Trade: … and What You Need to Know About It (Canbury Press, 2024) - “in the right place at the right time with the right credentials to stand in front of the firehose of bullshit that was the public debate around trade policy in the late 2010s and cry: ‘um, no, that's not how that works".
Executive director of the Geneva Trade Platform and founder of ExplainTrade, Grozoubinski was once an Australian diplomat who negotiated trade agreements in Geneva at the World Trade Organization. Before joining the Australian civil service, he taught at the Monash Graduate School of Business, where he took his Masters in Diplomacy and Trade.
*The author's book recommendations are The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization by Richard Baldwin (Harvard University Press, 2019) and The Art of Explanation: How to Communicate with Clarity and Confidence by Ros Atkins (Wildfire, 2023).
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>151</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dmitry Grozoubinski</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In November, it will be 25 years since the Battle of Seattle – the summit and street fight that marked the end of a half-century of ever-broadening global trade negotiations. Between 2013 and 2016, the same “anti-globalisation” movement sank a US-EU bid to build a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership but it wasn’t until 2016 – with the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump’s election as president – that the postwar trade liberalisation process threatened to go into reverse.
With his trade expertise and a voice made for Twitter, Dmitry Grozoubinski was – as he admits in Why Politicians Lie About Trade: … and What You Need to Know About It (Canbury Press, 2024) - “in the right place at the right time with the right credentials to stand in front of the firehose of bullshit that was the public debate around trade policy in the late 2010s and cry: ‘um, no, that's not how that works".
Executive director of the Geneva Trade Platform and founder of ExplainTrade, Grozoubinski was once an Australian diplomat who negotiated trade agreements in Geneva at the World Trade Organization. Before joining the Australian civil service, he taught at the Monash Graduate School of Business, where he took his Masters in Diplomacy and Trade.
*The author's book recommendations are The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization by Richard Baldwin (Harvard University Press, 2019) and The Art of Explanation: How to Communicate with Clarity and Confidence by Ros Atkins (Wildfire, 2023).
Tim Gwynn Jones is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the twenty4two newsletter on Substack.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In November, it will be 25 years since the Battle of Seattle – the summit and street fight that marked the end of a half-century of ever-broadening global trade negotiations. Between 2013 and 2016, the same “anti-globalisation” movement sank a US-EU bid to build a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership but it wasn’t until 2016 – with the Brexit referendum and Donald Trump’s election as president – that the postwar trade liberalisation process threatened to go into reverse.</p><p>With his trade expertise and a voice made for Twitter, Dmitry Grozoubinski was – as he admits in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781914487118"><em>Why Politicians Lie About Trade: … and What You Need to Know About It</em></a> (Canbury Press, 2024) - “in the right place at the right time with the right credentials to stand in front of the firehose of bullshit that was the public debate around trade policy in the late 2010s and cry: ‘um, no, that's not how that works".</p><p>Executive director of the Geneva Trade Platform and founder of ExplainTrade, Grozoubinski was once an Australian diplomat who negotiated trade agreements in Geneva at the World Trade Organization. Before joining the Australian civil service, he taught at the Monash Graduate School of Business, where he took his Masters in Diplomacy and Trade.</p><p>*The author's <a href="https://timgwynnjones.medium.com/writers-writers-684e06f16315">book recommendations</a> are <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/the-great-convergence-information-technology-and-the-new-globalization-richard-baldwin/1477345?ean=9780674237841">The Great Convergence: Information Technology and the New Globalization</a> by Richard Baldwin (Harvard University Press, 2019) and <a href="https://uk.bookshop.org/p/books/the-art-of-explanation-how-to-communicate-with-clarity-and-confidence-ros-atkins/7647740?ean=9781472298416">The Art of Explanation: How to Communicate with Clarity and Confidence</a> by Ros Atkins (Wildfire, 2023).</p><p><a href="https://www.clippings.me/timgwynnjones">Tim Gwynn Jones</a> is an economic and political-risk analyst at Medley Advisors, who also writes the <a href="https://twentyfourtwo.substack.com/">twenty4two</a> newsletter on Substack.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2991</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Mark Moyar, "Triumph Regained: The Vietnam War, 1965-1968" (Encounter, 2023)</title>
      <description>Triumph Regained: The Vietnam War, 1965-1968 (Encounter, 2023) is the long-awaited sequel to the immensely influential Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954-1965. Like its predecessor, this book overturns the conventional wisdom using a treasure trove of new sources, many of them from the North Vietnamese side. Rejecting the standard depiction of U.S. military intervention as a hopeless folly, it shows America's war to have been a strategic necessity that could have ended victoriously had President Lyndon Johnson heeded the advice of his generals. In light of Johnson's refusal to use American ground forces beyond South Vietnam, General William Westmoreland employed the best military strategy available. Once the White House loosened the restraints on Operation Rolling Thunder, American bombing inflicted far greater damage on the North Vietnamese supply system than has been previously understood, and it nearly compelled North Vietnam to capitulate. 
The book demonstrates that American military operations enabled the South Vietnamese government to recover from the massive instability that followed the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem. American culture sustained public support for the war through the end of 1968, giving South Vietnam realistic hopes for long-term survival. America's defense of South Vietnam averted the imminent fall of key Asian nations to Communism and sowed strife inside the Communist camp, to the long-term detriment of America's great-power rivals, China and the Soviet Union.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>239</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Moyar</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Triumph Regained: The Vietnam War, 1965-1968 (Encounter, 2023) is the long-awaited sequel to the immensely influential Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954-1965. Like its predecessor, this book overturns the conventional wisdom using a treasure trove of new sources, many of them from the North Vietnamese side. Rejecting the standard depiction of U.S. military intervention as a hopeless folly, it shows America's war to have been a strategic necessity that could have ended victoriously had President Lyndon Johnson heeded the advice of his generals. In light of Johnson's refusal to use American ground forces beyond South Vietnam, General William Westmoreland employed the best military strategy available. Once the White House loosened the restraints on Operation Rolling Thunder, American bombing inflicted far greater damage on the North Vietnamese supply system than has been previously understood, and it nearly compelled North Vietnam to capitulate. 
The book demonstrates that American military operations enabled the South Vietnamese government to recover from the massive instability that followed the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem. American culture sustained public support for the war through the end of 1968, giving South Vietnam realistic hopes for long-term survival. America's defense of South Vietnam averted the imminent fall of key Asian nations to Communism and sowed strife inside the Communist camp, to the long-term detriment of America's great-power rivals, China and the Soviet Union.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641772976"><em>Triumph Regained: The Vietnam War, 1965-1968</em></a> (Encounter, 2023) is the long-awaited sequel to the immensely influential <em>Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954-1965</em>. Like its predecessor, this book overturns the conventional wisdom using a treasure trove of new sources, many of them from the North Vietnamese side. Rejecting the standard depiction of U.S. military intervention as a hopeless folly, it shows America's war to have been a strategic necessity that could have ended victoriously had President Lyndon Johnson heeded the advice of his generals. In light of Johnson's refusal to use American ground forces beyond South Vietnam, General William Westmoreland employed the best military strategy available. Once the White House loosened the restraints on Operation Rolling Thunder, American bombing inflicted far greater damage on the North Vietnamese supply system than has been previously understood, and it nearly compelled North Vietnam to capitulate. </p><p>The book demonstrates that American military operations enabled the South Vietnamese government to recover from the massive instability that followed the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem. American culture sustained public support for the war through the end of 1968, giving South Vietnam realistic hopes for long-term survival. America's defense of South Vietnam averted the imminent fall of key Asian nations to Communism and sowed strife inside the Communist camp, to the long-term detriment of America's great-power rivals, China and the Soviet Union.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1399</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dde5b020-16eb-11ef-b356-fbd02cea82e8]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Danielle R. Olden, "Racial Uncertainties: Mexican Americans, School Desegregation, and the Making of Race in Post–Civil Rights America" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Mexican Americans have often fit uncertainly into the white/non-white binary that has goverens much of American history. After Colorado, and much of the rest of the American West, became American claimed territory after the Mexican-Americna War in 1848, thousands of formerly Mexican citizens became American citizens. Flash foward a century to post-war Denver. In the spring of 1969, Mexican American students staged a walk out in protest of poor quality education, racist teachers, and school segregation - they were met by police in riot gear, to beat and arrested dozens of peaceful protestors. Denver thus became ground zero for debates over race in the American West, a city as important to conceptions of whiteness, "minority" status, and colorblindness as any place in the South.
In the award winning book, Racial Uncertainties: Mexican Americans, School Desegregation, and the Making of Race in Post-Civil Rights America (U California Press, 2022), University of Utah historian Danielle Olden tracks the history of Chicano, Latinx, and Mexican American identities through Denver's history, focusing on the lead up to the 1973 Supreme Court case, Keyes v. Denver School District No. 1. Olden tracks the remarkable and complicated story of that city's Chicano, Black, and white communities through the halting process of school desegregation, and in doing so provides an explemary lesson in the social mutability of the concept of race.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>161</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Danielle R. Olden</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mexican Americans have often fit uncertainly into the white/non-white binary that has goverens much of American history. After Colorado, and much of the rest of the American West, became American claimed territory after the Mexican-Americna War in 1848, thousands of formerly Mexican citizens became American citizens. Flash foward a century to post-war Denver. In the spring of 1969, Mexican American students staged a walk out in protest of poor quality education, racist teachers, and school segregation - they were met by police in riot gear, to beat and arrested dozens of peaceful protestors. Denver thus became ground zero for debates over race in the American West, a city as important to conceptions of whiteness, "minority" status, and colorblindness as any place in the South.
In the award winning book, Racial Uncertainties: Mexican Americans, School Desegregation, and the Making of Race in Post-Civil Rights America (U California Press, 2022), University of Utah historian Danielle Olden tracks the history of Chicano, Latinx, and Mexican American identities through Denver's history, focusing on the lead up to the 1973 Supreme Court case, Keyes v. Denver School District No. 1. Olden tracks the remarkable and complicated story of that city's Chicano, Black, and white communities through the halting process of school desegregation, and in doing so provides an explemary lesson in the social mutability of the concept of race.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mexican Americans have often fit uncertainly into the white/non-white binary that has goverens much of American history. After Colorado, and much of the rest of the American West, became American claimed territory after the Mexican-Americna War in 1848, thousands of formerly Mexican citizens became American citizens. Flash foward a century to post-war Denver. In the spring of 1969, Mexican American students staged a walk out in protest of poor quality education, racist teachers, and school segregation - they were met by police in riot gear, to beat and arrested dozens of peaceful protestors. Denver thus became ground zero for debates over race in the American West, a city as important to conceptions of whiteness, "minority" status, and colorblindness as any place in the South.</p><p>In the award winning book,<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520343351"> <em>Racial Uncertainties: Mexican Americans, School Desegregation, and the Making of Race in Post-Civil Rights America</em> </a>(U California Press, 2022), University of Utah historian Danielle Olden tracks the history of Chicano, Latinx, and Mexican American identities through Denver's history, focusing on the lead up to the 1973 Supreme Court case, Keyes v. Denver School District No. 1. Olden tracks the remarkable and complicated story of that city's Chicano, Black, and white communities through the halting process of school desegregation, and in doing so provides an explemary lesson in the social mutability of the concept of race.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4917</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld, "The Hollow Parties: The Many Pasts and Disordered Present of American Party Politics" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The Hollow Parties: The Many Pasts and Disordered Present of American Party Politics (Princeton UP, 2024) traces the political history of American political parties, not so much as historical institutions with different constituents—though it does that—but as living and breathing entities that have, over the course of more than 200 years, been, at times, vitally engaged with politics. The role of parties in the political system is to work in an organized way to get control of government and to connect electoral actors with the power to do things within the governmental system. Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld dive into all kinds of archival data and information to get at the records and comments of party stalwarts, not just presidents or elected officials often associated with the parties. They were looking to see how the folks who were inside the parties, or parts of the parties, thought about the parties themselves and their work in them. Some of this is well-trodden ground, but much of the political history in The Hollow Parties really fleshes out much more of the daily engagement among party members and how they made American political parties work and thus how they made American politics work. But part of the story is also that the parties did not and do not always work the same in tandem. In fact, according to the examples laced throughout the book, often times one party, say a dominant party like the Republican Party during and after the Civil War, or the Democratic Party in the post-war period, operated differently and was structured differently than its opposition.
The underlying thesis of The Hollow Parties is that while the political parties at the moment, at this time of high polarization, may seem to be vessels of ideology antagonistic to stable democracy, in fact, we need parties to be vitally engaged in politics, as they have been in the past. Scholzman and Rosenfeld also note that the current polarized era has produced different outcomes in the ways the parties operate: for the Democrats, they become ineffectual; for the Republicans, they have become extremists. The Hollow Parties explains that it may currently feel as if the parties are hollow, especially on the Right where so many other entities have come into the space that had belonged to the party itself. But that the way to stem the crisis in democracy in the United States is for the parties to re-establish themselves as functional political institutions working with and in the formal components of the American political system. The Hollow Parties explains a kind of typology of how the parties in the United States operate and that at different times, each party has embodied different strands within this typology. This is a useful and important framework to consider how American political parties function and how these different strands aim towards different forms of operation and different goals.
Finally, this book is beautifully written, marrying archival information with contemporary examples and whisking the reader along on a fascinating and revealing ride through American political development. The Hollow Parties focuses on American political parties but can’t help but enlighten the reader about American history and current political developments that are all directly connected to past party activities and political history.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>716</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Hollow Parties: The Many Pasts and Disordered Present of American Party Politics (Princeton UP, 2024) traces the political history of American political parties, not so much as historical institutions with different constituents—though it does that—but as living and breathing entities that have, over the course of more than 200 years, been, at times, vitally engaged with politics. The role of parties in the political system is to work in an organized way to get control of government and to connect electoral actors with the power to do things within the governmental system. Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld dive into all kinds of archival data and information to get at the records and comments of party stalwarts, not just presidents or elected officials often associated with the parties. They were looking to see how the folks who were inside the parties, or parts of the parties, thought about the parties themselves and their work in them. Some of this is well-trodden ground, but much of the political history in The Hollow Parties really fleshes out much more of the daily engagement among party members and how they made American political parties work and thus how they made American politics work. But part of the story is also that the parties did not and do not always work the same in tandem. In fact, according to the examples laced throughout the book, often times one party, say a dominant party like the Republican Party during and after the Civil War, or the Democratic Party in the post-war period, operated differently and was structured differently than its opposition.
The underlying thesis of The Hollow Parties is that while the political parties at the moment, at this time of high polarization, may seem to be vessels of ideology antagonistic to stable democracy, in fact, we need parties to be vitally engaged in politics, as they have been in the past. Scholzman and Rosenfeld also note that the current polarized era has produced different outcomes in the ways the parties operate: for the Democrats, they become ineffectual; for the Republicans, they have become extremists. The Hollow Parties explains that it may currently feel as if the parties are hollow, especially on the Right where so many other entities have come into the space that had belonged to the party itself. But that the way to stem the crisis in democracy in the United States is for the parties to re-establish themselves as functional political institutions working with and in the formal components of the American political system. The Hollow Parties explains a kind of typology of how the parties in the United States operate and that at different times, each party has embodied different strands within this typology. This is a useful and important framework to consider how American political parties function and how these different strands aim towards different forms of operation and different goals.
Finally, this book is beautifully written, marrying archival information with contemporary examples and whisking the reader along on a fascinating and revealing ride through American political development. The Hollow Parties focuses on American political parties but can’t help but enlighten the reader about American history and current political developments that are all directly connected to past party activities and political history.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691248554"><em>The Hollow Parties: The Many Pasts and Disordered Present of American Party Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024) traces the political history of American political parties, not so much as historical institutions with different constituents—though it does that—but as living and breathing entities that have, over the course of more than 200 years, been, at times, vitally engaged with politics. The role of parties in the political system is to work in an organized way to get control of government and to connect electoral actors with the power to do things within the governmental system. Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld dive into all kinds of archival data and information to get at the records and comments of party stalwarts, not just presidents or elected officials often associated with the parties. They were looking to see how the folks who were inside the parties, or parts of the parties, thought about the parties themselves and their work in them. Some of this is well-trodden ground, but much of the political history in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691248554"><em>The Hollow Parties</em></a> really fleshes out much more of the daily engagement among party members and how they made American political parties work and thus how they made American politics work. But part of the story is also that the parties did not and do not always work the same in tandem. In fact, according to the examples laced throughout the book, often times one party, say a dominant party like the Republican Party during and after the Civil War, or the Democratic Party in the post-war period, operated differently and was structured differently than its opposition.</p><p>The underlying thesis of <em>The Hollow Parties</em> is that while the political parties at the moment, at this time of high polarization, may seem to be vessels of ideology antagonistic to stable democracy, in fact, we need parties to be vitally engaged in politics, as they have been in the past. Scholzman and Rosenfeld also note that the current polarized era has produced different outcomes in the ways the parties operate: for the Democrats, they become ineffectual; for the Republicans, they have become extremists. <em>The Hollow Parties</em> explains that it may currently feel as if the parties are hollow, especially on the Right where so many other entities have come into the space that had belonged to the party itself. But that the way to stem the crisis in democracy in the United States is for the parties to re-establish themselves as functional political institutions working with and in the formal components of the American political system. <em>The Hollow Parties</em> explains a kind of typology of how the parties in the United States operate and that at different times, each party has embodied different strands within this typology. This is a useful and important framework to consider how American political parties function and how these different strands aim towards different forms of operation and different goals.</p><p>Finally, this book is beautifully written, marrying archival information with contemporary examples and whisking the reader along on a fascinating and revealing ride through American political development. <em>The Hollow Parties</em> focuses on American political parties but can’t help but enlighten the reader about American history and current political developments that are all directly connected to past party activities and political history.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3554</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Raven Simone Maragh-Lloyd, "Black Networked Resistance: Strategic Rearticulations in the Digital Age" (U California Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Black Networked Resistance: Strategic Rearticulations in the Digital Age (U California Press, 2024)​ explores the creative range of Black digital users and their responses to varying forms of oppression, utilizing cultural, communicative, political, and technological threads both on and offline. 
Raven Maragh-Lloyd demonstrates how Black users strategically rearticulate their responses to oppression in ways that highlight Black publics’ historically rich traditions and reveal the shifting nature of both dominance and resistance, particularly in the digital age. Through case studies and interviews, Maragh-Lloyd reveals the malleable ways resistance can take shape and the ways Black users artfully demonstrate such modifications of resistance through strategies of survival, reprieve, and community online. Each chapter grounds itself in a resistance strategy, such as Black humor, care, or archiving, to show the ways that Black publics reshape strategies of resistance over time and across media platforms. 
Linking singular digital resistance movements while arguing for Black publics as strategic content creators who connect resistance strategies from our past to suit our present needs, Black Networked Resistance encourages readers to create and cultivate lasting communities necessary for social and political change by imagining a future of joy, community, and agency through their digital media practices.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 19 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>135</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Raven Simone Maragh-Lloyd</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Black Networked Resistance: Strategic Rearticulations in the Digital Age (U California Press, 2024)​ explores the creative range of Black digital users and their responses to varying forms of oppression, utilizing cultural, communicative, political, and technological threads both on and offline. 
Raven Maragh-Lloyd demonstrates how Black users strategically rearticulate their responses to oppression in ways that highlight Black publics’ historically rich traditions and reveal the shifting nature of both dominance and resistance, particularly in the digital age. Through case studies and interviews, Maragh-Lloyd reveals the malleable ways resistance can take shape and the ways Black users artfully demonstrate such modifications of resistance through strategies of survival, reprieve, and community online. Each chapter grounds itself in a resistance strategy, such as Black humor, care, or archiving, to show the ways that Black publics reshape strategies of resistance over time and across media platforms. 
Linking singular digital resistance movements while arguing for Black publics as strategic content creators who connect resistance strategies from our past to suit our present needs, Black Networked Resistance encourages readers to create and cultivate lasting communities necessary for social and political change by imagining a future of joy, community, and agency through their digital media practices.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520390034"><em>Black Networked Resistance: Strategic Rearticulations in the Digital Age</em></a><em> </em>(U California Press, 2024)​ explores the creative range of Black digital users and their responses to varying forms of oppression, utilizing cultural, communicative, political, and technological threads both on and offline. </p><p>Raven Maragh-Lloyd demonstrates how Black users strategically rearticulate their responses to oppression in ways that highlight Black publics’ historically rich traditions and reveal the shifting nature of both dominance and resistance, particularly in the digital age. Through case studies and interviews, Maragh-Lloyd reveals the malleable ways resistance can take shape and the ways Black users artfully demonstrate such modifications of resistance through strategies of survival, reprieve, and community online. Each chapter grounds itself in a resistance strategy, such as Black humor, care, or archiving, to show the ways that Black publics reshape strategies of resistance over time and across media platforms. </p><p>Linking singular digital resistance movements while arguing for Black publics as strategic content creators who connect resistance strategies from our past to suit our present needs, <em>Black Networked Resistance</em> encourages readers to create and cultivate lasting communities necessary for social and political change by imagining a future of joy, community, and agency through their digital media practices.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3436</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kunal M. Parker, "The Turn to Process: American Legal, Political, and Economic Thought, 1870-1970" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In The Turn to Process: American Legal, Political, and Economic Thought, 1870-1970 (Cambridge University Press, 2023), Kunal M. Parker explores the massive reorientation of American legal, political, and economic thinking between 1870 and 1970. Over this period, American conceptions of law, democracy, and markets went from being oriented around truths, ends, and foundations to being oriented around methods, processes, and techniques. No longer viewed as founded in justice and morality, law became a way of doing things centered around legal procedure. Shedding its foundations in the 'people,' democracy became a technique of governance consisting of an endless process of interacting groups. Liberating themselves from the truths of labor, markets and market actors became intellectual and political techniques without necessary grounding in the reality of human behavior. Contrasting nineteenth and twentieth century legal, political, and economic thought, this book situates this transformation in the philosophical crisis of modernism and the rise of the administrative state.
Kunal M. Parker is a Professor of Law and Dean's Distinguished Scholar at the University of Miami.
Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>211</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kunal M. Parker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Turn to Process: American Legal, Political, and Economic Thought, 1870-1970 (Cambridge University Press, 2023), Kunal M. Parker explores the massive reorientation of American legal, political, and economic thinking between 1870 and 1970. Over this period, American conceptions of law, democracy, and markets went from being oriented around truths, ends, and foundations to being oriented around methods, processes, and techniques. No longer viewed as founded in justice and morality, law became a way of doing things centered around legal procedure. Shedding its foundations in the 'people,' democracy became a technique of governance consisting of an endless process of interacting groups. Liberating themselves from the truths of labor, markets and market actors became intellectual and political techniques without necessary grounding in the reality of human behavior. Contrasting nineteenth and twentieth century legal, political, and economic thought, this book situates this transformation in the philosophical crisis of modernism and the rise of the administrative state.
Kunal M. Parker is a Professor of Law and Dean's Distinguished Scholar at the University of Miami.
Caleb Zakarin is editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009335232"><em>The Turn to Process: American Legal, Political, and Economic Thought, 1870-1970</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge University Press, 2023), Kunal M. Parker explores the massive reorientation of American legal, political, and economic thinking between 1870 and 1970. Over this period, American conceptions of law, democracy, and markets went from being oriented around truths, ends, and foundations to being oriented around methods, processes, and techniques. No longer viewed as founded in justice and morality, law became a way of doing things centered around legal procedure. Shedding its foundations in the 'people,' democracy became a technique of governance consisting of an endless process of interacting groups. Liberating themselves from the truths of labor, markets and market actors became intellectual and political techniques without necessary grounding in the reality of human behavior. Contrasting nineteenth and twentieth century legal, political, and economic thought, this book situates this transformation in the philosophical crisis of modernism and the rise of the administrative state.</p><p>Kunal M. Parker is a Professor of Law and Dean's Distinguished Scholar at the University of Miami.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin</em> is editor of the New Books Network.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3727</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth O’Brien Ingleson, "Made in China: When US-China Interests Converged to Transform Global Trade" (Harvard UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>For centuries, the vastness of the Chinese market tempted foreign companies in search of customers. But in the 1970s, when the United States and China ended two decades of Cold War isolation, China’s trade relations veered in a very different direction. In Made in China: When US-China Interests Converged to Transform Global Trade (Harvard University Press, 2024) Dr. Elizabeth Ingleson shows how the interests of US business and the Chinese state aligned to reframe the China market: the old dream of plentiful customers gave way to a new vision of low-cost workers by the hundreds of millions. In the process, the world’s largest communist state became an indispensable component of global capitalism.
Drawing on Chinese- and English-language sources, including previously unexplored corporate papers, Ingleson traces this transformation to the actions of Chinese policymakers, US diplomats, maverick entrepreneurs, Chinese American traders, and executives from major US corporations including Boeing, Westinghouse, J. C. Penney, and Chase Manhattan Bank. Long before Walmart and Apple came to China, businesspeople such as Veronica Yhap, Han Fanyu, Suzanne Reynolds, and David Rockefeller instigated a trade revolution with lasting consequences. And while China’s economic reorganisation was essential to these connections, Ingleson also highlights an underappreciated but crucial element of the convergence: the US corporate push for deindustrialization and its embrace by politicians.
Reexamining two of the most significant transformations of the 1970s—US-China rapprochement and deindustrialization in the United States—Made in China takes bilateral trade back to its faltering, uncertain beginnings, identifying the tectonic shifts in diplomacy, labor, business, and politics in both countries that laid the foundations of today’s globalized economy.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>101</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth O’Brien Ingleson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For centuries, the vastness of the Chinese market tempted foreign companies in search of customers. But in the 1970s, when the United States and China ended two decades of Cold War isolation, China’s trade relations veered in a very different direction. In Made in China: When US-China Interests Converged to Transform Global Trade (Harvard University Press, 2024) Dr. Elizabeth Ingleson shows how the interests of US business and the Chinese state aligned to reframe the China market: the old dream of plentiful customers gave way to a new vision of low-cost workers by the hundreds of millions. In the process, the world’s largest communist state became an indispensable component of global capitalism.
Drawing on Chinese- and English-language sources, including previously unexplored corporate papers, Ingleson traces this transformation to the actions of Chinese policymakers, US diplomats, maverick entrepreneurs, Chinese American traders, and executives from major US corporations including Boeing, Westinghouse, J. C. Penney, and Chase Manhattan Bank. Long before Walmart and Apple came to China, businesspeople such as Veronica Yhap, Han Fanyu, Suzanne Reynolds, and David Rockefeller instigated a trade revolution with lasting consequences. And while China’s economic reorganisation was essential to these connections, Ingleson also highlights an underappreciated but crucial element of the convergence: the US corporate push for deindustrialization and its embrace by politicians.
Reexamining two of the most significant transformations of the 1970s—US-China rapprochement and deindustrialization in the United States—Made in China takes bilateral trade back to its faltering, uncertain beginnings, identifying the tectonic shifts in diplomacy, labor, business, and politics in both countries that laid the foundations of today’s globalized economy.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For centuries, the vastness of the Chinese market tempted foreign companies in search of customers. But in the 1970s, when the United States and China ended two decades of Cold War isolation, China’s trade relations veered in a very different direction. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674251830"><em>Made in China: When US-China Interests Converged to Transform Global Trade</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2024) Dr. Elizabeth Ingleson shows how the interests of US business and the Chinese state aligned to reframe the China market: the old dream of plentiful customers gave way to a new vision of low-cost workers by the hundreds of millions. In the process, the world’s largest communist state became an indispensable component of global capitalism.</p><p>Drawing on Chinese- and English-language sources, including previously unexplored corporate papers, Ingleson traces this transformation to the actions of Chinese policymakers, US diplomats, maverick entrepreneurs, Chinese American traders, and executives from major US corporations including Boeing, Westinghouse, J. C. Penney, and Chase Manhattan Bank. Long before Walmart and Apple came to China, businesspeople such as Veronica Yhap, Han Fanyu, Suzanne Reynolds, and David Rockefeller instigated a trade revolution with lasting consequences. And while China’s economic reorganisation was essential to these connections, Ingleson also highlights an underappreciated but crucial element of the convergence: the US corporate push for deindustrialization and its embrace by politicians.</p><p>Reexamining two of the most significant transformations of the 1970s—US-China rapprochement and deindustrialization in the United States—Made in China takes bilateral trade back to its faltering, uncertain beginnings, identifying the tectonic shifts in diplomacy, labor, business, and politics in both countries that laid the foundations of today’s globalized economy.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4796</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher Tounsel, "Bounds of Blackness: African Americans, Sudan, and the Politics of Solidarity" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Christopher Tounsel's book Bounds of Blackness: African Americans, Sudan, and the Politics of Solidarity (Cornell UP, 2024) explores the history of Black America's intellectual and cultural engagement with the modern state of Sudan. Ancient Sudan occupies a central place in the Black American imaginary as an exemplar of Black glory, pride, and civilization, while contemporary Sudan, often categorized as part of "Arab Africa," rather than "Black Africa," is often sidelined and overlooked. In this pathbreaking book, Christopher Tounsel unpacks the vacillating approaches of Black Americans to the Sudanese state and its multiethnic populace through periods defined by colonialism, postcolonial civil wars, genocide in Darfur, and South Sudanese independence. By exploring the work of African American intellectuals, diplomats, organizations, and media outlets, Tounsel shows how this transnational relationship reflects the robust yet capricious terms of racial consciousness in the African Diaspora.
Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>189</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher Tounsel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christopher Tounsel's book Bounds of Blackness: African Americans, Sudan, and the Politics of Solidarity (Cornell UP, 2024) explores the history of Black America's intellectual and cultural engagement with the modern state of Sudan. Ancient Sudan occupies a central place in the Black American imaginary as an exemplar of Black glory, pride, and civilization, while contemporary Sudan, often categorized as part of "Arab Africa," rather than "Black Africa," is often sidelined and overlooked. In this pathbreaking book, Christopher Tounsel unpacks the vacillating approaches of Black Americans to the Sudanese state and its multiethnic populace through periods defined by colonialism, postcolonial civil wars, genocide in Darfur, and South Sudanese independence. By exploring the work of African American intellectuals, diplomats, organizations, and media outlets, Tounsel shows how this transnational relationship reflects the robust yet capricious terms of racial consciousness in the African Diaspora.
Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Christopher Tounsel's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501775628"><em>Bounds of Blackness: African Americans, Sudan, and the Politics of Solidarity</em></a> (Cornell UP, 2024) explores the history of Black America's intellectual and cultural engagement with the modern state of Sudan. Ancient Sudan occupies a central place in the Black American imaginary as an exemplar of Black glory, pride, and civilization, while contemporary Sudan, often categorized as part of "Arab Africa," rather than "Black Africa," is often sidelined and overlooked. In this pathbreaking book, Christopher Tounsel unpacks the vacillating approaches of Black Americans to the Sudanese state and its multiethnic populace through periods defined by colonialism, postcolonial civil wars, genocide in Darfur, and South Sudanese independence. By exploring the work of African American intellectuals, diplomats, organizations, and media outlets, Tounsel shows how this transnational relationship reflects the robust yet capricious terms of racial consciousness in the African Diaspora.</p><p><em>Kishauna Soljour is an Assistant Professor of Public Humanities at San Diego State University. Her most recent writing appears in the edited collection: </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Rights-Lives-Evolution-Struggle-Liberation/dp/0826506658/ref=sr_1_1?crid=294FH7OWIM8UU&amp;dib=eyJ2IjoiMSJ9.5O9HuYnUNAjxobLe7Dufmta_qn-XIMKvhehoaymQxOHYTDG5VCIy2Kzh8wylCyZtMuUItxd468KUk75RCdz13yMPnRi-bwcLMNyjUFF9DbrmKJChilzJCL44LvHk0sjzznFUMCoGef7M3bzhMbRk-xs5v9DeOOs214IGx_qyyhLfZz5GLqaNZkpCYku6AsPsmSi1HE95-Us-ZRrNjnyPfE1Mo7iFobz9mzLM-KHz_fI.lDLnV0b05AgDclfLPGhrqnSmOFY_VxQOqN14ce58cBs&amp;dib_tag=se&amp;keywords=from+rights+to+lives+book&amp;qid=1711049289&amp;sprefix=from+rights+to+lives+boo%2Caps%2C117&amp;sr=8-1"><em>From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3121</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>M. Steven Fish, "Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy's Edge" (Rivertowns Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>Defeating the forces of authoritarianism is the political combat task of our age, and we must take it up with the certitude and boldness that our eminent forebears did. Rebuilding the Democrats’ appeal by reestablishing reputations for superior strength and patriotism is a challenge. But the fact that democracy’s plight is due to flaws in liberals’ leadership and messaging rather than economic crises, popular prejudices, or a faulty Constitution is good news. It means that the Democrats can turn the tables on Trumpism now.
– Introduction to Comeback (2024)
The fate of American democracy now hinges on the Democrats' ability to defeat the Republicans for the foreseeable future. But for the Democrats to win consistently, they must reestablish their credentials as fearless leaders, tough fighters, and fierce patriots.
Comeback delivers a bold new take on democracy's crisis. Many liberals think that escalating economic anxieties and cultural backlash drove voters to Trump. But a crush of data shows this thinking to be deeply flawed. It also strikes working-class voters as condescending and repellent. And while the Democrats stick to "kitchen table" issues and showing how much they care, voters care more about strength and commitment to principle than prescription drug prices.
Politics is a dominance game and a contest to capture the flag. Politicians who seem to be the strongest leaders and most passionate patriots hold the advantage. The Republicans get it. The Democrats don't.
Republicans have a high-dominance political style. They take risks, savor conflict, and use provocative language. Democrats have a low-dominance style. They're risk-averse, afraid to engage on cultural issues-and more than a little boring. Republicans hammer away at their patriotism, even as they betray the nation and shred American values. Democrats are loyal to American values but have grown squeamish about patriotism and have no national story.
Ordinary people often don't recognize themselves in the stories liberal politicians tell about them, while the authoritarians speak a language of dominance and national greatness that connects. The Democrats need a new approach to messaging. Comeback spells it out and provides a roadmap for trouncing Trumpism.
Steven Fish is a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and a comparative political scientist specializing in democracy and authoritarianism, religion and politics, constitutional systems, and national legislatures. He has also taught at the University of Pennsylvania and universities in Russia, Poland, China, and Indonesia.
His previous books include: Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (1995); Postcommunism and the Theory of Democracy, co-authored (2001); Democracy Derailed in Russia: The Failure of Open Politics (2005); The Handbook of National Legislatures: A Global Survey (2009); and Are Muslims Distinctive? A Look at the Evidence (2011).
His latest book and the focus of the interview – Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy’s Edge was published by Rivertowns Books, Irvington, N.Y. in 2024.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>188</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with M. Steven Fish</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Defeating the forces of authoritarianism is the political combat task of our age, and we must take it up with the certitude and boldness that our eminent forebears did. Rebuilding the Democrats’ appeal by reestablishing reputations for superior strength and patriotism is a challenge. But the fact that democracy’s plight is due to flaws in liberals’ leadership and messaging rather than economic crises, popular prejudices, or a faulty Constitution is good news. It means that the Democrats can turn the tables on Trumpism now.
– Introduction to Comeback (2024)
The fate of American democracy now hinges on the Democrats' ability to defeat the Republicans for the foreseeable future. But for the Democrats to win consistently, they must reestablish their credentials as fearless leaders, tough fighters, and fierce patriots.
Comeback delivers a bold new take on democracy's crisis. Many liberals think that escalating economic anxieties and cultural backlash drove voters to Trump. But a crush of data shows this thinking to be deeply flawed. It also strikes working-class voters as condescending and repellent. And while the Democrats stick to "kitchen table" issues and showing how much they care, voters care more about strength and commitment to principle than prescription drug prices.
Politics is a dominance game and a contest to capture the flag. Politicians who seem to be the strongest leaders and most passionate patriots hold the advantage. The Republicans get it. The Democrats don't.
Republicans have a high-dominance political style. They take risks, savor conflict, and use provocative language. Democrats have a low-dominance style. They're risk-averse, afraid to engage on cultural issues-and more than a little boring. Republicans hammer away at their patriotism, even as they betray the nation and shred American values. Democrats are loyal to American values but have grown squeamish about patriotism and have no national story.
Ordinary people often don't recognize themselves in the stories liberal politicians tell about them, while the authoritarians speak a language of dominance and national greatness that connects. The Democrats need a new approach to messaging. Comeback spells it out and provides a roadmap for trouncing Trumpism.
Steven Fish is a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and a comparative political scientist specializing in democracy and authoritarianism, religion and politics, constitutional systems, and national legislatures. He has also taught at the University of Pennsylvania and universities in Russia, Poland, China, and Indonesia.
His previous books include: Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution (1995); Postcommunism and the Theory of Democracy, co-authored (2001); Democracy Derailed in Russia: The Failure of Open Politics (2005); The Handbook of National Legislatures: A Global Survey (2009); and Are Muslims Distinctive? A Look at the Evidence (2011).
His latest book and the focus of the interview – Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy’s Edge was published by Rivertowns Books, Irvington, N.Y. in 2024.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>Defeating the forces of authoritarianism is the political combat task of our age, and we must take it up with the certitude and boldness that our eminent forebears did. Rebuilding the Democrats’ appeal by reestablishing reputations for superior strength and patriotism is a challenge. But the fact that democracy’s plight is due to flaws in liberals’ leadership and messaging rather than economic crises, popular prejudices, or a faulty Constitution is good news. It means that the Democrats can turn the tables on Trumpism now.</em></p><p>– Introduction to <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781953943538"><em>Comeback</em></a><em> </em>(2024)</p><p>The fate of American democracy now hinges on the Democrats' ability to defeat the Republicans for the foreseeable future. But for the Democrats to win consistently, they must reestablish their credentials as fearless leaders, tough fighters, and fierce patriots.</p><p><em>Comeback</em> delivers a bold new take on democracy's crisis. Many liberals think that escalating economic anxieties and cultural backlash drove voters to Trump. But a crush of data shows this thinking to be deeply flawed. It also strikes working-class voters as condescending and repellent. And while the Democrats stick to "kitchen table" issues and showing how much they care, voters care more about strength and commitment to principle than prescription drug prices.</p><p>Politics is a dominance game and a contest to capture the flag. Politicians who seem to be the strongest leaders and most passionate patriots hold the advantage. The Republicans get it. The Democrats don't.</p><p>Republicans have a high-dominance political style. They take risks, savor conflict, and use provocative language. Democrats have a low-dominance style. They're risk-averse, afraid to engage on cultural issues-and more than a little boring. Republicans hammer away at their patriotism, even as they betray the nation and shred American values. Democrats are loyal to American values but have grown squeamish about patriotism and have no national story.</p><p>Ordinary people often don't recognize themselves in the stories liberal politicians tell about them, while the authoritarians speak a language of dominance and national greatness that connects. The Democrats need a new approach to messaging. <em>Comeback</em> spells it out and provides a roadmap for trouncing Trumpism.</p><p>Steven Fish is a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and a comparative political scientist specializing in democracy and authoritarianism, religion and politics, constitutional systems, and national legislatures. He has also taught at the University of Pennsylvania and universities in Russia, Poland, China, and Indonesia.</p><p>His previous books include: <em>Democracy from Scratch: Opposition and Regime in the New Russian Revolution </em>(1995); <em>Postcommunism and the Theory of Democracy</em>, co-authored (2001); <em>Democracy Derailed in Russia: The Failure of Open Politics</em> (2005); <em>The Handbook of National Legislatures: A Global Survey</em> (2009); and <em>Are Muslims Distinctive? A Look at the Evidence </em>(2011).</p><p>His latest book and the focus of the interview – <em>Comeback: Routing Trumpism,</em> <em>Reclaiming the Nation, and Restoring Democracy’s Edge</em> was published by Rivertowns Books, Irvington, N.Y. in 2024.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6813</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e3d8266e-1157-11ef-8b5a-db6726cf6b1d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5796123968.mp3?updated=1715626633" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Can the Constitution Still Unite Us?: A Conversation with Yuval Levin</title>
      <description>During an era of broad political dissatisfaction, what is the history and role of the Constitution? Does the Constitution still have the power to unite us? Dr. Yuval Levin joins Madison's Notes to discuss his forthcoming book American Covenant: How the Constitution Unified Our Nation ― and Could Again. Along the way, he delves into key American figures from James Madison to Woodrow Wilson and the reasons for our present discord.
Yuval Levin is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he is the Beth and Ravenel Curry Chair in Public Policy, and Director of Social, Cultural, and Constitutional Studies. He is the Founder and Editor in Chief of National Affairs, as well as a senior editor at The New Atlantis, a contributing editor at National Review, and a contributing opinion writer at The New York Times. Dr. Levin served as a member of the White House domestic policy staff under President George W. Bush. He was also executive director of the President’s Council on Bioethics and a congressional staffer at the member, committee, and leadership levels. He holds a PhD from the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>107</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>During an era of broad political dissatisfaction, what is the history and role of the Constitution? Does the Constitution still have the power to unite us? Dr. Yuval Levin joins Madison's Notes to discuss his forthcoming book American Covenant: How the Constitution Unified Our Nation ― and Could Again. Along the way, he delves into key American figures from James Madison to Woodrow Wilson and the reasons for our present discord.
Yuval Levin is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he is the Beth and Ravenel Curry Chair in Public Policy, and Director of Social, Cultural, and Constitutional Studies. He is the Founder and Editor in Chief of National Affairs, as well as a senior editor at The New Atlantis, a contributing editor at National Review, and a contributing opinion writer at The New York Times. Dr. Levin served as a member of the White House domestic policy staff under President George W. Bush. He was also executive director of the President’s Council on Bioethics and a congressional staffer at the member, committee, and leadership levels. He holds a PhD from the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>During an era of broad political dissatisfaction, what is the history and role of the Constitution? Does the Constitution still have the power to unite us? Dr. Yuval Levin joins Madison's Notes to discuss his forthcoming book <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/untitled-on-us-constitution-yuval-levin/20795913?ean=9780465040742"><em>American Covenant: How the Constitution Unified Our Nation ― and Could Again</em></a>. Along the way, he delves into key American figures from James Madison to Woodrow Wilson and the reasons for our present discord.</p><p><a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/yuval-levin/">Yuval Levin</a> is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he is the Beth and Ravenel Curry Chair in Public Policy, and Director of <a href="https://www.aei.org/policy-areas/sccs/">Social, Cultural, and Constitutional Studies</a>. He is the Founder and Editor in Chief of <a href="https://www.nationalaffairs.com/">National Affairs</a>, as well as a senior editor at The New Atlantis, a contributing editor at National Review, and a contributing opinion writer at The New York Times. Dr. Levin served as a member of the White House domestic policy staff under President George W. Bush. He was also executive director of the President’s Council on Bioethics and a congressional staffer at the member, committee, and leadership levels. He holds a PhD from the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.</p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist">Annika Nordquist</a> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3296</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[42d7c338-11fb-11ef-bd2e-af641ff839ba]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9604376388.mp3?updated=1724698246" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>What does Biden’s temporary suspension of offensive arms transfers mean for US-Israeli relations?</title>
      <description>Charles Blaha, a former State Department expert on the vetting of U.S. weapons transfers to other countries, helps us understand this important moment in the Israel-Hamas conflict. After an extended period of tension between U.S President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Biden has decided to freeze some transfers of weapons to Israel, at least temporarily. In his conversation with RBI director John Torpey, Blaha explains United States law and policy governing weapons transfers, which imposes stringent controls to avoid the misuse of U.S. weaponry. Blaha also discusses the role of the protests on campuses and their doubtful effects on changing American or Israeli policy. Finally, the conversation delves into the overall posture of the United States vis-à-vis arms transfers to Israel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>146</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Charles Blaha</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Charles Blaha, a former State Department expert on the vetting of U.S. weapons transfers to other countries, helps us understand this important moment in the Israel-Hamas conflict. After an extended period of tension between U.S President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Biden has decided to freeze some transfers of weapons to Israel, at least temporarily. In his conversation with RBI director John Torpey, Blaha explains United States law and policy governing weapons transfers, which imposes stringent controls to avoid the misuse of U.S. weaponry. Blaha also discusses the role of the protests on campuses and their doubtful effects on changing American or Israeli policy. Finally, the conversation delves into the overall posture of the United States vis-à-vis arms transfers to Israel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Charles Blaha, a former State Department expert on the vetting of U.S. weapons transfers to other countries, helps us understand this important moment in the Israel-Hamas conflict. After an extended period of tension between U.S President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Biden has decided to freeze some transfers of weapons to Israel, at least temporarily. In his conversation with RBI director John Torpey, Blaha explains United States law and policy governing weapons transfers, which imposes stringent controls to avoid the misuse of U.S. weaponry. Blaha also discusses the role of the protests on campuses and their doubtful effects on changing American or Israeli policy. Finally, the conversation delves into the overall posture of the United States vis-à-vis arms transfers to Israel.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1847</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[88bb4522-1134-11ef-a513-f35e707b742a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6976872740.mp3?updated=1715610478" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Pamela Aronson and Matthew R. Fleming, "Gender Revolution: How Electoral Politics and #MeToo are Reshaping Everyday Life" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>Gender Revolution: How Electoral Politics and #MeToo are Reshaping Everyday Life (Routledge, 2023) by Dr. Pamela Aronson and Matthew R. Fleming carefully examines the profound transformations happening in both public and private arenas of gender relations. It also draws critical attention to the simultaneous and potent challenges that have risen in response.
The authors look to large-scale phenomena in this contemporary study and address how electoral politics and the #MeToo movement are reshaping everyday life. This gender revolution has led to a culture in which women, and increasing numbers of men, refuse to accept traditional gender norms and gender inequalities. People of all genders no longer tolerate abuses of power in politics or in their interpersonal relationships. Despite vigorous resistance, women are seizing power and refusing to back down, in ways both large and small. The authors note on the one hand that people of all genders in support of these transformations are voting for progressive candidates, engaging on social media, and making their interpersonal relationships more equal. On the other hand, they document considerable backlash and contestation, as some people are resisting these changes and creating adversarial gender divisions. Probing across these issues, the book develops an analysis of gendered social and cultural change that reveals how movement ideas diffuse into broader culture.
Gender Revolution presents a vibrant and essential study for a moment marked by significant changes to attitudes, beliefs, and views surrounding gender and gender relations and will appeal to readers interested in the scholarly study of gender, society, politics, media, law, and culture.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>236</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Pamela Aronson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gender Revolution: How Electoral Politics and #MeToo are Reshaping Everyday Life (Routledge, 2023) by Dr. Pamela Aronson and Matthew R. Fleming carefully examines the profound transformations happening in both public and private arenas of gender relations. It also draws critical attention to the simultaneous and potent challenges that have risen in response.
The authors look to large-scale phenomena in this contemporary study and address how electoral politics and the #MeToo movement are reshaping everyday life. This gender revolution has led to a culture in which women, and increasing numbers of men, refuse to accept traditional gender norms and gender inequalities. People of all genders no longer tolerate abuses of power in politics or in their interpersonal relationships. Despite vigorous resistance, women are seizing power and refusing to back down, in ways both large and small. The authors note on the one hand that people of all genders in support of these transformations are voting for progressive candidates, engaging on social media, and making their interpersonal relationships more equal. On the other hand, they document considerable backlash and contestation, as some people are resisting these changes and creating adversarial gender divisions. Probing across these issues, the book develops an analysis of gendered social and cultural change that reveals how movement ideas diffuse into broader culture.
Gender Revolution presents a vibrant and essential study for a moment marked by significant changes to attitudes, beliefs, and views surrounding gender and gender relations and will appeal to readers interested in the scholarly study of gender, society, politics, media, law, and culture.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032125954"><em>Gender Revolution: How Electoral Politics and #MeToo are Reshaping Everyday Life</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2023) by Dr. Pamela Aronson and Matthew R. Fleming carefully examines the profound transformations happening in both public and private arenas of gender relations. It also draws critical attention to the simultaneous and potent challenges that have risen in response.</p><p>The authors look to large-scale phenomena in this contemporary study and address how electoral politics and the #MeToo movement are reshaping everyday life. This gender revolution has led to a culture in which women, and increasing numbers of men, refuse to accept traditional gender norms and gender inequalities. People of all genders no longer tolerate abuses of power in politics or in their interpersonal relationships. Despite vigorous resistance, women are seizing power and refusing to back down, in ways both large and small. The authors note on the one hand that people of all genders in support of these transformations are voting for progressive candidates, engaging on social media, and making their interpersonal relationships more equal. On the other hand, they document considerable backlash and contestation, as some people are resisting these changes and creating adversarial gender divisions. Probing across these issues, the book develops an analysis of gendered social and cultural change that reveals how movement ideas diffuse into broader culture.</p><p><em>Gender Revolution </em>presents a vibrant and essential study for a moment marked by significant changes to attitudes, beliefs, and views surrounding gender and gender relations and will appeal to readers interested in the scholarly study of gender, society, politics, media, law, and culture.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3855</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3d32df58-0fc1-11ef-ab9f-efef056ae1cc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9859479240.mp3?updated=1715451380" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Maria Cristina Garcia, "State of Disaster: The Failure of U. S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Natural disasters and the dire effects of climate change cause massive population displacements and lead to some of the most intractable political and humanitarian challenges seen today. Yet, as Maria Cristina Garcia observes in State of Disaster: The Failure of U. S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change (UNC Press, 2022), there is actually no such thing as a "climate refugee" under current U.S. law. Most initiatives intended to assist those who must migrate are flawed and ineffective from inception because they are derived from outmoded policies. In a world of climate change, U.S. refugee policy simply does not work.
Garcia focuses on Central America and the Caribbean, where natural disasters have repeatedly worsened poverty, inequality, and domestic and international political tensions. She explains that the creation of better U.S. policy for those escaping disasters is severely limited by the 1980 Refugee Act, which continues to be applied almost exclusively for reasons of persecution directly related to politics, race, religion, and identity. Garcia contends that the United States must transform its outdated migration policies to address today's realities. Climate change and natural disasters are here to stay, and much of the human devastation left in their wake is essentially a policy choice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Maria Cristina Garcia</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Natural disasters and the dire effects of climate change cause massive population displacements and lead to some of the most intractable political and humanitarian challenges seen today. Yet, as Maria Cristina Garcia observes in State of Disaster: The Failure of U. S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change (UNC Press, 2022), there is actually no such thing as a "climate refugee" under current U.S. law. Most initiatives intended to assist those who must migrate are flawed and ineffective from inception because they are derived from outmoded policies. In a world of climate change, U.S. refugee policy simply does not work.
Garcia focuses on Central America and the Caribbean, where natural disasters have repeatedly worsened poverty, inequality, and domestic and international political tensions. She explains that the creation of better U.S. policy for those escaping disasters is severely limited by the 1980 Refugee Act, which continues to be applied almost exclusively for reasons of persecution directly related to politics, race, religion, and identity. Garcia contends that the United States must transform its outdated migration policies to address today's realities. Climate change and natural disasters are here to stay, and much of the human devastation left in their wake is essentially a policy choice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Natural disasters and the dire effects of climate change cause massive population displacements and lead to some of the most intractable political and humanitarian challenges seen today. Yet, as Maria Cristina Garcia observes in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469669960"><em>State of Disaster: The Failure of U. S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change</em></a> (UNC Press, 2022), there is actually no such thing as a "climate refugee" under current U.S. law. Most initiatives intended to assist those who must migrate are flawed and ineffective from inception because they are derived from outmoded policies. In a world of climate change, U.S. refugee policy simply does not work.</p><p>Garcia focuses on Central America and the Caribbean, where natural disasters have repeatedly worsened poverty, inequality, and domestic and international political tensions. She explains that the creation of better U.S. policy for those escaping disasters is severely limited by the 1980 Refugee Act, which continues to be applied almost exclusively for reasons of persecution directly related to politics, race, religion, and identity. Garcia contends that the United States must transform its outdated migration policies to address today's realities. Climate change and natural disasters are here to stay, and much of the human devastation left in their wake is essentially a policy choice.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3015</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[de330570-0fcd-11ef-8b05-1f2297d5155a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4818573003.mp3?updated=1715456730" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Cecily N. Zander, "The Army under Fire: The Politics of Antimilitarism in the Civil War Era" (LSU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Cecily N. Zander’s The Army under Fire: The Politics of Antimilitarism in the Civil War Era (LSU Press, 2024) is a pathbreaking study focusing on the fierce political debates over the size and use of military forces in the United States during the mid-nineteenth century. It examines how prominent political figures, especially in the new Republican Party, interacted with the professional army and how those same leaders misunderstood the value of regular soldiers fighting to reunify the fractured nation and to extend it westward across the continent.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>236</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cecily N. Zander</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Cecily N. Zander’s The Army under Fire: The Politics of Antimilitarism in the Civil War Era (LSU Press, 2024) is a pathbreaking study focusing on the fierce political debates over the size and use of military forces in the United States during the mid-nineteenth century. It examines how prominent political figures, especially in the new Republican Party, interacted with the professional army and how those same leaders misunderstood the value of regular soldiers fighting to reunify the fractured nation and to extend it westward across the continent.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Cecily N. Zander’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807181409"><em>The Army under Fire: The Politics of Antimilitarism in the Civil War Era</em></a><em> </em>(LSU Press, 2024) is a pathbreaking study focusing on the fierce political debates over the size and use of military forces in the United States during the mid-nineteenth century. It examines how prominent political figures, especially in the new Republican Party, interacted with the professional army and how those same leaders misunderstood the value of regular soldiers fighting to reunify the fractured nation and to extend it westward across the continent.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3747</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8ff3633a-0f93-11ef-b69a-4fcb5a2ccf51]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7661179667.mp3?updated=1715432603" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alissa Quart, "Bootstrapped: Liberating Ourselves from the American Dream" (Ecco Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The promise that you can "pull yourself up by your bootstraps" is central to the story of the American Dream. It's the belief that if you work hard and rely on your own resources, you will eventually succeed. However, time and again we have seen how this foundational myth, with its emphasis on individual determination, brittle self-sufficiency, and personal accomplishment, does not help us. Instead, as income inequality rises around us, we are left with shame and self-blame for our condition.
Alissa Quart argues that at the heart of our suffering is a do-it-yourself ethos, the misplaced belief in our own independence and the conviction that we must rely on ourselves alone. Looking at a range of delusions and half solutions--from "grit" to the false Horatio Alger story to the rise of GoFundMe--Quart reveals how we have been steered away from robust social programs that would address the root causes of our problems. Meanwhile, the responsibility for survival has been shifted onto the backs of ordinary people, burdening generations with debt instead of providing the social safety net we so desperately need.
Insightful, sharply argued, and characterized by Quart's lively writing and deep reporting, and for fans of Evicted and Nickel and Dimed, Bootstrapped: Liberating Ourselves from the American Dream (Ecco Press, 2023) is a powerful examination of what ails us at a societal level and a plan for how we can free ourselves from these self-defeating narratives

Acclaimed journalist Alissa Quart is a contributor to The Washington Post and New York Times and the author of several nonfiction works including Branded: The Buying and Selling of Teenagers and Squeezed: Why our Families Can’t Afford America, as well as works of poetry like Thoughts and Prayers. Alissa Quart is the executive director of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project and the editor with David Wallis of Going for Broke: Living on the Edge in the world’s richest country which we discussed on this podcast in February.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>186</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alissa Quart</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The promise that you can "pull yourself up by your bootstraps" is central to the story of the American Dream. It's the belief that if you work hard and rely on your own resources, you will eventually succeed. However, time and again we have seen how this foundational myth, with its emphasis on individual determination, brittle self-sufficiency, and personal accomplishment, does not help us. Instead, as income inequality rises around us, we are left with shame and self-blame for our condition.
Alissa Quart argues that at the heart of our suffering is a do-it-yourself ethos, the misplaced belief in our own independence and the conviction that we must rely on ourselves alone. Looking at a range of delusions and half solutions--from "grit" to the false Horatio Alger story to the rise of GoFundMe--Quart reveals how we have been steered away from robust social programs that would address the root causes of our problems. Meanwhile, the responsibility for survival has been shifted onto the backs of ordinary people, burdening generations with debt instead of providing the social safety net we so desperately need.
Insightful, sharply argued, and characterized by Quart's lively writing and deep reporting, and for fans of Evicted and Nickel and Dimed, Bootstrapped: Liberating Ourselves from the American Dream (Ecco Press, 2023) is a powerful examination of what ails us at a societal level and a plan for how we can free ourselves from these self-defeating narratives

Acclaimed journalist Alissa Quart is a contributor to The Washington Post and New York Times and the author of several nonfiction works including Branded: The Buying and Selling of Teenagers and Squeezed: Why our Families Can’t Afford America, as well as works of poetry like Thoughts and Prayers. Alissa Quart is the executive director of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project and the editor with David Wallis of Going for Broke: Living on the Edge in the world’s richest country which we discussed on this podcast in February.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The promise that you can "pull yourself up by your bootstraps" is central to the story of the American Dream. It's the belief that if you work hard and rely on your own resources, you will eventually succeed. However, time and again we have seen how this foundational myth, with its emphasis on individual determination, brittle self-sufficiency, and personal accomplishment, does not help us. Instead, as income inequality rises around us, we are left with shame and self-blame for our condition.</p><p>Alissa Quart argues that at the heart of our suffering is a do-it-yourself ethos, the misplaced belief in our own independence and the conviction that we must rely on ourselves alone. Looking at a range of delusions and half solutions--from "grit" to the false Horatio Alger story to the rise of GoFundMe--Quart reveals how we have been steered away from robust social programs that would address the root causes of our problems. Meanwhile, the responsibility for survival has been shifted onto the backs of ordinary people, burdening generations with debt instead of providing the social safety net we so desperately need.</p><p>Insightful, sharply argued, and characterized by Quart's lively writing and deep reporting, and for fans of <em>Evicted</em> and <em>Nickel and Dimed, </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063028005"><em>Bootstrapped: Liberating Ourselves from the American Dream</em></a><em> </em>(Ecco Press, 2023) is a powerful examination of what ails us at a societal level and a plan for how we can free ourselves from these self-defeating narratives</p><p><br></p><p>Acclaimed journalist Alissa Quart is a contributor to <em>The Washington Post </em>and<em> New York Times </em>and the author of several nonfiction works including <em>Branded: The Buying and Selling of Teenagers </em>and <em>Squeezed: Why our Families Can’t Afford America, </em>as well as works of poetry like <em>Thoughts and Prayers. </em>Alissa Quart is the executive director of the Economic Hardship Reporting Project and the editor with David Wallis of <em>Going for Broke: Living on the Edge in the world’s richest country </em>which we discussed on this podcast in February.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3809</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julia Havas, "Woman Up: Invoking Feminism in Quality Television" (Wayne State UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>While American television has long relied on a strategic foregrounding of feminist politics to promote certain programming's cultural value, Woman Up: Invoking Feminism in Quality Television (Wayne State University Press, 2022) by Dr. Julia Havas is the first sustained critical analysis of the twenty-first-century resurgence of this tradition. In Woman Up, Dr. Havas’ central argument is that postmillennial "feminist quality television" springs from a rhetorical subversion of the (much-debated) masculine-coded "quality television" culture on the one hand and the dominance of postfeminist popular culture on the other.
Postmillennial quality television culture promotes the idea of aesthetic-generic hierarchies among different types of scripted programming. Its development has facilitated evaluative academic analyses of television texts based on aesthetic merit, producing a corpus of scholarship devoted to pinpointing where value resides in shows considered worthy of discussion. Other strands of television scholarship have criticised this approach for sidestepping the gendered and classed processes of canonization informing the phenomenon. Woman Up intervenes in this debate by reevaluating such approaches and insisting that rather than further fostering or critiquing already prominent processes of canonization, there is a need to interrogate the cultural forces underlying them. Via detailed analyses of four TV programs emerging in the early period of the "feminist quality TV" trend—30 Rock (2006–13), Parks and Recreation (2009–15), The Good Wife (2009–16), and Orange Is the New Black (2013–19)—Woman Up demonstrates that such series mediate their cultural significance by combining formal aesthetic exceptionalism and a politicised rhetoric around a "problematic" postfeminism, thus linking ideals of political and aesthetic value.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>133</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julia Havas</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While American television has long relied on a strategic foregrounding of feminist politics to promote certain programming's cultural value, Woman Up: Invoking Feminism in Quality Television (Wayne State University Press, 2022) by Dr. Julia Havas is the first sustained critical analysis of the twenty-first-century resurgence of this tradition. In Woman Up, Dr. Havas’ central argument is that postmillennial "feminist quality television" springs from a rhetorical subversion of the (much-debated) masculine-coded "quality television" culture on the one hand and the dominance of postfeminist popular culture on the other.
Postmillennial quality television culture promotes the idea of aesthetic-generic hierarchies among different types of scripted programming. Its development has facilitated evaluative academic analyses of television texts based on aesthetic merit, producing a corpus of scholarship devoted to pinpointing where value resides in shows considered worthy of discussion. Other strands of television scholarship have criticised this approach for sidestepping the gendered and classed processes of canonization informing the phenomenon. Woman Up intervenes in this debate by reevaluating such approaches and insisting that rather than further fostering or critiquing already prominent processes of canonization, there is a need to interrogate the cultural forces underlying them. Via detailed analyses of four TV programs emerging in the early period of the "feminist quality TV" trend—30 Rock (2006–13), Parks and Recreation (2009–15), The Good Wife (2009–16), and Orange Is the New Black (2013–19)—Woman Up demonstrates that such series mediate their cultural significance by combining formal aesthetic exceptionalism and a politicised rhetoric around a "problematic" postfeminism, thus linking ideals of political and aesthetic value.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While American television has long relied on a strategic foregrounding of feminist politics to promote certain programming's cultural value, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780814346556"><em>Woman Up: Invoking Feminism in Quality Television</em></a> (Wayne State University Press, 2022) by Dr. Julia Havas is the first sustained critical analysis of the twenty-first-century resurgence of this tradition. In <em>Woman Up</em>, Dr. Havas’ central argument is that postmillennial "feminist quality television" springs from a rhetorical subversion of the (much-debated) masculine-coded "quality television" culture on the one hand and the dominance of postfeminist popular culture on the other.</p><p>Postmillennial quality television culture promotes the idea of aesthetic-generic hierarchies among different types of scripted programming. Its development has facilitated evaluative academic analyses of television texts based on aesthetic merit, producing a corpus of scholarship devoted to pinpointing where value resides in shows considered worthy of discussion. Other strands of television scholarship have criticised this approach for sidestepping the gendered and classed processes of canonization informing the phenomenon. Woman Up intervenes in this debate by reevaluating such approaches and insisting that rather than further fostering or critiquing already prominent processes of canonization, there is a need to interrogate the cultural forces underlying them. Via detailed analyses of four TV programs emerging in the early period of the "feminist quality TV" trend—30 Rock (2006–13), Parks and Recreation (2009–15), The Good Wife (2009–16), and Orange Is the New Black (2013–19)—<em>Woman Up</em> demonstrates that such series mediate their cultural significance by combining formal aesthetic exceptionalism and a politicised rhetoric around a "problematic" postfeminism, thus linking ideals of political and aesthetic value.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4401</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Battlefield to Big Sky: A Conversation with Navy SEAL Tim Sheehy</title>
      <description>Veteran and entrepreneur Tim Sheehy has led an action-packed life: a 2008 graduate of the Naval Academy, as a Navy SEAL he completed deployments in Iraq, Afghanistan, South America, and the Pacific region, where he earned him multiple combat decorations, including the Bronze Star with Valor for Heroism in Combat and the Purple Heart Medal. After being wounded in combat, he moved to Montana where he founded Bridger Aerospace, an aerial firefighting and aerospace services company based in Belgrade, Montana, which specializes in applying military tools and training to fight wildfires. He recounts the story of his foray into aerial firefighting in his recent book Mudslingers: A True Story of Aerial Firefighting (Permuted Press, 2023). In January 2023, Bridger Aerospace went public at a valuation of $869 million. Now, Tim is running for Senate in Montana, one of the most competitive Senate races of the 2024 election. In this conversation, Tim discusses entrepreneurship, the state of our military, education, and the importance of the Constitution.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>106</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Veteran and entrepreneur Tim Sheehy has led an action-packed life: a 2008 graduate of the Naval Academy, as a Navy SEAL he completed deployments in Iraq, Afghanistan, South America, and the Pacific region, where he earned him multiple combat decorations, including the Bronze Star with Valor for Heroism in Combat and the Purple Heart Medal. After being wounded in combat, he moved to Montana where he founded Bridger Aerospace, an aerial firefighting and aerospace services company based in Belgrade, Montana, which specializes in applying military tools and training to fight wildfires. He recounts the story of his foray into aerial firefighting in his recent book Mudslingers: A True Story of Aerial Firefighting (Permuted Press, 2023). In January 2023, Bridger Aerospace went public at a valuation of $869 million. Now, Tim is running for Senate in Montana, one of the most competitive Senate races of the 2024 election. In this conversation, Tim discusses entrepreneurship, the state of our military, education, and the importance of the Constitution.
Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Veteran and entrepreneur <a href="https://timformt.com/">Tim Sheehy</a> has led an action-packed life: a 2008 graduate of the Naval Academy, as a Navy SEAL he completed deployments in Iraq, Afghanistan, South America, and the Pacific region, where he earned him multiple combat decorations, including the Bronze Star with Valor for Heroism in Combat and the Purple Heart Medal. After being wounded in combat, he moved to Montana where he founded <a href="https://bridgeraerospace.com/">Bridger Aerospace</a>, an aerial firefighting and aerospace services company based in Belgrade, Montana, which specializes in applying military tools and training to fight wildfires. He recounts the story of his foray into aerial firefighting in his recent book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798888452059"><em>Mudslingers: A True Story of Aerial Firefighting</em></a> (Permuted Press, 2023). In January 2023, Bridger Aerospace went public at a valuation of $869 million. Now, Tim is running for Senate in Montana, one of the most competitive Senate races of the 2024 election. In this conversation, Tim discusses entrepreneurship, the state of our military, education, and the importance of the Constitution.</p><p><em>Contributions to and/or sponsorship of any event does not constitute departmental or institutional endorsement of the specific program, speakers or views presented.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1866</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Tal, "The Making of an Alliance: The Origins and Development of the US-Israel Relationship" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Laying the foundation for an understanding of US-Israeli relations, this lively and accessible book provides critical background on the origins and development of the 'special' relations between Israel and the United States.
Questioning the usual neo-realist approach to understanding this relationship, David Tal instead suggests that the relations between the two nations were constructed on idealism, political culture, and strategic ties.
Based on a diverse range of primary sources collected in archives in both Israel and the United States, The Making of an Alliance: The Origins and Development of the US-Israel Relationship (Cambridge UP, 2022) discusses the development of relations built through constant contact between people and ideas, showing how presidents and Prime Ministers, state officials, and ordinary people from both countries, impacted one another. It was this constancy of religion, values, and history, serving the bedrock of the relations between the two countries and peoples, over which the ephemeral was negotiated.
The author, David Tal, is Professor and Yossi Harel Chair in Modern Israel Studies in the Department of History at the University of Sussex. A historian of diplomatic and military history, he has published extensively on Israeli diplomatic and military history, and U.S. diplomatic history and disarmament policies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>119</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Tal</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Laying the foundation for an understanding of US-Israeli relations, this lively and accessible book provides critical background on the origins and development of the 'special' relations between Israel and the United States.
Questioning the usual neo-realist approach to understanding this relationship, David Tal instead suggests that the relations between the two nations were constructed on idealism, political culture, and strategic ties.
Based on a diverse range of primary sources collected in archives in both Israel and the United States, The Making of an Alliance: The Origins and Development of the US-Israel Relationship (Cambridge UP, 2022) discusses the development of relations built through constant contact between people and ideas, showing how presidents and Prime Ministers, state officials, and ordinary people from both countries, impacted one another. It was this constancy of religion, values, and history, serving the bedrock of the relations between the two countries and peoples, over which the ephemeral was negotiated.
The author, David Tal, is Professor and Yossi Harel Chair in Modern Israel Studies in the Department of History at the University of Sussex. A historian of diplomatic and military history, he has published extensively on Israeli diplomatic and military history, and U.S. diplomatic history and disarmament policies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Laying the foundation for an understanding of US-Israeli relations, this lively and accessible book provides critical background on the origins and development of the 'special' relations between Israel and the United States.</p><p>Questioning the usual neo-realist approach to understanding this relationship, David Tal instead suggests that the relations between the two nations were constructed on idealism, political culture, and strategic ties.</p><p>Based on a diverse range of primary sources collected in archives in both Israel and the United States,<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108445887"><em>The Making of an Alliance: The Origins and Development of the US-Israel Relationship</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) discusses the development of relations built through constant contact between people and ideas, showing how presidents and Prime Ministers, state officials, and ordinary people from both countries, impacted one another. It was this constancy of religion, values, and history, serving the bedrock of the relations between the two countries and peoples, over which the ephemeral was negotiated.</p><p>The author, David Tal, is Professor and Yossi Harel Chair in Modern Israel Studies in the Department of History at the University of Sussex. A historian of diplomatic and military history, he has published extensively on Israeli diplomatic and military history, and U.S. diplomatic history and disarmament policies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2176</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James Wolfinger, "If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress: Black Politics in Twentieth-Century Philadelphia" (Temple UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress: Black Politics in Twentieth-Century Philadelphia (Temple UP, 2022) provides an in-depth historical analysis of Philadelphia politics from the days of the Great Migration to the present. Philadelphia has long been a crucial site for the development of Black politics across the nation and this volume emphasizes how Black activists have long protested against police abuse, pushed for education reform, challenged job and housing discrimination, and put presidents in the White House. If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress demonstrates that “Philadelphia must be central to any analysis of African American political history.”
But politics means more than elected office and the book highlights political strategies such as the "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work" movement and the Double V campaign. It demonstrates how Black activism helped shift Philadelphia from the Republican machine to Democratic leaders in the 1950s and highlights the election of politicians like Robert N. C. Nix, Sr., the first African American representative from Philadelphia. The book highlights grassroots movements and the intersection of race, gender, class, and politics in the 1960s and shows how African Americans from the 1970s to the present challenged (white) Mayor Frank Rizzo and helped elect (Black) Mayors Wilson Goode, John Street, and Michael Nutter.
Dean James Wolfinger (he/him/his) serves as dean of the School of Education at St. John’s University in Queens, New York.
Dr. Stanley Arnold (he/him/his) is an Associate Professor of American History at Northern Illinois University.
Dr. Alyssa Ribeiro (she/her/hers) is the Henry A Logan, Sr, Professor of American History at Allegheny College in Meadville, Pennsylvania.
 Ms. Daniela Lavergne at Saint Joseph’s University served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>714</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stanley Keith Arnold, Alyssa Ribeiro, and James Wolfinger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress: Black Politics in Twentieth-Century Philadelphia (Temple UP, 2022) provides an in-depth historical analysis of Philadelphia politics from the days of the Great Migration to the present. Philadelphia has long been a crucial site for the development of Black politics across the nation and this volume emphasizes how Black activists have long protested against police abuse, pushed for education reform, challenged job and housing discrimination, and put presidents in the White House. If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress demonstrates that “Philadelphia must be central to any analysis of African American political history.”
But politics means more than elected office and the book highlights political strategies such as the "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work" movement and the Double V campaign. It demonstrates how Black activism helped shift Philadelphia from the Republican machine to Democratic leaders in the 1950s and highlights the election of politicians like Robert N. C. Nix, Sr., the first African American representative from Philadelphia. The book highlights grassroots movements and the intersection of race, gender, class, and politics in the 1960s and shows how African Americans from the 1970s to the present challenged (white) Mayor Frank Rizzo and helped elect (Black) Mayors Wilson Goode, John Street, and Michael Nutter.
Dean James Wolfinger (he/him/his) serves as dean of the School of Education at St. John’s University in Queens, New York.
Dr. Stanley Arnold (he/him/his) is an Associate Professor of American History at Northern Illinois University.
Dr. Alyssa Ribeiro (she/her/hers) is the Henry A Logan, Sr, Professor of American History at Allegheny College in Meadville, Pennsylvania.
 Ms. Daniela Lavergne at Saint Joseph’s University served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439919279"><em>If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress: Black Politics in Twentieth-Century Philadelphia</em> </a>(Temple UP, 2022) provides an in-depth historical analysis of Philadelphia politics from the days of the Great Migration to the present. Philadelphia has long been a crucial site for the development of Black politics across the nation and this volume emphasizes how Black activists have long protested against police abuse, pushed for education reform, challenged job and housing discrimination, and put presidents in the White House. <em>If There Is No Struggle There Is No Progress</em> demonstrates that “Philadelphia must be central to any analysis of African American political history.”</p><p>But politics means more than elected office and the book highlights political strategies such as the "Don't Buy Where You Can't Work" movement and the Double V campaign. It demonstrates how Black activism helped shift Philadelphia from the Republican machine to Democratic leaders in the 1950s and highlights the election of politicians like Robert N. C. Nix, Sr., the first African American representative from Philadelphia. The book highlights grassroots movements and the intersection of race, gender, class, and politics in the 1960s and shows how African Americans from the 1970s to the present challenged (white) Mayor Frank Rizzo and helped elect (Black) Mayors Wilson Goode, John Street, and Michael Nutter.</p><p>Dean James Wolfinger (he/him/his) serves as dean of the School of Education at St. John’s University in Queens, New York.</p><p><a href="https://www.niu.edu/clas/history/about/faculty/arnold.shtml">Dr. Stanley Arnold</a> (he/him/his) is an Associate Professor of American History at Northern Illinois University.</p><p><a href="https://sites.google.com/allegheny.edu/alyssaribeiro/home">Dr. Alyssa Ribeiro</a> (she/her/hers) is the Henry A Logan, Sr, Professor of American History at Allegheny College in Meadville, Pennsylvania.</p><p> Ms. Daniela Lavergne at Saint Joseph’s University served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3570</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Tanisha M. Fazal, "Military Medicine and the Hidden Costs of War" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Decisions to go to war are often framed in cost-benefit terms, and typically such assessments do not factor in longer term costs. However, recent dramatic improvements in American military medicine have had an unanticipated effect: saving more soldiers' lives has vastly increased long-term, downstream costs of war with profound consequences for global politics in an era of heightened great power competition.
In Military Medicine and the Hidden Costs of War (Oxford UP, 2024), Tanisha Fazal traces the modern history of medical treatment and casualty rates in American conflicts from the Civil War to the more recent counterinsurgency wars. As she shows, wars became increasingly survivable for wounded troops, to the point now where a large majority of wounded soldiers survive. 
Yet the human and financial implications of this steep increase in the wounded-to-killed ratio are dramatic, and her powerful analysis of this shift provides a necessary corrective to how we understand the costs of war. For each major conflict, Fazal analyzes the weapons used, injuries sustained, and policies put in place for veterans' care and pensions. As she argues, these improvements have significant financial and deeply personal implications for the returned wounded and their families, as well as the US government and its citizenry. Fazal's analysis highlights the significance of policymakers underestimating the costs of war, which in turn makes it easier both to initiate and continue military action abroad, contributing to Americas' penchant for engaging in so-called "endless wars."
Tanisha Fazal is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota. Her scholarship focuses on sovereignty, international law, and armed conflict. In addition to her new book, she is the author of two award-winning books and numerous articles in academic and policy journals. From 2021-2023, she was an Andrew Carnegie Fellow
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 05 May 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>715</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tanisha M. Fazal</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Decisions to go to war are often framed in cost-benefit terms, and typically such assessments do not factor in longer term costs. However, recent dramatic improvements in American military medicine have had an unanticipated effect: saving more soldiers' lives has vastly increased long-term, downstream costs of war with profound consequences for global politics in an era of heightened great power competition.
In Military Medicine and the Hidden Costs of War (Oxford UP, 2024), Tanisha Fazal traces the modern history of medical treatment and casualty rates in American conflicts from the Civil War to the more recent counterinsurgency wars. As she shows, wars became increasingly survivable for wounded troops, to the point now where a large majority of wounded soldiers survive. 
Yet the human and financial implications of this steep increase in the wounded-to-killed ratio are dramatic, and her powerful analysis of this shift provides a necessary corrective to how we understand the costs of war. For each major conflict, Fazal analyzes the weapons used, injuries sustained, and policies put in place for veterans' care and pensions. As she argues, these improvements have significant financial and deeply personal implications for the returned wounded and their families, as well as the US government and its citizenry. Fazal's analysis highlights the significance of policymakers underestimating the costs of war, which in turn makes it easier both to initiate and continue military action abroad, contributing to Americas' penchant for engaging in so-called "endless wars."
Tanisha Fazal is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota. Her scholarship focuses on sovereignty, international law, and armed conflict. In addition to her new book, she is the author of two award-winning books and numerous articles in academic and policy journals. From 2021-2023, she was an Andrew Carnegie Fellow
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Decisions to go to war are often framed in cost-benefit terms, and typically such assessments do not factor in longer term costs. However, recent dramatic improvements in American military medicine have had an unanticipated effect: saving more soldiers' lives has vastly increased long-term, downstream costs of war with profound consequences for global politics in an era of heightened great power competition.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190057473"><em>Military Medicine and the Hidden Costs of War</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2024), Tanisha Fazal traces the modern history of medical treatment and casualty rates in American conflicts from the Civil War to the more recent counterinsurgency wars. As she shows, wars became increasingly survivable for wounded troops, to the point now where a large majority of wounded soldiers survive. </p><p>Yet the human and financial implications of this steep increase in the wounded-to-killed ratio are dramatic, and her powerful analysis of this shift provides a necessary corrective to how we understand the costs of war. For each major conflict, Fazal analyzes the weapons used, injuries sustained, and policies put in place for veterans' care and pensions. As she argues, these improvements have significant financial and deeply personal implications for the returned wounded and their families, as well as the US government and its citizenry. Fazal's analysis highlights the significance of policymakers underestimating the costs of war, which in turn makes it easier both to initiate and continue military action abroad, contributing to Americas' penchant for engaging in so-called "endless wars."</p><p>Tanisha Fazal is a Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota. Her scholarship focuses on sovereignty, international law, and armed conflict. In addition to her new book, she is the author of two award-winning books and numerous articles in academic and policy journals. From 2021-2023, she was an Andrew Carnegie Fellow</p><p><a href="https://labdelaa.expressions.syr.edu/"><em>Lamis Abdelaaty</em></a><em> is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/discrimination-and-delegation-9780197530061"><em>Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:labdelaa@syr.edu"><em>labdelaa@syr.edu</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3411</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ae06d718-0984-11ef-b52d-fff370c9bd73]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3509443170.mp3?updated=1714766828" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael De Groot, "Disruption: The Global Economic Shocks of the 1970s and the End of the Cold War" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>In Disruption: The Global Economic Shocks of the 1970s and the End of the Cold War (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Michael De Groot argues that the global economic upheaval of the 1970s was decisive in ending the Cold War. Both the West and the Soviet bloc struggled with the slowdown of economic growth; chaos in the international monetary system; inflation; shocks in the commodities markets; and the emergence of offshore financial markets. The superpowers had previously disseminated resources to their allies to enhance their own national security, but the disappearance of postwar conditions during the 1970s forced Washington and Moscow to choose between promoting their own economic interests and supporting their partners in Europe and Asia.
Dr. de Groot shows that new unexpected macroeconomic imbalances in global capitalism sustained the West during the following decade. Rather than a creditor nation and net exporter, as it had been during the postwar period, the United States became a net importer of capital and goods during the 1980s that helped fund public spending, stimulated economic activity, and lubricated the private sector. The United States could now live beyond its means and continue waging the Cold War, and its allies benefited from access to the booming US market and the strengthened US military umbrella. As Disruption demonstrates, a new symbiotic economic architecture powered the West, but the Eastern European regimes increasingly became a burden to the Soviet Union. They were drowning in debt, and the Kremlin no longer had the resources to rescue them.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>99</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael De Groot</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Disruption: The Global Economic Shocks of the 1970s and the End of the Cold War (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Michael De Groot argues that the global economic upheaval of the 1970s was decisive in ending the Cold War. Both the West and the Soviet bloc struggled with the slowdown of economic growth; chaos in the international monetary system; inflation; shocks in the commodities markets; and the emergence of offshore financial markets. The superpowers had previously disseminated resources to their allies to enhance their own national security, but the disappearance of postwar conditions during the 1970s forced Washington and Moscow to choose between promoting their own economic interests and supporting their partners in Europe and Asia.
Dr. de Groot shows that new unexpected macroeconomic imbalances in global capitalism sustained the West during the following decade. Rather than a creditor nation and net exporter, as it had been during the postwar period, the United States became a net importer of capital and goods during the 1980s that helped fund public spending, stimulated economic activity, and lubricated the private sector. The United States could now live beyond its means and continue waging the Cold War, and its allies benefited from access to the booming US market and the strengthened US military umbrella. As Disruption demonstrates, a new symbiotic economic architecture powered the West, but the Eastern European regimes increasingly became a burden to the Soviet Union. They were drowning in debt, and the Kremlin no longer had the resources to rescue them.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501774119"><em>Disruption: The Global Economic Shocks of the 1970s and the End of the Cold War</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2024), Dr. Michael De Groot argues that the global economic upheaval of the 1970s was decisive in ending the Cold War. Both the West and the Soviet bloc struggled with the slowdown of economic growth; chaos in the international monetary system; inflation; shocks in the commodities markets; and the emergence of offshore financial markets. The superpowers had previously disseminated resources to their allies to enhance their own national security, but the disappearance of postwar conditions during the 1970s forced Washington and Moscow to choose between promoting their own economic interests and supporting their partners in Europe and Asia.</p><p>Dr. de Groot shows that new unexpected macroeconomic imbalances in global capitalism sustained the West during the following decade. Rather than a creditor nation and net exporter, as it had been during the postwar period, the United States became a net importer of capital and goods during the 1980s that helped fund public spending, stimulated economic activity, and lubricated the private sector. The United States could now live beyond its means and continue waging the Cold War, and its allies benefited from access to the booming US market and the strengthened US military umbrella. As <em>Disruption</em> demonstrates, a new symbiotic economic architecture powered the West, but the Eastern European regimes increasingly became a burden to the Soviet Union. They were drowning in debt, and the Kremlin no longer had the resources to rescue them.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3220</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Pozen, "The Constitution of the War on Drugs" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>David Pozen is the Charles Keller Beekman Professor of Law at Columbia Law School and the author of the new book, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford UP, 2024). An expert in constitutional law, Pozen argues that the drug war has been an unmitigated disaster, in terms of money, efficacy, and human rights. But even as activists peel off the drug war’s more unsavory aspects through cannabis and psychedelic legalization, Pozen also argues that they’ve neglected to consider the impact America’s courts could have on rectifying oppressive drug laws.
It wasn’t always this way. The Constitution of the War on Drugs also details the “hidden history” of a brief legal moment in the late 1960s and early 1970s when lawyers effectively argued for liberalized drug policies – on the sound basis of the Constitution. The moment was eventually overturned, but Pozen argues it could be a useful historical lesson for people interested in the effects of constitutional law on the drug war today.
A link to the digital edition of The Constitution of the War on Drugs will soon be available here.
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is coming out soon from the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>61</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Pozen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>David Pozen is the Charles Keller Beekman Professor of Law at Columbia Law School and the author of the new book, The Constitution of the War on Drugs (Oxford UP, 2024). An expert in constitutional law, Pozen argues that the drug war has been an unmitigated disaster, in terms of money, efficacy, and human rights. But even as activists peel off the drug war’s more unsavory aspects through cannabis and psychedelic legalization, Pozen also argues that they’ve neglected to consider the impact America’s courts could have on rectifying oppressive drug laws.
It wasn’t always this way. The Constitution of the War on Drugs also details the “hidden history” of a brief legal moment in the late 1960s and early 1970s when lawyers effectively argued for liberalized drug policies – on the sound basis of the Constitution. The moment was eventually overturned, but Pozen argues it could be a useful historical lesson for people interested in the effects of constitutional law on the drug war today.
A link to the digital edition of The Constitution of the War on Drugs will soon be available here.
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is coming out soon from the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>David Pozen is the Charles Keller Beekman Professor of Law at Columbia Law School and the author of the new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197685457"><em>The Constitution of the War on Drugs</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2024). An expert in constitutional law, Pozen argues that the drug war has been an unmitigated disaster, in terms of money, efficacy, and human rights. But even as activists peel off the drug war’s more unsavory aspects through cannabis and psychedelic legalization, Pozen also argues that they’ve neglected to consider the impact America’s courts could have on rectifying oppressive drug laws.</p><p>It wasn’t always this way. <em>The Constitution of the War on Drugs</em> also details the “hidden history” of a brief legal moment in the late 1960s and early 1970s when lawyers effectively argued for liberalized drug policies – on the sound basis of the Constitution. The moment was eventually overturned, but Pozen argues it could be a useful historical lesson for people interested in the effects of constitutional law on the drug war today.</p><p>A link to the digital edition of <em>The Constitution of the War on Drugs</em> will soon be available here.</p><p><a href="http://www.emilydufton.com/"><em>Emily Dufton</em></a><em> is the author of</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780465096169"><em> Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America </em></a><em>(Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is coming out soon from the University of Chicago Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3535</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9392ef14-04a4-11ef-8f37-f75a02a9ce4b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3409526088.mp3?updated=1714230480" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Leigh Gilmore, "The #MeToo Effect: What Happens When We Believe Women" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The #MeToo movement inspired millions to testify to the widespread experience of sexual violence. More broadly, it shifted the deeply ingrained response to women’s accounts of sexual violence from doubting all of them to believing some of them. What changed?
In The #MeToo Effect: What Happens When We Believe Women (Columbia UP, 2023), Leigh Gilmore provides a new account of #MeToo that reveals how storytelling by survivors propelled the call for sexual justice beyond courts and high-profile cases. At a time when the cultural conversation was fixated on appeals to legal and bureaucratic systems, narrative activism— storytelling in the service of social change—elevated survivors as authorities. Their testimony fused credibility and accountability into the #MeToo effect: uniting millions of separate accounts into an existential demand for sexual justice and the right to be heard.
Gilmore reframes #MeToo as a breakthrough moment within a longer history of feminist thought and activism. She analyzes the centrality of autobiographical storytelling in intersectional and antirape activism and traces how literary representations of sexual violence dating from antiquity intertwine with cultural notions of doubt, obligation, and agency. By focusing on the intersectional prehistory of #MeToo, Gilmore sheds light on how survivors have used narrative to frame sexual violence as an urgent problem requiring structural solutions in diverse global contexts. Considering the roles of literature and literary criticism in movements for social change, The #MeToo Effect demonstrates how “reading like a survivor” provides resources for activism.
﻿Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 27 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>88</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Leigh Gilmore</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The #MeToo movement inspired millions to testify to the widespread experience of sexual violence. More broadly, it shifted the deeply ingrained response to women’s accounts of sexual violence from doubting all of them to believing some of them. What changed?
In The #MeToo Effect: What Happens When We Believe Women (Columbia UP, 2023), Leigh Gilmore provides a new account of #MeToo that reveals how storytelling by survivors propelled the call for sexual justice beyond courts and high-profile cases. At a time when the cultural conversation was fixated on appeals to legal and bureaucratic systems, narrative activism— storytelling in the service of social change—elevated survivors as authorities. Their testimony fused credibility and accountability into the #MeToo effect: uniting millions of separate accounts into an existential demand for sexual justice and the right to be heard.
Gilmore reframes #MeToo as a breakthrough moment within a longer history of feminist thought and activism. She analyzes the centrality of autobiographical storytelling in intersectional and antirape activism and traces how literary representations of sexual violence dating from antiquity intertwine with cultural notions of doubt, obligation, and agency. By focusing on the intersectional prehistory of #MeToo, Gilmore sheds light on how survivors have used narrative to frame sexual violence as an urgent problem requiring structural solutions in diverse global contexts. Considering the roles of literature and literary criticism in movements for social change, The #MeToo Effect demonstrates how “reading like a survivor” provides resources for activism.
﻿Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The #MeToo movement inspired millions to testify to the widespread experience of sexual violence. More broadly, it shifted the deeply ingrained response to women’s accounts of sexual violence from doubting all of them to believing some of them. What changed?</p><p>In<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231194204"> <em>The #MeToo Effect: What Happens When We Believe Women</em> </a>(Columbia UP, 2023), Leigh Gilmore provides a new account of #MeToo that reveals how storytelling by survivors propelled the call for sexual justice beyond courts and high-profile cases. At a time when the cultural conversation was fixated on appeals to legal and bureaucratic systems, narrative activism— storytelling in the service of social change—elevated survivors as authorities. Their testimony fused credibility and accountability into the #MeToo effect: uniting millions of separate accounts into an existential demand for sexual justice and the right to be heard.</p><p>Gilmore reframes #MeToo as a breakthrough moment within a longer history of feminist thought and activism. She analyzes the centrality of autobiographical storytelling in intersectional and antirape activism and traces how literary representations of sexual violence dating from antiquity intertwine with cultural notions of doubt, obligation, and agency. By focusing on the intersectional prehistory of #MeToo, Gilmore sheds light on how survivors have used narrative to frame sexual violence as an urgent problem requiring structural solutions in diverse global contexts. Considering the roles of literature and literary criticism in movements for social change, <em>The #MeToo Effect </em>demonstrates how “reading like a survivor” provides resources for activism.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.janescimeca.com/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dana Gorzelany-Mostak, "Tracks on the Trail: Popular Music, Race, and the US Presidency" (U Michigan Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>From Bill Clinton playing his saxophone on The Arsenio Hall Show to Barack Obama referencing Jay-Z's song "Dirt Off Your Shoulder," politicians have used music not only to construct their personal presidential identities but to create the broader identity of the American presidency. Through music, candidates can appear relatable, show cultural competency, communicate values and ideas, or connect with a specific constituency. On a less explicit level, episodes such as Clinton's sax-playing and Obama's shoulder brush operate as aural and visual articulations of race and racial identity. But why do candidates choose to engage with race in this manner? And why do supporters and detractors on YouTube and the Twittersphere similarly engage with race when they create music videos or remixes in homage to their favorite candidates?
With Barack Obama, Ben Carson, Kamala Harris, and Donald Trump as case studies, Tracks on the Trail: Popular Music, Race, and the US Presidency (U Michigan Press, 2023) sheds light on the factors that motivate candidates and constituents alike to articulate race through music on the campaign trail and shows how the racialization of sound intersects with other markers of difference and ultimately shapes the public discourse surrounding candidates, popular music, and the meanings attached to race in the 21st century. Gorzelany-Mostak explores musical engagement broadly, including official music in the form of candidate playlists and launch event setlists, as well as unofficial music in the form of newly composed campaign songs, mashups, parodies, and remixes.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>258</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dana Gorzelany-Mostak</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From Bill Clinton playing his saxophone on The Arsenio Hall Show to Barack Obama referencing Jay-Z's song "Dirt Off Your Shoulder," politicians have used music not only to construct their personal presidential identities but to create the broader identity of the American presidency. Through music, candidates can appear relatable, show cultural competency, communicate values and ideas, or connect with a specific constituency. On a less explicit level, episodes such as Clinton's sax-playing and Obama's shoulder brush operate as aural and visual articulations of race and racial identity. But why do candidates choose to engage with race in this manner? And why do supporters and detractors on YouTube and the Twittersphere similarly engage with race when they create music videos or remixes in homage to their favorite candidates?
With Barack Obama, Ben Carson, Kamala Harris, and Donald Trump as case studies, Tracks on the Trail: Popular Music, Race, and the US Presidency (U Michigan Press, 2023) sheds light on the factors that motivate candidates and constituents alike to articulate race through music on the campaign trail and shows how the racialization of sound intersects with other markers of difference and ultimately shapes the public discourse surrounding candidates, popular music, and the meanings attached to race in the 21st century. Gorzelany-Mostak explores musical engagement broadly, including official music in the form of candidate playlists and launch event setlists, as well as unofficial music in the form of newly composed campaign songs, mashups, parodies, and remixes.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From Bill Clinton playing his saxophone on <em>The Arsenio Hall Show</em> to Barack Obama referencing Jay-Z's song "Dirt Off Your Shoulder," politicians have used music not only to construct their personal presidential identities but to create the broader identity of the American presidency. Through music, candidates can appear relatable, show cultural competency, communicate values and ideas, or connect with a specific constituency. On a less explicit level, episodes such as Clinton's sax-playing and Obama's shoulder brush operate as aural and visual articulations of race and racial identity. But why do candidates choose to engage with race in this manner? And why do supporters and detractors on YouTube and the Twittersphere similarly engage with race when they create music videos or remixes in homage to their favorite candidates?</p><p>With Barack Obama, Ben Carson, Kamala Harris, and Donald Trump as case studies, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780472056163"><em>Tracks on the Trail: Popular Music, Race, and the US Presidency</em></a> (U Michigan Press, 2023) sheds light on the factors that motivate candidates and constituents alike to articulate race through music on the campaign trail and shows how the racialization of sound intersects with other markers of difference and ultimately shapes the public discourse surrounding candidates, popular music, and the meanings attached to race in the 21st century. Gorzelany-Mostak explores musical engagement broadly, including official music in the form of candidate playlists and launch event setlists, as well as unofficial music in the form of newly composed campaign songs, mashups, parodies, and remixes.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3038</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Anu Bradford, "Digital Empires: The Global Battle to Regulate Technology" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The global battle among the three dominant digital powers―the United States, China, and the European Union―is intensifying. All three regimes are racing to regulate tech companies, with each advancing a competing vision for the digital economy while attempting to expand its sphere of influence in the digital world. In Digital Empires: The Global Battle to Regulate Technology (Oxford UP, 2023), her provocative follow-up to The Brussels Effect, Anu Bradford explores a rivalry that will shape the world in the decades to come.
Across the globe, people dependent on digital technologies have become increasingly alarmed that their rapid adoption and transformation have ushered in an exceedingly concentrated economy where a few powerful companies control vast economic wealth and political power, undermine data privacy, and widen the gap between economic winners and losers. In response, world leaders are variously embracing the idea of reining in the most dominant tech companies. Bradford examines three competing regulatory approaches―the American market-driven model, the Chinese state-driven model, and the European rights-driven regulatory model―and discusses how governments and tech companies navigate the inevitable conflicts that arise when these regulatory approaches collide in the international domain. Which digital empire will prevail in the contest for global influence remains an open question, yet their contrasting strategies are increasingly clear.
Digital societies are at an inflection point. In the midst of these unfolding regulatory battles, governments, tech companies, and digital citizens are making important choices that will shape the future ethos of the digital society. Digital Empires lays bare the choices we face as societies and individuals, explains the forces that shape those choices, and illuminates the immense stakes involved for everyone who uses digital technologies.
Jake Chanenson is a computer science Ph.D. student and law student at the University of Chicago. Broadly, Jake is interested in topics relating to HCI, privacy, and tech policy. Jake’s work has been published in top venues such as ACM’s CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>364</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anu Bradford</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The global battle among the three dominant digital powers―the United States, China, and the European Union―is intensifying. All three regimes are racing to regulate tech companies, with each advancing a competing vision for the digital economy while attempting to expand its sphere of influence in the digital world. In Digital Empires: The Global Battle to Regulate Technology (Oxford UP, 2023), her provocative follow-up to The Brussels Effect, Anu Bradford explores a rivalry that will shape the world in the decades to come.
Across the globe, people dependent on digital technologies have become increasingly alarmed that their rapid adoption and transformation have ushered in an exceedingly concentrated economy where a few powerful companies control vast economic wealth and political power, undermine data privacy, and widen the gap between economic winners and losers. In response, world leaders are variously embracing the idea of reining in the most dominant tech companies. Bradford examines three competing regulatory approaches―the American market-driven model, the Chinese state-driven model, and the European rights-driven regulatory model―and discusses how governments and tech companies navigate the inevitable conflicts that arise when these regulatory approaches collide in the international domain. Which digital empire will prevail in the contest for global influence remains an open question, yet their contrasting strategies are increasingly clear.
Digital societies are at an inflection point. In the midst of these unfolding regulatory battles, governments, tech companies, and digital citizens are making important choices that will shape the future ethos of the digital society. Digital Empires lays bare the choices we face as societies and individuals, explains the forces that shape those choices, and illuminates the immense stakes involved for everyone who uses digital technologies.
Jake Chanenson is a computer science Ph.D. student and law student at the University of Chicago. Broadly, Jake is interested in topics relating to HCI, privacy, and tech policy. Jake’s work has been published in top venues such as ACM’s CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The global battle among the three dominant digital powers―the United States, China, and the European Union―is intensifying. All three regimes are racing to regulate tech companies, with each advancing a competing vision for the digital economy while attempting to expand its sphere of influence in the digital world. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197649268"><em>Digital Empires: The Global Battle to Regulate Technology</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), her provocative follow-up to <em>The Brussels Effect</em>, Anu Bradford explores a rivalry that will shape the world in the decades to come.</p><p>Across the globe, people dependent on digital technologies have become increasingly alarmed that their rapid adoption and transformation have ushered in an exceedingly concentrated economy where a few powerful companies control vast economic wealth and political power, undermine data privacy, and widen the gap between economic winners and losers. In response, world leaders are variously embracing the idea of reining in the most dominant tech companies. Bradford examines three competing regulatory approaches―the American market-driven model, the Chinese state-driven model, and the European rights-driven regulatory model―and discusses how governments and tech companies navigate the inevitable conflicts that arise when these regulatory approaches collide in the international domain. Which digital empire will prevail in the contest for global influence remains an open question, yet their contrasting strategies are increasingly clear.</p><p>Digital societies are at an inflection point. In the midst of these unfolding regulatory battles, governments, tech companies, and digital citizens are making important choices that will shape the future ethos of the digital society. Digital Empires lays bare the choices we face as societies and individuals, explains the forces that shape those choices, and illuminates the immense stakes involved for everyone who uses digital technologies.</p><p><a href="https://jakec007.github.io/"><em>Jake Chanenson</em></a><em> is a computer science Ph.D. student and law student at the University of Chicago. Broadly, Jake is interested in topics relating to HCI, privacy, and tech policy. Jake’s work has been published in top venues such as ACM’s CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1174</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael J. Graetz, "The Power to Destroy: How the Antitax Movement Hijacked America" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>The anti-tax movement is "the most important overlooked social and political movement of the last half century", according to our guest Michael J. Graetz. 
In his book The Power to Destroy: How the Antitax Movement Hijacked America (Princeton UP, 2024), Graetz chronicles the movement from a fringe theory promoted by zealous outsiders using false economic claims and thinly veiled racist rhetoric to a highly organized mainstream lobbying force, funded by billionaires, that dominates and distorts politics. 
Building on vague and disproven theories about "supply side" economics, the movement has undermined long-held beliefs that taxes are a reasonable price to pay for civil society, sound infrastructure, national security, and shared prosperity. 
Leaders have attacked the IRS, protected tax loopholes, and pushed aggressively for tax cuts from Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump. Also known as "trickle-down" or "voodoo" economics, these theories falsely claim that tax cuts will pay for themselves, when in fact they have led to the need for increased debt, including massive foreign debt, to pay for critical national investments. 
The antitax movement has expanded to include anti-government ideas and now, as told by Graetz, threatens the nation’s social safety net, increases inequality, saps American financial strength, and undermines the status of the US dollar.
In 1819, Chief Justice John Marshall declared that the power to tax entails “the power to destroy.” In this book Graetz argues that it is the antitax movement itself that wields this destructive power. 
Suggested reading: Cloud Cuckoo Land, by Anthony Doerr
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>148</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael J. Graetz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The anti-tax movement is "the most important overlooked social and political movement of the last half century", according to our guest Michael J. Graetz. 
In his book The Power to Destroy: How the Antitax Movement Hijacked America (Princeton UP, 2024), Graetz chronicles the movement from a fringe theory promoted by zealous outsiders using false economic claims and thinly veiled racist rhetoric to a highly organized mainstream lobbying force, funded by billionaires, that dominates and distorts politics. 
Building on vague and disproven theories about "supply side" economics, the movement has undermined long-held beliefs that taxes are a reasonable price to pay for civil society, sound infrastructure, national security, and shared prosperity. 
Leaders have attacked the IRS, protected tax loopholes, and pushed aggressively for tax cuts from Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump. Also known as "trickle-down" or "voodoo" economics, these theories falsely claim that tax cuts will pay for themselves, when in fact they have led to the need for increased debt, including massive foreign debt, to pay for critical national investments. 
The antitax movement has expanded to include anti-government ideas and now, as told by Graetz, threatens the nation’s social safety net, increases inequality, saps American financial strength, and undermines the status of the US dollar.
In 1819, Chief Justice John Marshall declared that the power to tax entails “the power to destroy.” In this book Graetz argues that it is the antitax movement itself that wields this destructive power. 
Suggested reading: Cloud Cuckoo Land, by Anthony Doerr
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The anti-tax movement is "the most important overlooked social and political movement of the last half century", according to our guest Michael J. Graetz. </p><p>In his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691225548"><em>The Power to Destroy: How the Antitax Movement Hijacked America</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024), Graetz chronicles the movement from a fringe theory promoted by zealous outsiders using false economic claims and thinly veiled racist rhetoric to a highly organized mainstream lobbying force, funded by billionaires, that dominates and distorts politics. </p><p>Building on vague and disproven theories about "supply side" economics, the movement has undermined long-held beliefs that taxes are a reasonable price to pay for civil society, sound infrastructure, national security, and shared prosperity. </p><p>Leaders have attacked the IRS, protected tax loopholes, and pushed aggressively for tax cuts from Ronald Reagan to Donald Trump. Also known as "trickle-down" or "voodoo" economics, these theories falsely claim that tax cuts will pay for themselves, when in fact they have led to the need for increased debt, including massive foreign debt, to pay for critical national investments. </p><p>The antitax movement has expanded to include anti-government ideas and now, as told by Graetz, threatens the nation’s social safety net, increases inequality, saps American financial strength, and undermines the status of the US dollar.</p><p>In 1819, Chief Justice John Marshall declared that the power to tax entails “the power to destroy.” In this book Graetz argues that it is the antitax movement itself that wields this destructive power. </p><p>Suggested reading: <a href="https://www.anthonydoerr.com/books/cloud-cuckoo-land">Cloud Cuckoo Land</a>, by Anthony Doerr</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3905</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1936234577.mp3?updated=1713794457" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gary S. Cross, "Free Time: The History of an Elusive Ideal" (NYU Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Free time, one of life’s most precious things, often feels unfulfilling. But why? And how did leisure activities transition from strolling in the park for hours to “doomscrolling” on social media for thirty minutes?
Today, despite the promise of modern industrialization, many people experience both a scarcity of free time and a disappointment in it. Free Time: The History of an Elusive Ideal (NYU Press, 2024) by Dr. Gary Cross offers a broad historical explanation of why our affluent society does not afford more time away from work and why that time is often unsatisfying. Dr. Cross explores the cultural, social, economic, and political history, especially of the past 250 years to understand the roots of our conceptions of free time and its use. By the end of the nineteenth century, a common expectation was that industrial innovations would lead to a progressive reduction of work time and a subsequent rise in free time devoted to self-development and social engagement. However, despite significant changes in the early twentieth century, both goals were frustrated, thus leading to the contemporary dilemma.
Dr. Cross touches on leisure of all kinds, from peasant festivals and aristocratic pleasure gardens to amusement parks, movie theatres and organised sports to internet surfing, and even the use of alcohol and drugs. This wide-ranging cultural and social history explores the industrial-era origins of our modern obsession with work and productivity, but also the historical efforts to liberate time from work and cultivate free time for culture. Insightful and informative, this book is sure to help you make sense of your own relationship to free time.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>98</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gary S. Cross</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Free time, one of life’s most precious things, often feels unfulfilling. But why? And how did leisure activities transition from strolling in the park for hours to “doomscrolling” on social media for thirty minutes?
Today, despite the promise of modern industrialization, many people experience both a scarcity of free time and a disappointment in it. Free Time: The History of an Elusive Ideal (NYU Press, 2024) by Dr. Gary Cross offers a broad historical explanation of why our affluent society does not afford more time away from work and why that time is often unsatisfying. Dr. Cross explores the cultural, social, economic, and political history, especially of the past 250 years to understand the roots of our conceptions of free time and its use. By the end of the nineteenth century, a common expectation was that industrial innovations would lead to a progressive reduction of work time and a subsequent rise in free time devoted to self-development and social engagement. However, despite significant changes in the early twentieth century, both goals were frustrated, thus leading to the contemporary dilemma.
Dr. Cross touches on leisure of all kinds, from peasant festivals and aristocratic pleasure gardens to amusement parks, movie theatres and organised sports to internet surfing, and even the use of alcohol and drugs. This wide-ranging cultural and social history explores the industrial-era origins of our modern obsession with work and productivity, but also the historical efforts to liberate time from work and cultivate free time for culture. Insightful and informative, this book is sure to help you make sense of your own relationship to free time.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose new book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Free time, one of life’s most precious things, often feels unfulfilling. But why? And how did leisure activities transition from strolling in the park for hours to “doomscrolling” on social media for thirty minutes?</p><p>Today, despite the promise of modern industrialization, many people experience both a scarcity of free time and a disappointment in it. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479813070"><em>Free Time: The History of an Elusive Ideal</em></a> (NYU Press, 2024) by Dr. Gary Cross offers a broad historical explanation of why our affluent society does not afford more time away from work and why that time is often unsatisfying. Dr. Cross explores the cultural, social, economic, and political history, especially of the past 250 years to understand the roots of our conceptions of free time and its use. By the end of the nineteenth century, a common expectation was that industrial innovations would lead to a progressive reduction of work time and a subsequent rise in free time devoted to self-development and social engagement. However, despite significant changes in the early twentieth century, both goals were frustrated, thus leading to the contemporary dilemma.</p><p>Dr. Cross touches on leisure of all kinds, from peasant festivals and aristocratic pleasure gardens to amusement parks, movie theatres and organised sports to internet surfing, and even the use of alcohol and drugs. This wide-ranging cultural and social history explores the industrial-era origins of our modern obsession with work and productivity, but also the historical efforts to liberate time from work and cultivate free time for culture. Insightful and informative, this book is sure to help you make sense of your own relationship to free time.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> new book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2917</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3573539718.mp3?updated=1713631384" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rogers M. Smith and Desmond King, "America’s New Racial Battle Lines: Protect Versus Repair" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>What is happening to the politics of race in America? 
In America’s New Racial Battle Lines: Protect Versus Repair (U Chicago Press, 2024), Rogers Smith and Desmond King argue that the nation has entered a new, more severely polarized era of racial policy disputes, displacing older debates over color-blind versus race-targeted measures. Drawing on primary sources, interviews, and studies of federal, state, and local initiatives linked to global developments, the authors map the memberships and the goals of two rival racial policy alliances, comprised of grassroots activists, NGOs, government agencies, and wealthy funders on both sides. Today's conservatives promise to "protect" traditionalist Americans against assaults from what they see as a radical American Left. Today's progressives seek to "repair" all American institutions and practices that embody systemic racism. Though these sides have some common ground, they advance sharply opposed visions of America that threaten to make profound racial policy conflicts, sometimes erupting into violence, all too pervasive in the nation's present and future.
Professor Rogers Smith is Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania.
Professor Desmond King is Andrew W. Mellon professor of American Government at Nuffield College, University of Oxford.
Host Dr Ursula Hackett is a Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>181</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rogers M. Smith and Desmond King</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is happening to the politics of race in America? 
In America’s New Racial Battle Lines: Protect Versus Repair (U Chicago Press, 2024), Rogers Smith and Desmond King argue that the nation has entered a new, more severely polarized era of racial policy disputes, displacing older debates over color-blind versus race-targeted measures. Drawing on primary sources, interviews, and studies of federal, state, and local initiatives linked to global developments, the authors map the memberships and the goals of two rival racial policy alliances, comprised of grassroots activists, NGOs, government agencies, and wealthy funders on both sides. Today's conservatives promise to "protect" traditionalist Americans against assaults from what they see as a radical American Left. Today's progressives seek to "repair" all American institutions and practices that embody systemic racism. Though these sides have some common ground, they advance sharply opposed visions of America that threaten to make profound racial policy conflicts, sometimes erupting into violence, all too pervasive in the nation's present and future.
Professor Rogers Smith is Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania.
Professor Desmond King is Andrew W. Mellon professor of American Government at Nuffield College, University of Oxford.
Host Dr Ursula Hackett is a Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State (Cambridge University Press, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is happening to the politics of race in America? </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226834047"><em>America’s New Racial Battle Lines: Protect Versus Repair</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2024), Rogers Smith and Desmond King argue that the nation has entered a new, more severely polarized era of racial policy disputes, displacing older debates over color-blind versus race-targeted measures. Drawing on primary sources, interviews, and studies of federal, state, and local initiatives linked to global developments, the authors map the memberships and the goals of two rival racial policy alliances, comprised of grassroots activists, NGOs, government agencies, and wealthy funders on both sides. Today's conservatives promise to "protect" traditionalist Americans against assaults from what they see as a radical American Left. Today's progressives seek to "repair" all American institutions and practices that embody systemic racism. Though these sides have some common ground, they advance sharply opposed visions of America that threaten to make profound racial policy conflicts, sometimes erupting into violence, all too pervasive in the nation's present and future.</p><p>Professor Rogers Smith is Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Emeritus Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania.</p><p>Professor Desmond King is Andrew W. Mellon professor of American Government at Nuffield College, University of Oxford.</p><p><em>Host Dr Ursula Hackett is a Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. She is the author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108812054"><em>America’s Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State</em></a><em> (Cambridge University Press, 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3978</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>On Fiorello La Guardia and Why He Still Matters: A Discussion with Author Terry Golway</title>
      <description>Has any American mayor ever made a greater stamp on the public consciousness than the Little Flower, Fiorello La Guardia, mayor of New York City from 1934 to 1945? La Guardia is brought to life in historian Terry Golway’s “I Never Did Like Politics”: How Fiorello La Guardia Became America’s Mayor, and Why He Still Matters (St. Martin’s Press, 2024). The podcast tracks with Golway’s thematic approach to his book, which features chapters on “In Defense of Democracy,” “The Immigrant’s Friend,” and “The Anti-Politician Politician.” Golway recognizes and celebrates the Little Flower as a champion of enduring American political and cultural values that, once again today, as in his times, are under severe and seemingly unremitting stress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>16</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Has any American mayor ever made a greater stamp on the public consciousness than the Little Flower, Fiorello La Guardia, mayor of New York City from 1934 to 1945? La Guardia is brought to life in historian Terry Golway’s “I Never Did Like Politics”: How Fiorello La Guardia Became America’s Mayor, and Why He Still Matters (St. Martin’s Press, 2024). The podcast tracks with Golway’s thematic approach to his book, which features chapters on “In Defense of Democracy,” “The Immigrant’s Friend,” and “The Anti-Politician Politician.” Golway recognizes and celebrates the Little Flower as a champion of enduring American political and cultural values that, once again today, as in his times, are under severe and seemingly unremitting stress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Has any American mayor ever made a greater stamp on the public consciousness than the Little Flower, Fiorello La Guardia, mayor of New York City from 1934 to 1945? La Guardia is brought to life in historian Terry Golway’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250285782"><em>“I Never Did Like Politics”: How Fiorello La Guardia Became America’s Mayor, and Why He Still Matters</em></a><em> </em>(St. Martin’s Press, 2024). The podcast tracks with Golway’s thematic approach to his book, which features chapters on “In Defense of Democracy,” “The Immigrant’s Friend,” and “The Anti-Politician Politician.” Golway recognizes and celebrates the Little Flower as a champion of enduring American political and cultural values that, once again today, as in his times, are under severe and seemingly unremitting stress.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3386</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[01864baa-fcef-11ee-a722-7b432353bcc3]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Words of Attack: Rhetoric Against Liberal Democratic Values with James McAdams</title>
      <description>With a presidential campaign in the US just around the corner and populist and authoritarian thinkers gaining broader platforms, University of Notre Dame political scientist A. James McAdams shines a light on the terms being used today by the Far Right to undermine liberal democracy. How successful are these thinkers in changing public views? And how worried should we be about what they are doing? These are among the topics McAdams addresses in his conversation with RBI Director John Torpey.
McAdams' most recent book (co-edited with Samuel Piccolo) is Far-Right Newspeak and the Future of Liberal Democracy (Routledge, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>143</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With a presidential campaign in the US just around the corner and populist and authoritarian thinkers gaining broader platforms, University of Notre Dame political scientist A. James McAdams shines a light on the terms being used today by the Far Right to undermine liberal democracy. How successful are these thinkers in changing public views? And how worried should we be about what they are doing? These are among the topics McAdams addresses in his conversation with RBI Director John Torpey.
McAdams' most recent book (co-edited with Samuel Piccolo) is Far-Right Newspeak and the Future of Liberal Democracy (Routledge, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With a presidential campaign in the US just around the corner and populist and authoritarian thinkers gaining broader platforms, University of Notre Dame political scientist A. James McAdams shines a light on the terms being used today by the Far Right to undermine liberal democracy. How successful are these thinkers in changing public views? And how worried should we be about what they are doing? These are among the topics McAdams addresses in his conversation with RBI Director John Torpey.</p><p>McAdams' most recent book (co-edited with Samuel Piccolo) is <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032566269"><em>Far-Right Newspeak and the Future of Liberal Democracy</em></a> (Routledge, 2024).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1976</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Melvin L. Rogers, "The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Theorist Melvin L. Rogers has a deep and rich new book delving into the work of a host of different African American political thinkers. But this work is much more than an exploration of some of the writings by African American thinkers, it importantly tells the story of America. The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought (Princeton UP, 2023) takes the reader on a journey through distinct work and pieces by David Walker, Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, Billie Holiday, James Baldwin, and others not in an effort to be exhaustive or completist in examining their work, but in teasing out vital thematic approaches to consider race, democracy, and freedom in the American republic. Rogers starts from a foundation in considering the idea of democracy—what are the habits and sensibilities that are located in the people who compose a democracy, or, more precisely, “who are we?” in the understanding of “we the people” or in the we of “we hold these truths to be self-evident.” While there is attention to the institutions that structure our democracy, Rogers reads many of these authors to expand that focus, to think about what the culture, the societal concepts, and the community define as who we are and who we might hope to be. Thus, as Rogers weaves together chronological approaches to considering these ideas from the authors and artists included in the conversation, he is also toggling together components that are often considered separately: political standing and culture standing, and how individuals, particularly black individuals, are situated in each.
The Darkened Light of Faith is deeply engaged with the conceptual duality of a place and an idea – the United States – that is at once mired in the tragic history of enslavement and, at the same time, moving (maybe?) towards the promise of a democracy that holds freedom among its most important qualities. This tension is also the darkened light of faith and hope that the thinkers, activists, and artists wrap themselves and their work in as they consider the opportunities and problematics that are America. Rogers does not confine his analysis to the written word. There is an exploration of anti-slavery pamphlets by abolitionist David Walker, who wrote and advocated against slavery in the 1820s and 1803s. The anti-republican nature of enslavement in the United States is another dimension of the book, examining the conflict inherent in a republican society that incorporates racial domination. Furthering this discussion, Rogers considers the idea of “the people” and how this concept is complicated by the exclusionary nature of slavery and categorization of individuals into groups of citizens who are included and others who are excluded based on race. The second part of the book pivots to the 20th century and expands the dimensions of thinking about these tensions and conflicts that are at the heart of the United States. The Darkened Light of Faith explores not just the extra-judicial nature of lynching, but how this is also a site of invisible laws that make lynching, by white Americans, possible without any threat or potential for penalties. This section weaves together work and advocacy by Ida B. Well, Billie Holiday’s song and performances of Strange Fruit, and the NAACP’s campaign using images of lynched bodies to focus on the horror of lynching and the undermining of democratic ethos in the U.S. The final sections of the book take up work by W.E.B. Du Bois and James Baldwin as they write about and comment on the complexity of American life, noting that charting a path forward towards the promise of the American experiment cannot leave untold or unknown the history in slavery and domination.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>713</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melvin L. Rogers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Theorist Melvin L. Rogers has a deep and rich new book delving into the work of a host of different African American political thinkers. But this work is much more than an exploration of some of the writings by African American thinkers, it importantly tells the story of America. The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought (Princeton UP, 2023) takes the reader on a journey through distinct work and pieces by David Walker, Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, Billie Holiday, James Baldwin, and others not in an effort to be exhaustive or completist in examining their work, but in teasing out vital thematic approaches to consider race, democracy, and freedom in the American republic. Rogers starts from a foundation in considering the idea of democracy—what are the habits and sensibilities that are located in the people who compose a democracy, or, more precisely, “who are we?” in the understanding of “we the people” or in the we of “we hold these truths to be self-evident.” While there is attention to the institutions that structure our democracy, Rogers reads many of these authors to expand that focus, to think about what the culture, the societal concepts, and the community define as who we are and who we might hope to be. Thus, as Rogers weaves together chronological approaches to considering these ideas from the authors and artists included in the conversation, he is also toggling together components that are often considered separately: political standing and culture standing, and how individuals, particularly black individuals, are situated in each.
The Darkened Light of Faith is deeply engaged with the conceptual duality of a place and an idea – the United States – that is at once mired in the tragic history of enslavement and, at the same time, moving (maybe?) towards the promise of a democracy that holds freedom among its most important qualities. This tension is also the darkened light of faith and hope that the thinkers, activists, and artists wrap themselves and their work in as they consider the opportunities and problematics that are America. Rogers does not confine his analysis to the written word. There is an exploration of anti-slavery pamphlets by abolitionist David Walker, who wrote and advocated against slavery in the 1820s and 1803s. The anti-republican nature of enslavement in the United States is another dimension of the book, examining the conflict inherent in a republican society that incorporates racial domination. Furthering this discussion, Rogers considers the idea of “the people” and how this concept is complicated by the exclusionary nature of slavery and categorization of individuals into groups of citizens who are included and others who are excluded based on race. The second part of the book pivots to the 20th century and expands the dimensions of thinking about these tensions and conflicts that are at the heart of the United States. The Darkened Light of Faith explores not just the extra-judicial nature of lynching, but how this is also a site of invisible laws that make lynching, by white Americans, possible without any threat or potential for penalties. This section weaves together work and advocacy by Ida B. Well, Billie Holiday’s song and performances of Strange Fruit, and the NAACP’s campaign using images of lynched bodies to focus on the horror of lynching and the undermining of democratic ethos in the U.S. The final sections of the book take up work by W.E.B. Du Bois and James Baldwin as they write about and comment on the complexity of American life, noting that charting a path forward towards the promise of the American experiment cannot leave untold or unknown the history in slavery and domination.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Theorist Melvin L. Rogers has a deep and rich new book delving into the work of a host of different African American political thinkers. But this work is much more than an exploration of some of the writings by African American thinkers, it importantly tells the story of America. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691219134"><em>The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought</em> </a>(Princeton UP, 2023) takes the reader on a journey through distinct work and pieces by David Walker, Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, Billie Holiday, James Baldwin, and others not in an effort to be exhaustive or completist in examining their work, but in teasing out vital thematic approaches to consider race, democracy, and freedom in the American republic. Rogers starts from a foundation in considering the idea of democracy—what are the habits and sensibilities that are located in the people who compose a democracy, or, more precisely, “who are <em>we</em>?” in the understanding of “<em>we</em> the people” or in the <em>we</em> of “<em>we</em> hold these truths to be self-evident.” While there is attention to the institutions that structure our democracy, Rogers reads many of these authors to expand that focus, to think about what the culture, the societal concepts, and the community define as who <em>we</em> are and who <em>we</em> might hope to be. Thus, as Rogers weaves together chronological approaches to considering these ideas from the authors and artists included in the conversation, he is also toggling together components that are often considered separately: political standing and culture standing, and how individuals, particularly black individuals, are situated in each.</p><p><em>The Darkened Light of Faith</em> is deeply engaged with the conceptual duality of a place and an idea – the United States – that is at once mired in the tragic history of enslavement and, at the same time, moving (maybe?) towards the promise of a democracy that holds freedom among its most important qualities. This tension is also the darkened light of faith and hope that the thinkers, activists, and artists wrap themselves and their work in as they consider the opportunities and problematics that are America. Rogers does not confine his analysis to the written word. There is an exploration of anti-slavery pamphlets by abolitionist David Walker, who wrote and advocated against slavery in the 1820s and 1803s. The anti-republican nature of enslavement in the United States is another dimension of the book, examining the conflict inherent in a republican society that incorporates racial domination. Furthering this discussion, Rogers considers the idea of “the people” and how this concept is complicated by the exclusionary nature of slavery and categorization of individuals into groups of citizens who are included and others who are excluded based on race. The second part of the book pivots to the 20th century and expands the dimensions of thinking about these tensions and conflicts that are at the heart of the United States. <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691219134/the-darkened-light-of-faith"><em>The Darkened Light of Faith</em></a> explores not just the extra-judicial nature of lynching, but how this is also a site of invisible laws that make lynching, by white Americans, possible without any threat or potential for penalties. This section weaves together work and advocacy by Ida B. Well, Billie Holiday’s song and performances of <em>Strange Fruit</em>, and the NAACP’s campaign using images of lynched bodies to focus on the horror of lynching and the undermining of democratic ethos in the U.S. The final sections of the book take up work by W.E.B. Du Bois and James Baldwin as they write about and comment on the complexity of American life, noting that charting a path forward towards the promise of the American experiment cannot leave untold or unknown the history in slavery and domination.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3279</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Seth D. Kaplan, "Fragile Neighborhoods: Repairing American Society, One Zip Code at a Time" (Little, Brown Spark, 2023)</title>
      <description>The neighborhoods we live in impact our lives in so many ways: they determine who we know, what resources and opportunities we have access to, the quality of schools our kids go to, our sense of security and belonging, and even how long we live.
Yet too many of us live in neighborhoods plagued by rising crime, school violence, family disintegration, addiction, alienation, and despair. Even the wealthiest neighborhoods are not immune; while poverty exacerbates these challenges, they exist in zip codes rich and poor, rural and urban, and everything in between.
In Fragile Neighborhoods: Repairing American Society, One Zip Code at a Time (Little, Brown Spark, 2023), fragile states expert Seth D. Kaplan offers a bold new vision for addressing social decline in America, one zip code at a time. By revitalizing our local institutions—and the social ties that knit them together—we can all turn our neighborhoods into places where people and families can thrive.
Readers will meet the innovative individuals and organizations pioneering new approaches to everything from youth mentoring to affordable housing: people like Dreama, a former lawyer whose organization works with local leaders and educators in rural Appalachia to equip young people with the social support they need to succeed in school; and Chris, whose Detroit-based non-profit turns vacant school buildings into community resource hubs.
Along the way, Kaplan offers a set of practical lessons to inspire similar work, reminding us that when change is hyperlocal, everyone has the opportunity to contribute.
Seth D. Kaplan, Ph.D. is a leading expert on fragile states. He is a Professorial Lecturer in the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, Senior Adviser for the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT), and consultant to multilateral organizations such as the World Bank, U.S. State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, and OECD as well as developing country governments and NGOs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 14 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>118</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Seth D. Kaplan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The neighborhoods we live in impact our lives in so many ways: they determine who we know, what resources and opportunities we have access to, the quality of schools our kids go to, our sense of security and belonging, and even how long we live.
Yet too many of us live in neighborhoods plagued by rising crime, school violence, family disintegration, addiction, alienation, and despair. Even the wealthiest neighborhoods are not immune; while poverty exacerbates these challenges, they exist in zip codes rich and poor, rural and urban, and everything in between.
In Fragile Neighborhoods: Repairing American Society, One Zip Code at a Time (Little, Brown Spark, 2023), fragile states expert Seth D. Kaplan offers a bold new vision for addressing social decline in America, one zip code at a time. By revitalizing our local institutions—and the social ties that knit them together—we can all turn our neighborhoods into places where people and families can thrive.
Readers will meet the innovative individuals and organizations pioneering new approaches to everything from youth mentoring to affordable housing: people like Dreama, a former lawyer whose organization works with local leaders and educators in rural Appalachia to equip young people with the social support they need to succeed in school; and Chris, whose Detroit-based non-profit turns vacant school buildings into community resource hubs.
Along the way, Kaplan offers a set of practical lessons to inspire similar work, reminding us that when change is hyperlocal, everyone has the opportunity to contribute.
Seth D. Kaplan, Ph.D. is a leading expert on fragile states. He is a Professorial Lecturer in the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, Senior Adviser for the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT), and consultant to multilateral organizations such as the World Bank, U.S. State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, and OECD as well as developing country governments and NGOs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The neighborhoods we live in impact our lives in so many ways: they determine who we know, what resources and opportunities we have access to, the quality of schools our kids go to, our sense of security and belonging, and even how long we live.</p><p>Yet too many of us live in neighborhoods plagued by rising crime, school violence, family disintegration, addiction, alienation, and despair. Even the wealthiest neighborhoods are not immune; while poverty exacerbates these challenges, they exist in zip codes rich and poor, rural and urban, and everything in between.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780316521390"><em>Fragile Neighborhoods: Repairing American Society, One Zip Code at a Time</em></a> (Little, Brown Spark, 2023), fragile states expert Seth D. Kaplan offers a bold new vision for addressing social decline in America, one zip code at a time. By revitalizing our local institutions—and the social ties that knit them together—we can all turn our neighborhoods into places where people and families can thrive.</p><p>Readers will meet the innovative individuals and organizations pioneering new approaches to everything from youth mentoring to affordable housing: people like Dreama, a former lawyer whose organization works with local leaders and educators in rural Appalachia to equip young people with the social support they need to succeed in school; and Chris, whose Detroit-based non-profit turns vacant school buildings into community resource hubs.</p><p>Along the way, Kaplan offers a set of practical lessons to inspire similar work, reminding us that when change is hyperlocal, everyone has the opportunity to contribute.</p><p>Seth D. Kaplan, Ph.D. is a leading expert on fragile states. He is a Professorial Lecturer in the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, Senior Adviser for the Institute for Integrated Transitions (IFIT), and consultant to multilateral organizations such as the World Bank, U.S. State Department, U.S. Agency for International Development, and OECD as well as developing country governments and NGOs.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1830</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Stewart Lawrence Sinclair, "Space Rover" (Bloomsbury, 2024)</title>
      <description>In 1971, the first lunar rover arrived on the moon. The design became an icon of American ingenuity and the adventurous spirit and vision many equated with the space race.
Fifty years later, that vision feels like a nostalgic fantasy, but the lunar rover's legacy paved the way for Mars rovers like Sojourner, Curiosity, and Perseverance. Other rovers have made accessible the world's deepest caves and most remote tundra, extending our exploratory range without risking lives. Still others have been utilised for search and rescue missions or in clean up operations after disasters such as Chernobyl.
Space Rover (Bloomsbury, 2024) by Stewart Lawrence Sinclair is the addition to the Object Lessons series that explores all of this and more. The book shows that for all these achievements, rovers embody not just our potential, but our limits. Examining rovers as they wander our terrestrial and celestial boundaries, we might better comprehend our place, and fate, in this universe.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 13 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>78</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Stewart Lawrence Sinclair</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1971, the first lunar rover arrived on the moon. The design became an icon of American ingenuity and the adventurous spirit and vision many equated with the space race.
Fifty years later, that vision feels like a nostalgic fantasy, but the lunar rover's legacy paved the way for Mars rovers like Sojourner, Curiosity, and Perseverance. Other rovers have made accessible the world's deepest caves and most remote tundra, extending our exploratory range without risking lives. Still others have been utilised for search and rescue missions or in clean up operations after disasters such as Chernobyl.
Space Rover (Bloomsbury, 2024) by Stewart Lawrence Sinclair is the addition to the Object Lessons series that explores all of this and more. The book shows that for all these achievements, rovers embody not just our potential, but our limits. Examining rovers as they wander our terrestrial and celestial boundaries, we might better comprehend our place, and fate, in this universe.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1971, the first lunar rover arrived on the moon. The design became an icon of American ingenuity and the adventurous spirit and vision many equated with the space race.</p><p>Fifty years later, that vision feels like a nostalgic fantasy, but the lunar rover's legacy paved the way for Mars rovers like Sojourner, Curiosity, and Perseverance. Other rovers have made accessible the world's deepest caves and most remote tundra, extending our exploratory range without risking lives. Still others have been utilised for search and rescue missions or in clean up operations after disasters such as Chernobyl.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501399954"><em>Space Rover</em></a> (Bloomsbury, 2024) by Stewart Lawrence Sinclair is the addition to the Object Lessons series that explores all of this and more. The book shows that for all these achievements, rovers embody not just our potential, but our limits. Examining rovers as they wander our terrestrial and celestial boundaries, we might better comprehend our place, and fate, in this universe.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2641</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Joseph M. Thompson, "Cold War Country: How Nashville's Music Row and the Pentagon Created the Sound of American Patriotism" (UNC Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Country music maintains a special, decades-long relationship to American military life, but these ties didn't just happen. This readable history reveals how country music's Nashville-based business leaders on Music Row created partnerships with the Pentagon to sell their audiences on military service while selling the music to service members. Beginning in the 1950s, the military flooded armed forces airwaves with the music, hosted tour dates at bases around the world, and drew on artists from Johnny Cash to Lee Greenwood to support recruitment programs. 
Over the last half of the twentieth century, the close connections between the Defense Department and Music Row gave an economic boost to the white-dominated sounds of country while marginalizing Black artists and fueling divisions over the meaning of patriotism. This story is filled with familiar stars like Roy Acuff, Elvis Presley, and George Strait, as well as lesser-known figures: industry executives who worked the halls of Congress, country artists who dissented from the stereotypically patriotic trappings of the genre, and more. 
In Cold War Country: How Nashville's Music Row and the Pentagon Created the Sound of American Patriotism (UNC Press, 2024), Joseph M. Thompson argues convincingly that the relationship between Music Row and the Pentagon helped shape not only the evolution of popular music but also race relations, partisanship, and images of the United States abroad.
Joseph M. Thompson is assistant professor of history at Mississippi State University.
Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 06 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>234</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joseph M. Thompson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Country music maintains a special, decades-long relationship to American military life, but these ties didn't just happen. This readable history reveals how country music's Nashville-based business leaders on Music Row created partnerships with the Pentagon to sell their audiences on military service while selling the music to service members. Beginning in the 1950s, the military flooded armed forces airwaves with the music, hosted tour dates at bases around the world, and drew on artists from Johnny Cash to Lee Greenwood to support recruitment programs. 
Over the last half of the twentieth century, the close connections between the Defense Department and Music Row gave an economic boost to the white-dominated sounds of country while marginalizing Black artists and fueling divisions over the meaning of patriotism. This story is filled with familiar stars like Roy Acuff, Elvis Presley, and George Strait, as well as lesser-known figures: industry executives who worked the halls of Congress, country artists who dissented from the stereotypically patriotic trappings of the genre, and more. 
In Cold War Country: How Nashville's Music Row and the Pentagon Created the Sound of American Patriotism (UNC Press, 2024), Joseph M. Thompson argues convincingly that the relationship between Music Row and the Pentagon helped shape not only the evolution of popular music but also race relations, partisanship, and images of the United States abroad.
Joseph M. Thompson is assistant professor of history at Mississippi State University.
Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Country music maintains a special, decades-long relationship to American military life, but these ties didn't just happen. This readable history reveals how country music's Nashville-based business leaders on Music Row created partnerships with the Pentagon to sell their audiences on military service while selling the music to service members. Beginning in the 1950s, the military flooded armed forces airwaves with the music, hosted tour dates at bases around the world, and drew on artists from Johnny Cash to Lee Greenwood to support recruitment programs. </p><p>Over the last half of the twentieth century, the close connections between the Defense Department and Music Row gave an economic boost to the white-dominated sounds of country while marginalizing Black artists and fueling divisions over the meaning of patriotism. This story is filled with familiar stars like Roy Acuff, Elvis Presley, and George Strait, as well as lesser-known figures: industry executives who worked the halls of Congress, country artists who dissented from the stereotypically patriotic trappings of the genre, and more. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469678368"><em>Cold War Country: How Nashville's Music Row and the Pentagon Created the Sound of American Patriotism</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2024), Joseph M. Thompson argues convincingly that the relationship between Music Row and the Pentagon helped shape not only the evolution of popular music but also race relations, partisanship, and images of the United States abroad.</p><p>Joseph M. Thompson is assistant professor of history at Mississippi State University.</p><p><em>Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4017</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway, "The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market" (Bloomsbury. 2023)</title>
      <description>In their bestselling book Merchants of Doubt, Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway revealed the origins of climate change denial. Now, in The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market (Bloomsbury. 2023), they unfold the truth about another disastrous dogma: the “magic of the marketplace.”
In the early 20th century, business elites, trade associations, wealthy powerbrokers, and media allies set out to build a new American orthodoxy: down with “big government” and up with unfettered markets. With startling archival evidence, Oreskes and Conway document campaigns to rewrite textbooks, combat unions, and defend child labor. They detail the ploys that turned hardline economists Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman into household names; recount the libertarian roots of the Little House on the Prairie books; and tune into the General Electric-sponsored TV show that beamed free-market doctrine to millions and launched Ronald Reagan's political career.
By the 1970s, this propaganda was succeeding. Free market ideology would define the next half-century across Republican and Democratic administrations, giving us a housing crisis, the opioid scourge, climate destruction, and a baleful response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Only by understanding this history can we imagine a future where markets will serve, not stifle, democracy.
Naomi Oreskes is Professor of the History of Science at Harvard University. Her opinion pieces have appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and many other outlets. Oreskes is author or co-author of 9 books, and over 150 articles, essays and opinion pieces, including Merchants of Doubt (Bloomsbury, 2010), The Collapse of Western Civilization (Columbia University Press, 2014), Discerning Experts (University Chicago Press, 2019), Why Trust Science? (Princeton University Press, 2019), and Science on a Mission: American Oceanography from the Cold War to Climate Change, (University of Chicago Press, 2021). Merchants of Doubt, co-authored with Erik Conway, was the subject of a documentary film of the same name produced by participant Media and distributed by SONY Pictures Classics, and has been translated into nine languages. A new edition of Merchants of Doubt, with an introduction by Al Gore, was published in 2020.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1432</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Naomi Oreskes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In their bestselling book Merchants of Doubt, Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway revealed the origins of climate change denial. Now, in The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market (Bloomsbury. 2023), they unfold the truth about another disastrous dogma: the “magic of the marketplace.”
In the early 20th century, business elites, trade associations, wealthy powerbrokers, and media allies set out to build a new American orthodoxy: down with “big government” and up with unfettered markets. With startling archival evidence, Oreskes and Conway document campaigns to rewrite textbooks, combat unions, and defend child labor. They detail the ploys that turned hardline economists Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman into household names; recount the libertarian roots of the Little House on the Prairie books; and tune into the General Electric-sponsored TV show that beamed free-market doctrine to millions and launched Ronald Reagan's political career.
By the 1970s, this propaganda was succeeding. Free market ideology would define the next half-century across Republican and Democratic administrations, giving us a housing crisis, the opioid scourge, climate destruction, and a baleful response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Only by understanding this history can we imagine a future where markets will serve, not stifle, democracy.
Naomi Oreskes is Professor of the History of Science at Harvard University. Her opinion pieces have appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and many other outlets. Oreskes is author or co-author of 9 books, and over 150 articles, essays and opinion pieces, including Merchants of Doubt (Bloomsbury, 2010), The Collapse of Western Civilization (Columbia University Press, 2014), Discerning Experts (University Chicago Press, 2019), Why Trust Science? (Princeton University Press, 2019), and Science on a Mission: American Oceanography from the Cold War to Climate Change, (University of Chicago Press, 2021). Merchants of Doubt, co-authored with Erik Conway, was the subject of a documentary film of the same name produced by participant Media and distributed by SONY Pictures Classics, and has been translated into nine languages. A new edition of Merchants of Doubt, with an introduction by Al Gore, was published in 2020.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In their bestselling book <em>Merchants of Doubt</em>, Naomi Oreskes and Erik M. Conway revealed the origins of climate change denial. Now, in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781635573572"><em>The Big Myth: How American Business Taught Us to Loathe Government and Love the Free Market</em></a> (Bloomsbury. 2023), they unfold the truth about another disastrous dogma: the “magic of the marketplace.”</p><p>In the early 20th century, business elites, trade associations, wealthy powerbrokers, and media allies set out to build a new American orthodoxy: down with “big government” and up with unfettered markets. With startling archival evidence, Oreskes and Conway document campaigns to rewrite textbooks, combat unions, and defend child labor. They detail the ploys that turned hardline economists Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman into household names; recount the libertarian roots of the Little House on the Prairie books; and tune into the General Electric-sponsored TV show that beamed free-market doctrine to millions and launched Ronald Reagan's political career.</p><p>By the 1970s, this propaganda was succeeding. Free market ideology would define the next half-century across Republican <em>and</em> Democratic administrations, giving us a housing crisis, the opioid scourge, climate destruction, and a baleful response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Only by understanding this history can we imagine a future where markets will serve, not stifle, democracy.</p><p>Naomi Oreskes is Professor of the History of Science at Harvard University. Her opinion pieces have appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and many other outlets. Oreskes is author or co-author of 9 books, and over 150 articles, essays and opinion pieces, including Merchants of Doubt (Bloomsbury, 2010), The Collapse of Western Civilization (Columbia University Press, 2014), Discerning Experts (University Chicago Press, 2019), Why Trust Science? (Princeton University Press, 2019), and Science on a Mission: American Oceanography from the Cold War to Climate Change, (University of Chicago Press, 2021). Merchants of Doubt, co-authored with Erik Conway, was the subject of a documentary film of the same name produced by participant Media and distributed by SONY Pictures Classics, and has been translated into nine languages. A new edition of Merchants of Doubt, with an introduction by Al Gore, was published in 2020.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3808</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Mauricio Fernando Castro, "Only a Few Blocks to Cuba: Cold War Refugee Policy, the Cuban Diaspora, and the Transformations of Miami" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>In Only a Few Blocks to Cuba: Cold War Refugee Policy, the Cuban Diaspora, and the Transformations of Miami (U Pennsylvania Press, 2024), Mauricio Castro shows how the U.S. government came to view Cuban migration to Miami as a strategic asset during the Cold War, in the process investing heavily in the city's development and shaping its future as a global metropolis. When Cuban refugees fleeing Communist revolution began to arrive in Miami in 1959, the city was faced with a humanitarian crisis it was ill-equipped to handle and sought to have the federal government solve what local politicians clearly viewed as a Cold War geopolitical problem. In response, the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, and their successors, provided an unprecedented level of federal largesse and freedom of transit to these refugees. 
The changes to the city this investment wrought were as impactful and permanent as they were unintended. What was meant to be a short-term geopolitical stratagem instead became a new reality in South Florida. A growing and increasingly powerful Cuban community contested their place in Miami and navigated challenges like bilingualism, internal political disputes, socioeconomic polarization, and ongoing struggles and negotiations with Washington and Havana in the decades that followed. This contested process, argues Mauricio Castro, not only transformed South Florida, but American foreign policy and the calculus of national politics. Castro uses extensive archival research in local and national sources to demonstrate that the Cuban diaspora and Cold War refugee policy made South Florida a key space to understanding the shifting landscape of the late twentieth century. In this way, Miami serves as an example of both the lived effects of defense spending in urban spaces and of how local communities can shape national politics and international relations. American politics, foreign relations, immigration policy, and urban development all intersected on the streets of Miami.
Mauricio Castro is Assistant Professor of History at Centre College.
Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>212</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mauricio Fernando Castro</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Only a Few Blocks to Cuba: Cold War Refugee Policy, the Cuban Diaspora, and the Transformations of Miami (U Pennsylvania Press, 2024), Mauricio Castro shows how the U.S. government came to view Cuban migration to Miami as a strategic asset during the Cold War, in the process investing heavily in the city's development and shaping its future as a global metropolis. When Cuban refugees fleeing Communist revolution began to arrive in Miami in 1959, the city was faced with a humanitarian crisis it was ill-equipped to handle and sought to have the federal government solve what local politicians clearly viewed as a Cold War geopolitical problem. In response, the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, and their successors, provided an unprecedented level of federal largesse and freedom of transit to these refugees. 
The changes to the city this investment wrought were as impactful and permanent as they were unintended. What was meant to be a short-term geopolitical stratagem instead became a new reality in South Florida. A growing and increasingly powerful Cuban community contested their place in Miami and navigated challenges like bilingualism, internal political disputes, socioeconomic polarization, and ongoing struggles and negotiations with Washington and Havana in the decades that followed. This contested process, argues Mauricio Castro, not only transformed South Florida, but American foreign policy and the calculus of national politics. Castro uses extensive archival research in local and national sources to demonstrate that the Cuban diaspora and Cold War refugee policy made South Florida a key space to understanding the shifting landscape of the late twentieth century. In this way, Miami serves as an example of both the lived effects of defense spending in urban spaces and of how local communities can shape national politics and international relations. American politics, foreign relations, immigration policy, and urban development all intersected on the streets of Miami.
Mauricio Castro is Assistant Professor of History at Centre College.
Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512825725"><em>Only a Few Blocks to Cuba: Cold War Refugee Policy, the Cuban Diaspora, and the Transformations of Miami</em></a><em> </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2024), Mauricio Castro shows how the U.S. government came to view Cuban migration to Miami as a strategic asset during the Cold War, in the process investing heavily in the city's development and shaping its future as a global metropolis. When Cuban refugees fleeing Communist revolution began to arrive in Miami in 1959, the city was faced with a humanitarian crisis it was ill-equipped to handle and sought to have the federal government solve what local politicians clearly viewed as a Cold War geopolitical problem. In response, the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, and their successors, provided an unprecedented level of federal largesse and freedom of transit to these refugees. </p><p>The changes to the city this investment wrought were as impactful and permanent as they were unintended. What was meant to be a short-term geopolitical stratagem instead became a new reality in South Florida. A growing and increasingly powerful Cuban community contested their place in Miami and navigated challenges like bilingualism, internal political disputes, socioeconomic polarization, and ongoing struggles and negotiations with Washington and Havana in the decades that followed. This contested process, argues Mauricio Castro, not only transformed South Florida, but American foreign policy and the calculus of national politics. Castro uses extensive archival research in local and national sources to demonstrate that the Cuban diaspora and Cold War refugee policy made South Florida a key space to understanding the shifting landscape of the late twentieth century. In this way, Miami serves as an example of both the lived effects of defense spending in urban spaces and of how local communities can shape national politics and international relations. American politics, foreign relations, immigration policy, and urban development all intersected on the streets of Miami.</p><p>Mauricio Castro is Assistant Professor of History at Centre College.</p><p><em>Katie Coldiron is the Outreach Program Manager for the Digital Library of the Caribbean (dLOC) and PhD student in History at Florida International University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>4279</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Diane Winston, "Righting the American Dream: How the Media Mainstreamed Reagan's Evangelical Vision" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>After two years in the White House, an aging and increasingly unpopular Ronald Reagan looked like a one-term president, but in 1983 something changed. Reagan spoke of his embattled agenda as a spiritual rather than a political project and cast his vision for limited government and market economics as the natural outworking of religious conviction. The news media broadcast this message with enthusiasm, and white evangelicals rallied to the president’s cause. With their support, Reagan won reelection and continued to dismantle the welfare state, unravelling a political consensus that stood for half a century.
In Righting the American Dream: How the Media Mainstreamed Reagan’s Evangelical Vision (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Diane Winston reveals how support for Reagan emerged from a new religious vision of American identity circulating in the popular press. Through four key events—the “evil empire” speech, AIDS outbreak, invasion of Grenada, and rise in American poverty rates—Dr. Winston shows that many journalists uncritically adopted Reagan’s religious rhetoric and ultimately mainstreamed otherwise unpopular evangelical ideas about individual responsibility. The result is a provocative new account of how Reagan together with the press turned America to the right and initiated a social revolution that continues today.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Apr 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>255</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Diane Winston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After two years in the White House, an aging and increasingly unpopular Ronald Reagan looked like a one-term president, but in 1983 something changed. Reagan spoke of his embattled agenda as a spiritual rather than a political project and cast his vision for limited government and market economics as the natural outworking of religious conviction. The news media broadcast this message with enthusiasm, and white evangelicals rallied to the president’s cause. With their support, Reagan won reelection and continued to dismantle the welfare state, unravelling a political consensus that stood for half a century.
In Righting the American Dream: How the Media Mainstreamed Reagan’s Evangelical Vision (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Diane Winston reveals how support for Reagan emerged from a new religious vision of American identity circulating in the popular press. Through four key events—the “evil empire” speech, AIDS outbreak, invasion of Grenada, and rise in American poverty rates—Dr. Winston shows that many journalists uncritically adopted Reagan’s religious rhetoric and ultimately mainstreamed otherwise unpopular evangelical ideas about individual responsibility. The result is a provocative new account of how Reagan together with the press turned America to the right and initiated a social revolution that continues today.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After two years in the White House, an aging and increasingly unpopular Ronald Reagan looked like a one-term president, but in 1983 something changed. Reagan spoke of his embattled agenda as a spiritual rather than a political project and cast his vision for limited government and market economics as the natural outworking of religious conviction. The news media broadcast this message with enthusiasm, and white evangelicals rallied to the president’s cause. With their support, Reagan won reelection and continued to dismantle the welfare state, unravelling a political consensus that stood for half a century.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226824529"><em>Righting the American Dream: How the Media Mainstreamed Reagan’s Evangelical Vision</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Diane Winston reveals how support for Reagan emerged from a new religious vision of American identity circulating in the popular press. Through four key events—the “evil empire” speech, AIDS outbreak, invasion of Grenada, and rise in American poverty rates—Dr. Winston shows that many journalists uncritically adopted Reagan’s religious rhetoric and ultimately mainstreamed otherwise unpopular evangelical ideas about individual responsibility. The result is a provocative new account of how Reagan together with the press turned America to the right and initiated a social revolution that continues today.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3829</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Teresa Ghilarducci, "Work, Retire, Repeat: The Uncertainty of Retirement in the New Economy" (U Chicago Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The issue of the future of Social Security, on which millions of Americans depend, produced great political theater at the State of the Union address. That highlighted a bigger problem of financing retirement as baby boomers seek to retire, often with limited resources. Many argue that the solution to the problem is for people to work longer. 
In Work, Retire, Repeat: The Uncertainty of Retirement in the New Economy (U Chicago Press, 2024), Teresa Ghilarducci, a noted expert on retirement, argues that the "working longer" idea is wrong, unnecessary, and discriminates against people who work in lower wage occupations. Ghilarducci pushes for a national plan to finance retirement that would draw on contributions by both employers and employees to replace our privatized and ramshackle personal retirement system and make changes in the tax system that supports Social Security to give people a real choice whether to retire or continue to work in their later years. 
This book tells the stories of people locked into jobs later in life not because they love to work but because they must work. She demonstrates how relatively low-cost changes in the way we manage, and finance retirement will enable people in their so-called "golden years" to choose how to spend their time. Ghilarducci has a good public platform, writes for Bloomberg and other outlets, and is passionate about her ideas and reaching as broad a public as possible. The book is for the growing number of people in the public and policy community who are worried about their retirement and engaged in the renewed debate about Social Security and Medicare.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 30 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>180</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Teresa Ghilarducci</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The issue of the future of Social Security, on which millions of Americans depend, produced great political theater at the State of the Union address. That highlighted a bigger problem of financing retirement as baby boomers seek to retire, often with limited resources. Many argue that the solution to the problem is for people to work longer. 
In Work, Retire, Repeat: The Uncertainty of Retirement in the New Economy (U Chicago Press, 2024), Teresa Ghilarducci, a noted expert on retirement, argues that the "working longer" idea is wrong, unnecessary, and discriminates against people who work in lower wage occupations. Ghilarducci pushes for a national plan to finance retirement that would draw on contributions by both employers and employees to replace our privatized and ramshackle personal retirement system and make changes in the tax system that supports Social Security to give people a real choice whether to retire or continue to work in their later years. 
This book tells the stories of people locked into jobs later in life not because they love to work but because they must work. She demonstrates how relatively low-cost changes in the way we manage, and finance retirement will enable people in their so-called "golden years" to choose how to spend their time. Ghilarducci has a good public platform, writes for Bloomberg and other outlets, and is passionate about her ideas and reaching as broad a public as possible. The book is for the growing number of people in the public and policy community who are worried about their retirement and engaged in the renewed debate about Social Security and Medicare.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The issue of the future of Social Security, on which millions of Americans depend, produced great political theater at the State of the Union address. That highlighted a bigger problem of financing retirement as baby boomers seek to retire, often with limited resources. Many argue that the solution to the problem is for people to work longer. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226831466"><em>Work, Retire, Repeat: The Uncertainty of Retirement in the New Economy</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2024), Teresa Ghilarducci, a noted expert on retirement, argues that the "working longer" idea is wrong, unnecessary, and discriminates against people who work in lower wage occupations. Ghilarducci pushes for a national plan to finance retirement that would draw on contributions by both employers and employees to replace our privatized and ramshackle personal retirement system and make changes in the tax system that supports Social Security to give people a real choice whether to retire or continue to work in their later years. </p><p>This book tells the stories of people locked into jobs later in life not because they love to work but because they must work. She demonstrates how relatively low-cost changes in the way we manage, and finance retirement will enable people in their so-called "golden years" to choose how to spend their time. Ghilarducci has a good public platform, writes for Bloomberg and other outlets, and is passionate about her ideas and reaching as broad a public as possible. The book is for the growing number of people in the public and policy community who are worried about their retirement and engaged in the renewed debate about Social Security and Medicare.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>1755</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jeanelle K. Hope and Bill V. Mullen, "The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting Back from Anti-Lynching to Abolition" (Haymarket Books, 2024)</title>
      <description>The story of the fight against fascism across the African diaspora, revealing that Black antifascism has always been vital to global freedom struggles.
At once a history for understanding fascism and a handbook for organizing against, The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting Back from Anti-Lynching to Abolition (Haymarket Books, 2024) is an essential book for understanding our present moment and the challenges ahead. From London to the Caribbean, from Ethiopia to Harlem, from Black Lives Matter to abolition, Black radicals and writers have long understood fascism as a threat to the survival of Black people around the world—and to everyone. 
In The Black Antifascist Tradition, scholar-activists Jeanelle K. Hope and Bill Mullen show how generations of Black activists and intellectuals—from Ida B. Wells in the fight against lynching, to Angela Y. Davis in the fight against the prison-industrial complex—have stood within a tradition of Black Antifascism. As Davis once observed, pointing to the importance of anti-Black racism in the development of facism as an ideology, Black people have been “the first and most deeply injured victims of fascism.” Indeed, the experience of living under and resisting racial capitalism has often made Black radicals aware of the potential for fascism to take hold long before others understood this danger. The book explores the powerful ideas and activism of Paul Robeson, Mary McLeod Bethune, Claudia Jones, W. E. B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, and Walter Rodney, as well as that of the Civil Rights Congress, the Black Liberation Army, and the We Charge Genocide movement, among others.
In shining a light on fascism and anti-Blackness, Hope and Mullen argue, the writers and organizers featured in this book have also developed urgent tools and strategies for overcoming it.
Jeanelle Hope is Director &amp; Associate Professor of African American Studies
Bill V. Mullen is Professor of English and American Studies at Purdue University.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>450</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeanelle K. Hope and Bill V. Mullen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The story of the fight against fascism across the African diaspora, revealing that Black antifascism has always been vital to global freedom struggles.
At once a history for understanding fascism and a handbook for organizing against, The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting Back from Anti-Lynching to Abolition (Haymarket Books, 2024) is an essential book for understanding our present moment and the challenges ahead. From London to the Caribbean, from Ethiopia to Harlem, from Black Lives Matter to abolition, Black radicals and writers have long understood fascism as a threat to the survival of Black people around the world—and to everyone. 
In The Black Antifascist Tradition, scholar-activists Jeanelle K. Hope and Bill Mullen show how generations of Black activists and intellectuals—from Ida B. Wells in the fight against lynching, to Angela Y. Davis in the fight against the prison-industrial complex—have stood within a tradition of Black Antifascism. As Davis once observed, pointing to the importance of anti-Black racism in the development of facism as an ideology, Black people have been “the first and most deeply injured victims of fascism.” Indeed, the experience of living under and resisting racial capitalism has often made Black radicals aware of the potential for fascism to take hold long before others understood this danger. The book explores the powerful ideas and activism of Paul Robeson, Mary McLeod Bethune, Claudia Jones, W. E. B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, and Walter Rodney, as well as that of the Civil Rights Congress, the Black Liberation Army, and the We Charge Genocide movement, among others.
In shining a light on fascism and anti-Blackness, Hope and Mullen argue, the writers and organizers featured in this book have also developed urgent tools and strategies for overcoming it.
Jeanelle Hope is Director &amp; Associate Professor of African American Studies
Bill V. Mullen is Professor of English and American Studies at Purdue University.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The story of the fight against fascism across the African diaspora, revealing that Black antifascism has always been vital to global freedom struggles.</p><p>At once a history for understanding fascism and a handbook for organizing against, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798888900949"><em>The Black Antifascist Tradition: Fighting Back from Anti-Lynching to Abolition</em></a><em> </em>(Haymarket Books, 2024) is an essential book for understanding our present moment and the challenges ahead. From London to the Caribbean, from Ethiopia to Harlem, from Black Lives Matter to abolition, Black radicals and writers have long understood fascism as a threat to the survival of Black people around the world—and to everyone. </p><p>In <em>The Black Antifascist Tradition</em>, scholar-activists Jeanelle K. Hope and Bill Mullen show how generations of Black activists and intellectuals—from Ida B. Wells in the fight against lynching, to Angela Y. Davis in the fight against the prison-industrial complex—have stood within a tradition of Black Antifascism. As Davis once observed, pointing to the importance of anti-Black racism in the development of facism as an ideology, Black people have been “the first and most deeply injured victims of fascism.” Indeed, the experience of living under and resisting racial capitalism has often made Black radicals aware of the potential for fascism to take hold long before others understood this danger. The book explores the powerful ideas and activism of Paul Robeson, Mary McLeod Bethune, Claudia Jones, W. E. B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, and Walter Rodney, as well as that of the Civil Rights Congress, the Black Liberation Army, and the We Charge Genocide movement, among others.</p><p>In shining a light on fascism and anti-Blackness, Hope and Mullen argue, the writers and organizers featured in this book have also developed urgent tools and strategies for overcoming it.</p><p>Jeanelle Hope is Director &amp; Associate Professor of African American Studies</p><p>Bill V. Mullen is Professor of English and American Studies at Purdue University.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4259</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b22f0980-ec53-11ee-8f3a-7b10d0f34890]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4618634561.mp3?updated=1711555978" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Françoise N. Hamlin and Charles W. McKinney, "From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle" (Vanderbilt UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Broadly speaking, the traditionally conceptualized mid-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement and the newer #BlackLivesMatter Movement possess some similar qualities. They both represent dynamic, complex moments of possibility and progress. They also share mass-based movement activities, policy/legislative advocacy, grassroots organizing, and targeted media campaigns. Innovation, growth, and dissension—core aspects of movement work—mark them both. Crucially, these moments also engender aggressive, repressive, multilevel responses to these assertions of Black humanity.
From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle (Vanderbilt UP, 2024) critically engages the dynamic relationship between these two moments of liberatory possibility on the Black Freedom Struggle timeline. The book’s contributors explore what we can learn when we place these moments of struggle in dialogue with each other. They grapple with how our understanding of the postwar moment shapes our analysis of #BLM and wherein lie the discontinuities, in order to glean lessons for future moments of insurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>452</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Françoise N. Hamlin and Charles W. McKinney</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Broadly speaking, the traditionally conceptualized mid-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement and the newer #BlackLivesMatter Movement possess some similar qualities. They both represent dynamic, complex moments of possibility and progress. They also share mass-based movement activities, policy/legislative advocacy, grassroots organizing, and targeted media campaigns. Innovation, growth, and dissension—core aspects of movement work—mark them both. Crucially, these moments also engender aggressive, repressive, multilevel responses to these assertions of Black humanity.
From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle (Vanderbilt UP, 2024) critically engages the dynamic relationship between these two moments of liberatory possibility on the Black Freedom Struggle timeline. The book’s contributors explore what we can learn when we place these moments of struggle in dialogue with each other. They grapple with how our understanding of the postwar moment shapes our analysis of #BLM and wherein lie the discontinuities, in order to glean lessons for future moments of insurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Broadly speaking, the traditionally conceptualized mid-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement and the newer #BlackLivesMatter Movement possess some similar qualities. They both represent dynamic, complex moments of possibility and progress. They also share mass-based movement activities, policy/legislative advocacy, grassroots organizing, and targeted media campaigns. Innovation, growth, and dissension—core aspects of movement work—mark them both. Crucially, these moments also engender aggressive, repressive, multilevel responses to these assertions of Black humanity.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780826506665"><em>From Rights to Lives: The Evolution of the Black Freedom Struggle</em></a> (Vanderbilt UP, 2024) critically engages the dynamic relationship between these two moments of liberatory possibility on the Black Freedom Struggle timeline. The book’s contributors explore what we can learn when we place these moments of struggle in dialogue with each other. They grapple with how our understanding of the postwar moment shapes our analysis of #BLM and wherein lie the discontinuities, in order to glean lessons for future moments of insurgency.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2327</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7a464542-ed25-11ee-807d-83f626a7083c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5055022754.mp3?updated=1711645788" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Paul Carter, "Richard Nixon: California's Native Son" (U Nebraska Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Born in Yorba Linda and raised in Whittier, California, Nixon succeeded early in life, excelling in academics while enjoying athletics through high school. At Whittier College he graduated at the top of his class and was voted Best Man on Campus. During his career at Whittier's oldest law firm, he was respected professionally and became a chief trial attorney. As a military man in the South Pacific during World War II, he was admired by his fellow servicemen. Returning to his Quaker roots after the war, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, the Senate, and the vice presidency, all within six short years. After losing to John Kennedy in the 1960 presidential campaign, Nixon returned to Southern California to practice law. After losing his gubernatorial race he reinvented himself: he moved to New York and was elected president of the United States in 1968. He returned to Southern California after Watergate and his resignation to heal before once again taking a place on the world stage.
Richard Nixon: California's Native Son (University of Nebraska Press, 2023) is the story of Nixon's Southern California journey from his birth in Yorba Linda to his final resting place just a few yards from the home in which he was born.
Paul Carter is an attorney with more than twenty years of experience in investigation and trial work.
Caleb Zakarin is an Editor at New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Mar 2024 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>249</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul Carter,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Born in Yorba Linda and raised in Whittier, California, Nixon succeeded early in life, excelling in academics while enjoying athletics through high school. At Whittier College he graduated at the top of his class and was voted Best Man on Campus. During his career at Whittier's oldest law firm, he was respected professionally and became a chief trial attorney. As a military man in the South Pacific during World War II, he was admired by his fellow servicemen. Returning to his Quaker roots after the war, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, the Senate, and the vice presidency, all within six short years. After losing to John Kennedy in the 1960 presidential campaign, Nixon returned to Southern California to practice law. After losing his gubernatorial race he reinvented himself: he moved to New York and was elected president of the United States in 1968. He returned to Southern California after Watergate and his resignation to heal before once again taking a place on the world stage.
Richard Nixon: California's Native Son (University of Nebraska Press, 2023) is the story of Nixon's Southern California journey from his birth in Yorba Linda to his final resting place just a few yards from the home in which he was born.
Paul Carter is an attorney with more than twenty years of experience in investigation and trial work.
Caleb Zakarin is an Editor at New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Born in Yorba Linda and raised in Whittier, California, Nixon succeeded early in life, excelling in academics while enjoying athletics through high school. At Whittier College he graduated at the top of his class and was voted Best Man on Campus. During his career at Whittier's oldest law firm, he was respected professionally and became a chief trial attorney. As a military man in the South Pacific during World War II, he was admired by his fellow servicemen. Returning to his Quaker roots after the war, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, the Senate, and the vice presidency, all within six short years. After losing to John Kennedy in the 1960 presidential campaign, Nixon returned to Southern California to practice law. After losing his gubernatorial race he reinvented himself: he moved to New York and was elected president of the United States in 1968. He returned to Southern California after Watergate and his resignation to heal before once again taking a place on the world stage.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781640125605"><em>Richard Nixon: California's Native Son</em></a><em> </em>(University of Nebraska Press, 2023)<em> </em>is the story of Nixon's Southern California journey from his birth in Yorba Linda to his final resting place just a few yards from the home in which he was born.</p><p>Paul Carter is an attorney with more than twenty years of experience in investigation and trial work.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is an Editor at New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>7172</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[10c024d0-ed07-11ee-b665-3bd8a28fcae1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6545965783.mp3?updated=1711645444" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Party People: Candidates and Party Evolution</title>
      <description>Contemporary politics is characterized by the rise (and fall) of many new parties. But what tools do political scientists have to map and measure electoral volatility? How can we best capture this change? And what insights can political scientists draw from other disciplines? Join host Tim Haughton for a discussion with Allan Sikk and Philipp Köker, the authors of a new book, Party People: Candidates and Party Evolution (Oxford University Press, 2023). Their book draws on a database of 200 000 electoral candidates from over 60 elections across nine democracies.


Allan Sikk is Associate Professor at University College London’s School of Slavonic and East European Studies.


Philipp Köker is Lecturer and Research Fellow at Leibniz University in Hannover.


Tim Haughton is Professor of Comparative and European Politics and a founding co-director of CEDAR at the University of Birmingham.


The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Allan Sikk and Philipp Köker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Contemporary politics is characterized by the rise (and fall) of many new parties. But what tools do political scientists have to map and measure electoral volatility? How can we best capture this change? And what insights can political scientists draw from other disciplines? Join host Tim Haughton for a discussion with Allan Sikk and Philipp Köker, the authors of a new book, Party People: Candidates and Party Evolution (Oxford University Press, 2023). Their book draws on a database of 200 000 electoral candidates from over 60 elections across nine democracies.


Allan Sikk is Associate Professor at University College London’s School of Slavonic and East European Studies.


Philipp Köker is Lecturer and Research Fellow at Leibniz University in Hannover.


Tim Haughton is Professor of Comparative and European Politics and a founding co-director of CEDAR at the University of Birmingham.


The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Contemporary politics is characterized by the rise (and fall) of many new parties. But what tools do political scientists have to map and measure electoral volatility? How can we best capture this change? And what insights can political scientists draw from other disciplines? Join host Tim Haughton for a discussion with Allan Sikk and Philipp Köker, the authors of a new book, <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/party-people-9780198868125?cc=gb&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>Party People: Candidates and Party Evolution</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2023). Their book draws on a database of 200 000 electoral candidates from over 60 elections across nine democracies.</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/ssees/people/allan-sikk">Allan Sikk</a> is Associate Professor at University College London’s School of Slavonic and East European Studies.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://philippkoeker.com/">Philipp Köker</a> is Lecturer and Research Fellow at Leibniz University in Hannover.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/haughton-tim.aspx">Tim Haughton</a> is Professor of Comparative and European Politics and a founding co-director of CEDAR at the University of Birmingham.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1951</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6527569251.mp3?updated=1711389620" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William W. Parsons and Regina M. Matheson, "The Pink Wave: Women Running for Office After Trump" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>How and why the election of Donald Trump inspired more women to enter politics.
Donald Trump's victory over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election shocked and dismayed many women, and motivated many to run for office at all levels of government. In The Pink Wave: Women Running for Office After Trump (NYU Press, 2023), Regina M. Matheson and William W. Parsons explore this inspiring phenomenon and its impact on women's representation.
Drawing on national surveys and in-depth interviews of over 900 women, across almost every state, Matheson and Parsons show us why more women decided to run for state legislature during the Trump administration, the obstacles they faced on the campaign trail, and whether they ultimately succeeded or failed in their bid for office. Candidates share valuable lessons they learned from their recent campaign experiences, providing future insight for women--on both sides of the aisle--who may be inspired to follow in their footsteps.
Matheson and Parsons examine the impact Donald Trump had on women candidates--both positive and negative--and women's ambitions to pursue political office. The Pink Wave celebrates the hundreds of trailblazing women creating new political opportunities for representation, now and in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>254</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William W. Parsons and Regina M. Matheson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How and why the election of Donald Trump inspired more women to enter politics.
Donald Trump's victory over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election shocked and dismayed many women, and motivated many to run for office at all levels of government. In The Pink Wave: Women Running for Office After Trump (NYU Press, 2023), Regina M. Matheson and William W. Parsons explore this inspiring phenomenon and its impact on women's representation.
Drawing on national surveys and in-depth interviews of over 900 women, across almost every state, Matheson and Parsons show us why more women decided to run for state legislature during the Trump administration, the obstacles they faced on the campaign trail, and whether they ultimately succeeded or failed in their bid for office. Candidates share valuable lessons they learned from their recent campaign experiences, providing future insight for women--on both sides of the aisle--who may be inspired to follow in their footsteps.
Matheson and Parsons examine the impact Donald Trump had on women candidates--both positive and negative--and women's ambitions to pursue political office. The Pink Wave celebrates the hundreds of trailblazing women creating new political opportunities for representation, now and in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How and why the election of Donald Trump inspired more women to enter politics.</p><p>Donald Trump's victory over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election shocked and dismayed many women, and motivated many to run for office at all levels of government. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479826476"><em>The Pink Wave: Women Running for Office After Trump</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023), Regina M. Matheson and William W. Parsons explore this inspiring phenomenon and its impact on women's representation.</p><p>Drawing on national surveys and in-depth interviews of over 900 women, across almost every state, Matheson and Parsons show us why more women decided to run for state legislature during the Trump administration, the obstacles they faced on the campaign trail, and whether they ultimately succeeded or failed in their bid for office. Candidates share valuable lessons they learned from their recent campaign experiences, providing future insight for women--on both sides of the aisle--who may be inspired to follow in their footsteps.</p><p>Matheson and Parsons examine the impact Donald Trump had on women candidates--both positive and negative--and women's ambitions to pursue political office. <em>The Pink Wave</em> celebrates the hundreds of trailblazing women creating new political opportunities for representation, now and in the future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2587</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2c1e82b0-e944-11ee-9140-8b4d35b78403]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6822687991.mp3?updated=1711219477" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Emily Conroy-Krutz, "Missionary Diplomacy: Religion and Nineteenth-Century American Foreign Relations" (Cornell UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Missionary Diplomacy: Religion and Nineteenth-Century American Foreign Relations (Cornell University Press, 2024) illuminates the crucial place of religion in nineteenth-century American diplomacy. From the 1810s through the 1920s, Protestant missionaries positioned themselves as key experts in the development of American relations in Asia, Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Missionaries served as consuls, translators, and occasional trouble-makers who forced the State Department to take actions it otherwise would have avoided. Yet as decades passed, more Americans began to question the propriety of missionaries' power. Were missionaries serving the interests of American diplomacy? Or were they creating unnecessary problems?
As Dr. Emily Conroy-Krutz demonstrates, they were doing both. Across the century, missionaries forced the government to articulate new conceptions of the rights of US citizens abroad and of the role of the US as an engine of humanitarianism and religious freedom. By the time the US entered the first world war, missionary diplomacy had for nearly a century created the conditions for some Americans to embrace a vision of their country as an internationally engaged world power. Missionary Diplomacy exposes the longstanding influence of evangelical missions on the shape of American foreign relations.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>35</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emily Conroy-Krutz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Missionary Diplomacy: Religion and Nineteenth-Century American Foreign Relations (Cornell University Press, 2024) illuminates the crucial place of religion in nineteenth-century American diplomacy. From the 1810s through the 1920s, Protestant missionaries positioned themselves as key experts in the development of American relations in Asia, Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Missionaries served as consuls, translators, and occasional trouble-makers who forced the State Department to take actions it otherwise would have avoided. Yet as decades passed, more Americans began to question the propriety of missionaries' power. Were missionaries serving the interests of American diplomacy? Or were they creating unnecessary problems?
As Dr. Emily Conroy-Krutz demonstrates, they were doing both. Across the century, missionaries forced the government to articulate new conceptions of the rights of US citizens abroad and of the role of the US as an engine of humanitarianism and religious freedom. By the time the US entered the first world war, missionary diplomacy had for nearly a century created the conditions for some Americans to embrace a vision of their country as an internationally engaged world power. Missionary Diplomacy exposes the longstanding influence of evangelical missions on the shape of American foreign relations.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501773983"><em>Missionary Diplomacy: Religion and Nineteenth-Century American Foreign Relations</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2024) illuminates the crucial place of religion in nineteenth-century American diplomacy. From the 1810s through the 1920s, Protestant missionaries positioned themselves as key experts in the development of American relations in Asia, Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Missionaries served as consuls, translators, and occasional trouble-makers who forced the State Department to take actions it otherwise would have avoided. Yet as decades passed, more Americans began to question the propriety of missionaries' power. Were missionaries serving the interests of American diplomacy? Or were they creating unnecessary problems?</p><p>As Dr. Emily Conroy-Krutz demonstrates, they were doing both. Across the century, missionaries forced the government to articulate new conceptions of the rights of US citizens abroad and of the role of the US as an engine of humanitarianism and religious freedom. By the time the US entered the first world war, missionary diplomacy had for nearly a century created the conditions for some Americans to embrace a vision of their country as an internationally engaged world power. <em>Missionary Diplomacy</em> exposes the longstanding influence of evangelical missions on the shape of American foreign relations.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2988</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8215577195.mp3?updated=1711043846" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Looking into the Heart of Arizona: A Discussion with Author Tom Zoellner</title>
      <description>In Rim to River: Looking into the Heart of Arizona (University of Arizona Press, 2023), Tom Zoellner, a fifth-generation Arizonan, takes the reader on a walk across the length of the state, his narrative interspersed with essays on Arizona’s history, culture and politics. Our conversation focuses on such topics as how Arizona anticipated the Trump Era in America—how “the scent of oncoming Trumpism,” as he writes in Rim to River, became such a pronounced feature of his native state’s political and cultural landscape. Yet the story of Arizona remains in flux, as migrants pour in not just from across the border with Mexico but from fellow U.S. states. Zoellner’s Arizona may yet end up foreshadowing America’s post-Trump future.
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Rim to River: Looking into the Heart of Arizona (University of Arizona Press, 2023), Tom Zoellner, a fifth-generation Arizonan, takes the reader on a walk across the length of the state, his narrative interspersed with essays on Arizona’s history, culture and politics. Our conversation focuses on such topics as how Arizona anticipated the Trump Era in America—how “the scent of oncoming Trumpism,” as he writes in Rim to River, became such a pronounced feature of his native state’s political and cultural landscape. Yet the story of Arizona remains in flux, as migrants pour in not just from across the border with Mexico but from fellow U.S. states. Zoellner’s Arizona may yet end up foreshadowing America’s post-Trump future.
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780816553280"><em>Rim to River: Looking into the Heart of Arizona </em></a>(University of Arizona Press, 2023), Tom Zoellner, a fifth-generation Arizonan, takes the reader on a walk across the length of the state, his narrative interspersed with essays on Arizona’s history, culture and politics. Our conversation focuses on such topics as how Arizona anticipated the Trump Era in America—how “the scent of oncoming Trumpism,” as he writes in <em>Rim to River, </em>became such a pronounced feature of his native state’s political and cultural landscape. Yet the story of Arizona remains in flux, as migrants pour in not just from across the border with Mexico but from fellow U.S. states. Zoellner’s Arizona may yet end up foreshadowing America’s post-Trump future.</p><p><em>﻿Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His most recent book is </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports, 2024).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3166</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1b749c98-e565-11ee-9620-9b1eb56debd7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6471926717.mp3?updated=1710793928" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christina Gish Hill et al., "National Parks, Native Sovereignty: Experiments in Collaboration" (U Oklahoma Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The history of Native people and the National Park Service in the United States is fraught. Dispossession, cultural insensitivity, and outright erasure characterize the long relationship that the NPS has with Indigenous groups. But change is possible, as Drs. Christina Hill, Matthew Hill, and Brooke Neely adeptly demonstrate in National Parks, National Sovereignty: Experiments in Collaboration (U of Oklahoma Press, 2024). This edited collection contains several case studies that focus not just on critique, but practical tools and outcomes for use by public historians interested in forging partnerships between scholars and Native communities. The book also contains full-text interviews with people who have on-the-ground experience in forging these kinds of partnerships, including Gerard Baker, the first Native person to act as superintendent of Mount Rushmore and several other NPS sites. This book serves as a guide to forging new relationships between history institutions and Native communities, and shows that collaboration can be a bridge to telling truer, more democratic, stories.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 20 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>154</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christina Gish Hill, Matthew J. Hill, and Brooke Neely</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The history of Native people and the National Park Service in the United States is fraught. Dispossession, cultural insensitivity, and outright erasure characterize the long relationship that the NPS has with Indigenous groups. But change is possible, as Drs. Christina Hill, Matthew Hill, and Brooke Neely adeptly demonstrate in National Parks, National Sovereignty: Experiments in Collaboration (U of Oklahoma Press, 2024). This edited collection contains several case studies that focus not just on critique, but practical tools and outcomes for use by public historians interested in forging partnerships between scholars and Native communities. The book also contains full-text interviews with people who have on-the-ground experience in forging these kinds of partnerships, including Gerard Baker, the first Native person to act as superintendent of Mount Rushmore and several other NPS sites. This book serves as a guide to forging new relationships between history institutions and Native communities, and shows that collaboration can be a bridge to telling truer, more democratic, stories.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The history of Native people and the National Park Service in the United States is fraught. Dispossession, cultural insensitivity, and outright erasure characterize the long relationship that the NPS has with Indigenous groups. But change is possible, as Drs. Christina Hill, Matthew Hill, and Brooke Neely adeptly demonstrate in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780806193687"><em>National Parks, National Sovereignty: Experiments in Collaboration</em></a><em> </em>(U of Oklahoma Press, 2024). This edited collection contains several case studies that focus not just on critique, but practical tools and outcomes for use by public historians interested in forging partnerships between scholars and Native communities. The book also contains full-text interviews with people who have on-the-ground experience in forging these kinds of partnerships, including Gerard Baker, the first Native person to act as superintendent of Mount Rushmore and several other NPS sites. This book serves as a guide to forging new relationships between history institutions and Native communities, and shows that collaboration can be a bridge to telling truer, more democratic, stories.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4811</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[276f3ea0-e46f-11ee-810a-bb275624abff]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4970866527.mp3?updated=1710689108" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew J. Kirkendall, "Hemispheric Alliances: Liberal Democrats and Cold War Latin America" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Hemispheric foreign policy has waxed and waned since the Mexican War, and the Cold War presented both extraordinary promises and dangerous threats to U.S.-Latin American cooperation. 
In Hemispheric Alliances: Liberal Democrats and Cold War Latin America (UNC Press, 2022), Andrew J. Kirkendall examines the strengths and weaknesses of new models for U.S.-Latin American relations created by liberal Democrats who came to the fore during the Kennedy Administration and retained significant influence until the Reagan era. Rather than exerting ironfisted power in Latin America, liberal Democrats urged Washington to be a moral rather than a militaristic leader in hemispheric affairs. Decolonization, President Eisenhower's missteps in Latin America, and the Cuban Revolution all played key roles in the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress, which liberal Democrats hailed as a new cornerstone for U.S.-Latin American foreign policy. During the Vietnam War era, liberal Democrats began to incorporate human rights more centrally into their agendas, using Latin America as the primary arena for these policies. During the long period of military dictatorship in much of Latin America and the Caribbean, liberal Democrats would see their policies dissolved by the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush administrations who favored militant containment of both communism and absolutism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>209</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew J. Kirkendall</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hemispheric foreign policy has waxed and waned since the Mexican War, and the Cold War presented both extraordinary promises and dangerous threats to U.S.-Latin American cooperation. 
In Hemispheric Alliances: Liberal Democrats and Cold War Latin America (UNC Press, 2022), Andrew J. Kirkendall examines the strengths and weaknesses of new models for U.S.-Latin American relations created by liberal Democrats who came to the fore during the Kennedy Administration and retained significant influence until the Reagan era. Rather than exerting ironfisted power in Latin America, liberal Democrats urged Washington to be a moral rather than a militaristic leader in hemispheric affairs. Decolonization, President Eisenhower's missteps in Latin America, and the Cuban Revolution all played key roles in the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress, which liberal Democrats hailed as a new cornerstone for U.S.-Latin American foreign policy. During the Vietnam War era, liberal Democrats began to incorporate human rights more centrally into their agendas, using Latin America as the primary arena for these policies. During the long period of military dictatorship in much of Latin America and the Caribbean, liberal Democrats would see their policies dissolved by the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush administrations who favored militant containment of both communism and absolutism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hemispheric foreign policy has waxed and waned since the Mexican War, and the Cold War presented both extraordinary promises and dangerous threats to U.S.-Latin American cooperation. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469668017"><em>Hemispheric Alliances: Liberal Democrats and Cold War Latin America</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2022), Andrew J. Kirkendall examines the strengths and weaknesses of new models for U.S.-Latin American relations created by liberal Democrats who came to the fore during the Kennedy Administration and retained significant influence until the Reagan era. Rather than exerting ironfisted power in Latin America, liberal Democrats urged Washington to be a moral rather than a militaristic leader in hemispheric affairs. Decolonization, President Eisenhower's missteps in Latin America, and the Cuban Revolution all played key roles in the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress, which liberal Democrats hailed as a new cornerstone for U.S.-Latin American foreign policy. During the Vietnam War era, liberal Democrats began to incorporate human rights more centrally into their agendas, using Latin America as the primary arena for these policies. During the long period of military dictatorship in much of Latin America and the Caribbean, liberal Democrats would see their policies dissolved by the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush administrations who favored militant containment of both communism and absolutism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6244</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[839ae100-e2e6-11ee-ac59-0bed55940e32]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4816540783.mp3?updated=1710536948" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Janine Giordano Drake, "The Gospel of Church: How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In 1908, Unitarian pastor Bertrand Thompson observed the momentous growth of the labor movement with alarm. "Socialism," he wrote, "has become a distinct substitute" for the church. He was not wrong.
In the generation after the Civil War, few of the migrants who moved North and West to take jobs in factories and mines had any association with traditional Protestant denominations. In the place of church, workers built a labor movement around a shared commitment to a Christian commonwealth. They demanded an expanded local, state and federal infrastructure which supported collective bargaining for better pay, shorter work-days, and an array of municipal services. Protestant clergy worried that if the labor movement kept growing in momentum and cultural influence, socialist policies would displace the need for churches and their many ministries to the poor. Even worse, they feared that the labor movement would render the largest Protestant denominations a relic of the nineteenth century.
In The Gospel of Church: How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement (Oxford UP, 2023), Janine Giordano Drake carefully traces the relationships which Protestant ministers built with labor unions and working class communities. She finds that Protestant ministers worked hard to assert their cultural authority over Catholic, Jewish, and religiously-unaffiliated working-class communities. Moreover, they rarely supported the most important demands of labor, including freedom of speech and the right to collective bargaining. Despite their heroic narratives of Christian social reform, Protestant reformers' efforts to assert their authority over industrial affairs directly undermined workers' efforts to bring about social democracy in the United States.
Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches courses in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on X @matthewfsimmons.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>257</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Janine Giordano Drake</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1908, Unitarian pastor Bertrand Thompson observed the momentous growth of the labor movement with alarm. "Socialism," he wrote, "has become a distinct substitute" for the church. He was not wrong.
In the generation after the Civil War, few of the migrants who moved North and West to take jobs in factories and mines had any association with traditional Protestant denominations. In the place of church, workers built a labor movement around a shared commitment to a Christian commonwealth. They demanded an expanded local, state and federal infrastructure which supported collective bargaining for better pay, shorter work-days, and an array of municipal services. Protestant clergy worried that if the labor movement kept growing in momentum and cultural influence, socialist policies would displace the need for churches and their many ministries to the poor. Even worse, they feared that the labor movement would render the largest Protestant denominations a relic of the nineteenth century.
In The Gospel of Church: How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement (Oxford UP, 2023), Janine Giordano Drake carefully traces the relationships which Protestant ministers built with labor unions and working class communities. She finds that Protestant ministers worked hard to assert their cultural authority over Catholic, Jewish, and religiously-unaffiliated working-class communities. Moreover, they rarely supported the most important demands of labor, including freedom of speech and the right to collective bargaining. Despite their heroic narratives of Christian social reform, Protestant reformers' efforts to assert their authority over industrial affairs directly undermined workers' efforts to bring about social democracy in the United States.
Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches courses in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on X @matthewfsimmons.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1908, Unitarian pastor Bertrand Thompson observed the momentous growth of the labor movement with alarm. "Socialism," he wrote, "has become a distinct substitute" for the church. He was not wrong.</p><p>In the generation after the Civil War, few of the migrants who moved North and West to take jobs in factories and mines had any association with traditional Protestant denominations. In the place of church, workers built a labor movement around a shared commitment to a Christian commonwealth. They demanded an expanded local, state and federal infrastructure which supported collective bargaining for better pay, shorter work-days, and an array of municipal services. Protestant clergy worried that if the labor movement kept growing in momentum and cultural influence, socialist policies would displace the need for churches and their many ministries to the poor. Even worse, they feared that the labor movement would render the largest Protestant denominations a relic of the nineteenth century.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197614303"><em>The Gospel of Church: How Mainline Protestants Vilified Christian Socialism and Fractured the Labor Movement </em></a>(Oxford UP, 2023), Janine Giordano Drake carefully traces the relationships which Protestant ministers built with labor unions and working class communities. She finds that Protestant ministers worked hard to assert their cultural authority over Catholic, Jewish, and religiously-unaffiliated working-class communities. Moreover, they rarely supported the most important demands of labor, including freedom of speech and the right to collective bargaining. Despite their heroic narratives of Christian social reform, Protestant reformers' efforts to assert their authority over industrial affairs directly undermined workers' efforts to bring about social democracy in the United States.</p><p><em>Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches courses in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/matthewfsimmons"><em>X</em></a><em> @matthewfsimmons.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2562</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sharon D. Wright Austin, "Political Black Girl Magic: The Elections and Governance of Black Female Mayors" (Temple UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Black Girl Magic: The Elections and Governance of Black Female Mayors (Temple UP, 2023) explores black women's experiences as mayors in American cities. The editor and contributors to this comprehensive volume examine black female mayoral campaigns and elections where race and gender are a factor--and where deracialized campaigns have garnered candidate support from white as well as Hispanic and Asian American voters. Chapters also consider how Black female mayors govern, from discussions of their pursuit of economic growth and how they use their power to enact positive reforms to the challenges they face that inhibit their abilities to cater to neglected communities.
Case studies in this interdisciplinary volume include female mayors in Atlanta, Baltimore, Charlotte, Chicago, Compton, and Washington, DC, among other cities, along with discussion of each official's political context. Covering mayors from the 1960s to the present, Political Black Girl Magic identifies the most significant obstacles black women have faced as mayors and mayoral candidates, and seeks to understand how race, gender, or the combination of both affected them.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>442</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sharon D. Wright Austin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Black Girl Magic: The Elections and Governance of Black Female Mayors (Temple UP, 2023) explores black women's experiences as mayors in American cities. The editor and contributors to this comprehensive volume examine black female mayoral campaigns and elections where race and gender are a factor--and where deracialized campaigns have garnered candidate support from white as well as Hispanic and Asian American voters. Chapters also consider how Black female mayors govern, from discussions of their pursuit of economic growth and how they use their power to enact positive reforms to the challenges they face that inhibit their abilities to cater to neglected communities.
Case studies in this interdisciplinary volume include female mayors in Atlanta, Baltimore, Charlotte, Chicago, Compton, and Washington, DC, among other cities, along with discussion of each official's political context. Covering mayors from the 1960s to the present, Political Black Girl Magic identifies the most significant obstacles black women have faced as mayors and mayoral candidates, and seeks to understand how race, gender, or the combination of both affected them.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439920275"><em>Political Black Girl Magic: The Elections and Governance of Black Female Mayors </em></a>(Temple UP, 2023) explores black women's experiences as mayors in American cities. The editor and contributors to this comprehensive volume examine black female mayoral campaigns and elections where race and gender are a factor--and where deracialized campaigns have garnered candidate support from white as well as Hispanic and Asian American voters. Chapters also consider how Black female mayors govern, from discussions of their pursuit of economic growth and how they use their power to enact positive reforms to the challenges they face that inhibit their abilities to cater to neglected communities.</p><p>Case studies in this interdisciplinary volume include female mayors in Atlanta, Baltimore, Charlotte, Chicago, Compton, and Washington, DC, among other cities, along with discussion of each official's political context. Covering mayors from the 1960s to the present, <em>Political Black Girl Magic</em> identifies the most significant obstacles black women have faced as mayors and mayoral candidates, and seeks to understand how race, gender, or the combination of both affected them.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2777</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[06245eb6-de56-11ee-83dd-c30c6f97309c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1717911583.mp3?updated=1710017662" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Amy Paeth, "The American Poet Laureate" A History of U.S. Poetry and the State" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The American Poet Laureate: A History of U.S. Poetry and the State (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Amy Paeth shows how the state has been the silent centre of poetic production in the United States since World War II. It is the first history of the national poetry office, the U.S. poet laureate, highlighting the careers of Elizabeth Bishop, Robert Frost, Gwendolyn Brooks, Robert Pinsky, Tracy K. Smith, Juan Felipe Herrera, and Joy Harjo at the nation’s Capitol. It is also a history of how these state poets participated in national arts programming during the Cold War.
Drawing on previously unexplored archival materials at the Library of Congress and materials at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, Dr. Paeth describes the interactions of federal bodies, including the Central Intelligence Agency, the State Department, and the National Endowment for the Arts, with literary organisations and with private patrons, including “Prozac heiress” Ruth Lilly. The consolidation of public and private interests is crucial to the development of state verse culture, recognizable at the first National Poetry Festival in 1962, which followed Robert Frost’s “Mission to Moscow,” and which became dominant in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
The American Poet Laureate contributes to a growing body of institutional and sociological approaches to U.S. literary production in the postwar era and demonstrates how poetry has played a uniquely important, and largely underacknowledged, role in the cultural front of the Cold War.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>285</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amy Paeth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The American Poet Laureate: A History of U.S. Poetry and the State (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Amy Paeth shows how the state has been the silent centre of poetic production in the United States since World War II. It is the first history of the national poetry office, the U.S. poet laureate, highlighting the careers of Elizabeth Bishop, Robert Frost, Gwendolyn Brooks, Robert Pinsky, Tracy K. Smith, Juan Felipe Herrera, and Joy Harjo at the nation’s Capitol. It is also a history of how these state poets participated in national arts programming during the Cold War.
Drawing on previously unexplored archival materials at the Library of Congress and materials at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, Dr. Paeth describes the interactions of federal bodies, including the Central Intelligence Agency, the State Department, and the National Endowment for the Arts, with literary organisations and with private patrons, including “Prozac heiress” Ruth Lilly. The consolidation of public and private interests is crucial to the development of state verse culture, recognizable at the first National Poetry Festival in 1962, which followed Robert Frost’s “Mission to Moscow,” and which became dominant in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
The American Poet Laureate contributes to a growing body of institutional and sociological approaches to U.S. literary production in the postwar era and demonstrates how poetry has played a uniquely important, and largely underacknowledged, role in the cultural front of the Cold War.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231194396"><em>The American Poet Laureate: A History of U.S. Poetry and the State</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Amy Paeth shows how the state has been the silent centre of poetic production in the United States since World War II. It is the first history of the national poetry office, the U.S. poet laureate, highlighting the careers of Elizabeth Bishop, Robert Frost, Gwendolyn Brooks, Robert Pinsky, Tracy K. Smith, Juan Felipe Herrera, and Joy Harjo at the nation’s Capitol. It is also a history of how these state poets participated in national arts programming during the Cold War.</p><p>Drawing on previously unexplored archival materials at the Library of Congress and materials at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, Dr. Paeth describes the interactions of federal bodies, including the Central Intelligence Agency, the State Department, and the National Endowment for the Arts, with literary organisations and with private patrons, including “Prozac heiress” Ruth Lilly. The consolidation of public and private interests is crucial to the development of state verse culture, recognizable at the first National Poetry Festival in 1962, which followed Robert Frost’s “Mission to Moscow,” and which became dominant in the late 1990s and early 2000s.</p><p><em>The American Poet Laureate</em> contributes to a growing body of institutional and sociological approaches to U.S. literary production in the postwar era and demonstrates how poetry has played a uniquely important, and largely underacknowledged, role in the cultural front of the Cold War.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3201</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e5bd9cc0-de3a-11ee-9163-eb542061fb97]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2132555384.mp3?updated=1710005993" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reading Taylor Swift as a Cultural and Political Text</title>
      <description>It’s the UConn Popcast, and Taylor Swift is by some measures the most popular person on the planet. Her periodic reinventions set the mass cultural terms of debate, and her political interventions – through exhorting her fans on social media – lead to huge spikes in voter registration. It is hoped by Democrats, and feared by Republicans, that a Taylor endorsement of Joe Biden in 2024 might meaningfully tip the scales in favor of reelection.
In this episode, we consider Taylor Swift as a popular and political text, over which she exercises substantial, but not total, authorial control. What role in the culture does she play? How should we interpret her recent association with the NFL? How do the parasocial relationships of her fans – “Swifties” – to the artist herself contribute to authorship of the Taylor text. And how should we read the counter-subversive conspiratorial responses to her halting forays into electoral politics?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Mar 2024 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It’s the UConn Popcast, and Taylor Swift is by some measures the most popular person on the planet. Her periodic reinventions set the mass cultural terms of debate, and her political interventions – through exhorting her fans on social media – lead to huge spikes in voter registration. It is hoped by Democrats, and feared by Republicans, that a Taylor endorsement of Joe Biden in 2024 might meaningfully tip the scales in favor of reelection.
In this episode, we consider Taylor Swift as a popular and political text, over which she exercises substantial, but not total, authorial control. What role in the culture does she play? How should we interpret her recent association with the NFL? How do the parasocial relationships of her fans – “Swifties” – to the artist herself contribute to authorship of the Taylor text. And how should we read the counter-subversive conspiratorial responses to her halting forays into electoral politics?
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It’s the UConn Popcast, and Taylor Swift is by some measures the most popular person on the planet. Her periodic reinventions set the mass cultural terms of debate, and her political interventions – through exhorting her fans on social media – lead to huge spikes in voter registration. It is hoped by Democrats, and feared by Republicans, that a Taylor endorsement of Joe Biden in 2024 might meaningfully tip the scales in favor of reelection.</p><p>In this episode, we consider Taylor Swift as a popular and political text, over which she exercises substantial, but not total, authorial control. What role in the culture does she play? How should we interpret her recent association with the NFL? How do the parasocial relationships of her fans – “Swifties” – to the artist herself contribute to authorship of the Taylor text. And how should we read the counter-subversive conspiratorial responses to her halting forays into electoral politics?</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[75617864-de50-11ee-83e2-6f55f3617d61]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1979124582.mp3?updated=1710016268" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jacqueline Kennelly, "Burnt by Democracy: Youth, Inequality, and the Erosion of Civic Life" (U Toronto Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Burnt by Democracy: Youth, Inequality, and the Erosion of Civic Life (University of Toronto Press, 2023) by Dr. Jacqueline Kennelly traces the political ascendance of neoliberalism and its effects on youth. The book explores democracy and citizenship as described in interviews with over forty young people – ages 16 to 30 – who have either experienced homelessness or identify as an activist, living in five liberal democracies: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and the United Kingdom.
Highlighting significant cuts to social and affordable housing, astronomical increases in the costs of higher education, and the transformation and erosion of state benefits systems, Dr. Kennelly argues that democracy’s decline is not occurring because young people are apathetic, or focused on informal politics, or unaware of their civic duties. Rather, it is because of collective misunderstanding about how democracy is actually structured, how individuals learn to participate, and how growing wealth inequality has undermined the capacity of those at the bottom to meaningfully advocate for changes that might improve their conditions.
Against a vivid and often heart-breaking backdrop of stories from young people struggling to survive and thrive under conditions of ever-expanding state retrenchment and inequality, Burnt by Democracy makes a timely and impassioned plea for protecting and strengthening democracy by truly levelling the playing field for all.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>343</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jacqueline Kennelly</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Burnt by Democracy: Youth, Inequality, and the Erosion of Civic Life (University of Toronto Press, 2023) by Dr. Jacqueline Kennelly traces the political ascendance of neoliberalism and its effects on youth. The book explores democracy and citizenship as described in interviews with over forty young people – ages 16 to 30 – who have either experienced homelessness or identify as an activist, living in five liberal democracies: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and the United Kingdom.
Highlighting significant cuts to social and affordable housing, astronomical increases in the costs of higher education, and the transformation and erosion of state benefits systems, Dr. Kennelly argues that democracy’s decline is not occurring because young people are apathetic, or focused on informal politics, or unaware of their civic duties. Rather, it is because of collective misunderstanding about how democracy is actually structured, how individuals learn to participate, and how growing wealth inequality has undermined the capacity of those at the bottom to meaningfully advocate for changes that might improve their conditions.
Against a vivid and often heart-breaking backdrop of stories from young people struggling to survive and thrive under conditions of ever-expanding state retrenchment and inequality, Burnt by Democracy makes a timely and impassioned plea for protecting and strengthening democracy by truly levelling the playing field for all.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781487551643"><em>Burnt by Democracy: Youth, Inequality, and the Erosion of Civic Life</em></a> (University of Toronto Press, 2023) by Dr. Jacqueline Kennelly traces the political ascendance of neoliberalism and its effects on youth. The book explores democracy and citizenship as described in interviews with over forty young people – ages 16 to 30 – who have either experienced homelessness or identify as an activist, living in five liberal democracies: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and the United Kingdom.</p><p>Highlighting significant cuts to social and affordable housing, astronomical increases in the costs of higher education, and the transformation and erosion of state benefits systems, Dr. Kennelly argues that democracy’s decline is not occurring because young people are apathetic, or focused on informal politics, or unaware of their civic duties. Rather, it is because of collective misunderstanding about how democracy is actually structured, how individuals learn to participate, and how growing wealth inequality has undermined the capacity of those at the bottom to meaningfully advocate for changes that might improve their conditions.</p><p>Against a vivid and often heart-breaking backdrop of stories from young people struggling to survive and thrive under conditions of ever-expanding state retrenchment and inequality, <em>Burnt by Democracy</em> makes a timely and impassioned plea for protecting and strengthening democracy by truly levelling the playing field for all.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3957</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7e769bd6-dcbc-11ee-8fff-9b8f5c7be8f7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1735487007.mp3?updated=1709841847" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin J. Pauli, "Flint Fights Back: Environmental Justice and Democracy in the Flint Water Crisis" (MIT Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Originally published in 2019, Benjamin Pauli’s book, Flint Fights Back offers lasting insights into one of the most important drinking water-caused public health crises of American history. In this 2024 interview Pauli shares some explanations from the book but also offers his insights, in this year of the 10th anniversary of the Flint Water Crisis, on what is happening in Flint today and what, after all, we have learned from the fight for clean water in Flint, Michigan. -Patricia Houser, New Books in Environmental Studies Host.
An account of the Flint water crisis shows that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water is part of a broader struggle for democracy.
When Flint, Michigan, changed its source of municipal water from Lake Huron to the Flint River, Flint residents were repeatedly assured that the water was of the highest quality. At the switchover ceremony, the mayor and other officials performed a celebratory toast, declaring “Here's to Flint!” and downing glasses of freshly treated water. But as we now know, the water coming out of residents' taps harbored a variety of contaminants, including high levels of lead. In Flint Fights Back: Environmental Justice and Democracy in the Flint Water Crisis (MIT Press, 2019), Benjamin Pauli examines the water crisis and the political activism that it inspired, arguing that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water was part of a broader struggle for democracy. Pauli connects Flint's water activism with the ongoing movement protesting the state of Michigan's policy of replacing elected officials in financially troubled cities like Flint and Detroit with appointed “emergency managers.”
Currently available for free online: “The open access edition of this book was made possible by generous funding from the MIT Libraries.”
Patricia Houser, Ph.D., AICP, is former professor of geography and urban planning, now focused on writing and environmental research.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>179</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin J. Pauli</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Originally published in 2019, Benjamin Pauli’s book, Flint Fights Back offers lasting insights into one of the most important drinking water-caused public health crises of American history. In this 2024 interview Pauli shares some explanations from the book but also offers his insights, in this year of the 10th anniversary of the Flint Water Crisis, on what is happening in Flint today and what, after all, we have learned from the fight for clean water in Flint, Michigan. -Patricia Houser, New Books in Environmental Studies Host.
An account of the Flint water crisis shows that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water is part of a broader struggle for democracy.
When Flint, Michigan, changed its source of municipal water from Lake Huron to the Flint River, Flint residents were repeatedly assured that the water was of the highest quality. At the switchover ceremony, the mayor and other officials performed a celebratory toast, declaring “Here's to Flint!” and downing glasses of freshly treated water. But as we now know, the water coming out of residents' taps harbored a variety of contaminants, including high levels of lead. In Flint Fights Back: Environmental Justice and Democracy in the Flint Water Crisis (MIT Press, 2019), Benjamin Pauli examines the water crisis and the political activism that it inspired, arguing that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water was part of a broader struggle for democracy. Pauli connects Flint's water activism with the ongoing movement protesting the state of Michigan's policy of replacing elected officials in financially troubled cities like Flint and Detroit with appointed “emergency managers.”
Currently available for free online: “The open access edition of this book was made possible by generous funding from the MIT Libraries.”
Patricia Houser, Ph.D., AICP, is former professor of geography and urban planning, now focused on writing and environmental research.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>Originally published in 2019, Benjamin Pauli’s book, Flint Fights Back offers lasting insights into one of the most important drinking water-caused public health crises of American history. In this 2024 interview Pauli shares some explanations from the book but also offers his insights, in this year of the 10th anniversary of the Flint Water Crisis, on what is happening in Flint today and what, after all, we have learned from the fight for clean water in Flint, Michigan.</em> -Patricia Houser, New Books in Environmental Studies Host.</p><p>An account of the Flint water crisis shows that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water is part of a broader struggle for democracy.</p><p>When Flint, Michigan, changed its source of municipal water from Lake Huron to the Flint River, Flint residents were repeatedly assured that the water was of the highest quality. At the switchover ceremony, the mayor and other officials performed a celebratory toast, declaring “Here's to Flint!” and downing glasses of freshly treated water. But as we now know, the water coming out of residents' taps harbored a variety of contaminants, including high levels of lead. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262536868"><em>Flint Fights Back: Environmental Justice and Democracy in the Flint Water Crisis</em></a> (MIT Press, 2019), Benjamin Pauli examines the water crisis and the political activism that it inspired, arguing that Flint's struggle for safe and affordable water was part of a broader struggle for democracy. Pauli connects Flint's water activism with the ongoing movement protesting the state of Michigan's policy of replacing elected officials in financially troubled cities like Flint and Detroit with appointed “emergency managers.”</p><p>Currently available for free online: “The open access edition of this book was made possible by generous funding from the MIT Libraries.”</p><p><strong>Patricia Houser, Ph.D., AICP</strong>, is former professor of geography and urban planning, now focused on writing and environmental research.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2339</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bd057dce-dcce-11ee-a28c-bfccc937691d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1751103821.mp3?updated=1709849668" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On America’s Blind Spot Towards the Palestinians</title>
      <description>In their handling of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process over the decades, U.S. officials have displayed a “systemic blind spot” by alleviating pressure on the stronger party, Israel, and increasing pressure on the weaker party, the Palestinians, Khaled Elgindy argues in Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, From Balfour to Trump (Brookings Institution Press, 2019). In my conversation with Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, we explore the particular forms that this blind spot took in successive presidential administrations from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. And we conclude with his thoughts on how the blind spot is expressed in the Joe Biden presidency as the Israel-Hamas war rages in Gaza.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with author Klaled Elgindy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In their handling of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process over the decades, U.S. officials have displayed a “systemic blind spot” by alleviating pressure on the stronger party, Israel, and increasing pressure on the weaker party, the Palestinians, Khaled Elgindy argues in Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, From Balfour to Trump (Brookings Institution Press, 2019). In my conversation with Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, we explore the particular forms that this blind spot took in successive presidential administrations from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. And we conclude with his thoughts on how the blind spot is expressed in the Joe Biden presidency as the Israel-Hamas war rages in Gaza.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In their handling of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process over the decades, U.S. officials have displayed a “systemic blind spot” by alleviating pressure on the stronger party, Israel, and increasing pressure on the weaker party, the Palestinians, Khaled Elgindy argues in <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/books/blind-spot/"><em>Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, From Balfour to Trump</em></a><em> </em>(Brookings Institution Press, 2019). In my conversation with Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, we explore the particular forms that this blind spot took in successive presidential administrations from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. And we conclude with his thoughts on how the blind spot is expressed in the Joe Biden presidency as the Israel-Hamas war rages in Gaza.</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3941</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e59d9ea2-dcc8-11ee-a394-fbf916a2a0c2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1003657726.mp3?updated=1709847781" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Freedom in the Academy: A Conversation with Niall Ferguson</title>
      <description>Finishing off our series on freedom of speech, renowned historian Niall Ferguson discusses ideological conflict both between America and China and within the United States, and particularly our universities. Along the way, he shares important lessons from academic culture during the World Wars, how history ought to be taught, how optimistic we should be about the future of tech, and, of course, his newest project, the University of Austin.
Niall Ferguson is the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and a senior faculty fellow of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard, where he served for twelve years as the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History. He is the author of 16 books, most recently Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe, which has been short-listed for the Lionel Gelber Prize. He is a founder of the University of Austin, a new university in Austin, TX. His recent essay for The Free Press, “The Treason of the Intellectuals,” referenced during the episode, discusses the role of German academia in the Third Reich.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 05 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>98</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Finishing off our series on freedom of speech, renowned historian Niall Ferguson discusses ideological conflict both between America and China and within the United States, and particularly our universities. Along the way, he shares important lessons from academic culture during the World Wars, how history ought to be taught, how optimistic we should be about the future of tech, and, of course, his newest project, the University of Austin.
Niall Ferguson is the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and a senior faculty fellow of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard, where he served for twelve years as the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History. He is the author of 16 books, most recently Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe, which has been short-listed for the Lionel Gelber Prize. He is a founder of the University of Austin, a new university in Austin, TX. His recent essay for The Free Press, “The Treason of the Intellectuals,” referenced during the episode, discusses the role of German academia in the Third Reich.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Finishing off our series on freedom of speech, renowned historian <a href="https://www.hoover.org/profiles/niall-ferguson">Niall Ferguson</a> discusses ideological conflict both between America and China and within the United States, and particularly our universities. Along the way, he shares important lessons from academic culture during the World Wars, how history ought to be taught, how optimistic we should be about the future of tech, and, of course, his newest project, the University of Austin.</p><p>Niall Ferguson is the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and a senior faculty fellow of the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard, where he served for twelve years as the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History. He is the author of 16 books, most recently <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593297391"><em>Doom: The Politics of Catastrophe</em></a>, which has been short-listed for the Lionel Gelber Prize. He is a founder of the <a href="https://www.uaustin.org/">University of Austin</a>, a new university in Austin, TX. His recent essay for The Free Press, “<a href="https://www.thefp.com/p/niall-ferguson-treason-intellectuals-third-reich">The Treason of the Intellectuals</a>,” referenced during the episode, discusses the role of German academia in the Third Reich.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3613</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b2b36b74-daee-11ee-b9b4-4be2b5c19067]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1272913916.mp3?updated=1724698586" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alvita Akiboh, "Imperial Material: National Symbols in the US Colonial Empire" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>This is an ambitious history of flags, stamps, and currency—and the role they played in US imperialism over the 20th century. In Imperial Material: National Symbols in the US Colonial Empire (U Chicago Press, 2023), Alvita Akiboh, Assistant Professor of History at Yale University, reveals how US national identity has been created, challenged, and transformed through embodiments of empire found in US territories, from the US dollar bill to the fifty-star flag. Akiboh argues that these symbolic objects encode the relationships between territories—including the Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam—and the American empire with which they have been entangled. Akiboh shows how such items became objects of power, and how their original intent was changed. For even if imperial territories were not always front and center for federal lawmakers and administrators, their inhabitants remained continuously aware of the United States, whose presence announced itself through localized fights over the predominant currency, stamps, and flags.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 03 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>91</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alvita Akiboh</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This is an ambitious history of flags, stamps, and currency—and the role they played in US imperialism over the 20th century. In Imperial Material: National Symbols in the US Colonial Empire (U Chicago Press, 2023), Alvita Akiboh, Assistant Professor of History at Yale University, reveals how US national identity has been created, challenged, and transformed through embodiments of empire found in US territories, from the US dollar bill to the fifty-star flag. Akiboh argues that these symbolic objects encode the relationships between territories—including the Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam—and the American empire with which they have been entangled. Akiboh shows how such items became objects of power, and how their original intent was changed. For even if imperial territories were not always front and center for federal lawmakers and administrators, their inhabitants remained continuously aware of the United States, whose presence announced itself through localized fights over the predominant currency, stamps, and flags.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This is an ambitious history of flags, stamps, and currency—and the role they played in US imperialism over the 20th century. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226828480"><em>Imperial Material: National Symbols in the US Colonial Empire</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023), Alvita Akiboh, Assistant Professor of History at Yale University, reveals how US national identity has been created, challenged, and transformed through embodiments of empire found in US territories, from the US dollar bill to the fifty-star flag. Akiboh argues that these symbolic objects encode the relationships between territories—including the Philippines, the Hawaiian Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam—and the American empire with which they have been entangled. Akiboh shows how such items became objects of power, and how their original intent was changed. For even if imperial territories were not always front and center for federal lawmakers and administrators, their inhabitants remained continuously aware of the United States, whose presence announced itself through localized fights over the predominant currency, stamps, and flags.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2852</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2e9f4046-d8d3-11ee-a79b-af1021f2d2b2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4914145763.mp3?updated=1732047088" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David P. Gushee, "Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies" (William B. Eerdmans, 2023)</title>
      <description>Why do some devout Christians support authoritarian leaders who threaten the very democracies that protect religious freedoms?
The resounding support from evangelical and conservative Christians for strident culture hawks like Donald Trump and other far right leaders may appear surprising, but exist within a long and broad history that spans continents and centuries.
Surveying global politics and modern history, David P. Gushee calls on Christians to preserve democratic norms, including constitutional government, the rule of law, and equal rights for all. He analyzes how Christians have repeatedly put aside their commitment to the teachings of Jesus from the Gospels when they are tempted by authoritarian and reactionary leaders who promise a return to mythical greatness defined by family values, natural order, and cultural superiority.
In Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies (William B. Eerdmans, 2023), He urges Christians to resist this urge by reviving the hard-won traditions of congregational democracy as fought for by American Baptist and Black Christian leaders.
Rev. Prof. Dr. David P. Gushee (PhD, Union Theological Seminary, New York) is Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics at Mercer University, and Chair of Christian Social Ethics at Vrije Universiteit (“Free University”) Amsterdam, and Senior Research Fellow, International Baptist Theological Study Centre.
Recommended reading:
Hidden Roots of White Supremacy by Robert Jones
Coming soon from David Gushee:
The Moral Teachings of Jesus (Cascade 2024)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Mar 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>221</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David P. Gushee</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why do some devout Christians support authoritarian leaders who threaten the very democracies that protect religious freedoms?
The resounding support from evangelical and conservative Christians for strident culture hawks like Donald Trump and other far right leaders may appear surprising, but exist within a long and broad history that spans continents and centuries.
Surveying global politics and modern history, David P. Gushee calls on Christians to preserve democratic norms, including constitutional government, the rule of law, and equal rights for all. He analyzes how Christians have repeatedly put aside their commitment to the teachings of Jesus from the Gospels when they are tempted by authoritarian and reactionary leaders who promise a return to mythical greatness defined by family values, natural order, and cultural superiority.
In Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies (William B. Eerdmans, 2023), He urges Christians to resist this urge by reviving the hard-won traditions of congregational democracy as fought for by American Baptist and Black Christian leaders.
Rev. Prof. Dr. David P. Gushee (PhD, Union Theological Seminary, New York) is Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics at Mercer University, and Chair of Christian Social Ethics at Vrije Universiteit (“Free University”) Amsterdam, and Senior Research Fellow, International Baptist Theological Study Centre.
Recommended reading:
Hidden Roots of White Supremacy by Robert Jones
Coming soon from David Gushee:
The Moral Teachings of Jesus (Cascade 2024)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why do some devout Christians support authoritarian leaders who threaten the very democracies that protect religious freedoms?</p><p>The resounding support from evangelical and conservative Christians for strident culture hawks like Donald Trump and other far right leaders may appear surprising, but exist within a long and broad history that spans continents and centuries.</p><p>Surveying global politics and modern history, David P. Gushee calls on Christians to preserve democratic norms, including constitutional government, the rule of law, and equal rights for all. He analyzes how Christians have repeatedly put aside their commitment to the teachings of Jesus from the Gospels when they are tempted by authoritarian and reactionary leaders who promise a return to mythical greatness defined by family values, natural order, and cultural superiority.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780802882936"><em>Defending Democracy from Its Christian Enemies</em></a> (William B. Eerdmans, 2023), He urges Christians to resist this urge by reviving the hard-won traditions of congregational democracy as fought for by American Baptist and Black Christian leaders.</p><p>Rev. Prof. Dr. David P. Gushee (PhD, Union Theological Seminary, New York) is Distinguished University Professor of Christian Ethics at Mercer University, and Chair of Christian Social Ethics at Vrije Universiteit (“Free University”) Amsterdam, and Senior Research Fellow, International Baptist Theological Study Centre.</p><p>Recommended reading:</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668009512"><em>Hidden Roots of White Supremacy</em></a> by Robert Jones</p><p>Coming soon from David Gushee:</p><p><em>The Moral Teachings of Jesus</em> (Cascade 2024)</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3101</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d7798e86-d80d-11ee-bcac-579839b8d58b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8570321767.mp3?updated=1709327032" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carly Goodman, "Dreamland: America's Immigration Lottery in an Age of Restriction" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In a world of border walls and obstacles to migration, a lottery where winners can gain permanent residency in the United States sounds too good to be true. Just as unlikely is the idea that the United States would make such visas available to foster diversity within a country where systemic racism endures. But in 1990, the United States Diversity Visa Lottery was created to do just that.
Dreamland: America's Immigration Lottery in an Age of Restriction (UNC Press, 2023) tells the surprising story of this unlikely government program and its role in American life as well as the global story of migration. Historian Carly Goodman takes readers from Washington, D.C., where proponents deployed a colorblind narrative about our "nation of immigrants" to secure visas for white immigrants, to the African countries where it flourished and fostered dreams of going to America. From the post office to the internet, aspiring emigrants, visa agents, and others embraced the lottery and tried their luck in a time of austerity and limits. Rising African immigration to the United States has enriched American life, created opportunities for mobility, and nourished imagined possibilities. But the promise of the American dream has been threatened by the United States' embrace of anti-immigrant policies and persistent anti-Black racism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>112</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carly Goodman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a world of border walls and obstacles to migration, a lottery where winners can gain permanent residency in the United States sounds too good to be true. Just as unlikely is the idea that the United States would make such visas available to foster diversity within a country where systemic racism endures. But in 1990, the United States Diversity Visa Lottery was created to do just that.
Dreamland: America's Immigration Lottery in an Age of Restriction (UNC Press, 2023) tells the surprising story of this unlikely government program and its role in American life as well as the global story of migration. Historian Carly Goodman takes readers from Washington, D.C., where proponents deployed a colorblind narrative about our "nation of immigrants" to secure visas for white immigrants, to the African countries where it flourished and fostered dreams of going to America. From the post office to the internet, aspiring emigrants, visa agents, and others embraced the lottery and tried their luck in a time of austerity and limits. Rising African immigration to the United States has enriched American life, created opportunities for mobility, and nourished imagined possibilities. But the promise of the American dream has been threatened by the United States' embrace of anti-immigrant policies and persistent anti-Black racism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a world of border walls and obstacles to migration, a lottery where winners can gain permanent residency in the United States sounds too good to be true. Just as unlikely is the idea that the United States would make such visas available to foster diversity within a country where systemic racism endures. But in 1990, the United States Diversity Visa Lottery was created to do just that.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469673042"><em>Dreamland: America's Immigration Lottery in an Age of Restriction</em></a> (UNC Press, 2023) tells the surprising story of this unlikely government program and its role in American life as well as the global story of migration. Historian Carly Goodman takes readers from Washington, D.C., where proponents deployed a colorblind narrative about our "nation of immigrants" to secure visas for white immigrants, to the African countries where it flourished and fostered dreams of going to America. From the post office to the internet, aspiring emigrants, visa agents, and others embraced the lottery and tried their luck in a time of austerity and limits. Rising African immigration to the United States has enriched American life, created opportunities for mobility, and nourished imagined possibilities. But the promise of the American dream has been threatened by the United States' embrace of anti-immigrant policies and persistent anti-Black racism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4210</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7647c478-d67a-11ee-8cb5-ab52a3b2073a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4150378810.mp3?updated=1709153789" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Gerald Epstein, "Busting the Bankers' Club: Finance for the Rest of Us" (U California Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Bankers brought the global economic system to its knees in 2007 and nearly did the same in 2020. Both times, the US government bailed out the banks and left them in control. How can we end this cycle of trillion-dollar bailouts and make finance work for the rest of us? Busting the Bankers' Club confronts the powerful people and institutions that benefit from our broken financial system—and the struggle to create an alternative.
Drawing from decades of research on the history, economics, and politics of banking, economist Gerald Epstein shows that any meaningful reform will require breaking up this club of politicians, economists, lawyers, and CEOs who sustain the status quo. Thankfully, there are thousands of activists, experts, and public officials who are working to do just that. Clear-eyed and hopeful, Busting the Bankers' Club: Finance for the Rest of Us (U California Press, 2024) centers the individuals and groups fighting for a financial system that will better serve the needs of the marginalized and support important transitions to a greener, fairer economy.
Busting the Bankers’ Club is an eye-opening account of the failures of our financial system, the sources of its staying power, and the path to meaningful economic reform from Professor Gerald Epstein, Founding Codirector of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>54</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gerald Epstein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bankers brought the global economic system to its knees in 2007 and nearly did the same in 2020. Both times, the US government bailed out the banks and left them in control. How can we end this cycle of trillion-dollar bailouts and make finance work for the rest of us? Busting the Bankers' Club confronts the powerful people and institutions that benefit from our broken financial system—and the struggle to create an alternative.
Drawing from decades of research on the history, economics, and politics of banking, economist Gerald Epstein shows that any meaningful reform will require breaking up this club of politicians, economists, lawyers, and CEOs who sustain the status quo. Thankfully, there are thousands of activists, experts, and public officials who are working to do just that. Clear-eyed and hopeful, Busting the Bankers' Club: Finance for the Rest of Us (U California Press, 2024) centers the individuals and groups fighting for a financial system that will better serve the needs of the marginalized and support important transitions to a greener, fairer economy.
Busting the Bankers’ Club is an eye-opening account of the failures of our financial system, the sources of its staying power, and the path to meaningful economic reform from Professor Gerald Epstein, Founding Codirector of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bankers brought the global economic system to its knees in 2007 and nearly did the same in 2020. Both times, the US government bailed out the banks and left them in control. How can we end this cycle of trillion-dollar bailouts and make finance work for the rest of us? <em>Busting the Bankers' Club</em> confronts the powerful people and institutions that benefit from our broken financial system—and the struggle to create an alternative.</p><p>Drawing from decades of research on the history, economics, and politics of banking, economist Gerald Epstein shows that any meaningful reform will require breaking up this club of politicians, economists, lawyers, and CEOs who sustain the status quo. Thankfully, there are thousands of activists, experts, and public officials who are working to do just that. Clear-eyed and hopeful, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520385641">Busting the Bankers' Club: Finance for the Rest of Us</a> (U California Press, 2024) centers the individuals and groups fighting for a financial system that will better serve the needs of the marginalized and support important transitions to a greener, fairer economy.</p><p><em>Busting the Bankers’ Club</em> is an eye-opening account of the failures of our financial system, the sources of its staying power, and the path to meaningful economic reform from Professor Gerald Epstein, Founding Codirector of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3678</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2581e690-d5a8-11ee-a5d3-ab1d078b3736]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5942774175.mp3?updated=1709063095" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Leadership in Business, Leadership Abroad: A Conversation with Dave McCormick *96</title>
      <description>Dave McCormick *96 has enjoyed incredible success in a wide variety of arenas: after graduating from West Point, where he competed as a varsity wrestler, he served in the Gulf War before going on to earn his PhD here at Princeton in International Relations in 1996. He went on to prominent positions in both the private and public sectors, most notable as CEO of Bridgewater, the world's largest hedge fund, and as Under Secretary of Treasury and as Deputy National Security Advisor under President George W. Bush. Now, he's running for Senate in Pennsylvania. Here, he discusses his recent book: Superpower in Peril: A Battle Plan to Renew America (Center Street, 2023) and his Keystone Plan. Along the way, he goes into not only leadership lessons learned from his career across government, business, and athletics, but also America's role in world affairs, her global competition with China, and the importance of American innovation.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>97</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dave McCormick *96 has enjoyed incredible success in a wide variety of arenas: after graduating from West Point, where he competed as a varsity wrestler, he served in the Gulf War before going on to earn his PhD here at Princeton in International Relations in 1996. He went on to prominent positions in both the private and public sectors, most notable as CEO of Bridgewater, the world's largest hedge fund, and as Under Secretary of Treasury and as Deputy National Security Advisor under President George W. Bush. Now, he's running for Senate in Pennsylvania. Here, he discusses his recent book: Superpower in Peril: A Battle Plan to Renew America (Center Street, 2023) and his Keystone Plan. Along the way, he goes into not only leadership lessons learned from his career across government, business, and athletics, but also America's role in world affairs, her global competition with China, and the importance of American innovation.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.davemccormickpa.com/meet-david/">Dave McCormick</a> *96 has enjoyed incredible success in a wide variety of arenas: after graduating from West Point, where he competed as a varsity wrestler, he served in the Gulf War before going on to earn his PhD here at Princeton in International Relations in 1996. He went on to prominent positions in both the private and public sectors, most notable as CEO of Bridgewater, the world's largest hedge fund, and as Under Secretary of Treasury and as Deputy National Security Advisor under President George W. Bush. Now, he's running for Senate in Pennsylvania. Here, he discusses his recent book: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781546001959"><em>Superpower in Peril: A Battle Plan to Renew America</em></a><em> </em>(Center Street, 2023) and his <a href="https://www.davemccormickpa.com/daves-keystone-agenda/">Keystone Plan</a>. Along the way, he goes into not only leadership lessons learned from his career across government, business, and athletics, but also America's role in world affairs, her global competition with China, and the importance of American innovation.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2822</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[12f15fb6-d5a2-11ee-8361-572250f5cf39]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3042307544.mp3?updated=1724698614" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>How Democracies Die . . . and How They May Survive with Daniel Ziblatt</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Daniel Ziblatt, Eaton Professor of the Science of Government at Harvard University and co-author (with Steven Levitsky) of the bestsellers How Democracies Die (Crown, 2019) and The Tyranny of the Minority (Crown, 2023).
Ziblatt emphasizes the crucial role played by conservative parties that were committed to democracy in the United Kingdom and Germany and reflects on what makes democracy in the United States less prone to backsliding than these and other twentieth-century cases. Focusing on the arguments in The Tyranny of the Minority, Ziblatt discusses the need for profound change in American institutions to “democratize democracy” and make it more resilient. He stresses the vital importance of mobilizing civil society to preserve democracy, of which he sees optimistic signs in the recent American and German past.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>138</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Daniel Ziblatt, Eaton Professor of the Science of Government at Harvard University and co-author (with Steven Levitsky) of the bestsellers How Democracies Die (Crown, 2019) and The Tyranny of the Minority (Crown, 2023).
Ziblatt emphasizes the crucial role played by conservative parties that were committed to democracy in the United Kingdom and Germany and reflects on what makes democracy in the United States less prone to backsliding than these and other twentieth-century cases. Focusing on the arguments in The Tyranny of the Minority, Ziblatt discusses the need for profound change in American institutions to “democratize democracy” and make it more resilient. He stresses the vital importance of mobilizing civil society to preserve democracy, of which he sees optimistic signs in the recent American and German past.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Daniel Ziblatt, Eaton Professor of the Science of Government at Harvard University and co-author (with Steven Levitsky) of the bestsellers <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781524762940"><em>How Democracies Die</em></a><em> </em>(Crown, 2019) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593443071"><em>The Tyranny of the Minority</em></a> (Crown, 2023).</p><p>Ziblatt emphasizes the crucial role played by conservative parties that were committed to democracy in the United Kingdom and Germany and reflects on what makes democracy in the United States less prone to backsliding than these and other twentieth-century cases. Focusing on the arguments in <em>The Tyranny of the </em>Minority, Ziblatt discusses the need for profound change in American institutions to “democratize democracy” and make it more resilient. He stresses the vital importance of mobilizing civil society to preserve democracy, of which he sees optimistic signs in the recent American and German past.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2525</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[71535278-d4e7-11ee-a0f0-cbdef7307939]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9619206530.mp3?updated=1708980321" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher J. Devine, "I’m Here to Ask for Your Vote: How Presidential Campaign Visits Influence Voters" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>During presidential campaigns, candidates crisscross the country nonstop—visiting swing states, their home turf, and enemy territory. But do all those campaign visits make a difference when Election Day comes? If so, how and under what conditions? Do they mobilise the partisan faithful or persuade undecided voters? What do campaigns try to achieve through campaign visits—and when do they succeed?
I’m Here to Ask for Your Vote: How Presidential Campaign Visits Influence Voters (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Christopher J. Devine is a comprehensive and compelling examination of the strategy and effectiveness of presidential campaign visits. Dr. Devine uses an original database of presidential and vice-presidential campaign visits from 2008 through 2020 to estimate the effects of visits on vote choice and turnout, both among individual voters and within counties. He finds that campaign visits do not usually influence voting behaviour, but when they do, most often it is by persuading undecided voters—as was the case for John McCain in 2008 and even Donald Trump in 2020. Challenging the recent emphasis on candidates playing to their base, this book suggests that persuasion is still a viable campaign strategy, in which candidate visits may play a major role.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>250</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher J. Devine</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>During presidential campaigns, candidates crisscross the country nonstop—visiting swing states, their home turf, and enemy territory. But do all those campaign visits make a difference when Election Day comes? If so, how and under what conditions? Do they mobilise the partisan faithful or persuade undecided voters? What do campaigns try to achieve through campaign visits—and when do they succeed?
I’m Here to Ask for Your Vote: How Presidential Campaign Visits Influence Voters (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Christopher J. Devine is a comprehensive and compelling examination of the strategy and effectiveness of presidential campaign visits. Dr. Devine uses an original database of presidential and vice-presidential campaign visits from 2008 through 2020 to estimate the effects of visits on vote choice and turnout, both among individual voters and within counties. He finds that campaign visits do not usually influence voting behaviour, but when they do, most often it is by persuading undecided voters—as was the case for John McCain in 2008 and even Donald Trump in 2020. Challenging the recent emphasis on candidates playing to their base, this book suggests that persuasion is still a viable campaign strategy, in which candidate visits may play a major role.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>During presidential campaigns, candidates crisscross the country nonstop—visiting swing states, their home turf, and enemy territory. But do all those campaign visits make a difference when Election Day comes? If so, how and under what conditions? Do they mobilise the partisan faithful or persuade undecided voters? What do campaigns try to achieve through campaign visits—and when do they succeed?</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231212359"><em>I’m Here to Ask for Your Vote: How Presidential Campaign Visits Influence Voters</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2023) by Dr. Christopher J. Devine is a comprehensive and compelling examination of the strategy and effectiveness of presidential campaign visits. Dr. Devine uses an original database of presidential and vice-presidential campaign visits from 2008 through 2020 to estimate the effects of visits on vote choice and turnout, both among individual voters and within counties. He finds that campaign visits do not usually influence voting behaviour, but when they do, most often it is by persuading undecided voters—as was the case for John McCain in 2008 and even Donald Trump in 2020. Challenging the recent emphasis on candidates playing to their base, this book suggests that persuasion is still a viable campaign strategy, in which candidate visits may play a major role.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3759</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9ff1fd42-d261-11ee-bf9f-27991498766b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9967007178.mp3?updated=1708704160" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Cameron McWhirter and Zusha Elinson, "American Gun: The True Story of the AR-15" (FSG, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the 1950s, an obsessive firearms designer named Eugene Stoner invented the AR-15 rifle in a California garage. High-minded and patriotic, Stoner sought to devise a lightweight, easy-to-use weapon that could replace the M1s touted by soldiers in World War II. What he did create was a lethal handheld icon of the American century.
In American Gun: The True Story of the AR-15 (FSG, 2023), the veteran Wall Street Journal reporters Cameron McWhirter and Zusha Elinson track the AR-15 from inception to ubiquity. How did the same gun represent the essence of freedom to millions of Americans and the essence of evil to millions more? To answer this question, McWhirter and Elinson follow Stoner--the American Kalashnikov--as he struggled mightily to win support for his invention, which under the name M16 would become standard equipment in Vietnam. Shunned by gun owners at first, the rifle's popularity would take off thanks to a renegade band of small-time gun makers. And in the 2000s, it would become the weapon of choice for mass shooters, prompting widespread calls for proscription even as the gun industry embraced it as a financial savior. Writing with fairness and compassion, McWhirter and Elinson explore America's gun culture, revealing the deep appeal of the AR-15, the awful havoc it wreaks, and the politics of reducing its toll. The result is a moral history of contemporary America's love affair with technology, freedom, and weaponry.
Cameron McWhirter is a national reporter for The Wall Street Journal, based in Atlanta. He has covered mass shootings, violent protests and natural disasters across the South. He is also the author of Red Summer: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America. Previously, he reported for other publications in the U.S., as well as Bosnia, Iraq, and Ethiopia.
Zusha Elinson is a national reporter, writing about guns and violence for the Wall Street Journal. Based in California, he has also written for the Center for Investigative Reporting and the New York Times Bay Area section.
Recommended Books:

Robert Caro, The Path to Power


William Shawcross, Sideshow


Dexter Filkins, The Forever War


Adam Winkler, Gun Fight


Tim Mak, Misfire


Doug Stanton, Horse Solidiers


﻿
Chris Holmes is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro Against World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of The New Voices Festival, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cameron McWhirter and Zusha Elinson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the 1950s, an obsessive firearms designer named Eugene Stoner invented the AR-15 rifle in a California garage. High-minded and patriotic, Stoner sought to devise a lightweight, easy-to-use weapon that could replace the M1s touted by soldiers in World War II. What he did create was a lethal handheld icon of the American century.
In American Gun: The True Story of the AR-15 (FSG, 2023), the veteran Wall Street Journal reporters Cameron McWhirter and Zusha Elinson track the AR-15 from inception to ubiquity. How did the same gun represent the essence of freedom to millions of Americans and the essence of evil to millions more? To answer this question, McWhirter and Elinson follow Stoner--the American Kalashnikov--as he struggled mightily to win support for his invention, which under the name M16 would become standard equipment in Vietnam. Shunned by gun owners at first, the rifle's popularity would take off thanks to a renegade band of small-time gun makers. And in the 2000s, it would become the weapon of choice for mass shooters, prompting widespread calls for proscription even as the gun industry embraced it as a financial savior. Writing with fairness and compassion, McWhirter and Elinson explore America's gun culture, revealing the deep appeal of the AR-15, the awful havoc it wreaks, and the politics of reducing its toll. The result is a moral history of contemporary America's love affair with technology, freedom, and weaponry.
Cameron McWhirter is a national reporter for The Wall Street Journal, based in Atlanta. He has covered mass shootings, violent protests and natural disasters across the South. He is also the author of Red Summer: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America. Previously, he reported for other publications in the U.S., as well as Bosnia, Iraq, and Ethiopia.
Zusha Elinson is a national reporter, writing about guns and violence for the Wall Street Journal. Based in California, he has also written for the Center for Investigative Reporting and the New York Times Bay Area section.
Recommended Books:

Robert Caro, The Path to Power


William Shawcross, Sideshow


Dexter Filkins, The Forever War


Adam Winkler, Gun Fight


Tim Mak, Misfire


Doug Stanton, Horse Solidiers


﻿
Chris Holmes is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro Against World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of The New Voices Festival, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the 1950s, an obsessive firearms designer named Eugene Stoner invented the AR-15 rifle in a California garage. High-minded and patriotic, Stoner sought to devise a lightweight, easy-to-use weapon that could replace the M1s touted by soldiers in World War II. What he did create was a lethal handheld icon of the American century.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374103859"><em>American Gun: The True Story of the AR-15</em></a><em> </em>(FSG, 2023), the veteran <em>Wall Street Journal</em> reporters Cameron McWhirter and Zusha Elinson track the AR-15 from inception to ubiquity. How did the same gun represent the essence of freedom to millions of Americans and the essence of evil to millions more? To answer this question, McWhirter and Elinson follow Stoner--the American Kalashnikov--as he struggled mightily to win support for his invention, which under the name M16 would become standard equipment in Vietnam. Shunned by gun owners at first, the rifle's popularity would take off thanks to a renegade band of small-time gun makers. And in the 2000s, it would become the weapon of choice for mass shooters, prompting widespread calls for proscription even as the gun industry embraced it as a financial savior. Writing with fairness and compassion, McWhirter and Elinson explore America's gun culture, revealing the deep appeal of the AR-15, the awful havoc it wreaks, and the politics of reducing its toll. The result is a moral history of contemporary America's love affair with technology, freedom, and weaponry.</p><p><strong>Cameron McWhirter</strong> is a national reporter for <em>The Wall Street Journal</em>, based in Atlanta. He has covered mass shootings, violent protests and natural disasters across the South. He is also the author of <em>Red Summer: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America</em>. Previously, he reported for other publications in the U.S., as well as Bosnia, Iraq, and Ethiopia.</p><p><strong>Zusha Elinson </strong>is a national reporter, writing about guns and violence for the <em>Wall Street Journal</em>. Based in California, he has also written for the Center for Investigative Reporting and the <em>New York Times</em> Bay Area section.</p><p><strong>Recommended Books</strong>:</p><ul>
<li>Robert Caro, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-path-to-power-the-years-of-lyndon-johnson-i-robert-a-caro/6701672?ean=9780679729457"><em>The Path to Power</em></a>
</li>
<li>William Shawcross, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/sideshow-kissinger-nixon-and-the-destruction-of-cambodia-william-shawcross/9113542?ean=9780815412243"><em>Sideshow</em></a>
</li>
<li>Dexter Filkins, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-forever-war-dexter-filkins/8724573?ean=9780307279446">The Forever War</a>
</li>
<li>Adam Winkler, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/gunfight-the-battle-over-the-right-to-bear-arms-in-america-adam-winkler/8757576?ean=9780393345834"><em>Gun Fight</em></a>
</li>
<li>Tim Mak, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/misfire-inside-the-downfall-of-the-nra-tim-mak/16943803?ean=9781524746452"><em>Misfire</em></a>
</li>
<li>Doug Stanton, <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/12-strong-the-declassified-true-story-of-the-horse-soldiers-doug-stanton/15560142?ean=9781416580522"><em>Horse Solidiers</em></a>
</li>
</ul><p><em>﻿</em></p><p><a href="https://www.ithaca.edu/faculty/cholmes"><em>Chris Holmes</em></a><em> is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro Against World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of </em><a href="https://www.ithaca.edu/academics/school-humanities-and-sciences/writing/new-voices-festival"><em>The New Voices Festival</em></a><em>, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3887</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Norman Hill and Velma Murphy Hill, "Climbing the Rough Side of the Mountain: The Extraordinary Story of Love, Civil Rights, and Labor Activism" (Regalo Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The remarkable story of a couple who came together during the civil rights movement and made fighting for equality and civil and workers' rights their purpose for more than sixty years, overcoming adversity--with the strength of their love and commitment--to bring about meaningful change,
When Velma Murphy was knocked unconscious by a brick thrown by a man from an angry white mob and was carried away by Norman Hill, it was the beginning of a six-decade-long love story and the turmoil, excitement, and struggle for civil rights and labor movements. In Climbing the Rough Side of the Mountain: The Extraordinary Story of Love, Civil Rights, and Labor Activism (Regalo Press, 2023), the Hills reflect upon their more than half a century of fighting to make America realize the best of itself.
Through profound conversations between the two, Velma and Norman Hill share their earliest memories of facing racial segregation in the 1960s, working with Martin Luther King Jr., Bayard Rustin, and A. Philip Randolph, crossing paths with Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael. They also reveal how they kept white supremacists like David Duke from taking office, organized workers into unions, met with Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and continued to work tirelessly, fighting the good fight and successfully challenging power with truth.
Norman Hill was the national program director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), staff coordinator for the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, staff representative of the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO, and president of the A. Philip Randolph Institute from 1980 to 2004, the longest tenure in the organization’s history. He remains its president emeritus.
Velma Murphy Hill, a graduate of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, was a leader of the Chicago Wade-In to integrate Rainbow Beach, East Coast field secretary for CORE, and assistant to the president of the United Federation of Teachers, where she unionized 10,000 paraprofessionals, mostly Black and Hispanic, working in New York public schools. She was vice president of the American Federation of Teachers and International Affairs and civil rights director of the Service Employees International Union.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 17 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>248</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Norman Hill</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The remarkable story of a couple who came together during the civil rights movement and made fighting for equality and civil and workers' rights their purpose for more than sixty years, overcoming adversity--with the strength of their love and commitment--to bring about meaningful change,
When Velma Murphy was knocked unconscious by a brick thrown by a man from an angry white mob and was carried away by Norman Hill, it was the beginning of a six-decade-long love story and the turmoil, excitement, and struggle for civil rights and labor movements. In Climbing the Rough Side of the Mountain: The Extraordinary Story of Love, Civil Rights, and Labor Activism (Regalo Press, 2023), the Hills reflect upon their more than half a century of fighting to make America realize the best of itself.
Through profound conversations between the two, Velma and Norman Hill share their earliest memories of facing racial segregation in the 1960s, working with Martin Luther King Jr., Bayard Rustin, and A. Philip Randolph, crossing paths with Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael. They also reveal how they kept white supremacists like David Duke from taking office, organized workers into unions, met with Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and continued to work tirelessly, fighting the good fight and successfully challenging power with truth.
Norman Hill was the national program director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), staff coordinator for the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, staff representative of the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO, and president of the A. Philip Randolph Institute from 1980 to 2004, the longest tenure in the organization’s history. He remains its president emeritus.
Velma Murphy Hill, a graduate of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, was a leader of the Chicago Wade-In to integrate Rainbow Beach, East Coast field secretary for CORE, and assistant to the president of the United Federation of Teachers, where she unionized 10,000 paraprofessionals, mostly Black and Hispanic, working in New York public schools. She was vice president of the American Federation of Teachers and International Affairs and civil rights director of the Service Employees International Union.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The remarkable story of a couple who came together during the civil rights movement and made fighting for equality and civil and workers' rights their purpose for more than sixty years, overcoming adversity--with the strength of their love and commitment--to bring about meaningful change,</p><p>When Velma Murphy was knocked unconscious by a brick thrown by a man from an angry white mob and was carried away by Norman Hill, it was the beginning of a six-decade-long love story and the turmoil, excitement, and struggle for civil rights and labor movements. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798888452820"><em>Climbing the Rough Side of the Mountain: The Extraordinary Story of Love, Civil Rights, and Labor Activism</em></a><em> </em>(Regalo Press, 2023), the Hills reflect upon their more than half a century of fighting to make America realize the best of itself.</p><p>Through profound conversations between the two, Velma and Norman Hill share their earliest memories of facing racial segregation in the 1960s, working with Martin Luther King Jr., Bayard Rustin, and A. Philip Randolph, crossing paths with Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael. They also reveal how they kept white supremacists like David Duke from taking office, organized workers into unions, met with Presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and continued to work tirelessly, fighting the good fight and successfully challenging power with truth.</p><p>Norman Hill was the national program director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), staff coordinator for the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, staff representative of the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO, and president of the A. Philip Randolph Institute from 1980 to 2004, the longest tenure in the organization’s history. He remains its president emeritus.</p><p>Velma Murphy Hill, a graduate of the Harvard Graduate School of Education, was a leader of the Chicago Wade-In to integrate Rainbow Beach, East Coast field secretary for CORE, and assistant to the president of the United Federation of Teachers, where she unionized 10,000 paraprofessionals, mostly Black and Hispanic, working in New York public schools. She was vice president of the American Federation of Teachers and International Affairs and civil rights director of the Service Employees International Union.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3729</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[71e75320-cd07-11ee-a440-5735609faa16]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7988514011.mp3?updated=1708114905" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Max Felker-Kantor, "DARE to Say No: Policing and the War on Drugs in Schools" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>With its signature "DARE to keep kids off drugs" slogan and iconic t-shirts, DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) was the most popular drug education program of the 1980s and 1990s. But behind the cultural phenomenon is the story of how DARE and other antidrug education programs brought the War on Drugs into schools and ensured that the velvet glove of antidrug education would be backed by the iron fist of rigorous policing and harsh sentencing.
Max Felker-Kantor has assembled the first history of DARE, which began in Los Angeles in 1983 as a joint venture between the police department and the unified school district. By the mid-90s, it was taught in 75 percent of school districts across the United States. DARE received near-universal praise from parents, educators, police officers, and politicians and left an indelible stamp on many millennial memories. But the program had more nefarious ends, and Felker-Kantor complicates simplistic narratives of the War on Drugs. 
In ﻿DARE to Say No: Policing and the War on Drugs in Schools (UNC Press, 2023), he shows how policing entered US schools and framed drug use as the result of personal responsibility, moral failure, and poor behavior deserving of punishment rather than something deeply rooted in state retrenchment, the abandonment of social service provisions, and structures of social and economic inequality.
﻿Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 17 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>22</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Max Felker-Kantor</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With its signature "DARE to keep kids off drugs" slogan and iconic t-shirts, DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) was the most popular drug education program of the 1980s and 1990s. But behind the cultural phenomenon is the story of how DARE and other antidrug education programs brought the War on Drugs into schools and ensured that the velvet glove of antidrug education would be backed by the iron fist of rigorous policing and harsh sentencing.
Max Felker-Kantor has assembled the first history of DARE, which began in Los Angeles in 1983 as a joint venture between the police department and the unified school district. By the mid-90s, it was taught in 75 percent of school districts across the United States. DARE received near-universal praise from parents, educators, police officers, and politicians and left an indelible stamp on many millennial memories. But the program had more nefarious ends, and Felker-Kantor complicates simplistic narratives of the War on Drugs. 
In ﻿DARE to Say No: Policing and the War on Drugs in Schools (UNC Press, 2023), he shows how policing entered US schools and framed drug use as the result of personal responsibility, moral failure, and poor behavior deserving of punishment rather than something deeply rooted in state retrenchment, the abandonment of social service provisions, and structures of social and economic inequality.
﻿Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With its signature "DARE to keep kids off drugs" slogan and iconic t-shirts, DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance Education) was the most popular drug education program of the 1980s and 1990s. But behind the cultural phenomenon is the story of how DARE and other antidrug education programs brought the War on Drugs into schools and ensured that the velvet glove of antidrug education would be backed by the iron fist of rigorous policing and harsh sentencing.</p><p>Max Felker-Kantor has assembled the first history of DARE, which began in Los Angeles in 1983 as a joint venture between the police department and the unified school district. By the mid-90s, it was taught in 75 percent of school districts across the United States. DARE received near-universal praise from parents, educators, police officers, and politicians and left an indelible stamp on many millennial memories. But the program had more nefarious ends, and Felker-Kantor complicates simplistic narratives of the War on Drugs. </p><p>In <em>﻿</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469676364"><em>DARE to Say No: Policing and the War on Drugs in Schools</em></a> (UNC Press, 2023), he shows how policing entered US schools and framed drug use as the result of personal responsibility, moral failure, and poor behavior deserving of punishment rather than something deeply rooted in state retrenchment, the abandonment of social service provisions, and structures of social and economic inequality.</p><p><em>﻿Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3735</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[519b19c0-cd12-11ee-b367-236cf347c33b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3839810746.mp3?updated=1708119787" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steven Harvey, "The Beloved Republic" (Wandering Aengus Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Steven Harvey is the author of numerous books, including his latest collection of essays The Beloved Republic (Wandering Aengus Press). Besides being a founding faculty member of the Ashland University MFA program, Steven is also a Contributing Editor at River Teeth literary magazine and the creator of The Humble Essayist website.
How to write political essays that don’t falter and becoming boring and obvious is a question that has long bedeviled writers. For instance, Philip Lopate’s introduction to The Art of the Personal Essay states that the “enemy of the personal essay is self-righteousness.” Today’s guest, Steven Harvey, finds an adept way around the dilemma by finding moments where there’s an “inwardness in the presence of a social wrong” that the writer can build on, an intimacy that allows for vulnerability, for doubt, for reflection, for one’s humanity to shine through nicely. Another issue for writers is how to navigate a world in which branding has become so prevalent. The solution is really (as Harvey says in this podcast) a matter of finding one’s own distinct voice that can’t be packaged or replicated. Finally, this podcast ends on a very poignant note as Harvey reads from his essay “The Book of Knowledge” about his mother’s suicide when he was an 11-year-old boy.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Harvey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steven Harvey is the author of numerous books, including his latest collection of essays The Beloved Republic (Wandering Aengus Press). Besides being a founding faculty member of the Ashland University MFA program, Steven is also a Contributing Editor at River Teeth literary magazine and the creator of The Humble Essayist website.
How to write political essays that don’t falter and becoming boring and obvious is a question that has long bedeviled writers. For instance, Philip Lopate’s introduction to The Art of the Personal Essay states that the “enemy of the personal essay is self-righteousness.” Today’s guest, Steven Harvey, finds an adept way around the dilemma by finding moments where there’s an “inwardness in the presence of a social wrong” that the writer can build on, an intimacy that allows for vulnerability, for doubt, for reflection, for one’s humanity to shine through nicely. Another issue for writers is how to navigate a world in which branding has become so prevalent. The solution is really (as Harvey says in this podcast) a matter of finding one’s own distinct voice that can’t be packaged or replicated. Finally, this podcast ends on a very poignant note as Harvey reads from his essay “The Book of Knowledge” about his mother’s suicide when he was an 11-year-old boy.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.steven-harvey-author.com/">Steven Harvey </a>is the author of numerous books, including his latest collection of essays <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798218006723"><em>The Beloved Republic</em></a> (Wandering Aengus Press). Besides being a founding faculty member of the Ashland University MFA program, Steven is also a Contributing Editor at <em>River Teeth</em> literary magazine and the creator of The Humble Essayist website.</p><p>How to write political essays that don’t falter and becoming boring and obvious is a question that has long bedeviled writers. For instance, Philip Lopate’s introduction to <em>The Art of the Personal Essay</em> states that the “enemy of the personal essay is self-righteousness.” Today’s guest, Steven Harvey, finds an adept way around the dilemma by finding moments where there’s an “inwardness in the presence of a social wrong” that the writer can build on, an intimacy that allows for vulnerability, for doubt, for reflection, for one’s humanity to shine through nicely. Another issue for writers is how to navigate a world in which branding has become so prevalent. The solution is really (as Harvey says in this podcast) a matter of finding one’s own distinct voice that can’t be packaged or replicated. Finally, this podcast ends on a very poignant note as Harvey reads from his essay “The Book of Knowledge” about his mother’s suicide when he was an 11-year-old boy.</p><p><em>Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads </em><a href="https://www.sensorylogic.com/"><em>Sensory Logic, Inc</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1568</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2017255304.mp3?updated=1707675561" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard L. Hasen, "A Real Right to Vote: How a Constitutional Amendment Can Safeguard American Democracy" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>Throughout history, too many Americans have been disenfranchised or faced needless barriers to voting. Part of the blame falls on the Constitution, which does not contain an affirmative right to vote. The Supreme Court has made matters worse by failing to protect voting rights and limiting Congress's ability to do so. The time has come for voters to take action and push for an amendment to the Constitution that would guarantee this right for all.
Drawing on troubling stories of state attempts to disenfranchise military voters, women, African Americans, students, former felons, Native Americans, and others, Richard Hasen argues that American democracy can and should do better in assuring that all eligible voters can cast a meaningful vote that will be fairly counted. He shows how a constitutional right to vote can deescalate voting wars between political parties that lead to endless rounds of litigation and undermine voter confidence in elections, and can safeguard democracy against dangerous attempts at election subversion like the one we witnessed in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election.
The path to a constitutional amendment is undoubtedly hard, especially in these polarized times. A Real Right to Vote: How a Constitutional Amendment Can Safeguard American Democracy (Princeton UP, 2024) explains what's in it for conservatives who have resisted voting reform and reveals how the pursuit of an amendment can yield tangible dividends for democracy long before ratification.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>80</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard L. Hasen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout history, too many Americans have been disenfranchised or faced needless barriers to voting. Part of the blame falls on the Constitution, which does not contain an affirmative right to vote. The Supreme Court has made matters worse by failing to protect voting rights and limiting Congress's ability to do so. The time has come for voters to take action and push for an amendment to the Constitution that would guarantee this right for all.
Drawing on troubling stories of state attempts to disenfranchise military voters, women, African Americans, students, former felons, Native Americans, and others, Richard Hasen argues that American democracy can and should do better in assuring that all eligible voters can cast a meaningful vote that will be fairly counted. He shows how a constitutional right to vote can deescalate voting wars between political parties that lead to endless rounds of litigation and undermine voter confidence in elections, and can safeguard democracy against dangerous attempts at election subversion like the one we witnessed in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election.
The path to a constitutional amendment is undoubtedly hard, especially in these polarized times. A Real Right to Vote: How a Constitutional Amendment Can Safeguard American Democracy (Princeton UP, 2024) explains what's in it for conservatives who have resisted voting reform and reveals how the pursuit of an amendment can yield tangible dividends for democracy long before ratification.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout history, too many Americans have been disenfranchised or faced needless barriers to voting. Part of the blame falls on the Constitution, which does not contain an affirmative right to vote. The Supreme Court has made matters worse by failing to protect voting rights and limiting Congress's ability to do so. The time has come for voters to take action and push for an amendment to the Constitution that would guarantee this right for all.</p><p>Drawing on troubling stories of state attempts to disenfranchise military voters, women, African Americans, students, former felons, Native Americans, and others, Richard Hasen argues that American democracy can and should do better in assuring that all eligible voters can cast a meaningful vote that will be fairly counted. He shows how a constitutional right to vote can deescalate voting wars between political parties that lead to endless rounds of litigation and undermine voter confidence in elections, and can safeguard democracy against dangerous attempts at election subversion like the one we witnessed in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential election.</p><p>The path to a constitutional amendment is undoubtedly hard, especially in these polarized times. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691257716"><em>A Real Right to Vote: How a Constitutional Amendment Can Safeguard American Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024) explains what's in it for conservatives who have resisted voting reform and reveals how the pursuit of an amendment can yield tangible dividends for democracy long before ratification.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1687</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK8647467908.mp3?updated=1706646758" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kimberly Meltzer, “From News to Talk: The Expansion of Opinion and Commentary in U.S. Journalism” (SUNY Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>From talking heads on cable news to hot takes online, there seems to be more opinion than ever in journalism these days. There’s an entire body of research about how this shift toward opinionated news impacts the people who consume news, but far less on how these changes impact the people who create it.
Kimberly Meltzer tackles some of these questions in her book From News to Talk: The Expansion of Opinion and Commentary in U.S. Journalism (SUNY Press, 2019). The book features interviews with journalists like Maria Bartiromo and Brian Stelter about why the media landscape is changing, what role (if any) journalists play in the decline of civility in public discourse, and how they work together as communities of practice in an ever-changing profession.
As Meltzer says, today’s news landscape is complex. It recalls a past era of partisan newspapers, with the added wrinkle of 21st-century technology and a desire by some outlets to hold true to the standard of objectivity that became ubiquitous after World War II. In this interview, she offers some advice for journalists, news consumers, and journalism educators about how to think about the relationship between news, opinion, and civility today.
Meltzer is Associate Professor of Communication and Chair of the Department of Communication at Marymount University in Arlington, Virginia. She is also the author of “TV News Anchors and Journalistic Tradition: How Journalists Adapt to Technology” and worked as a broadcast journalist herself before transitioning to academia.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the Democracy Works podcast, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>49</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kimberly Meltzer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From talking heads on cable news to hot takes online, there seems to be more opinion than ever in journalism these days. There’s an entire body of research about how this shift toward opinionated news impacts the people who consume news, but far less on how these changes impact the people who create it.
Kimberly Meltzer tackles some of these questions in her book From News to Talk: The Expansion of Opinion and Commentary in U.S. Journalism (SUNY Press, 2019). The book features interviews with journalists like Maria Bartiromo and Brian Stelter about why the media landscape is changing, what role (if any) journalists play in the decline of civility in public discourse, and how they work together as communities of practice in an ever-changing profession.
As Meltzer says, today’s news landscape is complex. It recalls a past era of partisan newspapers, with the added wrinkle of 21st-century technology and a desire by some outlets to hold true to the standard of objectivity that became ubiquitous after World War II. In this interview, she offers some advice for journalists, news consumers, and journalism educators about how to think about the relationship between news, opinion, and civility today.
Meltzer is Associate Professor of Communication and Chair of the Department of Communication at Marymount University in Arlington, Virginia. She is also the author of “TV News Anchors and Journalistic Tradition: How Journalists Adapt to Technology” and worked as a broadcast journalist herself before transitioning to academia.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the Democracy Works podcast, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From talking heads on cable news to hot takes online, there seems to be more opinion than ever in journalism these days. There’s an entire body of research about how this shift toward opinionated news impacts the people who consume news, but far less on how these changes impact the people who create it.</p><p><a href="https://www.marymount.edu/Home/Contact-Us/Faculty-Staff-Directory?profileid=1142">Kimberly Meltzer</a> tackles some of these questions in her book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1438473486/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>From News to Talk: The Expansion of Opinion and Commentary in U.S. Journalism</em></a> (SUNY Press, 2019). The book features interviews with journalists like Maria Bartiromo and Brian Stelter about why the media landscape is changing, what role (if any) journalists play in the decline of civility in public discourse, and how they work together as communities of practice in an ever-changing profession.</p><p>As Meltzer says, today’s news landscape is complex. It recalls a past era of partisan newspapers, with the added wrinkle of 21st-century technology and a desire by some outlets to hold true to the standard of objectivity that became ubiquitous after World War II. In this interview, she offers some advice for journalists, news consumers, and journalism educators about how to think about the relationship between news, opinion, and civility today.</p><p>Meltzer is Associate Professor of Communication and Chair of the Department of Communication at Marymount University in Arlington, Virginia. She is also the author of “TV News Anchors and Journalistic Tradition: How Journalists Adapt to Technology” and worked as a broadcast journalist herself before transitioning to academia.</p><p><a href="http://jennaspinelle.com"><em>Jenna Spinelle</em></a><em> is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the </em><a href="http://democracyworkspodcast.com"><em>Democracy Works podcast</em></a><em>, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3489</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1091429353.mp3?updated=1707858467" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marisol LeBrón, "Policing Life and Death: Race, Violence, and Resistance in Puerto Rico" (U California Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Marisol LeBrón’s new book, Policing Life and Death: Race, Violence, and Resistance in Puerto Rico (University of California Press, 2019), examines the rise of and resistance to punitive governance (tough on crime policing policies) in Puerto Rico from the 1990s to the present. As in the United States, LeBrón shows how increased investment in policing did not respond to a spike in crime. It actually emerged as a strategy to shore up the local political and economic establishment mired in the crisis of the archipelago’s postwar colonial development policy “Operation Bootstrap,” spiking unemployment, lack of U.S. investment, and a growing informal economy which included the drug trade. Puerto Rican elites hoped to reinvent themselves as models for tough on crime policing and gatekeepers for the United States to Latin America. Beginning with the mano dura contra el crimen (iron fist against crime) policy of commonwealth Governor Pedro Rosselló in 1993, police increasingly targeted lower income, predominantly Black public housing complexes (caseríos) as sources of criminality and lawlessness. Using Justice Department reports, social media research, newspapers, and oral interviews to create a “police archive,” LeBrón demonstrates that while police killings, brutality, surveillance, and harassment were hallmarks of mano dura, the policy also reinvented popular understandings of the “who” and “where” of crime that endure to the present. In doing so, she shows how presumptions about race, class, gender, and sexuality linked to certain places (public housing, sex work neighborhoods, schools, and universities) created notions of victims and criminals who “deserved” life or death. The book’s second half explores critiques of and resistance to punitive governance by looking at underground rap, university student activism, social media debates, and non-punitive anti-violence activism. These case studies show the growing resistance to policing as policy instead of social investment, but also the tenacity of the discourses of criminality activists must wrestle with today.
LeBrón is also the author of the forthcoming Aftershocks of Disaster: Puerto Rico Before and After the Storm (Haymarket Books) and the co-creator of the Puerto Rico Syllabus.
Jesse Zarley will be an assistant professor of history at Saint Joseph’s College on Long Island, where in Fall 2019 he will be teaching Latin American, Caribbean, and World History. His research interests include borderlands, ethnohistory, race, and transnationalism during Latin America’s Age of Revolution, particularly in Chile and Argentina. He is the author of a recent article on Mapuche leaders and Chile’s independence wars. You can follow him on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>46</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marisol LeBrón</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Marisol LeBrón’s new book, Policing Life and Death: Race, Violence, and Resistance in Puerto Rico (University of California Press, 2019), examines the rise of and resistance to punitive governance (tough on crime policing policies) in Puerto Rico from the 1990s to the present. As in the United States, LeBrón shows how increased investment in policing did not respond to a spike in crime. It actually emerged as a strategy to shore up the local political and economic establishment mired in the crisis of the archipelago’s postwar colonial development policy “Operation Bootstrap,” spiking unemployment, lack of U.S. investment, and a growing informal economy which included the drug trade. Puerto Rican elites hoped to reinvent themselves as models for tough on crime policing and gatekeepers for the United States to Latin America. Beginning with the mano dura contra el crimen (iron fist against crime) policy of commonwealth Governor Pedro Rosselló in 1993, police increasingly targeted lower income, predominantly Black public housing complexes (caseríos) as sources of criminality and lawlessness. Using Justice Department reports, social media research, newspapers, and oral interviews to create a “police archive,” LeBrón demonstrates that while police killings, brutality, surveillance, and harassment were hallmarks of mano dura, the policy also reinvented popular understandings of the “who” and “where” of crime that endure to the present. In doing so, she shows how presumptions about race, class, gender, and sexuality linked to certain places (public housing, sex work neighborhoods, schools, and universities) created notions of victims and criminals who “deserved” life or death. The book’s second half explores critiques of and resistance to punitive governance by looking at underground rap, university student activism, social media debates, and non-punitive anti-violence activism. These case studies show the growing resistance to policing as policy instead of social investment, but also the tenacity of the discourses of criminality activists must wrestle with today.
LeBrón is also the author of the forthcoming Aftershocks of Disaster: Puerto Rico Before and After the Storm (Haymarket Books) and the co-creator of the Puerto Rico Syllabus.
Jesse Zarley will be an assistant professor of history at Saint Joseph’s College on Long Island, where in Fall 2019 he will be teaching Latin American, Caribbean, and World History. His research interests include borderlands, ethnohistory, race, and transnationalism during Latin America’s Age of Revolution, particularly in Chile and Argentina. He is the author of a recent article on Mapuche leaders and Chile’s independence wars. You can follow him on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/mals/faculty/ml47499">Marisol LeBrón</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0520300173/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Policing Life and Death: Race, Violence, and Resistance in Puerto Rico</em></a> (University of California Press, 2019), examines the rise of and resistance to punitive governance (tough on crime policing policies) in Puerto Rico from the 1990s to the present. As in the United States, LeBrón shows how increased investment in policing did not respond to a spike in crime. It actually emerged as a strategy to shore up the local political and economic establishment mired in the crisis of the archipelago’s postwar colonial development policy “Operation Bootstrap,” spiking unemployment, lack of U.S. investment, and a growing informal economy which included the drug trade. Puerto Rican elites hoped to reinvent themselves as models for tough on crime policing and gatekeepers for the United States to Latin America. Beginning with the mano dura contra el crimen (iron fist against crime) policy of commonwealth Governor Pedro Rosselló in 1993, police increasingly targeted lower income, predominantly Black public housing complexes (caseríos) as sources of criminality and lawlessness. Using Justice Department reports, social media research, newspapers, and oral interviews to create a “police archive,” LeBrón demonstrates that while police killings, brutality, surveillance, and harassment were hallmarks of mano dura, the policy also reinvented popular understandings of the “who” and “where” of crime that endure to the present. In doing so, she shows how presumptions about race, class, gender, and sexuality linked to certain places (public housing, sex work neighborhoods, schools, and universities) created notions of victims and criminals who “deserved” life or death. The book’s second half explores critiques of and resistance to punitive governance by looking at underground rap, university student activism, social media debates, and non-punitive anti-violence activism. These case studies show the growing resistance to policing as policy instead of social investment, but also the tenacity of the discourses of criminality activists must wrestle with today.</p><p>LeBrón is also the author of the forthcoming Aftershocks of Disaster: Puerto Rico Before and After the Storm (Haymarket Books) and the co-creator of the Puerto Rico Syllabus.</p><p><em>Jesse Zarley will be an assistant professor of history at Saint Joseph’s College on Long Island, where in Fall 2019 he will be teaching Latin American, Caribbean, and World History. His research interests include borderlands, ethnohistory, race, and transnationalism during Latin America’s Age of Revolution, particularly in Chile and Argentina. He is the author of a recent article on Mapuche leaders and Chile’s independence wars. You can follow him on Twitter.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4111023828.mp3?updated=1707859438" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Josh Fernandez, "The Hands That Crafted the Bomb: The Making of a Lifelong Antifascist" (PM Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Josh Fernandez about his new memoir The Hands That Crafted the Bomb: The Making of a Lifelong Antifascist (PM Press, 2024).
Josh Fernandez is a community college professor in Northern California who finds himself under investigation for “soliciting students for potentially dangerous activities” after starting an antifascist club on campus.
As Fernandez spends the year defending his job, he reflects on a life lived in protest of the status quo, swept up in chaos and rage, from his childhood in Boston dealing with a mentally ill father and a new family to a move to Davis, California, where, in the basement shows of the early ’90s, Nazi boneheads proliferated the music scene, looking for heads to crack. His crew’s first attempts at an antifascist group fall short when a member dies in a knife fight.
A born antiauthoritarian, filled with an untamable rage, Fernandez rails against the system and aggressively chooses the path of most resistance. This leads to long spates of living in his car, strung out on drugs, and robbing the whiteboys coming home from the clubs at night. He eventually realizes that his rage needs an outlet and finds relief for his existential dread in the form of running. And fighting Nazis. Fernandez cobbles together a life for himself as a writing professor, a facilitator of a self-defense collective, a boots-on-the-ground participant in Antifa work, and a proud father of two children he unapologetically raises to question authority.
Josh Fernandez is an antiracist organizer, a father, a runner, a fighter, an English professor, and a writer whose stories have appeared in Spin, the Sacramento Bee, the Hard Times, and several alternative news weeklies. He lives in Sacramento, CA.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>185</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Josh Fernandez</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Josh Fernandez about his new memoir The Hands That Crafted the Bomb: The Making of a Lifelong Antifascist (PM Press, 2024).
Josh Fernandez is a community college professor in Northern California who finds himself under investigation for “soliciting students for potentially dangerous activities” after starting an antifascist club on campus.
As Fernandez spends the year defending his job, he reflects on a life lived in protest of the status quo, swept up in chaos and rage, from his childhood in Boston dealing with a mentally ill father and a new family to a move to Davis, California, where, in the basement shows of the early ’90s, Nazi boneheads proliferated the music scene, looking for heads to crack. His crew’s first attempts at an antifascist group fall short when a member dies in a knife fight.
A born antiauthoritarian, filled with an untamable rage, Fernandez rails against the system and aggressively chooses the path of most resistance. This leads to long spates of living in his car, strung out on drugs, and robbing the whiteboys coming home from the clubs at night. He eventually realizes that his rage needs an outlet and finds relief for his existential dread in the form of running. And fighting Nazis. Fernandez cobbles together a life for himself as a writing professor, a facilitator of a self-defense collective, a boots-on-the-ground participant in Antifa work, and a proud father of two children he unapologetically raises to question authority.
Josh Fernandez is an antiracist organizer, a father, a runner, a fighter, an English professor, and a writer whose stories have appeared in Spin, the Sacramento Bee, the Hard Times, and several alternative news weeklies. He lives in Sacramento, CA.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Josh Fernandez about his new memoir <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798887440231"><em>The Hands That Crafted the Bomb: The Making of a Lifelong Antifascist</em></a> (PM Press, 2024).</p><p>Josh Fernandez is a community college professor in Northern California who finds himself under investigation for “soliciting students for potentially dangerous activities” after starting an antifascist club on campus.</p><p>As Fernandez spends the year defending his job, he reflects on a life lived in protest of the status quo, swept up in chaos and rage, from his childhood in Boston dealing with a mentally ill father and a new family to a move to Davis, California, where, in the basement shows of the early ’90s, Nazi boneheads proliferated the music scene, looking for heads to crack. His crew’s first attempts at an antifascist group fall short when a member dies in a knife fight.</p><p>A born antiauthoritarian, filled with an untamable rage, Fernandez rails against the system and aggressively chooses the path of most resistance. This leads to long spates of living in his car, strung out on drugs, and robbing the whiteboys coming home from the clubs at night. He eventually realizes that his rage needs an outlet and finds relief for his existential dread in the form of running. And fighting Nazis. Fernandez cobbles together a life for himself as a writing professor, a facilitator of a self-defense collective, a boots-on-the-ground participant in Antifa work, and a proud father of two children he unapologetically raises to question authority.</p><p><a href="https://blog.pmpress.org/authors-artists-comrades/josh-fernandez/">Josh Fernandez</a> is an antiracist organizer, a father, a runner, a fighter, an English professor, and a writer whose stories have appeared in <em>Spin</em>, the <em>Sacramento Bee</em>, the<em> Hard Times</em>, and several alternative news weeklies. He lives in Sacramento, CA.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2644</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1385841604.mp3?updated=1707583818" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson, "Judging Inequality: State Supreme Courts and the Inequality Crisis" (Russell Sage, 2021)</title>
      <description>Soaring levels of political, legal, economic, and social inequality have been documented by social scientists – but the public conversation and scholarship on inequality has not examined the role of state law and state courts in establishing policies that significantly affect inequality. Political scientists James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson analyze their original database of nearly 6,000 decisions made by over 900 judges on 50 state supreme courts over a quarter century to demonstrate how state high courts craft policy. The fifty state supreme courts shape American inequality in two ways: through substantive policy decisions that fail to advance equality and by rulings favoring more privileged litigants (typically known as "upperdogs"). 
The book focuses on court-made public policy on issues including educational equity and adequacy, LGBTQ+ rights, and worker's rights. The conventional wisdom assumes that courts protect underdogs from majorities but Gibson and Nelson demonstrate that judges most often favor dominant political elites and coalitions. As such, courts are unlikely to serve as an independent force against the rise of inequality in the United States.
James Gibson is the Sidney W. Souers Professor of Government at Washington University in Saint Louis. His research interests are in Law and Politics, Comparative Politics, and American Politics.
Michael Nelson is a Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics and U.S. state politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform. Michael was a guest on the New Books Network for the The Elevator Effect, a book he co-wrote with Morgan Hazelton and Rachael K. Hinkle in 2023.
In the podcast, we mention Dr. Gibson’s brand new article regarding the Dobbs abortion case: “Losing legitimacy: The challenges of the Dobbs ruling to conventional legitimacy theory” from the American Journal of Political Science.
Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
﻿Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>104</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Soaring levels of political, legal, economic, and social inequality have been documented by social scientists – but the public conversation and scholarship on inequality has not examined the role of state law and state courts in establishing policies that significantly affect inequality. Political scientists James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson analyze their original database of nearly 6,000 decisions made by over 900 judges on 50 state supreme courts over a quarter century to demonstrate how state high courts craft policy. The fifty state supreme courts shape American inequality in two ways: through substantive policy decisions that fail to advance equality and by rulings favoring more privileged litigants (typically known as "upperdogs"). 
The book focuses on court-made public policy on issues including educational equity and adequacy, LGBTQ+ rights, and worker's rights. The conventional wisdom assumes that courts protect underdogs from majorities but Gibson and Nelson demonstrate that judges most often favor dominant political elites and coalitions. As such, courts are unlikely to serve as an independent force against the rise of inequality in the United States.
James Gibson is the Sidney W. Souers Professor of Government at Washington University in Saint Louis. His research interests are in Law and Politics, Comparative Politics, and American Politics.
Michael Nelson is a Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics and U.S. state politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform. Michael was a guest on the New Books Network for the The Elevator Effect, a book he co-wrote with Morgan Hazelton and Rachael K. Hinkle in 2023.
In the podcast, we mention Dr. Gibson’s brand new article regarding the Dobbs abortion case: “Losing legitimacy: The challenges of the Dobbs ruling to conventional legitimacy theory” from the American Journal of Political Science.
Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
﻿Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Soaring levels of political, legal, economic, and social inequality have been documented by social scientists – but the public conversation and scholarship on inequality has not examined the role of state law and state courts in establishing policies that significantly affect inequality. Political scientists James L. Gibson and Michael J. Nelson analyze their original database of nearly 6,000 decisions made by over 900 judges on 50 state supreme courts over a quarter century to demonstrate how state high courts craft policy. The fifty state supreme courts shape American inequality in two ways: through substantive policy decisions that fail to advance equality and by rulings favoring more privileged litigants (typically known as "upperdogs"). </p><p>The book focuses on court-made public policy on issues including educational equity and adequacy, LGBTQ+ rights, and worker's rights. The conventional wisdom assumes that courts protect underdogs from majorities but Gibson and Nelson demonstrate that judges most often favor dominant political elites and coalitions. As such, courts are unlikely to serve as an independent force against the rise of inequality in the United States.</p><p><a href="https://polisci.wustl.edu/people/james-l-gibson">James Gibson</a> is the Sidney W. Souers Professor of Government at Washington University in Saint Louis. His research interests are in Law and Politics, Comparative Politics, and American Politics.</p><p><a href="https://mjnelson.org/">Michael Nelson</a> is a Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics and U.S. state politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform. Michael was a guest on the New Books Network for the <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-elevator-effect#entry:256018@1:url"><em>The Elevator Effect</em></a>, a book he co-wrote with Morgan Hazelton and Rachael K. Hinkle in 2023.</p><p>In the podcast, we mention Dr. Gibson’s brand new article regarding the <em>Dobbs </em>abortion case: “<a href="http://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12834">Losing legitimacy: The challenges of the Dobbs ruling to conventional legitimacy theory</a>” from the <em>American Journal of Political Science</em>.</p><p>Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3538</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e0609d00-c85e-11ee-b4b3-9b9fe82f5325]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9741483172.mp3?updated=1707602874" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeanne Theoharis, "The Strange Careers of the Jim Crow North: Segregation and Struggle outside of the South" (NYU Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>In this New Books Network/Gotham Center for NYC History podcast, guest host Beth Harpaz, editor of the City University of New York website SUM, interviews Jeanne Theoharis, distinguished professor of political science at Brooklyn College. Their topic is a new book just out from NYU Press, co-edited by Theoharis, called The Strange Careers of the Jim Crow North: Segregation and Struggle outside of the South (NYU Press, 2019).
The book looks at the history of institutionalized racism around the U.S., showing that laws, policies, and entitlements in every region of the country not only created segregated communities, but also promoted affluence and opportunities for white Americans while keeping African Americans out of the middle class.
“There did not need to be a ‘no coloreds’ sign for hotels, restaurants, pools, parks, housing complexes, schools, and jobs to be segregated across the North as well,” wrote Theoharis and her co-editor Professor Brian Purnell of Bowdoin College.
In the podcast, Theoharis shows how African-Americans have faced discrimination in everything from pre-Civil War legal codes in New York, to 20th-century government programs like Social Security and the G.I. bill. She and Harpaz also discuss the ways in which the legacy of these racist policies persist today in public education, the criminal justice system, and other aspects of American society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>497</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeanne Theoharis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this New Books Network/Gotham Center for NYC History podcast, guest host Beth Harpaz, editor of the City University of New York website SUM, interviews Jeanne Theoharis, distinguished professor of political science at Brooklyn College. Their topic is a new book just out from NYU Press, co-edited by Theoharis, called The Strange Careers of the Jim Crow North: Segregation and Struggle outside of the South (NYU Press, 2019).
The book looks at the history of institutionalized racism around the U.S., showing that laws, policies, and entitlements in every region of the country not only created segregated communities, but also promoted affluence and opportunities for white Americans while keeping African Americans out of the middle class.
“There did not need to be a ‘no coloreds’ sign for hotels, restaurants, pools, parks, housing complexes, schools, and jobs to be segregated across the North as well,” wrote Theoharis and her co-editor Professor Brian Purnell of Bowdoin College.
In the podcast, Theoharis shows how African-Americans have faced discrimination in everything from pre-Civil War legal codes in New York, to 20th-century government programs like Social Security and the G.I. bill. She and Harpaz also discuss the ways in which the legacy of these racist policies persist today in public education, the criminal justice system, and other aspects of American society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this New Books Network/Gotham Center for NYC History podcast, guest host Beth Harpaz, editor of the City University of New York website <a href="https://sum.cuny.edu/">SUM</a>, interviews <a href="http://www.brooklyn.cuny.edu/web/academics/faculty/faculty_profile.jsp?faculty=510">Jeanne Theoharis</a>, distinguished professor of political science at Brooklyn College. Their topic is a new book just out from NYU Press, co-edited by Theoharis, called <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1479820334/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Strange Careers of the Jim Crow North: Segregation and Struggle outside of the South </em></a>(NYU Press, 2019).</p><p>The book looks at the history of institutionalized racism around the U.S., showing that laws, policies, and entitlements in every region of the country not only created segregated communities, but also promoted affluence and opportunities for white Americans while keeping African Americans out of the middle class.</p><p>“There did not need to be a ‘no coloreds’ sign for hotels, restaurants, pools, parks, housing complexes, schools, and jobs to be segregated across the North as well,” wrote Theoharis and her co-editor Professor <a href="https://www.bowdoin.edu/profiles/faculty/bpurnell/">Brian Purnell</a> of Bowdoin College.</p><p>In the podcast, Theoharis shows how African-Americans have faced discrimination in everything from pre-Civil War legal codes in New York, to 20th-century government programs like Social Security and the G.I. bill. She and Harpaz also discuss the ways in which the legacy of these racist policies persist today in public education, the criminal justice system, and other aspects of American society.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2641</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrius Gališanka, "John Rawls: The Path to a Theory of Justice" (Harvard UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>It is hard to overestimate the influence of John Rawls on political philosophy and theory over the last half-century. His books have sold millions of copies worldwide, and he is one of the few philosophers whose work is known in the corridors of power as well as in the halls of academe. Rawls is most famous for the development of his view of “justice as fairness,” articulated most forcefully in his best-known work, A Theory of Justice. In it he develops a liberalism focused on improving the fate of the least advantaged, and attempts to demonstrate that, despite our differences, agreement on basic political institutions is both possible and achievable. Critics have maintained that Rawls’s view is unrealistic and ultimately undemocratic.
In John Rawls: The Path to a Theory of Justice(Harvard University Press, 2019), Andrius Gališanka, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wake Forest University, argues that in misunderstanding the origins and development of Rawls’s central argument, previous intellectual biographies fail to explain the novelty of his philosophical approach and so misunderstand the political vision he made prevalent. Gališanka draws on newly available archives of Rawls’s unpublished essays and personal papers to clarify the justifications Rawls offered for his assumption of basic moral agreement. Gališanka’s intellectual-historical approach reveals a philosopher struggling toward humbler claims than critics allege. To engage with Rawls’s search for agreement is particularly valuable at this political juncture. By providing insight into the origins, aims, and arguments of A Theory of Justice, Gališanka’s John Rawls will allow us to consider the philosopher’s most important and influential work with fresh eyes.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>563</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrius Gališanka</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It is hard to overestimate the influence of John Rawls on political philosophy and theory over the last half-century. His books have sold millions of copies worldwide, and he is one of the few philosophers whose work is known in the corridors of power as well as in the halls of academe. Rawls is most famous for the development of his view of “justice as fairness,” articulated most forcefully in his best-known work, A Theory of Justice. In it he develops a liberalism focused on improving the fate of the least advantaged, and attempts to demonstrate that, despite our differences, agreement on basic political institutions is both possible and achievable. Critics have maintained that Rawls’s view is unrealistic and ultimately undemocratic.
In John Rawls: The Path to a Theory of Justice(Harvard University Press, 2019), Andrius Gališanka, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wake Forest University, argues that in misunderstanding the origins and development of Rawls’s central argument, previous intellectual biographies fail to explain the novelty of his philosophical approach and so misunderstand the political vision he made prevalent. Gališanka draws on newly available archives of Rawls’s unpublished essays and personal papers to clarify the justifications Rawls offered for his assumption of basic moral agreement. Gališanka’s intellectual-historical approach reveals a philosopher struggling toward humbler claims than critics allege. To engage with Rawls’s search for agreement is particularly valuable at this political juncture. By providing insight into the origins, aims, and arguments of A Theory of Justice, Gališanka’s John Rawls will allow us to consider the philosopher’s most important and influential work with fresh eyes.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It is hard to overestimate the influence of John Rawls on political philosophy and theory over the last half-century. His books have sold millions of copies worldwide, and he is one of the few philosophers whose work is known in the corridors of power as well as in the halls of academe. Rawls is most famous for the development of his view of “justice as fairness,” articulated most forcefully in his best-known work, <em>A Theory of</em> <em>Justice</em>. In it he develops a liberalism focused on improving the fate of the least advantaged, and attempts to demonstrate that, despite our differences, agreement on basic political institutions is both possible and achievable. Critics have maintained that Rawls’s view is unrealistic and ultimately undemocratic.</p><p>In <em>J</em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674976479/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>ohn Rawls: The Path to a Theory of Justice</em></a>(Harvard University Press, 2019), <a href="http://politics.wfu.edu/faculty-and-staff/andrius-galisanka/">Andrius Gališanka</a>, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Wake Forest University, argues that in misunderstanding the origins and development of Rawls’s central argument, previous intellectual biographies fail to explain the novelty of his philosophical approach and so misunderstand the political vision he made prevalent. Gališanka draws on newly available archives of Rawls’s unpublished essays and personal papers to clarify the justifications Rawls offered for his assumption of basic moral agreement. Gališanka’s intellectual-historical approach reveals a philosopher struggling toward humbler claims than critics allege. To engage with Rawls’s search for agreement is particularly valuable at this political juncture. By providing insight into the origins, aims, and arguments of <em>A Theory of Justice</em>, Gališanka’s <em>John Rawls</em> will allow us to consider the philosopher’s most important and influential work with fresh eyes.</p><p><em>Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>William Gale, "Fiscal Therapy: Curing America's Debt Addiction and Investing in the Future" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>The US government is laboring under an enormous debt burden, one that will impact the living standards of future generations of Americans by limiting investment in people and infrastructure. In his new book, Fiscal Therapy: Curing America's Debt Addiction and Investing in the Future (Oxford University Press, 2019), Brookings Institution senior scholar William Gale tackles the challenge head on, addressing what needs to happen to healthcare spending, Social Security, individual taxes, and corporate taxes, in order to make the numbers add up. It makes for sober reading, and the longer we wait, the worse the situation becomes. And the key challenge may not even be fiscal, but political, as the disagreements in Washington over the debt are as deep as the debt is large. Gale ends by making a few simple, inside-Washington suggestions as to how he thinks the political impasse can be broken.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors. You can follow him on Twitter @Back2BizBook or at http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William Gale</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The US government is laboring under an enormous debt burden, one that will impact the living standards of future generations of Americans by limiting investment in people and infrastructure. In his new book, Fiscal Therapy: Curing America's Debt Addiction and Investing in the Future (Oxford University Press, 2019), Brookings Institution senior scholar William Gale tackles the challenge head on, addressing what needs to happen to healthcare spending, Social Security, individual taxes, and corporate taxes, in order to make the numbers add up. It makes for sober reading, and the longer we wait, the worse the situation becomes. And the key challenge may not even be fiscal, but political, as the disagreements in Washington over the debt are as deep as the debt is large. Gale ends by making a few simple, inside-Washington suggestions as to how he thinks the political impasse can be broken.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors. You can follow him on Twitter @Back2BizBook or at http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The US government is laboring under an enormous debt burden, one that will impact the living standards of future generations of Americans by limiting investment in people and infrastructure. In his new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190645415/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Fiscal Therapy: Curing America's Debt Addiction and Investing in the Future</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2019), Brookings Institution senior scholar <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/experts/william-g-gale/">William Gale</a> tackles the challenge head on, addressing what needs to happen to healthcare spending, Social Security, individual taxes, and corporate taxes, in order to make the numbers add up. It makes for sober reading, and the longer we wait, the worse the situation becomes. And the key challenge may not even be fiscal, but political, as the disagreements in Washington over the debt are as deep as the debt is large. Gale ends by making a few simple, inside-Washington suggestions as to how he thinks the political impasse can be broken.</p><p><em>Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Investors in Pittsburgh. Trained as a historian of modern Russia, he is the author most recently of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Getting-Back-Business-Portfolio-Investors/dp/1260135322">Getting Back to Business: Why Modern Portfolio Theory Fails Investors</a>.<em> You can follow him on Twitter</em><a href="https://twitter.com/Back2BizBook"><em> @Back2BizBook</em></a><em> or at </em><a href="http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com/"><em>http://www.strategicdividendinvestor.com</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2803</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Immerwahr, "How to Hide an Empire: The History of the Greater United States" (FSG, 2019)</title>
      <description>“Is America an Empire?” is a popular question for pundits and historians, likely because it sets off such a provocative debate. All too often, however, people use empire simply because the United States is a hegemon, ignoring the country’s imperial traits to focus simply on its power. Dr. Daniel Immerwahr’s book How to Hide an Empire: The History of the Greater United States (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019) corrects this by explicitly focusing on the country’s territories and territories overseas possessions.
Dr. Immerwahr begins at the country’s founding as apprehension over aggressive westward settlement gave way to enthusiastic land grabs by pioneers such as Daniel Boone. Propelled by an astonishingly high birth rate and immigration, Euroamericans displaced indigenous peoples. In addition to this more familiar narrative, other factors drove territorial expansion. A desperate need for fertilizers led to the annexation of nearly one hundred “guano islands” in the Pacific and Caribbean, followed by the annexation of even more territory following the Spanish-American War in 1898. These new territories, including Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam, and others enjoyed an uneasy relationship with the United States: they did not enjoy constitutional protections but nevertheless had a close relationship with what they called the mainland. While the United States backed away from traditional colonialism after 1945, what emerged instead was a “pointillist empire” that depended on bases and new uses of older territory to function.
Zeb Larson is a PhD Candidate in History at The Ohio State University. His research is about the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>478</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Immerwahr</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Is America an Empire?” is a popular question for pundits and historians, likely because it sets off such a provocative debate. All too often, however, people use empire simply because the United States is a hegemon, ignoring the country’s imperial traits to focus simply on its power. Dr. Daniel Immerwahr’s book How to Hide an Empire: The History of the Greater United States (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019) corrects this by explicitly focusing on the country’s territories and territories overseas possessions.
Dr. Immerwahr begins at the country’s founding as apprehension over aggressive westward settlement gave way to enthusiastic land grabs by pioneers such as Daniel Boone. Propelled by an astonishingly high birth rate and immigration, Euroamericans displaced indigenous peoples. In addition to this more familiar narrative, other factors drove territorial expansion. A desperate need for fertilizers led to the annexation of nearly one hundred “guano islands” in the Pacific and Caribbean, followed by the annexation of even more territory following the Spanish-American War in 1898. These new territories, including Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam, and others enjoyed an uneasy relationship with the United States: they did not enjoy constitutional protections but nevertheless had a close relationship with what they called the mainland. While the United States backed away from traditional colonialism after 1945, what emerged instead was a “pointillist empire” that depended on bases and new uses of older territory to function.
Zeb Larson is a PhD Candidate in History at The Ohio State University. His research is about the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Is America an Empire?” is a popular question for pundits and historians, likely because it sets off such a provocative debate. All too often, however, people use empire simply because the United States is a hegemon, ignoring the country’s imperial traits to focus simply on its power. Dr. <a href="http://faculty.wcas.northwestern.edu/daniel-immerwahr/">Daniel Immerwahr</a>’s book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QupQY3IVVkey2dAQAK7IkSYAAAFpNKhNkQEAAAFKAVcY9IU/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0374172145/?creativeASIN=0374172145&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=FSL3Xgy.X5kHDxgsn7vgEg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>How to Hide an Empire: The History of the Greater United States</em></a> (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019) corrects this by explicitly focusing on the country’s territories and territories overseas possessions.</p><p>Dr. Immerwahr begins at the country’s founding as apprehension over aggressive westward settlement gave way to enthusiastic land grabs by pioneers such as Daniel Boone. Propelled by an astonishingly high birth rate and immigration, Euroamericans displaced indigenous peoples. In addition to this more familiar narrative, other factors drove territorial expansion. A desperate need for fertilizers led to the annexation of nearly one hundred “guano islands” in the Pacific and Caribbean, followed by the annexation of even more territory following the Spanish-American War in 1898. These new territories, including Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Guam, and others enjoyed an uneasy relationship with the United States: they did not enjoy constitutional protections but nevertheless had a close relationship with what they called the mainland. While the United States backed away from traditional colonialism after 1945, what emerged instead was a “pointillist empire” that depended on bases and new uses of older territory to function.</p><p><em>Zeb Larson is a PhD Candidate in History at The Ohio State University. His research is about the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4768</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Future: A Discussion with Jonathan White</title>
      <description>"An air of finality pervades today’s world." That is the opening sentence of Jonathan White’s book In the Long Run: The Future as a Political Idea (Profile, 2024). What role, the book asks, has the idea of "the future" played in past politics? What role does it play in contemporary politics? Listen to White in discussion with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>96</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"An air of finality pervades today’s world." That is the opening sentence of Jonathan White’s book In the Long Run: The Future as a Political Idea (Profile, 2024). What role, the book asks, has the idea of "the future" played in past politics? What role does it play in contemporary politics? Listen to White in discussion with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>"An air of finality pervades today’s world." That is the opening sentence of Jonathan White’s book<em> </em><a href="https://profilebooks.com/work/in-the-long-run/"><em>In the Long Run: The Future as a Political Idea</em></a> (Profile, 2024). What role, the book asks, has the idea of "the future" played in past politics? What role does it play in contemporary politics? Listen to White in discussion with Owen Bennett-Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2351</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Matthew Kruer, "Time of Anarchy: Indigenous Power and the Crisis of Colonialism in Early America" (Harvard UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>A gripping account of the violence and turmoil that engulfed England’s fledgling colonies and the crucial role played by Native Americans in determining the future of North America.
In 1675, eastern North America descended into chaos. Virginia exploded into civil war, as rebel colonists decried the corruption of planter oligarchs and massacred allied Indians. Maryland colonists, gripped by fears that Catholics were conspiring with enemy Indians, rose up against their rulers. Separatist movements and ethnic riots swept through New York and New Jersey. Dissidents in northern Carolina launched a revolution, proclaiming themselves independent of any authority but their own. English America teetered on the edge of anarchy.
Though seemingly distinct, these conflicts were in fact connected through the Susquehannock Indians, a once-mighty nation reduced to a small remnant. Forced to scatter by colonial militia, Susquehannock bands called upon connections with Indigenous nations from the Great Lakes to the Deep South, mobilizing sources of power that colonists could barely perceive, much less understand. Although the Susquehannock nation seemed weak and divided, it exercised influence wildly disproportionate to its size, often tipping settler societies into chaos. Colonial anarchy was intertwined with Indigenous power.
Piecing together Susquehannock strategies from a wide range of archival documents and material evidence, Matthew Kruer shows how one people’s struggle for survival and renewal changed the shape of eastern North America. Susquehannock actions rocked the foundations of the fledging English territories, forcing colonial societies and governments to respond. Time of Anarchy recasts our understanding of the late seventeenth century and places Indigenous power at the heart of the story.
Matthew Kruer is assistant professor of history at the University of Chicago where he teaches early American history.
John Cable is assistant professor of history at Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College in Tifton, Georgia. He is the author of Southern Enclosure: Settler Colonialism and the Postwar Transformation of Mississippi (Univ. Press of Kansas, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>124</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Kruer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A gripping account of the violence and turmoil that engulfed England’s fledgling colonies and the crucial role played by Native Americans in determining the future of North America.
In 1675, eastern North America descended into chaos. Virginia exploded into civil war, as rebel colonists decried the corruption of planter oligarchs and massacred allied Indians. Maryland colonists, gripped by fears that Catholics were conspiring with enemy Indians, rose up against their rulers. Separatist movements and ethnic riots swept through New York and New Jersey. Dissidents in northern Carolina launched a revolution, proclaiming themselves independent of any authority but their own. English America teetered on the edge of anarchy.
Though seemingly distinct, these conflicts were in fact connected through the Susquehannock Indians, a once-mighty nation reduced to a small remnant. Forced to scatter by colonial militia, Susquehannock bands called upon connections with Indigenous nations from the Great Lakes to the Deep South, mobilizing sources of power that colonists could barely perceive, much less understand. Although the Susquehannock nation seemed weak and divided, it exercised influence wildly disproportionate to its size, often tipping settler societies into chaos. Colonial anarchy was intertwined with Indigenous power.
Piecing together Susquehannock strategies from a wide range of archival documents and material evidence, Matthew Kruer shows how one people’s struggle for survival and renewal changed the shape of eastern North America. Susquehannock actions rocked the foundations of the fledging English territories, forcing colonial societies and governments to respond. Time of Anarchy recasts our understanding of the late seventeenth century and places Indigenous power at the heart of the story.
Matthew Kruer is assistant professor of history at the University of Chicago where he teaches early American history.
John Cable is assistant professor of history at Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College in Tifton, Georgia. He is the author of Southern Enclosure: Settler Colonialism and the Postwar Transformation of Mississippi (Univ. Press of Kansas, 2023).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A gripping account of the violence and turmoil that engulfed England’s fledgling colonies and the crucial role played by Native Americans in determining the future of North America.</p><p>In 1675, eastern North America descended into chaos. Virginia exploded into civil war, as rebel colonists decried the corruption of planter oligarchs and massacred allied Indians. Maryland colonists, gripped by fears that Catholics were conspiring with enemy Indians, rose up against their rulers. Separatist movements and ethnic riots swept through New York and New Jersey. Dissidents in northern Carolina launched a revolution, proclaiming themselves independent of any authority but their own. English America teetered on the edge of anarchy.</p><p>Though seemingly distinct, these conflicts were in fact connected through the Susquehannock Indians, a once-mighty nation reduced to a small remnant. Forced to scatter by colonial militia, Susquehannock bands called upon connections with Indigenous nations from the Great Lakes to the Deep South, mobilizing sources of power that colonists could barely perceive, much less understand. Although the Susquehannock nation seemed weak and divided, it exercised influence wildly disproportionate to its size, often tipping settler societies into chaos. Colonial anarchy was intertwined with Indigenous power.</p><p>Piecing together Susquehannock strategies from a wide range of archival documents and material evidence, Matthew Kruer shows how one people’s struggle for survival and renewal changed the shape of eastern North America. Susquehannock actions rocked the foundations of the fledging English territories, forcing colonial societies and governments to respond. Time of Anarchy recasts our understanding of the late seventeenth century and places Indigenous power at the heart of the story.</p><p>Matthew Kruer is assistant professor of history at the University of Chicago where he teaches early American history.</p><p><a href="https://www.abac.edu/employee/john-cable/"><em>John Cable</em></a><em> is assistant professor of history at Abraham Baldwin Agricultural College in Tifton, Georgia. He is the author of Southern Enclosure: Settler Colonialism and the Postwar Transformation of Mississippi (Univ. Press of Kansas, 2023).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5975</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Calvin John Smiley, "Purgatory Citizenship: Reentry, Race, and Abolition" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In Purgatory Citizenship: Reentry, Race, and Abolition (University of California Press, 2023), Calvin John Smiley explores the lives of people who were formerly incarcerated and the many daunting challenges they face. Those being released from prison must navigate the reentry process with diminished legal rights and amplified social stigmas, in a journey that is often confusing, complex, and precarious.
Calvin John Smiley is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Hunter College, City University of New York.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Calvin John Smiley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Purgatory Citizenship: Reentry, Race, and Abolition (University of California Press, 2023), Calvin John Smiley explores the lives of people who were formerly incarcerated and the many daunting challenges they face. Those being released from prison must navigate the reentry process with diminished legal rights and amplified social stigmas, in a journey that is often confusing, complex, and precarious.
Calvin John Smiley is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Hunter College, City University of New York.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520385986"><em>Purgatory Citizenship: Reentry, Race, and Abolition</em></a> (University of California Press, 2023), Calvin John Smiley explores the lives of people who were formerly incarcerated and the many daunting challenges they face. Those being released from prison must navigate the reentry process with diminished legal rights and amplified social stigmas, in a journey that is often confusing, complex, and precarious.</p><p>Calvin John Smiley is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Hunter College, City University of New York.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3897</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert Alpert et al., "Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies" (Edinburgh UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>As I may be the target audience for Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies (Edinburgh UP, 2023), I really enjoyed interviewing Robert Alpert, Merle Eisenberg, and Lee Mordechai. Their co-authored book explores the politics of American films about disease and zombies. We had a wide-ranging, thoughtful, and funny conversation about pandemics, capitalism, academic collaboration, apocalyptic fiction, and the importance of family.
Robert Alpert is an Adjunct Instructor at Fordham University where he has taught courses on computers and robots in film, movies and the American experience, and media law. He has written extensively on movies, including on directors, such as Chaplin, Meyers, and Bigelow, as well as on other topics, such as gender, the Hollywood idiom, and the politics of science fiction. His publications can be found in Jump Cut, Senses of Cinema, and CineAction. Alpert received his M.F.A. in Film from Columbia University. He also received a J.D. from New York University and practiced intellectual property law for over 30 years.
Merle Eisenberg is an Assistant Professor of History at Oklahoma State University and a founding faculty member of the Oklahoma State Pandemic Center. He has published articles in journals including The American Historical Review and Past &amp; Present. His work has also appeared in The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, which received press coverage in CNN, Fox News, USA Today, and the NY Post. He has also appeared on CNN to discuss historical pandemics and regularly teaches courses on plagues and pandemics in history. Along with Lee Mordechai, he is the co-founder and co-host of the Infectious Historians podcast.
Lee Mordechai is a Senior Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Associate Director of Princeton University’s Climate Change and History Research Initiative. He has published over twenty academic articles, including two in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, and in The American Historical Review and Past &amp; Present. He has taught several courses on epidemics, including a seminar that used a draft of Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1411</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert Alpert, Merle Eisenberg, and Lee Mordechai</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As I may be the target audience for Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies (Edinburgh UP, 2023), I really enjoyed interviewing Robert Alpert, Merle Eisenberg, and Lee Mordechai. Their co-authored book explores the politics of American films about disease and zombies. We had a wide-ranging, thoughtful, and funny conversation about pandemics, capitalism, academic collaboration, apocalyptic fiction, and the importance of family.
Robert Alpert is an Adjunct Instructor at Fordham University where he has taught courses on computers and robots in film, movies and the American experience, and media law. He has written extensively on movies, including on directors, such as Chaplin, Meyers, and Bigelow, as well as on other topics, such as gender, the Hollywood idiom, and the politics of science fiction. His publications can be found in Jump Cut, Senses of Cinema, and CineAction. Alpert received his M.F.A. in Film from Columbia University. He also received a J.D. from New York University and practiced intellectual property law for over 30 years.
Merle Eisenberg is an Assistant Professor of History at Oklahoma State University and a founding faculty member of the Oklahoma State Pandemic Center. He has published articles in journals including The American Historical Review and Past &amp; Present. His work has also appeared in The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, which received press coverage in CNN, Fox News, USA Today, and the NY Post. He has also appeared on CNN to discuss historical pandemics and regularly teaches courses on plagues and pandemics in history. Along with Lee Mordechai, he is the co-founder and co-host of the Infectious Historians podcast.
Lee Mordechai is a Senior Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Associate Director of Princeton University’s Climate Change and History Research Initiative. He has published over twenty academic articles, including two in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, and in The American Historical Review and Past &amp; Present. He has taught several courses on epidemics, including a seminar that used a draft of Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As I may be the target audience for <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781399521659"><em>Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies</em></a><em> </em>(Edinburgh UP, 2023), I really enjoyed interviewing Robert Alpert, Merle Eisenberg, and Lee Mordechai. Their co-authored book explores the politics of American films about disease and zombies. We had a wide-ranging, thoughtful, and funny conversation about pandemics, capitalism, academic collaboration, apocalyptic fiction, and the importance of family.</p><p>Robert Alpert is an Adjunct Instructor at Fordham University where he has taught courses on computers and robots in film, movies and the American experience, and media law. He has written extensively on movies, including on directors, such as Chaplin, Meyers, and Bigelow, as well as on other topics, such as gender, the Hollywood idiom, and the politics of science fiction. His publications can be found in <em>Jump Cut</em>, <em>Senses of Cinema</em>, and <em>CineAction</em>. Alpert received his M.F.A. in Film from Columbia University. He also received a J.D. from New York University and practiced intellectual property law for over 30 years.</p><p>Merle Eisenberg is an Assistant Professor of History at Oklahoma State University and a founding faculty member of the Oklahoma State Pandemic Center. He has published articles in journals including <em>The American Historical Review</em> and <em>Past &amp; Present</em>. His work has also appeared in <em>The Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</em>, which received press coverage in CNN, Fox News, <em>USA Today</em>, and the <em>NY Post</em>. He has also appeared on CNN to discuss historical pandemics and regularly teaches courses on plagues and pandemics in history. Along with Lee Mordechai, he is the co-founder and co-host of the Infectious Historians podcast.</p><p>Lee Mordechai is a Senior Lecturer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Associate Director of Princeton University’s Climate Change and History Research Initiative. He has published over twenty academic articles, including two in the <em>Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences</em>, and in <em>The American Historical Review</em> and <em>Past &amp; Present</em>. He has taught several courses on epidemics, including a seminar that used a draft of <em>Diseased Cinema: Plagues, Pandemics and Zombies in American Movies</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5668</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brydie Kosmina, "Feminist Afterlives of the Witch: Popular Culture, Memory, Activism" (Palgrave MacMillan, 2023)</title>
      <description>Feminist Afterlives of the Witch: Popular Culture, Memory, Activism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) by Dr. Brydie Kosmina investigates the witch as a key rhetorical symbol in twentieth- and twenty-first century feminist memory, politics, activism, and popular culture.
The witch demonstrates the inheritance of paradoxical pasts, traversing numerous ideological memoryscapes. This book is an examination of the ways that the witch has been deployed by feminist activists and writers in their political efforts in the twentieth century, and how this has indelibly affected cultural memories of the witch and the witch trials, and how this plays out in popular culture representations of the symbol through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Consequently, this book considers the relationship between popular culture and media, activist politics, and cultural memory.
Using hauntological theories of memory and temporality, and literary, screen, and cultural studies methodologies, this book considers how popular culture remembers, misremembers, and forgets usable pasts, and the uses (and misuses) of these memories for feminist politics. Given the ubiquity of the witch in popular culture, politics and activism since 2016, this book is a timely examination of the range of meanings inherent to the figure, and is an important study of how cultural symbols like the witch inherit paradoxical memories, histories, and politics. The book will be valuable for scholars across disciplines, including witchcraft studies, feminist philosophy and history, memory studies, and popular culture studies.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>179</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brydie Kosmina</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Feminist Afterlives of the Witch: Popular Culture, Memory, Activism (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) by Dr. Brydie Kosmina investigates the witch as a key rhetorical symbol in twentieth- and twenty-first century feminist memory, politics, activism, and popular culture.
The witch demonstrates the inheritance of paradoxical pasts, traversing numerous ideological memoryscapes. This book is an examination of the ways that the witch has been deployed by feminist activists and writers in their political efforts in the twentieth century, and how this has indelibly affected cultural memories of the witch and the witch trials, and how this plays out in popular culture representations of the symbol through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Consequently, this book considers the relationship between popular culture and media, activist politics, and cultural memory.
Using hauntological theories of memory and temporality, and literary, screen, and cultural studies methodologies, this book considers how popular culture remembers, misremembers, and forgets usable pasts, and the uses (and misuses) of these memories for feminist politics. Given the ubiquity of the witch in popular culture, politics and activism since 2016, this book is a timely examination of the range of meanings inherent to the figure, and is an important study of how cultural symbols like the witch inherit paradoxical memories, histories, and politics. The book will be valuable for scholars across disciplines, including witchcraft studies, feminist philosophy and history, memory studies, and popular culture studies.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031252914"><em>Feminist Afterlives of the Witch: Popular Culture, Memory, Activism</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) by Dr. Brydie Kosmina investigates the witch as a key rhetorical symbol in twentieth- and twenty-first century feminist memory, politics, activism, and popular culture.</p><p>The witch demonstrates the inheritance of paradoxical pasts, traversing numerous ideological memoryscapes. This book is an examination of the ways that the witch has been deployed by feminist activists and writers in their political efforts in the twentieth century, and how this has indelibly affected cultural memories of the witch and the witch trials, and how this plays out in popular culture representations of the symbol through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Consequently, this book considers the relationship between popular culture and media, activist politics, and cultural memory.</p><p>Using hauntological theories of memory and temporality, and literary, screen, and cultural studies methodologies, this book considers how popular culture remembers, misremembers, and forgets usable pasts, and the uses (and misuses) of these memories for feminist politics. Given the ubiquity of the witch in popular culture, politics and activism since 2016, this book is a timely examination of the range of meanings inherent to the figure, and is an important study of how cultural symbols like the witch inherit paradoxical memories, histories, and politics. The book will be valuable for scholars across disciplines, including witchcraft studies, feminist philosophy and history, memory studies, and popular culture studies.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3284</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Todd Mildfelt and David D. Schafer, "Abolitionist of the Most Dangerous Kind: James Montgomery and His War on Slavery" (U Oklahoma Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>A controversial character largely known (as depicted in the movie Glory) as a Union colonel who led Black soldiers in the Civil War, James Montgomery (1814-71) waged a far more personal and radical war against slavery than popular history suggests. It is the true story of this militant abolitionist that Todd Mildfelt and David D. Schafer tell in Abolitionist of the Most Dangerous Kind: James Montgomery and His War on Slavery (U Oklahoma Press, 2023), summoning a life fiercely lived in struggle against the expansion of slavery into the West and during the Civil War.
This book follows a harrowing path through the turbulent world of the 1850s and 1860s as Montgomery, with the fervor of an Old Testament prophet, inflicts destructive retribution on Southern slaveholders wherever he finds them, crossing paths with notable abolitionists John Brown and Harriet Tubman along the way. During the tumultuous years of "Bleeding Kansas," he became a guerilla chieftain of the antislavery vigilantes known as Jayhawkers. When the war broke out in 1861, Montgomery led a regiment of white troops who helped hundreds of enslaved people in Missouri reach freedom in Kansas. Drawing on regimental records in the National Archives, the authors provide new insights into the experiences of African American men who served in Montgomery's next regiment, the Thirty-Fourth United States Colored Troops (formerly Second South Carolina Infantry).
Montgomery helped enslaved men and women escape via one of the least-explored underground railways in the nation, from Arkansas and Missouri through Kansas and Nebraska. With support of abolitionists in Massachusetts, he spearheaded resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act in Kansas. And, when war came, he led Black soldiers in striking at the very heart of the Confederacy. His full story thus illuminates the actions of both militant abolitionists and the enslaved people fighting to destroy the peculiar institution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>246</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Todd Mildfelt and David D. Schafer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A controversial character largely known (as depicted in the movie Glory) as a Union colonel who led Black soldiers in the Civil War, James Montgomery (1814-71) waged a far more personal and radical war against slavery than popular history suggests. It is the true story of this militant abolitionist that Todd Mildfelt and David D. Schafer tell in Abolitionist of the Most Dangerous Kind: James Montgomery and His War on Slavery (U Oklahoma Press, 2023), summoning a life fiercely lived in struggle against the expansion of slavery into the West and during the Civil War.
This book follows a harrowing path through the turbulent world of the 1850s and 1860s as Montgomery, with the fervor of an Old Testament prophet, inflicts destructive retribution on Southern slaveholders wherever he finds them, crossing paths with notable abolitionists John Brown and Harriet Tubman along the way. During the tumultuous years of "Bleeding Kansas," he became a guerilla chieftain of the antislavery vigilantes known as Jayhawkers. When the war broke out in 1861, Montgomery led a regiment of white troops who helped hundreds of enslaved people in Missouri reach freedom in Kansas. Drawing on regimental records in the National Archives, the authors provide new insights into the experiences of African American men who served in Montgomery's next regiment, the Thirty-Fourth United States Colored Troops (formerly Second South Carolina Infantry).
Montgomery helped enslaved men and women escape via one of the least-explored underground railways in the nation, from Arkansas and Missouri through Kansas and Nebraska. With support of abolitionists in Massachusetts, he spearheaded resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act in Kansas. And, when war came, he led Black soldiers in striking at the very heart of the Confederacy. His full story thus illuminates the actions of both militant abolitionists and the enslaved people fighting to destroy the peculiar institution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A controversial character largely known (as depicted in the movie <em>Glory</em>) as a Union colonel who led Black soldiers in the Civil War, James Montgomery (1814-71) waged a far more personal and radical war against slavery than popular history suggests. It is the true story of this militant abolitionist that Todd Mildfelt and David D. Schafer tell in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780806192901"><em>Abolitionist of the Most Dangerous Kind: James Montgomery and His War on Slavery</em></a><em> </em>(U Oklahoma Press, 2023), summoning a life fiercely lived in struggle against the expansion of slavery into the West and during the Civil War.</p><p>This book follows a harrowing path through the turbulent world of the 1850s and 1860s as Montgomery, with the fervor of an Old Testament prophet, inflicts destructive retribution on Southern slaveholders wherever he finds them, crossing paths with notable abolitionists John Brown and Harriet Tubman along the way. During the tumultuous years of "Bleeding Kansas," he became a guerilla chieftain of the antislavery vigilantes known as Jayhawkers. When the war broke out in 1861, Montgomery led a regiment of white troops who helped hundreds of enslaved people in Missouri reach freedom in Kansas. Drawing on regimental records in the National Archives, the authors provide new insights into the experiences of African American men who served in Montgomery's next regiment, the Thirty-Fourth United States Colored Troops (formerly Second South Carolina Infantry).</p><p>Montgomery helped enslaved men and women escape via one of the least-explored underground railways in the nation, from Arkansas and Missouri through Kansas and Nebraska. With support of abolitionists in Massachusetts, he spearheaded resistance to the Fugitive Slave Act in Kansas. And, when war came, he led Black soldiers in striking at the very heart of the Confederacy. His full story thus illuminates the actions of both militant abolitionists and the enslaved people fighting to destroy the peculiar institution.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4249</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Varon, "Longstreet: The Confederate General Who Defied the South" (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023)</title>
      <description>An authoritative biography of the controversial Confederate general, who later embraced Reconstruction and became an outcast in the South.
It was the most remarkable political about-face in American history. During the Civil War, General James Longstreet fought tenaciously for the Confederacy. He was alongside Lee at Gettysburg (and counseled him not to order the ill-fated attacks on entrenched Union forces there). He won a major Confederate victory at Chickamauga and was seriously wounded during a later battle.
After the war Longstreet moved to New Orleans, where he dramatically changed course. He supported Black voting and joined the newly elected, integrated postwar government in Louisiana. When white supremacists took up arms to oust that government, Longstreet, leading the interracial state militia, did battle against former Confederates. His defiance ignited a firestorm of controversy, as white Southerners branded him a race traitor and blamed him retroactively for the South's defeat in the Civil War.
Although he was one of the highest-ranking Confederate generals, Longstreet has never been commemorated with statues or other memorials in the South because of his postwar actions in rejecting the Lost Cause mythology and urging racial reconciliation. He is being rediscovered in the new age of racial reckoning. Elizabeth Varon's Longstreet: The Confederate General Who Defied the South (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) is the first biography in decades and the first to give proper attention to Longstreet's long post-Civil War career.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 04 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Varon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An authoritative biography of the controversial Confederate general, who later embraced Reconstruction and became an outcast in the South.
It was the most remarkable political about-face in American history. During the Civil War, General James Longstreet fought tenaciously for the Confederacy. He was alongside Lee at Gettysburg (and counseled him not to order the ill-fated attacks on entrenched Union forces there). He won a major Confederate victory at Chickamauga and was seriously wounded during a later battle.
After the war Longstreet moved to New Orleans, where he dramatically changed course. He supported Black voting and joined the newly elected, integrated postwar government in Louisiana. When white supremacists took up arms to oust that government, Longstreet, leading the interracial state militia, did battle against former Confederates. His defiance ignited a firestorm of controversy, as white Southerners branded him a race traitor and blamed him retroactively for the South's defeat in the Civil War.
Although he was one of the highest-ranking Confederate generals, Longstreet has never been commemorated with statues or other memorials in the South because of his postwar actions in rejecting the Lost Cause mythology and urging racial reconciliation. He is being rediscovered in the new age of racial reckoning. Elizabeth Varon's Longstreet: The Confederate General Who Defied the South (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) is the first biography in decades and the first to give proper attention to Longstreet's long post-Civil War career.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An authoritative biography of the controversial Confederate general, who later embraced Reconstruction and became an outcast in the South.</p><p>It was the most remarkable political about-face in American history. During the Civil War, General James Longstreet fought tenaciously for the Confederacy. He was alongside Lee at Gettysburg (and counseled him not to order the ill-fated attacks on entrenched Union forces there). He won a major Confederate victory at Chickamauga and was seriously wounded during a later battle.</p><p>After the war Longstreet moved to New Orleans, where he dramatically changed course. He supported Black voting and joined the newly elected, integrated postwar government in Louisiana. When white supremacists took up arms to oust that government, Longstreet, leading the interracial state militia, did battle against former Confederates. His defiance ignited a firestorm of controversy, as white Southerners branded him a race traitor and blamed him retroactively for the South's defeat in the Civil War.</p><p>Although he was one of the highest-ranking Confederate generals, Longstreet has never been commemorated with statues or other memorials in the South because of his postwar actions in rejecting the Lost Cause mythology and urging racial reconciliation. He is being rediscovered in the new age of racial reckoning. Elizabeth Varon's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982148270"><em>Longstreet: The Confederate General Who Defied the South</em></a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) is the first biography in decades and the first to give proper attention to Longstreet's long post-Civil War career.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1558</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>George Fisher, "Beware Euphoria: The Moral Roots and Racial Myths of America's War on Drugs" (Oxford UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>George Fisher, the Judge John Crown Professor of Law at Stanford Law School, just released his new book Beware Euphoria: The Moral Roots and Racial Myths of America’s Drug War, with Oxford University Press. George has been teaching and writing in the realms of evidence, prosecution practice, and criminal legal history since 1995. He began practice as a prosecutor in Massachusetts and later taught at the law schools of Boston College, Harvard, and Yale. Beware Euphoria is the most recent among a slew of other books, articles, and essays that he’s published over the years, and perhaps the most contrarian. In this interview, George discusses his research methods and how he came to the conclusion that the history of America’s drug war, while racially motivated, was not meant to target minorities, but protect the morals and health of America’s white youth.
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 03 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>60</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with George Fisher</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>George Fisher, the Judge John Crown Professor of Law at Stanford Law School, just released his new book Beware Euphoria: The Moral Roots and Racial Myths of America’s Drug War, with Oxford University Press. George has been teaching and writing in the realms of evidence, prosecution practice, and criminal legal history since 1995. He began practice as a prosecutor in Massachusetts and later taught at the law schools of Boston College, Harvard, and Yale. Beware Euphoria is the most recent among a slew of other books, articles, and essays that he’s published over the years, and perhaps the most contrarian. In this interview, George discusses his research methods and how he came to the conclusion that the history of America’s drug war, while racially motivated, was not meant to target minorities, but protect the morals and health of America’s white youth.
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>George Fisher, the Judge John Crown Professor of Law at Stanford Law School, just released his new book <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/beware-euphoria-9780197688489"><em>Beware Euphoria: The Moral Roots and Racial Myths of America’s Drug War</em></a>, with Oxford University Press. George has been teaching and writing in the realms of evidence, prosecution practice, and criminal legal history since 1995. He began practice as a prosecutor in Massachusetts and later taught at the law schools of Boston College, Harvard, and Yale. <em>Beware Euphoria </em>is the most recent among a slew of other books, articles, and essays that he’s published over the years, and perhaps the most contrarian. In this interview, George discusses his research methods and how he came to the conclusion that the history of America’s drug war, while racially motivated, was not meant to target minorities, but protect the morals and health of America’s white youth.</p><p><a href="http://www.emilydufton.com/"><em>Emily Dufton</em></a><em> is the author of</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780465096169"><em> Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America </em></a><em>(Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3786</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Georgina Hickey, "Breaking the Gender Code: Women and Urban Public Space in the Twentieth-Century United States" (U Texas Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>From the closing years of the nineteenth century, women received subtle--and not so subtle--messages that they shouldn't be in public. Or, if they were, that they were not safe. Breaking the Gender Code: Women and Urban Public Space in the Twentieth-Century United States (U Texas Press, 2023) tells the story of both this danger narrative and the resistance to it.
Historian Georgina Hickey investigates challenges to the code of urban gender segregation in the twentieth century, focusing on organized advocacy to make the public spaces of American cities accessible to women. She traces waves of activism from the Progressive Era, with its calls for public restrooms, safe and accessible transportation, and public accommodations, through and beyond second-wave feminism, and its focus on the creation of alternative, women-only spaces and extensive anti-violence efforts. In doing so, Hickey explores how gender segregation intertwined with other systems of social control, as well as how class, race, and sexuality shaped activists' agendas and women's experiences of urban space. 
Drawing connections between the vulnerability of women in public spaces, real and presumed, and contemporary debates surrounding rape culture, bathroom bills, and domestic violence, Hickey unveils both the strikingly successful and the incomplete initiatives of activists who worked to open up public space to women.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>81</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Georgina Hickey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the closing years of the nineteenth century, women received subtle--and not so subtle--messages that they shouldn't be in public. Or, if they were, that they were not safe. Breaking the Gender Code: Women and Urban Public Space in the Twentieth-Century United States (U Texas Press, 2023) tells the story of both this danger narrative and the resistance to it.
Historian Georgina Hickey investigates challenges to the code of urban gender segregation in the twentieth century, focusing on organized advocacy to make the public spaces of American cities accessible to women. She traces waves of activism from the Progressive Era, with its calls for public restrooms, safe and accessible transportation, and public accommodations, through and beyond second-wave feminism, and its focus on the creation of alternative, women-only spaces and extensive anti-violence efforts. In doing so, Hickey explores how gender segregation intertwined with other systems of social control, as well as how class, race, and sexuality shaped activists' agendas and women's experiences of urban space. 
Drawing connections between the vulnerability of women in public spaces, real and presumed, and contemporary debates surrounding rape culture, bathroom bills, and domestic violence, Hickey unveils both the strikingly successful and the incomplete initiatives of activists who worked to open up public space to women.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the closing years of the nineteenth century, women received subtle--and not so subtle--messages that they shouldn't be in public. Or, if they were, that they were not safe. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477328224"><em>Breaking the Gender Code: Women and Urban Public Space in the Twentieth-Century United States</em></a><em> </em>(U Texas Press, 2023) tells the story of both this danger narrative and the resistance to it.</p><p>Historian Georgina Hickey investigates challenges to the code of urban gender segregation in the twentieth century, focusing on organized advocacy to make the public spaces of American cities accessible to women. She traces waves of activism from the Progressive Era, with its calls for public restrooms, safe and accessible transportation, and public accommodations, through and beyond second-wave feminism, and its focus on the creation of alternative, women-only spaces and extensive anti-violence efforts. In doing so, Hickey explores how gender segregation intertwined with other systems of social control, as well as how class, race, and sexuality shaped activists' agendas and women's experiences of urban space. </p><p>Drawing connections between the vulnerability of women in public spaces, real and presumed, and contemporary debates surrounding rape culture, bathroom bills, and domestic violence, Hickey unveils both the strikingly successful and the incomplete initiatives of activists who worked to open up public space to women.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4110</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Marc Arsell Robinson, "Washington State Rising: Black Power on Campus in the Pacific Northwest" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the late 1960s, as the United States was wracked by protests, assassinations, and political unrest, students in Washington State seized the moment. 
In Washington State Rising: Black Power on Campus in the Pacific Northwest (NYU Press, 2023), California State University, Bernardino, history professor Marc Robinson tells the story of African American students at Washington State University and the University of Washington, and how their activism transformed their campuses in from 1967 thru the early 1970s. By founding Black Student Unions and engaging in various forms of direct action, student Black Power activists at these two campuses confronted racism and inequality both on campus and in the surrounding cities of Seattle and Pullman. Robinson also describes how the very different contexts of the two campuses - one in a city with a politically active Black community, the other in an overwhelmingly white, rural, small town - shaped activist strategies and outcomes. While many histories of student activism in the 1960s focus on Berkeley and Columbia, Washington State Rising makes a strong case for looking at less well studied college protests to understand both Black history in the West and as a window into a tumultuous era in American history.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>151</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marc Arsell Robinson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the late 1960s, as the United States was wracked by protests, assassinations, and political unrest, students in Washington State seized the moment. 
In Washington State Rising: Black Power on Campus in the Pacific Northwest (NYU Press, 2023), California State University, Bernardino, history professor Marc Robinson tells the story of African American students at Washington State University and the University of Washington, and how their activism transformed their campuses in from 1967 thru the early 1970s. By founding Black Student Unions and engaging in various forms of direct action, student Black Power activists at these two campuses confronted racism and inequality both on campus and in the surrounding cities of Seattle and Pullman. Robinson also describes how the very different contexts of the two campuses - one in a city with a politically active Black community, the other in an overwhelmingly white, rural, small town - shaped activist strategies and outcomes. While many histories of student activism in the 1960s focus on Berkeley and Columbia, Washington State Rising makes a strong case for looking at less well studied college protests to understand both Black history in the West and as a window into a tumultuous era in American history.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the late 1960s, as the United States was wracked by protests, assassinations, and political unrest, students in Washington State seized the moment. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479810406"><em>Washington State Rising: Black Power on Campus in the Pacific Northwest</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023), California State University, Bernardino, history professor Marc Robinson tells the story of African American students at Washington State University and the University of Washington, and how their activism transformed their campuses in from 1967 thru the early 1970s. By founding Black Student Unions and engaging in various forms of direct action, student Black Power activists at these two campuses confronted racism and inequality both on campus and in the surrounding cities of Seattle and Pullman. Robinson also describes how the very different contexts of the two campuses - one in a city with a politically active Black community, the other in an overwhelmingly white, rural, small town - shaped activist strategies and outcomes. While many histories of student activism in the 1960s focus on Berkeley and Columbia, <em>Washington State Rising</em> makes a strong case for looking at less well studied college protests to understand both Black history in the West and as a window into a tumultuous era in American history.</p><p><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5192</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew D. Lassiter, "The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs. 
The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas. 
This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture.
Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>59</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew D. Lassiter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs. 
The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas. 
This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture.
Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691177281"><em>The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas. </p><p>This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture.</p><p>Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3576</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lisa Herzog, "Citizen Knowledge: Markets, Experts, and the Infrastructure of Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>For better or worse, democracy and epistemology are intertwined. For one thing, politics is partly a matter of gathering, assessing, and applying information. And this can be done responsibly or incompetently. At least since Plato, a leading critique of democracy has focused on the ignorance of ordinary citizens. Historically, this kind of critique has supplied the basis for several nondemocratic proposals. Yet it has also worked in the background of a range of views within democratic theory. Among these are views that have relied on markets as mechanisms for sharing and distributing information.
But there are hazards to market-based thinking about democracy. In Citizen Knowledge: Markets, Experts, and the Infrastructure of Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023), Lisa Herzog explores three conceptually distinct sites where democracy interfaces with epistemology: markets, expert communities, and public deliberation. The result is an integrated political epistemology for democracy.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>333</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lisa Herzog</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For better or worse, democracy and epistemology are intertwined. For one thing, politics is partly a matter of gathering, assessing, and applying information. And this can be done responsibly or incompetently. At least since Plato, a leading critique of democracy has focused on the ignorance of ordinary citizens. Historically, this kind of critique has supplied the basis for several nondemocratic proposals. Yet it has also worked in the background of a range of views within democratic theory. Among these are views that have relied on markets as mechanisms for sharing and distributing information.
But there are hazards to market-based thinking about democracy. In Citizen Knowledge: Markets, Experts, and the Infrastructure of Democracy (Oxford UP, 2023), Lisa Herzog explores three conceptually distinct sites where democracy interfaces with epistemology: markets, expert communities, and public deliberation. The result is an integrated political epistemology for democracy.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For better or worse, democracy and epistemology are intertwined. For one thing, politics is partly a matter of gathering, assessing, and applying <em>information</em>. And this can be done responsibly or incompetently. At least since Plato, a leading critique of democracy has focused on the <em>ignorance</em> of ordinary citizens. Historically, this kind of critique has supplied the basis for several nondemocratic proposals. Yet it has also worked in the background of a range of views within democratic theory. Among these are views that have relied on <em>markets </em>as mechanisms for sharing and distributing information.</p><p>But there are hazards to market-based thinking about democracy. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197681718"><em>Citizen Knowledge: Markets, Experts, and the Infrastructure of Democracy</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), <a href="https://www.rug.nl/staff/l.m.herzog/cv?lang=en">Lisa Herzog</a> explores three conceptually distinct sites where democracy interfaces with epistemology: markets, expert communities, and public deliberation. The result is an integrated political epistemology for democracy.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4067</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9a8f48a2-c03a-11ee-99e4-af53754a1aa0]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Ismar Volić, "Making Democracy Count: How Mathematics Improves Voting, Electoral Maps, and Representation" (Princeton UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>What's the best way to determine what most voters want when multiple candidates are running? What's the fairest way to allocate legislative seats to different constituencies? What's the least distorted way to draw voting districts? Not the way we do things now. Democracy is mathematical to its very foundations. Yet most of the methods in use are a historical grab bag of the shortsighted, the cynical, the innumerate, and the outright discriminatory. Making Democracy Count: How Mathematics Improves Voting, Electoral Maps, and Representation (Princeton UP, 2024) sheds new light on our electoral systems, revealing how a deeper understanding of their mathematics is the key to creating civic infrastructure that works for everyone.
In this timely guide, Ismar Volic empowers us to use mathematical thinking as an objective, nonpartisan framework that rises above the noise and rancor of today's divided public square. Examining our representative democracy using powerful clarifying concepts, Volic shows why our current voting system stifles political diversity, why the size of the House of Representatives contributes to its paralysis, why gerrymandering is a sinister instrument that entrenches partisanship and disenfranchisement, why the Electoral College must be rethought, and what can work better and why. Volic also discusses the legal and constitutional practicalities involved and proposes a road map for repairing the mathematical structures that undergird representative government.
Making Democracy Count gives us the concrete knowledge and the confidence to advocate for a more just, equitable, and inclusive democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Feb 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>81</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ismar Volić</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What's the best way to determine what most voters want when multiple candidates are running? What's the fairest way to allocate legislative seats to different constituencies? What's the least distorted way to draw voting districts? Not the way we do things now. Democracy is mathematical to its very foundations. Yet most of the methods in use are a historical grab bag of the shortsighted, the cynical, the innumerate, and the outright discriminatory. Making Democracy Count: How Mathematics Improves Voting, Electoral Maps, and Representation (Princeton UP, 2024) sheds new light on our electoral systems, revealing how a deeper understanding of their mathematics is the key to creating civic infrastructure that works for everyone.
In this timely guide, Ismar Volic empowers us to use mathematical thinking as an objective, nonpartisan framework that rises above the noise and rancor of today's divided public square. Examining our representative democracy using powerful clarifying concepts, Volic shows why our current voting system stifles political diversity, why the size of the House of Representatives contributes to its paralysis, why gerrymandering is a sinister instrument that entrenches partisanship and disenfranchisement, why the Electoral College must be rethought, and what can work better and why. Volic also discusses the legal and constitutional practicalities involved and proposes a road map for repairing the mathematical structures that undergird representative government.
Making Democracy Count gives us the concrete knowledge and the confidence to advocate for a more just, equitable, and inclusive democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What's the best way to determine what most voters want when multiple candidates are running? What's the fairest way to allocate legislative seats to different constituencies? What's the least distorted way to draw voting districts? Not the way we do things now. Democracy is mathematical to its very foundations. Yet most of the methods in use are a historical grab bag of the shortsighted, the cynical, the innumerate, and the outright discriminatory. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691248806"><em>Making Democracy Count: How Mathematics Improves Voting, Electoral Maps, and Representation</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2024) sheds new light on our electoral systems, revealing how a deeper understanding of their mathematics is the key to creating civic infrastructure that works for everyone.</p><p>In this timely guide, Ismar Volic empowers us to use mathematical thinking as an objective, nonpartisan framework that rises above the noise and rancor of today's divided public square. Examining our representative democracy using powerful clarifying concepts, Volic shows why our current voting system stifles political diversity, why the size of the House of Representatives contributes to its paralysis, why gerrymandering is a sinister instrument that entrenches partisanship and disenfranchisement, why the Electoral College must be rethought, and what can work better and why. Volic also discusses the legal and constitutional practicalities involved and proposes a road map for repairing the mathematical structures that undergird representative government.</p><p><em>Making Democracy Count</em> gives us the concrete knowledge and the confidence to advocate for a more just, equitable, and inclusive democracy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2380</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Eviane Leidig, "The Women of the Far Right: Social Media Influencers and Online Radicalization" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>On mainstream social media platforms, far-right women make extremism relatable. They share Instagram stories about organic foods that help pregnant women propagate the “pure” white race and post behind-the-scenes selfies at antivaccination rallies. These social media personalities model a feminine lifestyle, at once promoting their personal brands and radicalizing their followers. Amid discussions of issues like dating, marriage, and family life, they call on women to become housewives to counteract the corrosive effects of feminism and champion the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which motivated massacres in Christchurch, El Paso, and Buffalo.
Eviane Leidig offers an in-depth look into the world of far-right women influencers, exploring the digital lives they cultivate as they seek new recruits for white nationalism. Going beyond stereotypes of the typical male white supremacist, she uncovers how young, attractive women are playing key roles as propagandists, organizers, fundraisers, and entrepreneurs. Leidig argues that far-right women are marketing themselves as authentic and accessible in order to reach new followers and spread a hateful ideology. This insidious—and highly gendered—strategy takes advantage of the structure of social media platforms, where far-right women influencers’ content is shared with and promoted to mainstream audiences. Providing much-needed expertise on gender and the far right, this timely and accessible book also details online and offline approaches to countering extremism.
Rameen Mohammed is a community organizer based in Texas, a fellow for Muslim Counterpublics Lab and a soon-to-be law student.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>247</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eviane Leidig</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On mainstream social media platforms, far-right women make extremism relatable. They share Instagram stories about organic foods that help pregnant women propagate the “pure” white race and post behind-the-scenes selfies at antivaccination rallies. These social media personalities model a feminine lifestyle, at once promoting their personal brands and radicalizing their followers. Amid discussions of issues like dating, marriage, and family life, they call on women to become housewives to counteract the corrosive effects of feminism and champion the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which motivated massacres in Christchurch, El Paso, and Buffalo.
Eviane Leidig offers an in-depth look into the world of far-right women influencers, exploring the digital lives they cultivate as they seek new recruits for white nationalism. Going beyond stereotypes of the typical male white supremacist, she uncovers how young, attractive women are playing key roles as propagandists, organizers, fundraisers, and entrepreneurs. Leidig argues that far-right women are marketing themselves as authentic and accessible in order to reach new followers and spread a hateful ideology. This insidious—and highly gendered—strategy takes advantage of the structure of social media platforms, where far-right women influencers’ content is shared with and promoted to mainstream audiences. Providing much-needed expertise on gender and the far right, this timely and accessible book also details online and offline approaches to countering extremism.
Rameen Mohammed is a community organizer based in Texas, a fellow for Muslim Counterpublics Lab and a soon-to-be law student.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On mainstream social media platforms, far-right women make extremism relatable. They share Instagram stories about organic foods that help pregnant women propagate the “pure” white race and post behind-the-scenes selfies at antivaccination rallies. These social media personalities model a feminine lifestyle, at once promoting their personal brands and radicalizing their followers. Amid discussions of issues like dating, marriage, and family life, they call on women to become housewives to counteract the corrosive effects of feminism and champion the Great Replacement conspiracy theory, which motivated massacres in Christchurch, El Paso, and Buffalo.</p><p><a href="https://www.evianeleidig.com/">Eviane Leidig</a> offers an in-depth look into the world of far-right women influencers, exploring the digital lives they cultivate as they seek new recruits for white nationalism. Going beyond stereotypes of the typical male white supremacist, she uncovers how young, attractive women are playing key roles as propagandists, organizers, fundraisers, and entrepreneurs. Leidig argues that far-right women are marketing themselves as authentic and accessible in order to reach new followers and spread a hateful ideology. This insidious—and highly gendered—strategy takes advantage of the structure of social media platforms, where far-right women influencers’ content is shared with and promoted to mainstream audiences. Providing much-needed expertise on gender and the far right, this timely and accessible book also details online and offline approaches to countering extremism.</p><p><em>Rameen Mohammed is a community organizer based in Texas, a fellow for Muslim Counterpublics Lab and a soon-to-be law student.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2319</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Alberto Toscano, "Late Fascism: Race, Capitalism and the Politics of Crisis" (Verso, 2023)</title>
      <description>In a world shaken by ecological, economic and political crises, the forces of authoritarianism and reaction seem to have the upper hand. How should we name, map and respond to this state of affairs?
The rich archive of twentieth-century debates on fascism can steer a path through an increasingly authoritarian present. Developing anti-fascist theory is an urgent and vital task. From the ‘Great Replacement’ to campaigns against critical race theory and ‘gender ideology’, today’s global far right is launching lethal panics about the threats to traditional political, sexual and racial hierarchies.
Drawing especially on Black radical and anti-colonial theories of fascism, Alberto Toscano’s Late Fascism: Race, Capitalism, and the Politics of Crisis (Verso, 2023) makes clear the limits of associating fascism primarily with the kind of political violence experienced by past European regimes. Rather than looking for analogies from history, we should see fascism as a mutable process, one anchored in racial and colonial capitalism, which both predates and survives its crystallization in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. It is a threat that continues to evolve in the present day.
Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>434</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alberto Toscano</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a world shaken by ecological, economic and political crises, the forces of authoritarianism and reaction seem to have the upper hand. How should we name, map and respond to this state of affairs?
The rich archive of twentieth-century debates on fascism can steer a path through an increasingly authoritarian present. Developing anti-fascist theory is an urgent and vital task. From the ‘Great Replacement’ to campaigns against critical race theory and ‘gender ideology’, today’s global far right is launching lethal panics about the threats to traditional political, sexual and racial hierarchies.
Drawing especially on Black radical and anti-colonial theories of fascism, Alberto Toscano’s Late Fascism: Race, Capitalism, and the Politics of Crisis (Verso, 2023) makes clear the limits of associating fascism primarily with the kind of political violence experienced by past European regimes. Rather than looking for analogies from history, we should see fascism as a mutable process, one anchored in racial and colonial capitalism, which both predates and survives its crystallization in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. It is a threat that continues to evolve in the present day.
Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a world shaken by ecological, economic and political crises, the forces of authoritarianism and reaction seem to have the upper hand. How should we name, map and respond to this state of affairs?</p><p>The rich archive of twentieth-century debates on fascism can steer a path through an increasingly authoritarian present. Developing anti-fascist theory is an urgent and vital task. From the ‘Great Replacement’ to campaigns against critical race theory and ‘gender ideology’, today’s global far right is launching lethal panics about the threats to traditional political, sexual and racial hierarchies.</p><p>Drawing especially on Black radical and anti-colonial theories of fascism, Alberto Toscano’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839760204"><em>Late Fascism: Race, Capitalism, and the Politics of Crisis</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2023) makes clear the limits of associating fascism primarily with the kind of political violence experienced by past European regimes. Rather than looking for analogies from history, we should see fascism as a mutable process, one anchored in racial and colonial capitalism, which both predates and survives its crystallization in Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany. It is a threat that continues to evolve in the present day.</p><p><em>Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3340</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Hajar Yazdiha, "The Struggle for the People’s King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the post-civil rights era, wide-ranging groups have made civil rights claims that echo those made by Black civil rights activists of the 1960s, from people with disabilities to women's rights activists and LGBTQ coalitions. Increasingly since the 1980s, white, right-wing social movements, from family values coalitions to the alt-right, now claim the collective memory of civil rights to portray themselves as the newly oppressed minorities. The Struggle for the People’s King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement (Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how, as these powerful groups remake collective memory toward competing political ends, they generate offshoots of remembrance that distort history and threaten the very foundations of multicultural democracy.
In the revisionist memories of white conservatives, gun rights activists are the new Rosa Parks, antiabortion activists are freedom riders, and antigay groups are the defenders of Martin Luther King's Christian vision. Drawing on a wealth of evidence ranging from newspaper articles and organizational documents to television transcripts, press releases, and focus groups, Hajar Yazdiha documents the consequential reimagining of the civil rights movement in American political culture from 1980 to today. She shows how the public memory of King and civil rights has transformed into a vacated, sanitized collective memory that evades social reality and perpetuates racial inequality.
Powerful and persuasive, The Struggle for the People's King demonstrates that these oppositional uses of memory fracture our collective understanding of who we are, how we got here, and where we go next.
Hajar Yazdiha is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and faculty affiliate of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California. She is also a faculty affiliate of the Center for Security, Race, and Rights at Rutgers University. Her research examines the mechanisms underlying the politics of inclusion and exclusion as they shape intergroup boundaries, ethno-racial identities, and intergroup relations. This work crosses subfields of race and ethnicity, migration, social movements, culture, and law using mixed methods including interview, survey, historical, and computational text analysis.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hajar Yazdiha</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the post-civil rights era, wide-ranging groups have made civil rights claims that echo those made by Black civil rights activists of the 1960s, from people with disabilities to women's rights activists and LGBTQ coalitions. Increasingly since the 1980s, white, right-wing social movements, from family values coalitions to the alt-right, now claim the collective memory of civil rights to portray themselves as the newly oppressed minorities. The Struggle for the People’s King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement (Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how, as these powerful groups remake collective memory toward competing political ends, they generate offshoots of remembrance that distort history and threaten the very foundations of multicultural democracy.
In the revisionist memories of white conservatives, gun rights activists are the new Rosa Parks, antiabortion activists are freedom riders, and antigay groups are the defenders of Martin Luther King's Christian vision. Drawing on a wealth of evidence ranging from newspaper articles and organizational documents to television transcripts, press releases, and focus groups, Hajar Yazdiha documents the consequential reimagining of the civil rights movement in American political culture from 1980 to today. She shows how the public memory of King and civil rights has transformed into a vacated, sanitized collective memory that evades social reality and perpetuates racial inequality.
Powerful and persuasive, The Struggle for the People's King demonstrates that these oppositional uses of memory fracture our collective understanding of who we are, how we got here, and where we go next.
Hajar Yazdiha is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and faculty affiliate of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California. She is also a faculty affiliate of the Center for Security, Race, and Rights at Rutgers University. Her research examines the mechanisms underlying the politics of inclusion and exclusion as they shape intergroup boundaries, ethno-racial identities, and intergroup relations. This work crosses subfields of race and ethnicity, migration, social movements, culture, and law using mixed methods including interview, survey, historical, and computational text analysis.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the post-civil rights era, wide-ranging groups have made civil rights claims that echo those made by Black civil rights activists of the 1960s, from people with disabilities to women's rights activists and LGBTQ coalitions. Increasingly since the 1980s, white, right-wing social movements, from family values coalitions to the alt-right, now claim the collective memory of civil rights to portray themselves as the newly oppressed minorities. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691246475"><em>The Struggle for the People’s King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement</em> </a>(Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how, as these powerful groups remake collective memory toward competing political ends, they generate offshoots of remembrance that distort history and threaten the very foundations of multicultural democracy.</p><p>In the revisionist memories of white conservatives, gun rights activists are the new Rosa Parks, antiabortion activists are freedom riders, and antigay groups are the defenders of Martin Luther King's Christian vision. Drawing on a wealth of evidence ranging from newspaper articles and organizational documents to television transcripts, press releases, and focus groups, Hajar Yazdiha documents the consequential reimagining of the civil rights movement in American political culture from 1980 to today. She shows how the public memory of King and civil rights has transformed into a vacated, sanitized collective memory that evades social reality and perpetuates racial inequality.</p><p>Powerful and persuasive, <em>The Struggle for the People's King</em> demonstrates that these oppositional uses of memory fracture our collective understanding of who we are, how we got here, and where we go next.</p><p>Hajar Yazdiha is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and faculty affiliate of the Equity Research Institute at the University of Southern California. She is also a faculty affiliate of the Center for Security, Race, and Rights at Rutgers University. Her research examines the mechanisms underlying the politics of inclusion and exclusion as they shape intergroup boundaries, ethno-racial identities, and intergroup relations. This work crosses subfields of race and ethnicity, migration, social movements, culture, and law using mixed methods including interview, survey, historical, and computational text analysis.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2477</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Colorblindness and the Classics: A Conversation with Andre Archie</title>
      <description>Why has Martin Luther King Jr.'s vision of a color-blind society suffered so many recent setbacks? Classical philosopher Andre Archie argues that we need to bring back King's vision, and points to the ways the Classical ideas of virtues can inform our modern understanding of virtue as separate from race. Along the way, the conversation covers recent events such as Claudine Gay's dismissal from Harvard, diversity training and DEI, and the ways in which the Black tradition is an integral part of the Western Tradition.
Dr. Andre Archie is an associate Professor of Ancient Greek Philosophy at Colorado State University, who specializes in the History of Ancient Greek Philosophy and Ancient Greek Political Philosophy. He is the author of The Virtue of Color-Blindness (Regnery Publishing, 2024). His op-eds include "We should fight for a color-blind society — not one separated by race" and "What Makes the Classics Worth Studying," referenced at the end of the episode as responding to concerns about ridding the Classics of 'white-ness.'
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>95</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why has Martin Luther King Jr.'s vision of a color-blind society suffered so many recent setbacks? Classical philosopher Andre Archie argues that we need to bring back King's vision, and points to the ways the Classical ideas of virtues can inform our modern understanding of virtue as separate from race. Along the way, the conversation covers recent events such as Claudine Gay's dismissal from Harvard, diversity training and DEI, and the ways in which the Black tradition is an integral part of the Western Tradition.
Dr. Andre Archie is an associate Professor of Ancient Greek Philosophy at Colorado State University, who specializes in the History of Ancient Greek Philosophy and Ancient Greek Political Philosophy. He is the author of The Virtue of Color-Blindness (Regnery Publishing, 2024). His op-eds include "We should fight for a color-blind society — not one separated by race" and "What Makes the Classics Worth Studying," referenced at the end of the episode as responding to concerns about ridding the Classics of 'white-ness.'
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why has Martin Luther King Jr.'s vision of a color-blind society suffered so many recent setbacks? Classical philosopher Andre Archie argues that we need to bring back King's vision, and points to the ways the Classical ideas of virtues can inform our modern understanding of virtue as separate from race. Along the way, the conversation covers recent events such as Claudine Gay's dismissal from Harvard, diversity training and DEI, and the ways in which the Black tradition is an integral part of the Western Tradition.</p><p><a href="https://www.libarts.colostate.edu/people/amarchie/">Dr. Andre Archie</a> is an associate Professor of Ancient Greek Philosophy at Colorado State University, who specializes in the History of Ancient Greek Philosophy and Ancient Greek Political Philosophy. He is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684513093"><em>The Virtue of Color-Blindness</em></a> (Regnery Publishing, 2024). His op-eds include "<a href="https://nypost.com/2024/01/07/opinion/we-should-fight-for-a-color-blind-society-not-one-separated-by-race/">We should fight for a color-blind society — not one separated by race</a>" and "<a href="https://www.nationalreview.com/2021/02/what-makes-the-classics-worth-studying/">What Makes the Classics Worth Studying</a>," referenced at the end of the episode as responding to concerns about ridding the Classics of 'white-ness.'</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3095</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sarah Diefendorf, "The Holy Vote: Inequality and Anxiety Among White Evangelicals" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Through two years of ethnographic fieldwork at a megachurch, sociologist Dr. Sarah Diefendorf investigates the ways in which the evangelical church is working to grow during a time in which cultural shifts are leading young people to leave religion behind. In order to expand, the church has revisited topics long understood as external threats to the organization, such as feminism, gender equality, racial inclusivity, and queer life—topics Diefendorf classifies as the “imagined secular” in the minds of evangelicals.
The Holy Vote: Inequality and Anxiety among White Evangelicals (University of California Press, 2023) shows, however, that the church continues to uphold already privileged identities even as it reworks its messages to appear more welcoming, offering insight into how White evangelical understandings about sex and families have shaped a political movement that has helped remake the Republican Party and transform American politics. In this enlightening work, Diefendorf highlights the complex origins of these understandings and considers their intersections with contemporary culture and enduring social inequalities.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>255</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sarah Diefendorf</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Through two years of ethnographic fieldwork at a megachurch, sociologist Dr. Sarah Diefendorf investigates the ways in which the evangelical church is working to grow during a time in which cultural shifts are leading young people to leave religion behind. In order to expand, the church has revisited topics long understood as external threats to the organization, such as feminism, gender equality, racial inclusivity, and queer life—topics Diefendorf classifies as the “imagined secular” in the minds of evangelicals.
The Holy Vote: Inequality and Anxiety among White Evangelicals (University of California Press, 2023) shows, however, that the church continues to uphold already privileged identities even as it reworks its messages to appear more welcoming, offering insight into how White evangelical understandings about sex and families have shaped a political movement that has helped remake the Republican Party and transform American politics. In this enlightening work, Diefendorf highlights the complex origins of these understandings and considers their intersections with contemporary culture and enduring social inequalities.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Through two years of ethnographic fieldwork at a megachurch, sociologist Dr. Sarah Diefendorf investigates the ways in which the evangelical church is working to grow during a time in which cultural shifts are leading young people to leave religion behind. In order to expand, the church has revisited topics long understood as external threats to the organization, such as feminism, gender equality, racial inclusivity, and queer life—topics Diefendorf classifies as the “imagined secular” in the minds of evangelicals.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520355606"><em>The Holy Vote: Inequality and Anxiety among White Evangelicals</em></a><em> </em>(University of California Press, 2023) shows, however, that the church continues to uphold already privileged identities even as it reworks its messages to appear more welcoming, offering insight into how White evangelical understandings about sex and families have shaped a political movement that has helped remake the Republican Party and transform American politics. In this enlightening work, Diefendorf highlights the complex origins of these understandings and considers their intersections with contemporary culture and enduring social inequalities.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2985</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>On Authoritarianism: A Discussion with Author and Political Scientist Matthew C. MacWilliams</title>
      <description>Nearly half of Americans “are inconsistent supporters of democracy and democratic institutions,” Matthew C. MacWilliams writes at the start of his book, On Fascism: 12 Lessons from American History (St. Martin’s Griffen, 2020). In the podcast, we explore MacWilliams’ thesis that “authoritarian attitudes,” typically formed in childhood, explain the ascendance of illiberal politics in the United States as well as Europe. Such attitudes, he posits, are formed prior to political dispositions that favor nativist and populist policies. We discuss his new survey research on this topic, which finds that “younger Americans are much less likely to support democracy consistently than older Americans.” 
The conversation then turns to Donald J. Trump, as a figure who has proved adept in the tapping into of authoritarian sentiments. Yet as MacWilliams reminds in his timely book, the authoritarian urge is a recurrent strain in American history, as seen in episodes like the fervent embrace of Father Coughlin’s “hate radio” show during the Great Depression. The civic challenge, as ever, is to abate the “violent passions” that James Madison, at the start of the American experiment, identified as a primal threat to a republic.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nearly half of Americans “are inconsistent supporters of democracy and democratic institutions,” Matthew C. MacWilliams writes at the start of his book, On Fascism: 12 Lessons from American History (St. Martin’s Griffen, 2020). In the podcast, we explore MacWilliams’ thesis that “authoritarian attitudes,” typically formed in childhood, explain the ascendance of illiberal politics in the United States as well as Europe. Such attitudes, he posits, are formed prior to political dispositions that favor nativist and populist policies. We discuss his new survey research on this topic, which finds that “younger Americans are much less likely to support democracy consistently than older Americans.” 
The conversation then turns to Donald J. Trump, as a figure who has proved adept in the tapping into of authoritarian sentiments. Yet as MacWilliams reminds in his timely book, the authoritarian urge is a recurrent strain in American history, as seen in episodes like the fervent embrace of Father Coughlin’s “hate radio” show during the Great Depression. The civic challenge, as ever, is to abate the “violent passions” that James Madison, at the start of the American experiment, identified as a primal threat to a republic.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nearly half of Americans “are inconsistent supporters of democracy and democratic institutions,” Matthew C. MacWilliams writes at the start of his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250752697"><em>On Fascism: 12 Lessons from American History</em></a><em> </em>(St. Martin’s Griffen, 2020). In the podcast, we explore MacWilliams’ thesis that “authoritarian attitudes,” typically formed in childhood, explain the ascendance of illiberal politics in the United States as well as Europe. Such attitudes, he posits, are formed prior to political dispositions that favor nativist and populist policies. We discuss his new survey research on this topic, which finds that “younger Americans are much less likely to support democracy consistently than older Americans.” </p><p>The conversation then turns to Donald J. Trump, as a figure who has proved adept in the tapping into of authoritarian sentiments. Yet as MacWilliams reminds in his timely book, the authoritarian urge is a recurrent strain in American history, as seen in episodes like the fervent embrace of Father Coughlin’s “hate radio” show during the Great Depression. The civic challenge, as ever, is to abate the “violent passions” that James Madison, at the start of the American experiment, identified as a primal threat to a republic.</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3319</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Sandro Galea, "Within Reason: A Liberal Public Health for an Illiberal Time" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>A provocative chronicle of how US public health has strayed from its liberal roots.
The Covid-19 response was a crucible of politics and public health—a volatile combination that produced predictably bad results. As scientific expertise became entangled with political motivations, the public-health establishment found itself mired in political encampment.
It was, as Sandro Galea argues, a crisis of liberalism: a retreat from the principles of free speech, open debate, and the pursuit of knowledge through reasoned inquiry that should inform the work of public health.
Across fifty essays, Within Reason: A Liberal Public Health for an Illiberal Time (U Chicago Press, 2023) chronicles how public health became enmeshed in the insidious social trends that accelerated under Covid-19. Galea challenges this intellectual drift towards intolerance and absolutism while showing how similar regressions from reason undermined social progress during earlier eras. Within Reason builds an incisive case for a return to critical, open inquiry as a guiding principle for the future public health we want—and a future we must work to protect.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>5</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sandro Galea</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A provocative chronicle of how US public health has strayed from its liberal roots.
The Covid-19 response was a crucible of politics and public health—a volatile combination that produced predictably bad results. As scientific expertise became entangled with political motivations, the public-health establishment found itself mired in political encampment.
It was, as Sandro Galea argues, a crisis of liberalism: a retreat from the principles of free speech, open debate, and the pursuit of knowledge through reasoned inquiry that should inform the work of public health.
Across fifty essays, Within Reason: A Liberal Public Health for an Illiberal Time (U Chicago Press, 2023) chronicles how public health became enmeshed in the insidious social trends that accelerated under Covid-19. Galea challenges this intellectual drift towards intolerance and absolutism while showing how similar regressions from reason undermined social progress during earlier eras. Within Reason builds an incisive case for a return to critical, open inquiry as a guiding principle for the future public health we want—and a future we must work to protect.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A provocative chronicle of how US public health has strayed from its liberal roots.</p><p>The Covid-19 response was a crucible of politics and public health—a volatile combination that produced predictably bad results. As scientific expertise became entangled with political motivations, the public-health establishment found itself mired in political encampment.</p><p>It was, as Sandro Galea argues, a crisis of liberalism: a retreat from the principles of free speech, open debate, and the pursuit of knowledge through reasoned inquiry that should inform the work of public health.</p><p>Across fifty essays, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226822914"><em>Within Reason: A Liberal Public Health for an Illiberal Time</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2023) chronicles how public health became enmeshed in the insidious social trends that accelerated under Covid-19. Galea challenges this intellectual drift towards intolerance and absolutism while showing how similar regressions from reason undermined social progress during earlier eras. <em>Within Reason</em> builds an incisive case for a return to critical, open inquiry as a guiding principle for the future public health we want—and a future we must work to protect.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1626</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Caleb Wellum, "Energizing Neoliberalism: The 1970s Energy Crisis and the Making of Modern America" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>How the 1970s energy crisis facilitated a neoliberal shift in US political culture.
In Energizing Neoliberalism: The 1970s Energy Crisis and the Making of Modern America (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Caleb Wellum offers a provocative account of how the 1970s energy crisis helped to recreate postwar America. Rather than think of the crisis as the obvious outcome of the decade's "oil shocks," Wellum unpacks the cultural construction of a crisis of energy across different sectors of society, from presidents, policy experts, and environmentalists to filmmakers, economists, and oil futures traders. He shows how the dominant meanings ascribed to the 1970s energy crisis helped to energize neoliberal visions of renewed abundance and power through free market values and approaches to energy.
Deeply researched in federal archives, expert discourse, and popular culture, Energizing Neoliberalism demonstrates the central role that energy crisis narratives played in America's neoliberal turn. Wellum traces the roots of the crisis to the consumption practices and cultural narratives spawned by the petrocultural politics of Cold War capitalism. In a series of illuminating case studies—including 1970s energy conservation debates, popular car films, and the creation of oil futures trading—Wellum chronicles the consolidation of a neoliberal capitalist order in the United States through an energy politics marked by anxious futurity, petro-populist sentiment, and financialized energy markets. He shows how experiences of energy shortages and fears of future energy crises unsettled American national identity and power yet also informed Reagan-era confidence in free markets and US global leadership.
In taking a cultural approach to the 1970s energy crisis, Wellum offers a challenging meditation on the status of "crisis" in modern history, contemporary life, and critical thought and how we rely on crises to make sense of the world.
Caleb Wellum is an assistant professor of US history at the University of Toronto, Mississauga.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>433</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Caleb Wellum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the 1970s energy crisis facilitated a neoliberal shift in US political culture.
In Energizing Neoliberalism: The 1970s Energy Crisis and the Making of Modern America (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Caleb Wellum offers a provocative account of how the 1970s energy crisis helped to recreate postwar America. Rather than think of the crisis as the obvious outcome of the decade's "oil shocks," Wellum unpacks the cultural construction of a crisis of energy across different sectors of society, from presidents, policy experts, and environmentalists to filmmakers, economists, and oil futures traders. He shows how the dominant meanings ascribed to the 1970s energy crisis helped to energize neoliberal visions of renewed abundance and power through free market values and approaches to energy.
Deeply researched in federal archives, expert discourse, and popular culture, Energizing Neoliberalism demonstrates the central role that energy crisis narratives played in America's neoliberal turn. Wellum traces the roots of the crisis to the consumption practices and cultural narratives spawned by the petrocultural politics of Cold War capitalism. In a series of illuminating case studies—including 1970s energy conservation debates, popular car films, and the creation of oil futures trading—Wellum chronicles the consolidation of a neoliberal capitalist order in the United States through an energy politics marked by anxious futurity, petro-populist sentiment, and financialized energy markets. He shows how experiences of energy shortages and fears of future energy crises unsettled American national identity and power yet also informed Reagan-era confidence in free markets and US global leadership.
In taking a cultural approach to the 1970s energy crisis, Wellum offers a challenging meditation on the status of "crisis" in modern history, contemporary life, and critical thought and how we rely on crises to make sense of the world.
Caleb Wellum is an assistant professor of US history at the University of Toronto, Mississauga.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the 1970s energy crisis facilitated a neoliberal shift in US political culture.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421447186"><em>Energizing Neoliberalism: The 1970s Energy Crisis and the Making of Modern America</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Caleb Wellum offers a provocative account of how the 1970s energy crisis helped to recreate postwar America. Rather than think of the crisis as the obvious outcome of the decade's "oil shocks," Wellum unpacks the cultural construction of a crisis of energy across different sectors of society, from presidents, policy experts, and environmentalists to filmmakers, economists, and oil futures traders. He shows how the dominant meanings ascribed to the 1970s energy crisis helped to energize neoliberal visions of renewed abundance and power through free market values and approaches to energy.</p><p>Deeply researched in federal archives, expert discourse, and popular culture, Energizing Neoliberalism demonstrates the central role that energy crisis narratives played in America's neoliberal turn. Wellum traces the roots of the crisis to the consumption practices and cultural narratives spawned by the petrocultural politics of Cold War capitalism. In a series of illuminating case studies—including 1970s energy conservation debates, popular car films, and the creation of oil futures trading—Wellum chronicles the consolidation of a neoliberal capitalist order in the United States through an energy politics marked by anxious futurity, petro-populist sentiment, and financialized energy markets. He shows how experiences of energy shortages and fears of future energy crises unsettled American national identity and power yet also informed Reagan-era confidence in free markets and US global leadership.</p><p>In taking a cultural approach to the 1970s energy crisis, Wellum offers a challenging meditation on the status of "crisis" in modern history, contemporary life, and critical thought and how we rely on crises to make sense of the world.</p><p>Caleb Wellum is an assistant professor of US history at the University of Toronto, Mississauga.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3423</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4014518166.mp3?updated=1706199020" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Ethel Morgan Smith, "Path to Grace: Reimagining the Civil Rights Movement" (UP of Mississippi, 2023)</title>
      <description>The civil rights movement is often defined narrowly, relegated to the 1950s and 1960s, and populated by such colossal figures as Martin Luther King Jr. and Rosa Parks. Many forget that the movement was bigger than the figures on the frontline and that it grew from intellectual and historical efforts that continue today. In Path to Grace: Reimagining the Civil Rights Movement (UP of Mississippi, 2023), Ethel Morgan Smith shines a light on unsung heroes of the civil rights movement, the ordinary citizens working behind the scenes to make an impact in their communities.
Through eleven original interviews with teachers, parents hosting fundraisers for civil rights workers, volunteers helping with voter registration, and more, Smith highlights the contributions these figures made to the civil rights movement. Some of these brave warriors worked at the elbows of icons while others were clearing new paths, all passing through history without wide recognition. Path to Grace introduces readers to new witnesses and largely neglected voices. Also included are interviews with such esteemed but less studied figures as writer Gloria Naylor, poet Nikki Giovanni, fashion designer Ann Lowe, and educator Constance Curry.
This work of social change situates these narratives in both the past and present. Indeed, many of Smith’s subjects, such as Emma Bruce, John Canty, Andrea Lee, Ann Lowe, and Blanche Virginia Franklin Moore, can trace their ancestry back to enslavement, which provides a direct chain of narrators and firmly plants the roots of the civil rights movement in the country’s foundation. Through historical contextualization and an analysis of contemporary sociopolitical events, Path to Grace celebrates the contributions of some of the nameless individuals, generation after generation, who worked to make the United States better for all its citizens.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a Doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>433</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ethel Morgan Smith</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The civil rights movement is often defined narrowly, relegated to the 1950s and 1960s, and populated by such colossal figures as Martin Luther King Jr. and Rosa Parks. Many forget that the movement was bigger than the figures on the frontline and that it grew from intellectual and historical efforts that continue today. In Path to Grace: Reimagining the Civil Rights Movement (UP of Mississippi, 2023), Ethel Morgan Smith shines a light on unsung heroes of the civil rights movement, the ordinary citizens working behind the scenes to make an impact in their communities.
Through eleven original interviews with teachers, parents hosting fundraisers for civil rights workers, volunteers helping with voter registration, and more, Smith highlights the contributions these figures made to the civil rights movement. Some of these brave warriors worked at the elbows of icons while others were clearing new paths, all passing through history without wide recognition. Path to Grace introduces readers to new witnesses and largely neglected voices. Also included are interviews with such esteemed but less studied figures as writer Gloria Naylor, poet Nikki Giovanni, fashion designer Ann Lowe, and educator Constance Curry.
This work of social change situates these narratives in both the past and present. Indeed, many of Smith’s subjects, such as Emma Bruce, John Canty, Andrea Lee, Ann Lowe, and Blanche Virginia Franklin Moore, can trace their ancestry back to enslavement, which provides a direct chain of narrators and firmly plants the roots of the civil rights movement in the country’s foundation. Through historical contextualization and an analysis of contemporary sociopolitical events, Path to Grace celebrates the contributions of some of the nameless individuals, generation after generation, who worked to make the United States better for all its citizens.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a Doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The civil rights movement is often defined narrowly, relegated to the 1950s and 1960s, and populated by such colossal figures as Martin Luther King Jr. and Rosa Parks. Many forget that the movement was bigger than the figures on the frontline and that it grew from intellectual and historical efforts that continue today. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496846419"><em>Path to Grace: Reimagining the Civil Rights Movement </em></a>(UP of Mississippi, 2023), Ethel Morgan Smith shines a light on unsung heroes of the civil rights movement, the ordinary citizens working behind the scenes to make an impact in their communities.</p><p>Through eleven original interviews with teachers, parents hosting fundraisers for civil rights workers, volunteers helping with voter registration, and more, Smith highlights the contributions these figures made to the civil rights movement. Some of these brave warriors worked at the elbows of icons while others were clearing new paths, all passing through history without wide recognition. <em>Path to Grace</em> introduces readers to new witnesses and largely neglected voices. Also included are interviews with such esteemed but less studied figures as writer Gloria Naylor, poet Nikki Giovanni, fashion designer Ann Lowe, and educator Constance Curry.</p><p>This work of social change situates these narratives in both the past and present. Indeed, many of Smith’s subjects, such as Emma Bruce, John Canty, Andrea Lee, Ann Lowe, and Blanche Virginia Franklin Moore, can trace their ancestry back to enslavement, which provides a direct chain of narrators and firmly plants the roots of the civil rights movement in the country’s foundation. Through historical contextualization and an analysis of contemporary sociopolitical events, <em>Path to Grace</em> celebrates the contributions of some of the nameless individuals, generation after generation, who worked to make the United States better for all its citizens.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a Doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1730</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mark Zachary Taylor, "Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Mark “Zak” Taylor, a political scientist at Georgia Tech University, has a new book that explores the presidents of the Gilded Age, from Ulysses Grant through William McKinley. This period of presidencies is often a forgotten era, since the presidents were somewhat constrained by congressional action taken in the wake of Abraham Lincoln’s presidency and then Andrew Johnson’s impeachment. But Taylor has another complex, fascinating, and lively story to tell about the presidencies of Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley. And tell it he does, in great detail, with extensive qualitative and quantitative data, sources, and information, with a specific focus on the American economy during this time and the roles that presidents played in relation to the changing and diversifying economy. Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age (Oxford UP, 2023) traces the turbulent postbellum American economy, with questions about the gold and silver standard and the “greenback”, with the drive for foreign and domestic investments, western expansion, and the quest to stabilize the country and pay off the debts incurred during the Civil War.
The United States, during the Gilded Age, was considered a developing country and a developing economy. And this grouping of presidents had to contend with that as industrialization, immigration, and expansion all transpired during this period. Taylor came to the project because he was interested in getting at the idea of presidential success and the connection to economic wellbeing or health of the country. But the project evolved over time and the research indicated—particularly within this grouping of presidents—that the individual president’s vision for the country and the direction he wanted to take it, along with political skills, coalition building capacity, and the ability to instill trust in American institutions were the key components for success, both political and economic. This is a very accessible book, weaving together archival research, historical details, presidential scholarship, and data analysis in clear and lively discussions of the presidents, the economy, party politics, and foreign and domestic policy. Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age will appeal to scholars and students of American political development, political economy, and presidential studies. For anyone who has any interest at all in American history, this is a truly captivating book.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
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      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>701</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Zachary Taylor</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mark “Zak” Taylor, a political scientist at Georgia Tech University, has a new book that explores the presidents of the Gilded Age, from Ulysses Grant through William McKinley. This period of presidencies is often a forgotten era, since the presidents were somewhat constrained by congressional action taken in the wake of Abraham Lincoln’s presidency and then Andrew Johnson’s impeachment. But Taylor has another complex, fascinating, and lively story to tell about the presidencies of Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley. And tell it he does, in great detail, with extensive qualitative and quantitative data, sources, and information, with a specific focus on the American economy during this time and the roles that presidents played in relation to the changing and diversifying economy. Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age (Oxford UP, 2023) traces the turbulent postbellum American economy, with questions about the gold and silver standard and the “greenback”, with the drive for foreign and domestic investments, western expansion, and the quest to stabilize the country and pay off the debts incurred during the Civil War.
The United States, during the Gilded Age, was considered a developing country and a developing economy. And this grouping of presidents had to contend with that as industrialization, immigration, and expansion all transpired during this period. Taylor came to the project because he was interested in getting at the idea of presidential success and the connection to economic wellbeing or health of the country. But the project evolved over time and the research indicated—particularly within this grouping of presidents—that the individual president’s vision for the country and the direction he wanted to take it, along with political skills, coalition building capacity, and the ability to instill trust in American institutions were the key components for success, both political and economic. This is a very accessible book, weaving together archival research, historical details, presidential scholarship, and data analysis in clear and lively discussions of the presidents, the economy, party politics, and foreign and domestic policy. Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age will appeal to scholars and students of American political development, political economy, and presidential studies. For anyone who has any interest at all in American history, this is a truly captivating book.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mark “Zak” Taylor, a political scientist at Georgia Tech University, has a new book that explores the presidents of the Gilded Age, from Ulysses Grant through William McKinley. This period of presidencies is often a forgotten era, since the presidents were somewhat constrained by congressional action taken in the wake of Abraham Lincoln’s presidency and then Andrew Johnson’s impeachment. But Taylor has another complex, fascinating, and lively story to tell about the presidencies of Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley. And tell it he does, in great detail, with extensive qualitative and quantitative data, sources, and information, with a specific focus on the American economy during this time and the roles that presidents played in relation to the changing and diversifying economy. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197750742"><em>Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023) traces the turbulent postbellum American economy, with questions about the gold and silver standard and the “greenback”, with the drive for foreign and domestic investments, western expansion, and the quest to stabilize the country and pay off the debts incurred during the Civil War.</p><p>The United States, during the Gilded Age, was considered a developing country and a developing economy. And this grouping of presidents had to contend with that as industrialization, immigration, and expansion all transpired during this period. Taylor came to the project because he was interested in getting at the idea of presidential success and the connection to economic wellbeing or health of the country. But the project evolved over time and the research indicated—particularly within this grouping of presidents—that the individual president’s vision for the country and the direction he wanted to take it, along with political skills, coalition building capacity, and the ability to instill trust in American institutions were the key components for success, both political and economic. This is a very accessible book, weaving together archival research, historical details, presidential scholarship, and data analysis in clear and lively discussions of the presidents, the economy, party politics, and foreign and domestic policy. <em>Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times: Explaining Executive Power in the Gilded Age</em> will appeal to scholars and students of American political development, political economy, and presidential studies. For anyone who has any interest at all in American history, this is a truly captivating book.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3230</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[17ab2500-bae5-11ee-81e6-5b2e232657ec]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4222464678.mp3?updated=1706122107" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Damon Scott, "The City Aroused: Queer Places and Urban Redevelopment in Postwar San Francisco" (U Texas Press, 2024)</title>
      <description>The City Aroused: Queer Places and Urban Redevelopment in Postwar San Francisco (University of Texas Press, 2024) by Dr. Damon Scott is a lively history of urban development and its influence on queer political identity in postwar San Francisco. By reconstructing the planning and queer history of waterfront drinking establishments, Dr. Scott shows that urban renewal was a catalyst for community organising among racially diverse operators and patrons with far-reaching implications for the national gay rights movement.
Following the exclusion of suspected homosexuals from the maritime trades in West Coast ports in the early 1950s, seamen's hangouts in the city came to resemble gay bars. Local officials responded by containing the influx of gay men to a strip of bars on the central waterfront while also making plans to raze and rebuild the area. This practice ended when city redevelopment officials began acquiring land in the early 1960s. Aided by law enforcement, they put these queer social clubs out of business, replacing them with heteronormative, desexualized land uses that served larger postwar urban development goals. Dr. Scott argues that this shift from queer containment to displacement aroused a collective response among gay and transgender drinking publics who united in solidarity to secure a place in the rapidly changing urban landscape.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>19</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Damon Scott</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The City Aroused: Queer Places and Urban Redevelopment in Postwar San Francisco (University of Texas Press, 2024) by Dr. Damon Scott is a lively history of urban development and its influence on queer political identity in postwar San Francisco. By reconstructing the planning and queer history of waterfront drinking establishments, Dr. Scott shows that urban renewal was a catalyst for community organising among racially diverse operators and patrons with far-reaching implications for the national gay rights movement.
Following the exclusion of suspected homosexuals from the maritime trades in West Coast ports in the early 1950s, seamen's hangouts in the city came to resemble gay bars. Local officials responded by containing the influx of gay men to a strip of bars on the central waterfront while also making plans to raze and rebuild the area. This practice ended when city redevelopment officials began acquiring land in the early 1960s. Aided by law enforcement, they put these queer social clubs out of business, replacing them with heteronormative, desexualized land uses that served larger postwar urban development goals. Dr. Scott argues that this shift from queer containment to displacement aroused a collective response among gay and transgender drinking publics who united in solidarity to secure a place in the rapidly changing urban landscape.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477328347"><em>The City Aroused: Queer Places and Urban Redevelopment in Postwar San Francisco</em></a> (University of Texas Press, 2024) by Dr. Damon Scott is a lively history of urban development and its influence on queer political identity in postwar San Francisco. By reconstructing the planning and queer history of waterfront drinking establishments, Dr. Scott shows that urban renewal was a catalyst for community organising among racially diverse operators and patrons with far-reaching implications for the national gay rights movement.</p><p>Following the exclusion of suspected homosexuals from the maritime trades in West Coast ports in the early 1950s, seamen's hangouts in the city came to resemble gay bars. Local officials responded by containing the influx of gay men to a strip of bars on the central waterfront while also making plans to raze and rebuild the area. This practice ended when city redevelopment officials began acquiring land in the early 1960s. Aided by law enforcement, they put these queer social clubs out of business, replacing them with heteronormative, desexualized land uses that served larger postwar urban development goals. Dr. Scott argues that this shift from queer containment to displacement aroused a collective response among gay and transgender drinking publics who united in solidarity to secure a place in the rapidly changing urban landscape.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3974</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK2310145157.mp3?updated=1706047068" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James R. Fichter, "Tea: Consumption, Politics, and Revolution, 1773–1776" (Cornell UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In Tea: Consumption, Politics, and Revolution, 1773–1776 (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. James R. Fichter reveals that despite the so-called Boston Tea Party in 1773, two large shipments of tea from the East India Company survived and were ultimately drunk in North America. Their survival shaped the politics of the years ahead, impeded efforts to reimburse the company for the tea lost in Boston Harbor, and hinted at the enduring potency of consumerism in revolutionary politics.
Tea protests were widespread in 1774, but so were tea advertisements and tea sales, Fichter argues. The protests were noisy and sometimes misleading performances, not clear signs that tea consumption was unpopular. Revolutionaries vilified tea in their propaganda and prohibited the importation and consumption of tea and British goods. Yet merchant ledgers reveal these goods were still widely sold and consumed in 1775. Colonists supported Patriots more than they abided by non-consumption. When Congress ended its prohibition against tea in 1776, it reasoned that the ban was too widely violated to enforce. War was a more effective means than boycott for resisting Parliament, after all, and as rebel arms advanced, Patriots seized tea and other goods Britons left behind. By 1776, protesters sought tea and, objecting to its high price, redistributed rather than destroyed it. Yet as Dr. Fichter demonstrates in Tea, by then the commodity was not a symbol of the British state, but of American consumerism.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>246</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James R. Fichter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Tea: Consumption, Politics, and Revolution, 1773–1776 (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. James R. Fichter reveals that despite the so-called Boston Tea Party in 1773, two large shipments of tea from the East India Company survived and were ultimately drunk in North America. Their survival shaped the politics of the years ahead, impeded efforts to reimburse the company for the tea lost in Boston Harbor, and hinted at the enduring potency of consumerism in revolutionary politics.
Tea protests were widespread in 1774, but so were tea advertisements and tea sales, Fichter argues. The protests were noisy and sometimes misleading performances, not clear signs that tea consumption was unpopular. Revolutionaries vilified tea in their propaganda and prohibited the importation and consumption of tea and British goods. Yet merchant ledgers reveal these goods were still widely sold and consumed in 1775. Colonists supported Patriots more than they abided by non-consumption. When Congress ended its prohibition against tea in 1776, it reasoned that the ban was too widely violated to enforce. War was a more effective means than boycott for resisting Parliament, after all, and as rebel arms advanced, Patriots seized tea and other goods Britons left behind. By 1776, protesters sought tea and, objecting to its high price, redistributed rather than destroyed it. Yet as Dr. Fichter demonstrates in Tea, by then the commodity was not a symbol of the British state, but of American consumerism.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501773211"><em>Tea: Consumption, Politics, and Revolution, 1773–1776</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. James R. Fichter reveals that despite the so-called Boston Tea Party in 1773, two large shipments of tea from the East India Company survived and were ultimately drunk in North America. Their survival shaped the politics of the years ahead, impeded efforts to reimburse the company for the tea lost in Boston Harbor, and hinted at the enduring potency of consumerism in revolutionary politics.</p><p>Tea protests were widespread in 1774, but so were tea advertisements and tea sales, Fichter argues. The protests were noisy and sometimes misleading performances, not clear signs that tea consumption was unpopular. Revolutionaries vilified tea in their propaganda and prohibited the importation and consumption of tea and British goods. Yet merchant ledgers reveal these goods were still widely sold and consumed in 1775. Colonists supported Patriots more than they abided by non-consumption. When Congress ended its prohibition against tea in 1776, it reasoned that the ban was too widely violated to enforce. War was a more effective means than boycott for resisting Parliament, after all, and as rebel arms advanced, Patriots seized tea and other goods Britons left behind. By 1776, protesters sought tea and, objecting to its high price, redistributed rather than destroyed it. Yet as Dr. Fichter demonstrates in Tea, by then the commodity was not a symbol of the British state, but of American consumerism.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3560</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kareem R. Muhammad, "The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>Dr. Kareem Muhammad has a new book that focuses on the role of Black voters in the United States – specifically in their power as participants in democracy. In many ways, this is a “love story to the Black community” in the U.S. The book traces the sustained electoral power of Black voters, and teases at the fissures within this significant bloc of voters. Muhammad pays particular attention to what it looks like when policies that are important to Black voters are passed and implemented, and how this process reflects the coalition strength of this particular voting bloc. The research also notes that, historically, the Black vote has not really been taken into consideration as an important and vital bloc of voters, and thus less attention is paid to these voters by either party. But the research also notes that the Black vote is, in fact, decisive in supporting a political coalition that then puts into place policies and legislation that this community of voters wants to see established—like Reconstruction, like the Civil Rights agenda in the 1960s, like the efforts to protect democracy now.
The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope (Routledge, 2023) focuses on just that—the power that individuals have, especially when grouped together, to impact elections, political agendas, and elected officials in office. But this pursuit, of political power and strength within the African American community, is also set in the historical and contemporary context of white supremacy in the United States. This is important to understand since it also highlights what Muhammad refers to as “the bounds of power” within the U.S. It is vitally important to understand the contours of power and what that means and how it is constituted in order to explore empowerment, especially black empowerment. The impetus behind the research and the book was to see if there was collaboration between the black voting bloc and the elected officials they have supported in the contemporary period, specifically the Democratic party and Democratic presidents. But one of the key findings in the research is that there are also gendered differences within the African American community and among African American voters in regard to support and engagement. Diving into popular culture, Muhammad traces these divides, highlighting the sexism, homophobia, and patriarchy that often comes through these cultural artifacts. The research also exposes the discomfort and resentment that some men have with the increased power and influence of black women. 
The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope is a complex analysis, including an assessment of political power in the United States, understandings of how culture interacts with positions within communities, tensions around gender and power, and the collaborations between different political entities, voting blocs, and elected officials. The concluding ideas highlight the particularly vital role that Black Americans, especially Black women, have in protecting democracy in the United States, especially as part of the Democratic Party coalition.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>697</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kareem R. Muhammad</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dr. Kareem Muhammad has a new book that focuses on the role of Black voters in the United States – specifically in their power as participants in democracy. In many ways, this is a “love story to the Black community” in the U.S. The book traces the sustained electoral power of Black voters, and teases at the fissures within this significant bloc of voters. Muhammad pays particular attention to what it looks like when policies that are important to Black voters are passed and implemented, and how this process reflects the coalition strength of this particular voting bloc. The research also notes that, historically, the Black vote has not really been taken into consideration as an important and vital bloc of voters, and thus less attention is paid to these voters by either party. But the research also notes that the Black vote is, in fact, decisive in supporting a political coalition that then puts into place policies and legislation that this community of voters wants to see established—like Reconstruction, like the Civil Rights agenda in the 1960s, like the efforts to protect democracy now.
The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope (Routledge, 2023) focuses on just that—the power that individuals have, especially when grouped together, to impact elections, political agendas, and elected officials in office. But this pursuit, of political power and strength within the African American community, is also set in the historical and contemporary context of white supremacy in the United States. This is important to understand since it also highlights what Muhammad refers to as “the bounds of power” within the U.S. It is vitally important to understand the contours of power and what that means and how it is constituted in order to explore empowerment, especially black empowerment. The impetus behind the research and the book was to see if there was collaboration between the black voting bloc and the elected officials they have supported in the contemporary period, specifically the Democratic party and Democratic presidents. But one of the key findings in the research is that there are also gendered differences within the African American community and among African American voters in regard to support and engagement. Diving into popular culture, Muhammad traces these divides, highlighting the sexism, homophobia, and patriarchy that often comes through these cultural artifacts. The research also exposes the discomfort and resentment that some men have with the increased power and influence of black women. 
The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope is a complex analysis, including an assessment of political power in the United States, understandings of how culture interacts with positions within communities, tensions around gender and power, and the collaborations between different political entities, voting blocs, and elected officials. The concluding ideas highlight the particularly vital role that Black Americans, especially Black women, have in protecting democracy in the United States, especially as part of the Democratic Party coalition.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dr. Kareem Muhammad has a new book that focuses on the role of Black voters in the United States – specifically in their power as participants in democracy. In many ways, this is a “love story to the Black community” in the U.S. The book traces the sustained electoral power of Black voters, and teases at the fissures within this significant bloc of voters. Muhammad pays particular attention to what it looks like when policies that are important to Black voters are passed and implemented, and how this process reflects the coalition strength of this particular voting bloc. The research also notes that, historically, the Black vote has not really been taken into consideration as an important and vital bloc of voters, and thus less attention is paid to these voters by either party. But the research also notes that the Black vote is, in fact, decisive in supporting a political coalition that then puts into place policies and legislation that this community of voters wants to see established—like Reconstruction, like the Civil Rights agenda in the 1960s, like the efforts to protect democracy now.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032208442"><em>The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope</em></a> (Routledge, 2023) focuses on just that—the power that individuals have, especially when grouped together, to impact elections, political agendas, and elected officials in office. But this pursuit, of political power and strength within the African American community, is also set in the historical and contemporary context of white supremacy in the United States. This is important to understand since it also highlights what Muhammad refers to as “the bounds of power” within the U.S. It is vitally important to understand the contours of power and what that means and how it is constituted in order to explore empowerment, especially black empowerment. The impetus behind the research and the book was to see if there was collaboration between the black voting bloc and the elected officials they have supported in the contemporary period, specifically the Democratic party and Democratic presidents. But one of the key findings in the research is that there are also gendered differences within the African American community and among African American voters in regard to support and engagement. Diving into popular culture, Muhammad traces these divides, highlighting the sexism, homophobia, and patriarchy that often comes through these cultural artifacts. The research also exposes the discomfort and resentment that some men have with the increased power and influence of black women. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032208442"><em>The Fight for Black Empowerment in the USA: America’s Last Hope</em></a> is a complex analysis, including an assessment of political power in the United States, understandings of how culture interacts with positions within communities, tensions around gender and power, and the collaborations between different political entities, voting blocs, and elected officials. The concluding ideas highlight the particularly vital role that Black Americans, especially Black women, have in protecting democracy in the United States, especially as part of the Democratic Party coalition.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3502</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>On Zionism and the Left: A Discussion with Author and Cultural Critic Susie Linfield</title>
      <description>“How has it come to this? How has ‘Zionist’…become the dirtiest word to the international Left?” Susie Linfield poses that ripe question at the outset of her book, The Lions’ Den: Zionism and the Left from Hannah Arendt to Noam Chomsky (Yale University Press, 2019). In the podcast, our discussion focuses on three prominent figures examined in The Lions’ Den: Isaac Deutscher, I.F. Stone, and Fred Halliday. And we explore present-day sentiments about Zionism among the Left amid the Gaza-Israel conflict. What’s needed in thinking about Zionism and about Israel, Linfield asserts in the conclusion to her provocative and timely book, is “realism,” not “pathology.”
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“How has it come to this? How has ‘Zionist’…become the dirtiest word to the international Left?” Susie Linfield poses that ripe question at the outset of her book, The Lions’ Den: Zionism and the Left from Hannah Arendt to Noam Chomsky (Yale University Press, 2019). In the podcast, our discussion focuses on three prominent figures examined in The Lions’ Den: Isaac Deutscher, I.F. Stone, and Fred Halliday. And we explore present-day sentiments about Zionism among the Left amid the Gaza-Israel conflict. What’s needed in thinking about Zionism and about Israel, Linfield asserts in the conclusion to her provocative and timely book, is “realism,” not “pathology.”
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“How has it come to this? How has ‘Zionist’…become the dirtiest word to the international Left?” Susie Linfield poses that ripe question at the outset of her book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300251845"><em>The Lions’ Den: Zionism and the Left from Hannah Arendt to Noam Chomsky</em></a><em> </em>(Yale University Press, 2019). In the podcast, our discussion focuses on three prominent figures examined in <em>The Lions’ Den: </em>Isaac Deutscher, I.F. Stone, and Fred Halliday. And we explore present-day sentiments about Zionism among the Left amid the Gaza-Israel conflict. What’s needed in thinking about Zionism and about Israel, Linfield asserts in the conclusion to her provocative and timely book, is “realism,” not “pathology.”</p><p><em>﻿Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3933</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert C. Post, "The Taft Court (10): Making Law for a Divided Nation, 1921–1930" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Robert C. Post's book The Taft Court (10): Making Law for a Divided Nation, 1921–1930 (Cambridge UP, 2023) offers the definitive history of the Supreme Court from 1921 to 1930 when William Howard Taft was Chief Justice. Using untapped archival material, Robert C. Post engagingly recounts the ambivalent effort to create a modern American administrative state out of the institutional innovations of World War I. He shows how the Court sought to establish authoritative forms of constitutional interpretation despite the culture wars that enveloped prohibition and pervasive labor unrest. He explores in great detail how constitutional law responds to altered circumstances. The work provides comprehensive portraits of seminal figures such as Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and Louis Dembitz Brandeis. It describes William Howard Taft's many judicial reforms and his profound alteration of the role of Chief Justice. A critical and timely contribution, The Taft Court sheds light on jurisprudential debates that are just as relevant today as they were a century ago.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1405</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert C. Post</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robert C. Post's book The Taft Court (10): Making Law for a Divided Nation, 1921–1930 (Cambridge UP, 2023) offers the definitive history of the Supreme Court from 1921 to 1930 when William Howard Taft was Chief Justice. Using untapped archival material, Robert C. Post engagingly recounts the ambivalent effort to create a modern American administrative state out of the institutional innovations of World War I. He shows how the Court sought to establish authoritative forms of constitutional interpretation despite the culture wars that enveloped prohibition and pervasive labor unrest. He explores in great detail how constitutional law responds to altered circumstances. The work provides comprehensive portraits of seminal figures such as Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and Louis Dembitz Brandeis. It describes William Howard Taft's many judicial reforms and his profound alteration of the role of Chief Justice. A critical and timely contribution, The Taft Court sheds light on jurisprudential debates that are just as relevant today as they were a century ago.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Robert C. Post's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009336215"><em>The Taft Court (10): Making Law for a Divided Nation, 1921–1930</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) offers the definitive history of the Supreme Court from 1921 to 1930 when William Howard Taft was Chief Justice. Using untapped archival material, Robert C. Post engagingly recounts the ambivalent effort to create a modern American administrative state out of the institutional innovations of World War I. He shows how the Court sought to establish authoritative forms of constitutional interpretation despite the culture wars that enveloped prohibition and pervasive labor unrest. He explores in great detail how constitutional law responds to altered circumstances. The work provides comprehensive portraits of seminal figures such as Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and Louis Dembitz Brandeis. It describes William Howard Taft's many judicial reforms and his profound alteration of the role of Chief Justice. A critical and timely contribution, The Taft Court sheds light on jurisprudential debates that are just as relevant today as they were a century ago.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Neall W. Pogue, "The Nature of the Religious Right: The Struggle between Conservative Evangelicals and the Environmental Movement" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>How does the Bible instruct humans to interact with the Earth? Over the last few decades, white conservative evangelical Christians have increasingly taken positions against environmental protections. To understand why, Meghan Cochran talks with Neall W. Pogue about his book The Nature of the Religious Right: The Struggle between Conservative Evangelicals and the Environmental Movement (Cornell University Press, 2022) in which he examines how the religious right became a political force known for hostility toward environmental legislation. 
Until the 1990s, theologically based, eco-friendly philosophies of Christian environmental stewardship were uncontroversial. However, when some in the evangelical community began to lean towards environmental activism in response to human caused climate change, their effort was overwhelmed by some conservative leaders who stressed a position against environmentalism. They ridiculed conservation efforts, embraced conspiracy theories, and refuted the expanding scientific literature. Pogue explains how different ideas of nature helped to construct a conservative evangelical political movement that rejected long-standing beliefs regarding Christian environmental stewardship.
Suggested readings: 


The Gospel of Climate Skepticism: Why Evangelical Christians Oppose Action on Climate Change by Robin Globus Veldman (University of California Press, 2019)


Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right by Arlie Russell Hochschild (The New Press, 2016)

Meghan Cochran studies belief and action as a technologist working in customer experience and as a student of religion, business, and literature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>217</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Neall W. Pogue</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How does the Bible instruct humans to interact with the Earth? Over the last few decades, white conservative evangelical Christians have increasingly taken positions against environmental protections. To understand why, Meghan Cochran talks with Neall W. Pogue about his book The Nature of the Religious Right: The Struggle between Conservative Evangelicals and the Environmental Movement (Cornell University Press, 2022) in which he examines how the religious right became a political force known for hostility toward environmental legislation. 
Until the 1990s, theologically based, eco-friendly philosophies of Christian environmental stewardship were uncontroversial. However, when some in the evangelical community began to lean towards environmental activism in response to human caused climate change, their effort was overwhelmed by some conservative leaders who stressed a position against environmentalism. They ridiculed conservation efforts, embraced conspiracy theories, and refuted the expanding scientific literature. Pogue explains how different ideas of nature helped to construct a conservative evangelical political movement that rejected long-standing beliefs regarding Christian environmental stewardship.
Suggested readings: 


The Gospel of Climate Skepticism: Why Evangelical Christians Oppose Action on Climate Change by Robin Globus Veldman (University of California Press, 2019)


Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right by Arlie Russell Hochschild (The New Press, 2016)

Meghan Cochran studies belief and action as a technologist working in customer experience and as a student of religion, business, and literature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How does the Bible instruct humans to interact with the Earth? Over the last few decades, white conservative evangelical Christians have increasingly taken positions against environmental protections. To understand why, Meghan Cochran talks with Neall W. Pogue about his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501762000"><em>The Nature of the Religious Right: The Struggle between Conservative Evangelicals and the Environmental Movement</em></a><em> (</em>Cornell University Press, 2022) in which he examines how the religious right became a political force known for hostility toward environmental legislation. </p><p>Until the 1990s, theologically based, eco-friendly philosophies of Christian environmental stewardship were uncontroversial. However, when some in the evangelical community began to lean towards environmental activism in response to human caused climate change, their effort was overwhelmed by some conservative leaders who stressed a position <em>against</em> environmentalism. They ridiculed conservation efforts, embraced conspiracy theories, and refuted the expanding scientific literature. Pogue explains how different ideas of nature helped to construct a conservative evangelical political movement that rejected long-standing beliefs regarding Christian environmental stewardship.</p><p>Suggested readings: </p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520303676/the-gospel-of-climate-skepticism"><em>The Gospel of Climate Skepticism: Why Evangelical Christians Oppose Action on Climate Change</em></a> by Robin Globus Veldman (University of California Press, 2019)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://thenewpress.com/books/strangers-their-own-land"><em>Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right</em></a> by Arlie Russell Hochschild (The New Press, 2016)</li>
</ul><p><em>Meghan Cochran studies belief and action as a technologist working in customer experience and as a student of religion, business, and literature.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3396</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Patricia Strach and Kathleen S. Sullivan, "The Politics of Trash: How Governments Used Corruption to Clean Cities, 1890–1929" (Cornell UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Patricia Strach (The University at Albany, State University of New York) and Kathleen S. Sullivan (Ohio University) have written a fascinating and important exploration of trash. More precisely, this is a complex examination and analysis of the development of our municipal sanitation processes and structures, highlighting intersecting policy areas, urban and local politics, and racial, gender, and class politics. The Politics of Trash: How Governments Used Corruption to Clean Cities, 1890–1929 (Cornell UP, 2023) has it all: corruption, gender and racial hierarchies, blame defection, rejection of expertise, case studies across a host of different cities around the country, and the collection of, the disposal of, and the innovations of garbage.
Strach and Sullivan examine this multidimensional policy issue from an American political development perspective when the issue really took root in the United States in the latter part of the 19th century. At this point, urban areas saw demographic growth from migration from rural areas as well as the waves of immigrants who came to the U.S. Most U.S. cities found themselves facing the same problem: unsanitary living situations. The initial research found that there were three different forms of trash collection, and they highlighted the processes in San Francisco, New Orleans, and Pittsburgh. San Francisco had no formal municipal collection process; instead, the citizens of San Francisco contracted directly with scavengers themselves to remove the garbage. Pittsburgh, as a municipality, contracted out the responsibility—but the process there was one that fed fees back to the municipal leadership. New Orleans, awash in local government corruption, ultimately had a municipal collection program, which was generally far from effective. While these three cities were the basis for the initial research, St. Louis and Charleston were also added to the case studies, with Birmingham and Louisville as secondary examples within the study.
The Politics of Trash also explores the way in which citizens need to engage with and comply with the sanitation programs. In order to urge compliance, cities often called on women’s civic organizations to model and advocate for participation in the garbage process. Obviously, these were white women’s civic organizations and while they had been advocates for sanitation processes, they were generally cut out of the development process since women were not to be too close to politics itself. Strach and Sullivan spent time with the Good Housekeeping magazine archives in order to flesh out this dimension of the analysis. The research also highlights how blame was put on immigrants and people of color when the sanitation programs failed—often because of corruption and lack of sufficient resources.
The authors note throughout the text that the form that we remove and dispose of waste/garbage/trash now is the same as it was 100 years ago. And while we often separate compostables from recyclables from trash, this is not all that different than the ways that people disposed of their garbage in Pittsburgh, and Charleston, and San Francisco a century ago. And many of the same forms of removal remain in place. The Politics of Trash is a lively and fascinating analysis of a part of our lives that we often don’t consider to be political, but it is political, and has been for quite some time.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>700</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Patricia Strach and Kathleen S. Sullivan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Patricia Strach (The University at Albany, State University of New York) and Kathleen S. Sullivan (Ohio University) have written a fascinating and important exploration of trash. More precisely, this is a complex examination and analysis of the development of our municipal sanitation processes and structures, highlighting intersecting policy areas, urban and local politics, and racial, gender, and class politics. The Politics of Trash: How Governments Used Corruption to Clean Cities, 1890–1929 (Cornell UP, 2023) has it all: corruption, gender and racial hierarchies, blame defection, rejection of expertise, case studies across a host of different cities around the country, and the collection of, the disposal of, and the innovations of garbage.
Strach and Sullivan examine this multidimensional policy issue from an American political development perspective when the issue really took root in the United States in the latter part of the 19th century. At this point, urban areas saw demographic growth from migration from rural areas as well as the waves of immigrants who came to the U.S. Most U.S. cities found themselves facing the same problem: unsanitary living situations. The initial research found that there were three different forms of trash collection, and they highlighted the processes in San Francisco, New Orleans, and Pittsburgh. San Francisco had no formal municipal collection process; instead, the citizens of San Francisco contracted directly with scavengers themselves to remove the garbage. Pittsburgh, as a municipality, contracted out the responsibility—but the process there was one that fed fees back to the municipal leadership. New Orleans, awash in local government corruption, ultimately had a municipal collection program, which was generally far from effective. While these three cities were the basis for the initial research, St. Louis and Charleston were also added to the case studies, with Birmingham and Louisville as secondary examples within the study.
The Politics of Trash also explores the way in which citizens need to engage with and comply with the sanitation programs. In order to urge compliance, cities often called on women’s civic organizations to model and advocate for participation in the garbage process. Obviously, these were white women’s civic organizations and while they had been advocates for sanitation processes, they were generally cut out of the development process since women were not to be too close to politics itself. Strach and Sullivan spent time with the Good Housekeeping magazine archives in order to flesh out this dimension of the analysis. The research also highlights how blame was put on immigrants and people of color when the sanitation programs failed—often because of corruption and lack of sufficient resources.
The authors note throughout the text that the form that we remove and dispose of waste/garbage/trash now is the same as it was 100 years ago. And while we often separate compostables from recyclables from trash, this is not all that different than the ways that people disposed of their garbage in Pittsburgh, and Charleston, and San Francisco a century ago. And many of the same forms of removal remain in place. The Politics of Trash is a lively and fascinating analysis of a part of our lives that we often don’t consider to be political, but it is political, and has been for quite some time.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Patricia Strach (The University at Albany, State University of New York) and Kathleen S. Sullivan (Ohio University) have written a fascinating and important exploration of trash. More precisely, this is a complex examination and analysis of the development of our municipal sanitation processes and structures, highlighting intersecting policy areas, urban and local politics, and racial, gender, and class politics. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501766985"><em>The Politics of Trash: How Governments Used Corruption to Clean Cities, 1890–1929</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2023) has it all: corruption, gender and racial hierarchies, blame defection, rejection of expertise, case studies across a host of different cities around the country, and the collection of, the disposal of, and the innovations of garbage.</p><p>Strach and Sullivan examine this multidimensional policy issue from an American political development perspective when the issue really took root in the United States in the latter part of the 19th century. At this point, urban areas saw demographic growth from migration from rural areas as well as the waves of immigrants who came to the U.S. Most U.S. cities found themselves facing the same problem: unsanitary living situations. The initial research found that there were three different forms of trash collection, and they highlighted the processes in San Francisco, New Orleans, and Pittsburgh. San Francisco had no formal municipal collection process; instead, the citizens of San Francisco contracted directly with scavengers themselves to remove the garbage. Pittsburgh, as a municipality, contracted out the responsibility—but the process there was one that fed fees back to the municipal leadership. New Orleans, awash in local government corruption, ultimately had a municipal collection program, which was generally far from effective. While these three cities were the basis for the initial research, St. Louis and Charleston were also added to the case studies, with Birmingham and Louisville as secondary examples within the study.</p><p><em>The Politics of Trash </em>also explores the way in which citizens need to engage with and comply with the sanitation programs. In order to urge compliance, cities often called on women’s civic organizations to model and advocate for participation in the garbage process. Obviously, these were white women’s civic organizations and while they had been advocates for sanitation processes, they were generally cut out of the development process since women were not to be too close to politics itself. Strach and Sullivan spent time with the <em>Good Housekeeping</em> magazine archives in order to flesh out this dimension of the analysis. The research also highlights how blame was put on immigrants and people of color when the sanitation programs failed—often because of corruption and lack of sufficient resources.</p><p>The authors note throughout the text that the form that we remove and dispose of waste/garbage/trash now is the same as it was 100 years ago. And while we often separate compostables from recyclables from trash, this is not all that different than the ways that people disposed of their garbage in Pittsburgh, and Charleston, and San Francisco a century ago. And many of the same forms of removal remain in place. <em>The Politics of Trash</em> is a lively and fascinating analysis of a part of our lives that we often don’t consider to be political, but it is political, and has been for quite some time.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2528</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Scott Gac, "Born in Blood: Violence and the Making of America" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Scott Gac's Born in Blood: Violence and the Making of America (Cambridge UP, 2023) investigates one of history's most violent undertakings: The United States of America. People the world over consider violence in the United States as measurably different than that which troubles the rest of the globe, citing reasons including gun culture, the American West, Hollywood, the death penalty, economic inequality, rampant individualism, and more. This compelling examination of American violence explains a political culture of violence from the American Revolution to the Gilded Age, illustrating how physical force, often centered on racial hierarchy, sustained the central tenets of American liberal government. It offers an important story of nationhood, told through the experiences and choices of civilians, Indians, politicians, soldiers, and the enslaved, providing historical context for understanding how violence has shaped the United States from its inception.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Scott Gac</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scott Gac's Born in Blood: Violence and the Making of America (Cambridge UP, 2023) investigates one of history's most violent undertakings: The United States of America. People the world over consider violence in the United States as measurably different than that which troubles the rest of the globe, citing reasons including gun culture, the American West, Hollywood, the death penalty, economic inequality, rampant individualism, and more. This compelling examination of American violence explains a political culture of violence from the American Revolution to the Gilded Age, illustrating how physical force, often centered on racial hierarchy, sustained the central tenets of American liberal government. It offers an important story of nationhood, told through the experiences and choices of civilians, Indians, politicians, soldiers, and the enslaved, providing historical context for understanding how violence has shaped the United States from its inception.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Scott Gac's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781316511886"><em>Born in Blood: Violence and the Making of America</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) investigates one of history's most violent undertakings: The United States of America. People the world over consider violence in the United States as measurably different than that which troubles the rest of the globe, citing reasons including gun culture, the American West, Hollywood, the death penalty, economic inequality, rampant individualism, and more. This compelling examination of American violence explains a political culture of violence from the American Revolution to the Gilded Age, illustrating how physical force, often centered on racial hierarchy, sustained the central tenets of American liberal government. It offers an important story of nationhood, told through the experiences and choices of civilians, Indians, politicians, soldiers, and the enslaved, providing historical context for understanding how violence has shaped the United States from its inception.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2341</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Geoffrey Levin, "Our Palestine Question: Israel and American Jewish Dissent, 1948-1978" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>American Jews began debating Palestinian rights issues even before Israel’s founding in 1948. Geoffrey Levin recovers the voices of American Jews who, in the early decades of Israel’s existence, called for an honest reckoning with the moral and political plight of Palestinians. These now‑forgotten voices, which include an aid‑worker‑turned‑academic with Palestinian Sephardic roots, a former Yiddish journalist, anti‑Zionist Reform rabbis, and young left‑wing Zionist activists, felt drawn to support Palestinian rights by their understanding of Jewish history, identity, and ethics. They sometimes worked with mainstream American Jewish leaders who feared that ignoring Palestinian rights could foster antisemitism, leading them to press Israeli officials for reform. But Israeli diplomats viewed any American Jewish interest in Palestinian affairs with deep suspicion, provoking a series of quiet confrontations that ultimately kept Palestinian rights off the American Jewish agenda up to the present era.
In Our Palestine Question: Israel and American Jewish Dissent, 1948-1978 (Yale UP, 2023), Levin lays the groundwork for more forthright debates over Palestinian rights issues, American Jewish identity, and the U.S.‑Israel relationship more broadly.
Roberto Mazza is currently an independent scholar. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>467</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Geoffrey Levin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American Jews began debating Palestinian rights issues even before Israel’s founding in 1948. Geoffrey Levin recovers the voices of American Jews who, in the early decades of Israel’s existence, called for an honest reckoning with the moral and political plight of Palestinians. These now‑forgotten voices, which include an aid‑worker‑turned‑academic with Palestinian Sephardic roots, a former Yiddish journalist, anti‑Zionist Reform rabbis, and young left‑wing Zionist activists, felt drawn to support Palestinian rights by their understanding of Jewish history, identity, and ethics. They sometimes worked with mainstream American Jewish leaders who feared that ignoring Palestinian rights could foster antisemitism, leading them to press Israeli officials for reform. But Israeli diplomats viewed any American Jewish interest in Palestinian affairs with deep suspicion, provoking a series of quiet confrontations that ultimately kept Palestinian rights off the American Jewish agenda up to the present era.
In Our Palestine Question: Israel and American Jewish Dissent, 1948-1978 (Yale UP, 2023), Levin lays the groundwork for more forthright debates over Palestinian rights issues, American Jewish identity, and the U.S.‑Israel relationship more broadly.
Roberto Mazza is currently an independent scholar. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: www.robertomazza.org
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>American Jews began debating Palestinian rights issues even before Israel’s founding in 1948. Geoffrey Levin recovers the voices of American Jews who, in the early decades of Israel’s existence, called for an honest reckoning with the moral and political plight of Palestinians. These now‑forgotten voices, which include an aid‑worker‑turned‑academic with Palestinian Sephardic roots, a former Yiddish journalist, anti‑Zionist Reform rabbis, and young left‑wing Zionist activists, felt drawn to support Palestinian rights by their understanding of Jewish history, identity, and ethics. They sometimes worked with mainstream American Jewish leaders who feared that ignoring Palestinian rights could foster antisemitism, leading them to press Israeli officials for reform. But Israeli diplomats viewed any American Jewish interest in Palestinian affairs with deep suspicion, provoking a series of quiet confrontations that ultimately kept Palestinian rights off the American Jewish agenda up to the present era.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300267853"><em>Our Palestine Question: Israel and American Jewish Dissent, 1948-1978</em></a> (Yale UP, 2023), Levin lays the groundwork for more forthright debates over Palestinian rights issues, American Jewish identity, and the U.S.‑Israel relationship more broadly.</p><p><em>Roberto Mazza is currently an independent scholar. He is the host of the </em><a href="https://shows.acast.com/jerusalemunplugged"><em>Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast</em></a><em> and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:robbymazza@gmail.com"><em>robbymazza@gmail.com</em></a><em>. Twitter and IG: @robbyref Website: </em><a href="http://www.robertomazza.org/"><em>www.robertomazza.org</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4119</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alexandra Filindra, "Race, Rights, and Rifles: The Origins of the NRA and Contemporary Gun Culture" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The United States has more guns than people and more gun violence than any Western democracy. Scholars in diverse fields interrogate why 21st century Americans support gun ownership and valorize vigilantism even as they fear gun violence. Many question how the NRA – National Rifle Association – has successfully lobbied for radical gun laws that most Americans don’t support. 
In Race, Rights, and Rifles: The Origins of the NRA and Contemporary Gun Culture (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Alexandra Filindra highlights political culture. She argues that the NRA depends upon political narratives that can be traced back to the American Revolution. Rather than focus on the constitution, Lockean liberalism, rule of law, or individual rights, she argues that the American Revolution depended upon classical republican ideals – especially the martial virtue of the citizen-soldier – that became foundational to American democracy. American gun culture fuses the republican citizen-soldier with White male supremacy to create what Filindra calls ascriptive martial republicanism. Her book demonstrates how the militarized understandings of political membership prominent in NRA narratives and embraced by many White Americans fit within this broader revolutionary ideology.
Even as contemporary NRA narratives embrace 18th and 19th century versions of ascriptive martial republicanism, the NRA radically decouples political virtue and military service by associating virtue with the consumer act of purchasing a firearm. Rather than emphasizing military service or preparedness, consumer choice defines the politically virtuous citizen.
White Amerians embrace this combination of civic republicanism and White male supremacy but Filindra’s research shows that they also hold a competing form of republicanism (inclusive republicanism) that includes a commitment to peaceful political engagement, civic forms of voluntarism and participation, and a strong belief in multiculturalism.
In the podcast, Susan mentions previous podcasts on Katherine Franke’s Repair: Redeeming the Promise of Abolition and Drew McKevitt’s Gun Country: Gun Capitalism, Culture, and Control in Cold War America.
Dr. Alexandra Filindra is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Psychology at the University of Illinois Chicago. She specializes in American gun politics, immigration policy, race and ethnic politics, public opinion, and political psychology.
George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>699</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alexandra Filindra</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States has more guns than people and more gun violence than any Western democracy. Scholars in diverse fields interrogate why 21st century Americans support gun ownership and valorize vigilantism even as they fear gun violence. Many question how the NRA – National Rifle Association – has successfully lobbied for radical gun laws that most Americans don’t support. 
In Race, Rights, and Rifles: The Origins of the NRA and Contemporary Gun Culture (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Alexandra Filindra highlights political culture. She argues that the NRA depends upon political narratives that can be traced back to the American Revolution. Rather than focus on the constitution, Lockean liberalism, rule of law, or individual rights, she argues that the American Revolution depended upon classical republican ideals – especially the martial virtue of the citizen-soldier – that became foundational to American democracy. American gun culture fuses the republican citizen-soldier with White male supremacy to create what Filindra calls ascriptive martial republicanism. Her book demonstrates how the militarized understandings of political membership prominent in NRA narratives and embraced by many White Americans fit within this broader revolutionary ideology.
Even as contemporary NRA narratives embrace 18th and 19th century versions of ascriptive martial republicanism, the NRA radically decouples political virtue and military service by associating virtue with the consumer act of purchasing a firearm. Rather than emphasizing military service or preparedness, consumer choice defines the politically virtuous citizen.
White Amerians embrace this combination of civic republicanism and White male supremacy but Filindra’s research shows that they also hold a competing form of republicanism (inclusive republicanism) that includes a commitment to peaceful political engagement, civic forms of voluntarism and participation, and a strong belief in multiculturalism.
In the podcast, Susan mentions previous podcasts on Katherine Franke’s Repair: Redeeming the Promise of Abolition and Drew McKevitt’s Gun Country: Gun Capitalism, Culture, and Control in Cold War America.
Dr. Alexandra Filindra is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Psychology at the University of Illinois Chicago. She specializes in American gun politics, immigration policy, race and ethnic politics, public opinion, and political psychology.
George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States has more guns than people and more gun violence than any Western democracy. Scholars in diverse fields interrogate <em>why</em> 21st century Americans support gun ownership and valorize vigilantism even as they fear gun violence. Many question how the NRA – National Rifle Association – has successfully lobbied for radical gun laws that most Americans don’t support. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226828763"><em>Race, Rights, and Rifles: The Origins of the NRA and Contemporary Gun Culture</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dr. Alexandra Filindra highlights political culture. She argues that the NRA depends upon political narratives that can be traced back to the American Revolution. Rather than focus on the constitution, Lockean liberalism, rule of law, or individual rights, she argues that the American Revolution depended upon classical republican ideals – especially the martial virtue of the citizen-soldier – that became foundational to American democracy. American gun culture fuses the republican citizen-soldier with White male supremacy to create what Filindra calls <em>ascriptive martial republicanism</em>. Her book demonstrates how the militarized understandings of political membership prominent in NRA narratives and embraced by many White Americans fit within this broader revolutionary ideology.</p><p>Even as contemporary NRA narratives embrace 18th and 19th century versions of ascriptive martial republicanism, the NRA radically decouples political virtue and military service by associating virtue with the <em>consumer</em> act of purchasing a firearm. Rather than emphasizing military service or preparedness, consumer choice defines the politically virtuous citizen.</p><p>White Amerians embrace this combination of civic republicanism and White male supremacy but Filindra’s research shows that they also hold a competing form of republicanism (<em>inclusive republicanism</em>) that includes a commitment to peaceful political engagement, civic forms of voluntarism and participation, and a strong belief in multiculturalism.</p><p>In the podcast, Susan mentions previous podcasts on Katherine Franke’s <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/katherine-franke-repair-redeeming-the-promise-of-abolition-haymarket-books-2020/"><em>Repair: Redeeming the Promise of Abolition</em></a> and Drew McKevitt’s <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/gun-country#entry:271737@1:url"><em>Gun Country: Gun Capitalism, Culture, and Control in Cold War America</em></a>.</p><p><a href="https://alexandra-filindra.com/?cmp_bypass=1aa5793e69456ddd85c3e2de9ee84e9d">Dr. Alexandra Filindra</a> is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Psychology at the University of Illinois Chicago. She specializes in American gun politics, immigration policy, race and ethnic politics, public opinion, and political psychology.</p><p>George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3007</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f2932e46-b2e4-11ee-9977-7f4286595628]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7492961628.mp3?updated=1705240803" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dana R. Fisher, "Saving Ourselves: From Climate Shocks to Climate Action" (Columbia UP, 2024)</title>
      <description>We've known for decades that climate change is an existential crisis. For just as long, we've seen the complete failure of our institutions to rise to the challenge. Governments have struggled to meet even modest goals. Fossil fuel interests maintain a stranglehold on political and economic power. Even though we have seen growing concern from everyday people, civil society has succeeded only in pressuring decision makers to adopt watered-down policies. All the while, the climate crisis worsens. Is there any hope of achieving the systemic change we need?
In Saving Ourselves: From Climate Shocks to Climate Action (Columbia UP, 2024), Dana R. Fisher argues that there is a realistic path forward for climate action—but only through mass mobilization that responds to the growing severity and frequency of disastrous events. She assesses the current state of affairs and shows why public policy and private-sector efforts have been ineffective. Spurred by this lack of progress, climate activism has become increasingly confrontational. Fisher examines the radical flank of the climate movement: its emergence and growth, its use of direct action, and how it might evolve as the climate crisis worsens. She considers when and how activism is most successful, identifying the importance of creating community, capitalizing on shocking moments, and cultivating resilience. Clear-eyed yet optimistic, Saving Ourselves offers timely insights on how social movements can take power back from deeply entrenched interests and open windows of opportunity for transformative climate action.
Dana R. Fisher is the director of the Center for Environment, Community, and Equity and a professor in the School of International Service at American University. Her books include Activism Inc.: How the Outsourcing of Grassroots Campaigns Is Strangling Progressive Politics in America (2006) and American Resistance: From the Women’s March to the Blue Wave (Columbia, 2019).
Patricia Houser, PhD, AICP, is a researcher and writer on environmental issues. After several decades as a professor of geography and urban planning, she has turned to public education and outreach.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>178</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dana R. Fisher</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We've known for decades that climate change is an existential crisis. For just as long, we've seen the complete failure of our institutions to rise to the challenge. Governments have struggled to meet even modest goals. Fossil fuel interests maintain a stranglehold on political and economic power. Even though we have seen growing concern from everyday people, civil society has succeeded only in pressuring decision makers to adopt watered-down policies. All the while, the climate crisis worsens. Is there any hope of achieving the systemic change we need?
In Saving Ourselves: From Climate Shocks to Climate Action (Columbia UP, 2024), Dana R. Fisher argues that there is a realistic path forward for climate action—but only through mass mobilization that responds to the growing severity and frequency of disastrous events. She assesses the current state of affairs and shows why public policy and private-sector efforts have been ineffective. Spurred by this lack of progress, climate activism has become increasingly confrontational. Fisher examines the radical flank of the climate movement: its emergence and growth, its use of direct action, and how it might evolve as the climate crisis worsens. She considers when and how activism is most successful, identifying the importance of creating community, capitalizing on shocking moments, and cultivating resilience. Clear-eyed yet optimistic, Saving Ourselves offers timely insights on how social movements can take power back from deeply entrenched interests and open windows of opportunity for transformative climate action.
Dana R. Fisher is the director of the Center for Environment, Community, and Equity and a professor in the School of International Service at American University. Her books include Activism Inc.: How the Outsourcing of Grassroots Campaigns Is Strangling Progressive Politics in America (2006) and American Resistance: From the Women’s March to the Blue Wave (Columbia, 2019).
Patricia Houser, PhD, AICP, is a researcher and writer on environmental issues. After several decades as a professor of geography and urban planning, she has turned to public education and outreach.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We've known for decades that climate change is an existential crisis. For just as long, we've seen the complete failure of our institutions to rise to the challenge. Governments have struggled to meet even modest goals. Fossil fuel interests maintain a stranglehold on political and economic power. Even though we have seen growing concern from everyday people, civil society has succeeded only in pressuring decision makers to adopt watered-down policies. All the while, the climate crisis worsens. Is there any hope of achieving the systemic change we need?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231209304"><em>Saving Ourselves: From Climate Shocks to Climate Action</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2024), Dana R. Fisher argues that there is a realistic path forward for climate action—but only through mass mobilization that responds to the growing severity and frequency of disastrous events. She assesses the current state of affairs and shows why public policy and private-sector efforts have been ineffective. Spurred by this lack of progress, climate activism has become increasingly confrontational. Fisher examines the radical flank of the climate movement: its emergence and growth, its use of direct action, and how it might evolve as the climate crisis worsens. She considers when and how activism is most successful, identifying the importance of creating community, capitalizing on shocking moments, and cultivating resilience. Clear-eyed yet optimistic, <em>Saving Ourselves </em>offers timely insights on how social movements can take power back from deeply entrenched interests and open windows of opportunity for transformative climate action.</p><p>Dana R. Fisher is the director of the Center for Environment, Community, and Equity and a professor in the School of International Service at American University. Her books include <em>Activism Inc.: How the Outsourcing of Grassroots Campaigns Is Strangling Progressive Politics in America</em> (2006) and <em>American Resistance: From the Women’s March to the Blue Wave</em> (Columbia, 2019).</p><p><strong><em>Patricia Houser, </em></strong><em>PhD, AICP, is a researcher and writer on environmental issues. After several decades as a professor of geography and urban planning, she has turned to public education and outreach.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1783</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK7243126785.mp3?updated=1705173486" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey A. Friedman, "The Commander-in-Chief Test: Public Opinion and the Politics of Image-Making in US Foreign Policy" (Cornell UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Americans frequently criticize US foreign policy for being overly costly and excessively militaristic. With its rising defense budgets and open-ended "forever wars," US foreign policy often appears disconnected from public opinion, reflecting the views of elites and special interests rather than the attitudes of ordinary citizens.
The Commander-in-Chief Test: Public Opinion and the Politics of Image-Making in US Foreign Policy (Cornell UP, 2023) argues that this conventional wisdom underestimates the role public opinion plays in shaping foreign policy. Voters may prefer to elect leaders who share their policy views, but they prioritize selecting presidents who seem to have the right personal attributes to be an effective commander in chief. Leaders then use hawkish foreign policies as tools for showing that they are tough enough to defend America's interests on the international stage. This link between leaders' policy positions and their personal images steers US foreign policy in directions that are more hawkish than what voters actually want.
Combining polling data with survey experiments and original archival research on cases from the Vietnam War through the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, Friedman demonstrates that public opinion plays a surprisingly extensive—and often problematic—role in shaping US international behavior. With the commander-in-chief test, a perennial point of debate in national elections, Friedman's insights offer important lessons on how the politics of image-making impacts foreign policy and how the public should choose its president.
Jeffrey A. Friedman is Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 14 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey A. Friedman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans frequently criticize US foreign policy for being overly costly and excessively militaristic. With its rising defense budgets and open-ended "forever wars," US foreign policy often appears disconnected from public opinion, reflecting the views of elites and special interests rather than the attitudes of ordinary citizens.
The Commander-in-Chief Test: Public Opinion and the Politics of Image-Making in US Foreign Policy (Cornell UP, 2023) argues that this conventional wisdom underestimates the role public opinion plays in shaping foreign policy. Voters may prefer to elect leaders who share their policy views, but they prioritize selecting presidents who seem to have the right personal attributes to be an effective commander in chief. Leaders then use hawkish foreign policies as tools for showing that they are tough enough to defend America's interests on the international stage. This link between leaders' policy positions and their personal images steers US foreign policy in directions that are more hawkish than what voters actually want.
Combining polling data with survey experiments and original archival research on cases from the Vietnam War through the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, Friedman demonstrates that public opinion plays a surprisingly extensive—and often problematic—role in shaping US international behavior. With the commander-in-chief test, a perennial point of debate in national elections, Friedman's insights offer important lessons on how the politics of image-making impacts foreign policy and how the public should choose its president.
Jeffrey A. Friedman is Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans frequently criticize US foreign policy for being overly costly and excessively militaristic. With its rising defense budgets and open-ended "forever wars," US foreign policy often appears disconnected from public opinion, reflecting the views of elites and special interests rather than the attitudes of ordinary citizens.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501772924"><em>The Commander-in-Chief Test: Public Opinion and the Politics of Image-Making in US Foreign Policy</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2023) argues that this conventional wisdom underestimates the role public opinion plays in shaping foreign policy. Voters may prefer to elect leaders who share their policy views, but they prioritize selecting presidents who seem to have the right personal attributes to be an effective commander in chief. Leaders then use hawkish foreign policies as tools for showing that they are tough enough to defend America's interests on the international stage. This link between leaders' policy positions and their personal images steers US foreign policy in directions that are more hawkish than what voters actually want.</p><p>Combining polling data with survey experiments and original archival research on cases from the Vietnam War through the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, Friedman demonstrates that public opinion plays a surprisingly extensive—and often problematic—role in shaping US international behavior. With the commander-in-chief test, a perennial point of debate in national elections, Friedman's insights offer important lessons on how the politics of image-making impacts foreign policy and how the public should choose its president.</p><p>Jeffrey A. Friedman is Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College.</p><p><em>Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2197</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1897426301.mp3?updated=1705163419" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Emily Brooks, "Gotham’s War Within a War: Policing and the Birth of Law-and-Order Liberalism in World War II-Era New York City" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, members of the NYPD had worked to enforce partisan political power rather than focus on crime. That changed when La Guardia took office in 1934 and shifted the city's priorities toward liberal reform. La Guardia's approach to low-level policing anticipated later trends in law enforcement, including "broken windows" theory and "stop and frisk" policy. Police officers worked to preserve urban order by controlling vice, including juvenile delinquency, prostitution, gambling, and the "disorderly" establishments that officials believed housed these activities.
This mode of policing was central to La Guardia's influential vision of urban governance, but it was met with resistance from the Black New Yorkers, youth, and working-class women it primarily targeted. The mobilization for World War II introduced new opportunities for the NYPD to intensify policing and criminalize these groups with federal support. In the 1930s these communities were framed as perils to urban order; during the militarized war years, they became a supposed threat to national security itself. 
In Gotham’s War Within a War: Policing and the Birth of Law-and-Order Liberalism in World War II-Era New York City (UNC Press, 2023), Emily M. Brooks recasts the evolution of urban policing by revealing that the rise of law-and-order liberalism was inseparable from the surveillance, militarism, and nationalism of war.
Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 13 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>19</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emily Brooks</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, members of the NYPD had worked to enforce partisan political power rather than focus on crime. That changed when La Guardia took office in 1934 and shifted the city's priorities toward liberal reform. La Guardia's approach to low-level policing anticipated later trends in law enforcement, including "broken windows" theory and "stop and frisk" policy. Police officers worked to preserve urban order by controlling vice, including juvenile delinquency, prostitution, gambling, and the "disorderly" establishments that officials believed housed these activities.
This mode of policing was central to La Guardia's influential vision of urban governance, but it was met with resistance from the Black New Yorkers, youth, and working-class women it primarily targeted. The mobilization for World War II introduced new opportunities for the NYPD to intensify policing and criminalize these groups with federal support. In the 1930s these communities were framed as perils to urban order; during the militarized war years, they became a supposed threat to national security itself. 
In Gotham’s War Within a War: Policing and the Birth of Law-and-Order Liberalism in World War II-Era New York City (UNC Press, 2023), Emily M. Brooks recasts the evolution of urban policing by revealing that the rise of law-and-order liberalism was inseparable from the surveillance, militarism, and nationalism of war.
Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, members of the NYPD had worked to enforce partisan political power rather than focus on crime. That changed when La Guardia took office in 1934 and shifted the city's priorities toward liberal reform. La Guardia's approach to low-level policing anticipated later trends in law enforcement, including "broken windows" theory and "stop and frisk" policy. Police officers worked to preserve urban order by controlling vice, including juvenile delinquency, prostitution, gambling, and the "disorderly" establishments that officials believed housed these activities.</p><p>This mode of policing was central to La Guardia's influential vision of urban governance, but it was met with resistance from the Black New Yorkers, youth, and working-class women it primarily targeted. The mobilization for World War II introduced new opportunities for the NYPD to intensify policing and criminalize these groups with federal support. In the 1930s these communities were framed as perils to urban order; during the militarized war years, they became a supposed threat to national security itself. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469676593"><em>Gotham’s War Within a War: Policing and the Birth of Law-and-Order Liberalism in World War II-Era New York City</em> </a>(UNC Press, 2023), Emily M. Brooks recasts the evolution of urban policing by revealing that the rise of law-and-order liberalism was inseparable from the surveillance, militarism, and nationalism of war.</p><p><em>Jeffrey Lamson is a PhD student in world history at Northeastern University. His research focuses on the history of police technology, its relationship to the history of police reform, and its place at the intersection of U.S. domestic policing and global counterinsurgency.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4094</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Sam Lebovic, "State of Silence: The Espionage Act and the Rise of America's Secrecy Regime" (Basic Book, 2023)</title>
      <description>In State of Silence: The Espionage Act and the Rise of America's Secrecy Regime (Basic Books, 2023), political historian Dr. Sam Lebovic uncovers the troubling history of the Espionage Act. First passed in 1917, it was initially used to punish critics of World War I. Yet as Americans began to baulk at the act’s restrictions on political dissidents and the press, the government turned its focus toward keeping its secrets under wraps. The resulting system for classifying information is absurdly cautious, staggeringly costly, and shrouded in secrecy, preventing ordinary Americans from learning what their country is doing in their name, both at home and abroad.
Shedding new light on the bloated governmental security apparatus that’s weighing our democracy down, State of Silence offers the definitive history of America’s turn toward secrecy—and its staggering human costs. 
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>245</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sam Lebovic</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In State of Silence: The Espionage Act and the Rise of America's Secrecy Regime (Basic Books, 2023), political historian Dr. Sam Lebovic uncovers the troubling history of the Espionage Act. First passed in 1917, it was initially used to punish critics of World War I. Yet as Americans began to baulk at the act’s restrictions on political dissidents and the press, the government turned its focus toward keeping its secrets under wraps. The resulting system for classifying information is absurdly cautious, staggeringly costly, and shrouded in secrecy, preventing ordinary Americans from learning what their country is doing in their name, both at home and abroad.
Shedding new light on the bloated governmental security apparatus that’s weighing our democracy down, State of Silence offers the definitive history of America’s turn toward secrecy—and its staggering human costs. 
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541620162"><em>State of Silence: The Espionage Act and the Rise of America's Secrecy Regime</em></a> (Basic Books, 2023), political historian Dr. Sam Lebovic uncovers the troubling history of the Espionage Act. First passed in 1917, it was initially used to punish critics of World War I. Yet as Americans began to baulk at the act’s restrictions on political dissidents and the press, the government turned its focus toward keeping its secrets under wraps. The resulting system for classifying information is absurdly cautious, staggeringly costly, and shrouded in secrecy, preventing ordinary Americans from learning what their country is doing in their name, both at home and abroad.</p><p>Shedding new light on the bloated governmental security apparatus that’s weighing our democracy down, State of Silence offers the definitive history of America’s turn toward secrecy—and its staggering human costs. </p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3260</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer Thomson, "The Wild and the Toxic: American Environmentalism and the Politics of Health" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>The first wealth is health, according to Emerson. Among health’s riches is its political potential. Few know this better than environmentalists. In her debut book, The Wild and the Toxic: American Environmentalism and the Politics of Health (UNC Press, 2019), historian Jennifer Thomson revisits canonical figures and events from the environmental movement in the United States and finds everywhere talk of health. At its best, viewing the environment through the lens of health encouraged decentralized organizing and a sense of collective responsibility. At its worst it supported technocracy and uninspired paeans to green consumerism. With shrewd analysis, Thomson gives the movement its own check-up as she reassess the careers and political imaginations of many of the its luminaries, including David Brower, Wendell Berry, Dave Foreman, and Bill McKibben. Dispensing with the habit of thinking of environmentalism as responding only and ever to itself, Thomson sets its history within the larger context of American political development. So the book is full of unexpected historical crossovers, such as Love Canal residents responding to the Mariel boatlife or the OPEC embargo-era U.S. oil industry championing the Gaia hypothesis. Few books on environmentalism’s past are a better guide for envisioning its future.
Jennifer Thomson is Assistant Professor of History at Bucknell History. She also hosts the radio program Bucknell: Occupied, which airs Thursday at 6:00 pm on WVBU.
Brian Hamilton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison where he is researching African American environmental history. A Maine native, he lives in Western Massachusetts and chairs the History and Social Science Department at Deerfield Academy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>37</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jennifer Thomson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first wealth is health, according to Emerson. Among health’s riches is its political potential. Few know this better than environmentalists. In her debut book, The Wild and the Toxic: American Environmentalism and the Politics of Health (UNC Press, 2019), historian Jennifer Thomson revisits canonical figures and events from the environmental movement in the United States and finds everywhere talk of health. At its best, viewing the environment through the lens of health encouraged decentralized organizing and a sense of collective responsibility. At its worst it supported technocracy and uninspired paeans to green consumerism. With shrewd analysis, Thomson gives the movement its own check-up as she reassess the careers and political imaginations of many of the its luminaries, including David Brower, Wendell Berry, Dave Foreman, and Bill McKibben. Dispensing with the habit of thinking of environmentalism as responding only and ever to itself, Thomson sets its history within the larger context of American political development. So the book is full of unexpected historical crossovers, such as Love Canal residents responding to the Mariel boatlife or the OPEC embargo-era U.S. oil industry championing the Gaia hypothesis. Few books on environmentalism’s past are a better guide for envisioning its future.
Jennifer Thomson is Assistant Professor of History at Bucknell History. She also hosts the radio program Bucknell: Occupied, which airs Thursday at 6:00 pm on WVBU.
Brian Hamilton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison where he is researching African American environmental history. A Maine native, he lives in Western Massachusetts and chairs the History and Social Science Department at Deerfield Academy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first wealth is health, according to Emerson. Among health’s riches is its political potential. Few know this better than environmentalists. In her debut book, <em>The Wild and the Toxic: American Environmentalism and the Politics of Health</em> (UNC Press, 2019), historian <a href="https://www.bucknell.edu/academics/arts-and-sciences-college-of/academic-departments-and-programs/history/faculty-and-staff/jennifer-thomson">Jennifer Thomson</a> revisits canonical figures and events from the environmental movement in the United States and finds everywhere talk of health. At its best, viewing the environment through the lens of health encouraged decentralized organizing and a sense of collective responsibility. At its worst it supported technocracy and uninspired paeans to green consumerism. With shrewd analysis, Thomson gives the movement its own check-up as she reassess the careers and political imaginations of many of the its luminaries, including David Brower, Wendell Berry, Dave Foreman, and Bill McKibben. Dispensing with the habit of thinking of environmentalism as responding only and ever to itself, Thomson sets its history within the larger context of American political development. So the book is full of unexpected historical crossovers, such as Love Canal residents responding to the Mariel boatlife or the OPEC embargo-era U.S. oil industry championing the Gaia hypothesis. Few books on environmentalism’s past are a better guide for envisioning its future.</p><p>Jennifer Thomson is Assistant Professor of History at Bucknell History. She also hosts the radio program <em>Bucknell: Occupied</em>, which airs Thursday at 6:00 pm on <a href="https://www.bucknell.edu/academics/arts-and-sciences-college-of/academic-departments-and-programs/history/faculty-and-staff/jennifer-thomson">WVBU</a>.</p><p><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/"><em>Brian Hamilton</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison where he is researching African American environmental history. A Maine native, he lives in Western Massachusetts and chairs the History and Social Science Department at Deerfield Academy.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Steven Rogers, "Accountability in State Legislatures" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Steven Rogers’ new book focuses on the deceptively complex question of how it is that voters do or don’t/can and can’t hold their elected state representatives accountable. Rogers takes his jumping off point from the basic understanding of the relationship between the voter and their elected representatives: namely that the election process will, in some way, act as a means of making the elected official in state government accountable to the voters, who cast their ballots for or in opposition to that elected representative. State house elected officials across the United States are, indeed, closer in proximity to the people they are elected to represent and govern; and the legislation and regulations passed by state legislators generally impact us more directly and more frequently than do national-level laws, regulations, or decisions. And while there is a of literature focusing on state and local politics, the unique approach of Rogers’ research focuses specifically on the state legislatures, how the elites and voters act in elections, and if we can actually see accountability demonstrated in these interactions and connections.
Accountability in State Legislatures (U Chicago Press, 2023) is guided by the foundational question of representative democracy—and the connection between voters and their immediate representatives, as opposed to those in Washington, D.C. Rogers has compiled an extensive data set that pulls in general election results across the states, as well as primary election results. The data also includes legislative performance by elected state house representatives and integrates partisanship as well as the roll call votes by elected officials. Rogers also tries to evaluate the effectiveness of elected officials, examining how successful each individual is in getting something through the legislative process. Accountability in State Legislatures ultimately finds that accountability is more absent than it is present, given that state legislators often lack challengers in either the primary or the general elections, their seats tend to be fairly safe, and the decline in media reporting at state houses across the country has made it more difficult for voters to keep an eye on their elected representatives. Federalism has always been a complex and multi-layered form of government, and Rogers work reflects the difficulty that voters have in being able to pay close attention to the action in state houses. But this is not a story about the voters lack of engagement—though there is some of that—it is more that the modes for accountability in state legislatures or the “threats of accountability can create a false sense of security and be dangerous both to everyday life and representative government” (264).
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>698</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Rogers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Steven Rogers’ new book focuses on the deceptively complex question of how it is that voters do or don’t/can and can’t hold their elected state representatives accountable. Rogers takes his jumping off point from the basic understanding of the relationship between the voter and their elected representatives: namely that the election process will, in some way, act as a means of making the elected official in state government accountable to the voters, who cast their ballots for or in opposition to that elected representative. State house elected officials across the United States are, indeed, closer in proximity to the people they are elected to represent and govern; and the legislation and regulations passed by state legislators generally impact us more directly and more frequently than do national-level laws, regulations, or decisions. And while there is a of literature focusing on state and local politics, the unique approach of Rogers’ research focuses specifically on the state legislatures, how the elites and voters act in elections, and if we can actually see accountability demonstrated in these interactions and connections.
Accountability in State Legislatures (U Chicago Press, 2023) is guided by the foundational question of representative democracy—and the connection between voters and their immediate representatives, as opposed to those in Washington, D.C. Rogers has compiled an extensive data set that pulls in general election results across the states, as well as primary election results. The data also includes legislative performance by elected state house representatives and integrates partisanship as well as the roll call votes by elected officials. Rogers also tries to evaluate the effectiveness of elected officials, examining how successful each individual is in getting something through the legislative process. Accountability in State Legislatures ultimately finds that accountability is more absent than it is present, given that state legislators often lack challengers in either the primary or the general elections, their seats tend to be fairly safe, and the decline in media reporting at state houses across the country has made it more difficult for voters to keep an eye on their elected representatives. Federalism has always been a complex and multi-layered form of government, and Rogers work reflects the difficulty that voters have in being able to pay close attention to the action in state houses. But this is not a story about the voters lack of engagement—though there is some of that—it is more that the modes for accountability in state legislatures or the “threats of accountability can create a false sense of security and be dangerous both to everyday life and representative government” (264).
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Steven Rogers’ new book focuses on the deceptively complex question of how it is that voters do or don’t/can and can’t hold their elected state representatives accountable. Rogers takes his jumping off point from the basic understanding of the relationship between the voter and their elected representatives: namely that the election process will, in some way, act as a means of making the elected official in state government accountable to the voters, who cast their ballots for or in opposition to that elected representative. State house elected officials across the United States are, indeed, closer in proximity to the people they are elected to represent and govern; and the legislation and regulations passed by state legislators generally impact us more directly and more frequently than do national-level laws, regulations, or decisions. And while there is a of literature focusing on state and local politics, the unique approach of Rogers’ research focuses specifically on the state legislatures, how the elites and voters act in elections, and if we can actually see accountability demonstrated in these interactions and connections.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226827247"><em>Accountability in State Legislatures</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2023) is guided by the foundational question of representative democracy—and the connection between voters and their immediate representatives, as opposed to those in Washington, D.C. Rogers has compiled an extensive data set that pulls in general election results across the states, as well as primary election results. The data also includes legislative performance by elected state house representatives and integrates partisanship as well as the roll call votes by elected officials. Rogers also tries to evaluate the effectiveness of elected officials, examining how successful each individual is in getting something through the legislative process. <em>Accountability in State Legislatures</em> ultimately finds that accountability is more absent than it is present, given that state legislators often lack challengers in either the primary or the general elections, their seats tend to be fairly safe, and the decline in media reporting at state houses across the country has made it more difficult for voters to keep an eye on their elected representatives. Federalism has always been a complex and multi-layered form of government, and Rogers work reflects the difficulty that voters have in being able to pay close attention to the action in state houses. But this is not a story about the voters lack of engagement—though there is some of that—it is more that the modes for accountability in state legislatures or the “threats of accountability can create a false sense of security and be dangerous both to everyday life and representative government” (264).</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2958</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Stephen M. Engel and Timothy S. Lyle, "Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives" (NYU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Scholars Stephen Engel and Timothy Lyle have a new book that dives into the thinking around power, political and cultural progress, and the LGBTQ+ communities in the United States. This book is fascinating and important in examining not only policy developments around rights and full citizenship for members of the LGBTQ+ communities, but also how these discussions and dialogues shape thinking about access to rights and dimensions of full citizenship. The overarching title of the book, Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives (NYU Press, 2021), gets to the heart of the rhetoric in the debate, specifically this concept of “dignity” and how dignity has become a particularly thorny component of defining out political, legal, and civil rights for the LGBTQ+ community. 
Both Engel and Lyle note that they found the term dignity very clearly associated with the legal reasoning in judicial opinions around LGBTQ+ rights, that it was a celebrated status, and that while it was more commonly used in international political rhetoric or in the legal dialogue in other countries, it is far less common in the United States and the U.S. legal tradition. And yet, it kept getting connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. Often, we think of dignity as an unalloyed good, but Engel and Lyle, as they start to unpack the way in which this term and concept are used, begin to reconsider exactly how and why this term, dignity, is also so often connected with LGBTQ+ communities, and not as connected to other communities and their legal, political, and civil rights. Engel and Lyle consider the way in which dignity is bestowed by the state, and in this way, how it becomes a tool of power. There is also the question of whether the way in which dignity is integrated into legal decisions helps to widen out equality, or does it instead redefine boundaries of otherness and inequality.
In exploring the concept of dignity, especially as it has been connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights, Engel and Lyle take the reader through three different case studies that examine the evolving rights status and rhetorical presentations of these kinds of dialogues and representations. These three case studies are kind of dialectics, in that they present two sides, often in tension with each other, wrestling with the power of the state, the individual’s rights, the social and cultural understandings of these situations, and the evolving outcomes. The first case study focuses in on the Politics of Public Health from AIDS to PREP. The second section of the book takes up popular culture representations of dignity—wrestling with the concept of sameness (in Love, Simon) in contrast with queer excess (in Pose). The final section of the book, and the part that might be of most interest to legal scholars, is the role of the courts in defining dignity in judicial opinions. This section also leads into the conclusion, as the authors take up the ongoing tension around the concept, implications, and use of dignity in regard to full citizenship, rights, and LGBTQ+ communities. Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives is a compelling exploration of the rights regimes in the United States and how the Constitution, the current cultural milieu, and the historical role of the state and state power have all contributed to this evolving question of full citizenship.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Jan 2024 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>690</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephen M. Engel and Timothy S. Lyle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scholars Stephen Engel and Timothy Lyle have a new book that dives into the thinking around power, political and cultural progress, and the LGBTQ+ communities in the United States. This book is fascinating and important in examining not only policy developments around rights and full citizenship for members of the LGBTQ+ communities, but also how these discussions and dialogues shape thinking about access to rights and dimensions of full citizenship. The overarching title of the book, Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives (NYU Press, 2021), gets to the heart of the rhetoric in the debate, specifically this concept of “dignity” and how dignity has become a particularly thorny component of defining out political, legal, and civil rights for the LGBTQ+ community. 
Both Engel and Lyle note that they found the term dignity very clearly associated with the legal reasoning in judicial opinions around LGBTQ+ rights, that it was a celebrated status, and that while it was more commonly used in international political rhetoric or in the legal dialogue in other countries, it is far less common in the United States and the U.S. legal tradition. And yet, it kept getting connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. Often, we think of dignity as an unalloyed good, but Engel and Lyle, as they start to unpack the way in which this term and concept are used, begin to reconsider exactly how and why this term, dignity, is also so often connected with LGBTQ+ communities, and not as connected to other communities and their legal, political, and civil rights. Engel and Lyle consider the way in which dignity is bestowed by the state, and in this way, how it becomes a tool of power. There is also the question of whether the way in which dignity is integrated into legal decisions helps to widen out equality, or does it instead redefine boundaries of otherness and inequality.
In exploring the concept of dignity, especially as it has been connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights, Engel and Lyle take the reader through three different case studies that examine the evolving rights status and rhetorical presentations of these kinds of dialogues and representations. These three case studies are kind of dialectics, in that they present two sides, often in tension with each other, wrestling with the power of the state, the individual’s rights, the social and cultural understandings of these situations, and the evolving outcomes. The first case study focuses in on the Politics of Public Health from AIDS to PREP. The second section of the book takes up popular culture representations of dignity—wrestling with the concept of sameness (in Love, Simon) in contrast with queer excess (in Pose). The final section of the book, and the part that might be of most interest to legal scholars, is the role of the courts in defining dignity in judicial opinions. This section also leads into the conclusion, as the authors take up the ongoing tension around the concept, implications, and use of dignity in regard to full citizenship, rights, and LGBTQ+ communities. Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives is a compelling exploration of the rights regimes in the United States and how the Constitution, the current cultural milieu, and the historical role of the state and state power have all contributed to this evolving question of full citizenship.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Scholars Stephen Engel and Timothy Lyle have a new book that dives into the thinking around power, political and cultural progress, and the LGBTQ+ communities in the United States. This book is fascinating and important in examining not only policy developments around rights and full citizenship for members of the LGBTQ+ communities, but also how these discussions and dialogues shape thinking about access to rights and dimensions of full citizenship. The overarching title of the book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479852031"><em>Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2021), gets to the heart of the rhetoric in the debate, specifically this concept of “dignity” and how dignity has become a particularly thorny component of defining out political, legal, and civil rights for the LGBTQ+ community. </p><p>Both Engel and Lyle note that they found the term <em>dignity</em> very clearly associated with the legal reasoning in judicial opinions around LGBTQ+ rights, that it was a celebrated status, and that while it was more commonly used in international political rhetoric or in the legal dialogue in other countries, it is far less common in the United States and the U.S. legal tradition. And yet, it kept getting connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights. Often, we think of dignity as an unalloyed good, but Engel and Lyle, as they start to unpack the way in which this term and concept are used, begin to reconsider exactly how and why this term, <em>dignity</em>, is also so often connected with LGBTQ+ communities, and not as connected to other communities and their legal, political, and civil rights. Engel and Lyle consider the way in which dignity is bestowed by the state, and in this way, how it becomes a tool of power. There is also the question of whether the way in which dignity is integrated into legal decisions helps to widen out equality, or does it instead redefine boundaries of otherness and inequality.</p><p>In exploring the concept of dignity, especially as it has been connected to the expansion of LGBTQ+ rights, Engel and Lyle take the reader through three different case studies that examine the evolving rights status and rhetorical presentations of these kinds of dialogues and representations. These three case studies are kind of dialectics, in that they present two sides, often in tension with each other, wrestling with the power of the state, the individual’s rights, the social and cultural understandings of these situations, and the evolving outcomes. The first case study focuses in on the <em>Politics of Public Health from AIDS to PREP</em>. The second section of the book takes up popular culture representations of dignity—wrestling with the concept of sameness (in <em>Love, Simon</em>) in contrast with queer excess (in <em>Pose</em>). The final section of the book, and the part that might be of most interest to legal scholars, is the role of the courts in defining dignity in judicial opinions. This section also leads into the conclusion, as the authors take up the ongoing tension around the concept, implications, and use of <em>dignity</em> in regard to full citizenship, rights, and LGBTQ+ communities. <a href="https://nyupress.org/9781479899869/disrupting-dignity/"><em>Disrupting Dignity: Rethinking Power and Progress in LGBTQ Lives</em></a> is a compelling exploration of the rights regimes in the United States and how the <em>Constitution</em>, the current cultural milieu, and the historical role of the state and state power have all contributed to this evolving question of full citizenship.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3536</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Gregg L. Frazer, "God against the Revolution: The Loyalist Clergy’s Case Against the American Revolution" (UP of Kansas, 2018)</title>
      <description>Not everyone was convinced by the arguments of patriots during the American revolution. Among those who retained some degree of loyalty to the British crown were the majority of the clergy of the Episcopalian Church, as well as a smaller number of clergy from Congregational, Presbyterian and other protestant bodies. In this important new work, Gregg L. Frazer, professor of history and political science at The Master’s University, Santa Clarita, CA, surveys the arguments that loyalist clergy proposed. God Against the Revolution: The Loyalist Clergy’s Case Against the American Revolution (University Press of Kansas, 2018) is the first detailed account of this defeated intellectual tradition – a book that challenges many of our assumptions about the character and intention of the American revolution by putting debates about biblical interpretation at its heart.
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of John Owen and English Puritanism (Oxford University Press, 2016).
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      <pubDate>Sun, 31 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>77</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gregg L. Frazer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Not everyone was convinced by the arguments of patriots during the American revolution. Among those who retained some degree of loyalty to the British crown were the majority of the clergy of the Episcopalian Church, as well as a smaller number of clergy from Congregational, Presbyterian and other protestant bodies. In this important new work, Gregg L. Frazer, professor of history and political science at The Master’s University, Santa Clarita, CA, surveys the arguments that loyalist clergy proposed. God Against the Revolution: The Loyalist Clergy’s Case Against the American Revolution (University Press of Kansas, 2018) is the first detailed account of this defeated intellectual tradition – a book that challenges many of our assumptions about the character and intention of the American revolution by putting debates about biblical interpretation at its heart.
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of John Owen and English Puritanism (Oxford University Press, 2016).
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Not everyone was convinced by the arguments of patriots during the American revolution. Among those who retained some degree of loyalty to the British crown were the majority of the clergy of the Episcopalian Church, as well as a smaller number of clergy from Congregational, Presbyterian and other protestant bodies. In this important new work, <a href="https://www.masters.edu/faculty/gregg-l-frazer">Gregg L. Frazer</a>, professor of history and political science at The Master’s University, Santa Clarita, CA, surveys the arguments that loyalist clergy proposed. <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700626964/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>God Against the Revolution: The Loyalist Clergy’s Case Against the American Revolution</em></a> (University Press of Kansas, 2018) is the first detailed account of this defeated intellectual tradition – a book that challenges many of our assumptions about the character and intention of the American revolution by putting debates about biblical interpretation at its heart.</p><p><a href="https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/persons/crawford-gribben(9c12859e-6933-4880-b397-d8e6382b0052).html"><em>Crawford Gribben</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/john-owen-and-english-puritanism-9780199798155?cc=gb&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>John Owen and English Puritanism</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2016).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2052</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Claudia Smith Brinson, "Stories of Struggle: The Clash over Civil Rights in South Carolina" (U South Carolina Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Stories of Struggle: The Clash over Civil Rights in South Carolina (U South Carolina Press, 2020), longtime journalist Claudia Smith Brinson details the lynchings, beatings, bombings, cross burnings, death threats, arson, and venomous hatred that black South Carolinians endured―as well as the astonishing courage, devotion, dignity, and compassion of those who risked their lives for equality.
Through extensive research and interviews with more than one hundred fifty civil rights activists, many of whom had never shared their stories with anyone, Brinson chronicles twenty pivotal years of petitioning, preaching, picketing, boycotting, marching, and holding sit-ins. Participants' use of nonviolent direct action altered the landscape of civil rights in South Carolina and reverberated throughout the South.
These firsthand accounts include those of the unsung petitioners who risked their lives by supporting Summerton's Briggs v. Elliot, a lawsuit that led to the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision; the thousands of students who were arrested and jailed in 1960 for protests in Rock Hill, Orangeburg, Denmark, Columbia, and Sumter; and the black female employees and leaders who defied a governor and his armed troops during the 1969 hospital strike in Charleston.
Brinson also highlights contributions made by remarkable but lesser-known activists, including James M. Hinton Sr., president of the South Carolina Conference of Branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Thomas W. Gaither, Congress of Racial Equality field secretary and scout for the Freedom Rides; Charles F. McDew, a South Carolina State College student and co-founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; and Mary Moultrie, grassroots leader of the 1969 hospital workers' strike.
These intimate stories of courage and conviction, both heartbreaking and inspiring, shine a light on the progress achieved by nonviolent civil rights activists while also revealing white South Carolinians' often violent resistance to change. Although significant racial disparities remain, the sacrifices of these brave men and women produced real progress―and hope for the future. For more information on this book, see storiesofstruggle.com
Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches course in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on X @matthewfsimmons.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>61</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Claudia Smith Brinson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Stories of Struggle: The Clash over Civil Rights in South Carolina (U South Carolina Press, 2020), longtime journalist Claudia Smith Brinson details the lynchings, beatings, bombings, cross burnings, death threats, arson, and venomous hatred that black South Carolinians endured―as well as the astonishing courage, devotion, dignity, and compassion of those who risked their lives for equality.
Through extensive research and interviews with more than one hundred fifty civil rights activists, many of whom had never shared their stories with anyone, Brinson chronicles twenty pivotal years of petitioning, preaching, picketing, boycotting, marching, and holding sit-ins. Participants' use of nonviolent direct action altered the landscape of civil rights in South Carolina and reverberated throughout the South.
These firsthand accounts include those of the unsung petitioners who risked their lives by supporting Summerton's Briggs v. Elliot, a lawsuit that led to the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision; the thousands of students who were arrested and jailed in 1960 for protests in Rock Hill, Orangeburg, Denmark, Columbia, and Sumter; and the black female employees and leaders who defied a governor and his armed troops during the 1969 hospital strike in Charleston.
Brinson also highlights contributions made by remarkable but lesser-known activists, including James M. Hinton Sr., president of the South Carolina Conference of Branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Thomas W. Gaither, Congress of Racial Equality field secretary and scout for the Freedom Rides; Charles F. McDew, a South Carolina State College student and co-founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; and Mary Moultrie, grassroots leader of the 1969 hospital workers' strike.
These intimate stories of courage and conviction, both heartbreaking and inspiring, shine a light on the progress achieved by nonviolent civil rights activists while also revealing white South Carolinians' often violent resistance to change. Although significant racial disparities remain, the sacrifices of these brave men and women produced real progress―and hope for the future. For more information on this book, see storiesofstruggle.com
Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches course in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on X @matthewfsimmons.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643364629"><em>Stories of Struggle: The Clash over Civil Rights in South Carolina</em></a> (U South Carolina Press, 2020), longtime journalist Claudia Smith Brinson details the lynchings, beatings, bombings, cross burnings, death threats, arson, and venomous hatred that black South Carolinians endured―as well as the astonishing courage, devotion, dignity, and compassion of those who risked their lives for equality.</p><p>Through extensive research and interviews with more than one hundred fifty civil rights activists, many of whom had never shared their stories with anyone, Brinson chronicles twenty pivotal years of petitioning, preaching, picketing, boycotting, marching, and holding sit-ins. Participants' use of nonviolent direct action altered the landscape of civil rights in South Carolina and reverberated throughout the South.</p><p>These firsthand accounts include those of the unsung petitioners who risked their lives by supporting Summerton's Briggs v. Elliot, a lawsuit that led to the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision; the thousands of students who were arrested and jailed in 1960 for protests in Rock Hill, Orangeburg, Denmark, Columbia, and Sumter; and the black female employees and leaders who defied a governor and his armed troops during the 1969 hospital strike in Charleston.</p><p>Brinson also highlights contributions made by remarkable but lesser-known activists, including James M. Hinton Sr., president of the South Carolina Conference of Branches of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Thomas W. Gaither, Congress of Racial Equality field secretary and scout for the Freedom Rides; Charles F. McDew, a South Carolina State College student and co-founder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; and Mary Moultrie, grassroots leader of the 1969 hospital workers' strike.</p><p>These intimate stories of courage and conviction, both heartbreaking and inspiring, shine a light on the progress achieved by nonviolent civil rights activists while also revealing white South Carolinians' often violent resistance to change. Although significant racial disparities remain, the sacrifices of these brave men and women produced real progress―and hope for the future. For more information on this book, see storiesofstruggle.com</p><p><em>Matt Simmons is an Assistant Professor of History at Emmanuel University where he teaches course in U.S. and public history. His research interests focus on the intersection of labor and race in the twentieth-century American South. You can follow him on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/matthewfsimmons"><em>X</em></a><em> @matthewfsimmons.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4035</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>D. B. Maroon, "Black Lives, American Love: Essays on Race and Resilience" (Lawrence Hill Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>In this hard-hitting collection of essays, D.B. Maroon presents a personal biography of America, Blackness, and racial politics with unflinching style, and delivers a relentless truth-telling on some of the country’s fiercest debates and most profound challenges.
From the birthplace of the Black Lives Matter movement to the murders of unarmed Black people, this essay collection invites readers to ask questions as much as it asks for accountability. Moving through debates on the 1619 Project to the rippling impact of resurgent white nationalism, the golden thread of each essay is the hopeful continuance of the Black community, as well as a call to greater truth as the first step toward reconciliation.
Intersectional, personal, and ultimately centered on truth, love, and perseverance, Black Lives, American Love: Essays on Race and Resilience (Lawrence Hill Books, 2023) details and tends to the fractures in American culture. It is a meditation on how we can all do more to secure America’s vastly beautiful possibilities for all its citizens, rather than a few.
D. B. Maroon is an expert on American culture, an anthropologist, and CEO of an urban research institute. Her essays have been published in The Themed Space: Locating Culture, Nation, and Self and Spirited: Affirming the Soul and Black Gay/Lesbian Identity. A committed public scholar, she's appeared in Bustle, Shape, Healthline, and Women's Health. She holds a PhD in anthropology from UC Santa Cruz.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>430</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with D. B. Maroon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this hard-hitting collection of essays, D.B. Maroon presents a personal biography of America, Blackness, and racial politics with unflinching style, and delivers a relentless truth-telling on some of the country’s fiercest debates and most profound challenges.
From the birthplace of the Black Lives Matter movement to the murders of unarmed Black people, this essay collection invites readers to ask questions as much as it asks for accountability. Moving through debates on the 1619 Project to the rippling impact of resurgent white nationalism, the golden thread of each essay is the hopeful continuance of the Black community, as well as a call to greater truth as the first step toward reconciliation.
Intersectional, personal, and ultimately centered on truth, love, and perseverance, Black Lives, American Love: Essays on Race and Resilience (Lawrence Hill Books, 2023) details and tends to the fractures in American culture. It is a meditation on how we can all do more to secure America’s vastly beautiful possibilities for all its citizens, rather than a few.
D. B. Maroon is an expert on American culture, an anthropologist, and CEO of an urban research institute. Her essays have been published in The Themed Space: Locating Culture, Nation, and Self and Spirited: Affirming the Soul and Black Gay/Lesbian Identity. A committed public scholar, she's appeared in Bustle, Shape, Healthline, and Women's Health. She holds a PhD in anthropology from UC Santa Cruz.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this hard-hitting collection of essays, D.B. Maroon presents a personal biography of America, Blackness, and racial politics with unflinching style, and delivers a relentless truth-telling on some of the country’s fiercest debates and most profound challenges.</p><p>From the birthplace of the Black Lives Matter movement to the murders of unarmed Black people, this essay collection invites readers to ask questions as much as it asks for accountability. Moving through debates on the 1619 Project to the rippling impact of resurgent white nationalism, the golden thread of each essay is the hopeful continuance of the Black community, as well as a call to greater truth as the first step toward reconciliation.</p><p>Intersectional, personal, and ultimately centered on truth, love, and perseverance, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641609326"><em>Black Lives, American Love: Essays on Race and Resilience</em></a> (Lawrence Hill Books, 2023) details and tends to the fractures in American culture. It is a meditation on how we can all do more to secure America’s vastly beautiful possibilities for all its citizens, rather than a few.</p><p>D. B. Maroon is an expert on American culture, an anthropologist, and CEO of an urban research institute. Her essays have been published in <em>The Themed Space: Locating Culture, Nation, and Self </em>and <em>Spirited: Affirming the Soul and Black Gay/Lesbian Identity</em>. A committed public scholar, she's appeared in <em>Bustle</em>, <em>Shape</em>, Healthline, and <em>Women's Health</em>. She holds a PhD in anthropology from UC Santa Cruz.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3674</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>David T. Beito, "The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance" (Independent Institute, 2023)</title>
      <description>The legacy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt enjoys regular acclaim from historians, politicians, and educators. Lauded for his New Deal policies, leadership as a wartime president, cozy fireside chats, and groundbreaking support of the "forgotten man," FDR, we have been told, is worthy of the same praise as men like Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln.... But is that true? Does the father of today's welfare state really deserve such generous approbation? Or is there a dark side to this golden legacy? The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance (Independent Institute, 2023) unveils a much different portrait than the standard orthodoxy found in today's historical studies.
Deploying an abundance of primary source evidence and well-reasoned arguments, historian and distinguished professor emeritus David T. Beito masterfully presents a complete account of the real Franklin D. Roosevelt: a man who abused power, violated human rights, targeted dissidents, and let his crude racism imprison American citizens merely for being of Japanese descent.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>183</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David T. Beito</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The legacy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt enjoys regular acclaim from historians, politicians, and educators. Lauded for his New Deal policies, leadership as a wartime president, cozy fireside chats, and groundbreaking support of the "forgotten man," FDR, we have been told, is worthy of the same praise as men like Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln.... But is that true? Does the father of today's welfare state really deserve such generous approbation? Or is there a dark side to this golden legacy? The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance (Independent Institute, 2023) unveils a much different portrait than the standard orthodoxy found in today's historical studies.
Deploying an abundance of primary source evidence and well-reasoned arguments, historian and distinguished professor emeritus David T. Beito masterfully presents a complete account of the real Franklin D. Roosevelt: a man who abused power, violated human rights, targeted dissidents, and let his crude racism imprison American citizens merely for being of Japanese descent.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The legacy of President Franklin D. Roosevelt enjoys regular acclaim from historians, politicians, and educators. Lauded for his New Deal policies, leadership as a wartime president, cozy fireside chats, and groundbreaking support of the "forgotten man," FDR, we have been told, is worthy of the same praise as men like Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln.... But is that true? Does the father of today's welfare state really deserve such generous approbation? Or is there a dark side to this golden legacy? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781598133561"><em>The New Deal's War on the Bill of Rights: The Untold Story of FDR's Concentration Camps, Censorship, and Mass Surveillance</em></a> (Independent Institute, 2023) unveils a much different portrait than the standard orthodoxy found in today's historical studies.</p><p>Deploying an abundance of primary source evidence and well-reasoned arguments, historian and distinguished professor emeritus David T. Beito masterfully presents a complete account of the <em>real</em> Franklin D. Roosevelt: a man who abused power, violated human rights, targeted dissidents, and let his crude racism imprison American citizens merely for being of Japanese descent.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3472</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Julia F. Irwin, "Catastrophic Diplomacy: US Foreign Disaster Assistance in the American Century" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Catastrophic Diplomacy: US Foreign Disaster Assistance in the American Century (UNC Press, 2023) offers a sweeping history of US foreign disaster assistance, highlighting its centrality to twentieth-century US foreign relations. Spanning over seventy years, from the dawn of the twentieth century to the mid-1970s, it examines how the US government, US military, and their partners in the American voluntary sector responded to major catastrophes around the world. Focusing on US responses to sudden disasters caused by earthquakes, tropical storms, and floods—crises commonly known as "natural disasters"—historian Julia F. Irwin highlights the complex and messy politics of emergency humanitarian relief.
Deftly weaving together diplomatic, environmental, military, and humanitarian histories, Irwin tracks the rise of US disaster aid as a tool of foreign policy, showing how and why the US foreign policy establishment first began contributing aid to survivors of international catastrophes. While the book focuses mainly on bilateral assistance efforts, it also assesses the broader international context in which the US government and its auxiliaries operated, situating their humanitarian responses against the aid efforts of other nations, empires, and international organizations. At its most fundamental level, Catastrophic Diplomacy demonstrates the importance of international disaster assistance—and humanitarian aid more broadly—to US foreign affairs.
Julia F. Irwin, PhD, Yale University, 2009, is professor of history at Louisiana State University. Her research focuses on the place of humanitarian aid in twentieth-century U.S. foreign relations. Her first book, Making the World Safe: The American Red Cross and a Nation’s Humanitarian Awakening (2013), is a history of U.S. international relief efforts during the World War I era; the dissertation on which it is based won the Betty M. Unterberger Dissertation Prize from the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>34</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julia F. Irwin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Catastrophic Diplomacy: US Foreign Disaster Assistance in the American Century (UNC Press, 2023) offers a sweeping history of US foreign disaster assistance, highlighting its centrality to twentieth-century US foreign relations. Spanning over seventy years, from the dawn of the twentieth century to the mid-1970s, it examines how the US government, US military, and their partners in the American voluntary sector responded to major catastrophes around the world. Focusing on US responses to sudden disasters caused by earthquakes, tropical storms, and floods—crises commonly known as "natural disasters"—historian Julia F. Irwin highlights the complex and messy politics of emergency humanitarian relief.
Deftly weaving together diplomatic, environmental, military, and humanitarian histories, Irwin tracks the rise of US disaster aid as a tool of foreign policy, showing how and why the US foreign policy establishment first began contributing aid to survivors of international catastrophes. While the book focuses mainly on bilateral assistance efforts, it also assesses the broader international context in which the US government and its auxiliaries operated, situating their humanitarian responses against the aid efforts of other nations, empires, and international organizations. At its most fundamental level, Catastrophic Diplomacy demonstrates the importance of international disaster assistance—and humanitarian aid more broadly—to US foreign affairs.
Julia F. Irwin, PhD, Yale University, 2009, is professor of history at Louisiana State University. Her research focuses on the place of humanitarian aid in twentieth-century U.S. foreign relations. Her first book, Making the World Safe: The American Red Cross and a Nation’s Humanitarian Awakening (2013), is a history of U.S. international relief efforts during the World War I era; the dissertation on which it is based won the Betty M. Unterberger Dissertation Prize from the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469677231"><em>Catastrophic Diplomacy: US Foreign Disaster Assistance in the American Century</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2023) offers a sweeping history of US foreign disaster assistance, highlighting its centrality to twentieth-century US foreign relations. Spanning over seventy years, from the dawn of the twentieth century to the mid-1970s, it examines how the US government, US military, and their partners in the American voluntary sector responded to major catastrophes around the world. Focusing on US responses to sudden disasters caused by earthquakes, tropical storms, and floods—crises commonly known as "natural disasters"—historian Julia F. Irwin highlights the complex and messy politics of emergency humanitarian relief.</p><p>Deftly weaving together diplomatic, environmental, military, and humanitarian histories, Irwin tracks the rise of US disaster aid as a tool of foreign policy, showing how and why the US foreign policy establishment first began contributing aid to survivors of international catastrophes. While the book focuses mainly on bilateral assistance efforts, it also assesses the broader international context in which the US government and its auxiliaries operated, situating their humanitarian responses against the aid efforts of other nations, empires, and international organizations. At its most fundamental level, <em>Catastrophic Diplomacy</em> demonstrates the importance of international disaster assistance—and humanitarian aid more broadly—to US foreign affairs.</p><p>Julia F. Irwin, PhD, Yale University, 2009, is professor of history at Louisiana State University. Her research focuses on the place of humanitarian aid in twentieth-century U.S. foreign relations. Her first book, <em>Making the World Safe: The American Red Cross and a Nation’s Humanitarian Awakening</em> (2013), is a history of U.S. international relief efforts during the World War I era; the dissertation on which it is based won the Betty M. Unterberger Dissertation Prize from the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3419</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas A. Schwartz, "Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography" (Hill and Wang, 2020)</title>
      <description>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?
In Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian Thomas A. Schwartz  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.
Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, Henry Kissinger and American Power stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>184</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Thomas A. Schwartz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?
In Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian Thomas A. Schwartz  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.
Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, Henry Kissinger and American Power stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809095377"><em>Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography</em></a> (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian <a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/thomas-schwartz">Thomas A. Schwartz</a>  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.</p><p>Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, <em>Henry Kissinger and American Power</em> stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2566</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Laurence Jurdem, "The Rough Rider and the Professor: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the Friendship that Changed American History" (Simon and Schuster, 2023)</title>
      <description>Evoking the political intrigue of the Gilded Age, Laurence Jurdem's book The Rough Rider and the Professor: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the Friendship that Changed American History (Simon and Schuster, 2023) chronicles the extraordinary thirty-five-year friendship between President Theodore Roosevelt and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts.
Theodore Roosevelt was a uniquely gifted figure. A man of great intellect and physicality, the New York patrician captured the imagination of the American people with his engaging personality and determination to give all citizens regardless of race, color, or creed the opportunity to achieve the American dream.
While Roosevelt employed his abilities to rise from unknown New York legislator to become the youngest man ever to assume the presidency in 1901, that rapid success would not have occurred without the assistance of the powerful New Englander, Henry Cabot Lodge.
Eight years older than Roosevelt, from a prominent Massachusetts family, Lodge, was one of the most calculating, combative politicians of his age. From 1884 to 1919 Lodge and Roosevelt encouraged one another to mine the greatness that lay within each of them. As both men climbed the ladders of power, Lodge, focused on dominating the political landscape of Massachusetts, served as the future president's confidant and mentor, advising him on political strategy while helping him obtain positions in government that would eventually lead to the White House.
Despite the love and respect that existed between the two men, their relationship eventually came under strain. Following Roosevelt's ascension to the presidency, T. R.'s desire to expand the social safety net--while attempting to broaden the appeal of the Republican Party--clashed with his older friend's more conservative, partisan point of view. Those tensions finally culminated in 1912. Lodge's refusal to support the former president's independent bid for a third presidential term led to a political break-up that was only repaired by each man's hatred for the policies of Woodrow Wilson.
Despite their political disagreements, Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge remained devoted friends until the Rough Rider took his final breath on January 6, 1919.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1396</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Laurence Jurdem</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Evoking the political intrigue of the Gilded Age, Laurence Jurdem's book The Rough Rider and the Professor: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the Friendship that Changed American History (Simon and Schuster, 2023) chronicles the extraordinary thirty-five-year friendship between President Theodore Roosevelt and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts.
Theodore Roosevelt was a uniquely gifted figure. A man of great intellect and physicality, the New York patrician captured the imagination of the American people with his engaging personality and determination to give all citizens regardless of race, color, or creed the opportunity to achieve the American dream.
While Roosevelt employed his abilities to rise from unknown New York legislator to become the youngest man ever to assume the presidency in 1901, that rapid success would not have occurred without the assistance of the powerful New Englander, Henry Cabot Lodge.
Eight years older than Roosevelt, from a prominent Massachusetts family, Lodge, was one of the most calculating, combative politicians of his age. From 1884 to 1919 Lodge and Roosevelt encouraged one another to mine the greatness that lay within each of them. As both men climbed the ladders of power, Lodge, focused on dominating the political landscape of Massachusetts, served as the future president's confidant and mentor, advising him on political strategy while helping him obtain positions in government that would eventually lead to the White House.
Despite the love and respect that existed between the two men, their relationship eventually came under strain. Following Roosevelt's ascension to the presidency, T. R.'s desire to expand the social safety net--while attempting to broaden the appeal of the Republican Party--clashed with his older friend's more conservative, partisan point of view. Those tensions finally culminated in 1912. Lodge's refusal to support the former president's independent bid for a third presidential term led to a political break-up that was only repaired by each man's hatred for the policies of Woodrow Wilson.
Despite their political disagreements, Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge remained devoted friends until the Rough Rider took his final breath on January 6, 1919.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Evoking the political intrigue of the Gilded Age, Laurence Jurdem's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781639364411"><em>The Rough Rider and the Professor: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the Friendship that Changed American History</em></a> (Simon and Schuster, 2023) chronicles the extraordinary thirty-five-year friendship between President Theodore Roosevelt and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts.</p><p>Theodore Roosevelt was a uniquely gifted figure. A man of great intellect and physicality, the New York patrician captured the imagination of the American people with his engaging personality and determination to give all citizens regardless of race, color, or creed the opportunity to achieve the American dream.</p><p>While Roosevelt employed his abilities to rise from unknown New York legislator to become the youngest man ever to assume the presidency in 1901, that rapid success would not have occurred without the assistance of the powerful New Englander, Henry Cabot Lodge.</p><p>Eight years older than Roosevelt, from a prominent Massachusetts family, Lodge, was one of the most calculating, combative politicians of his age. From 1884 to 1919 Lodge and Roosevelt encouraged one another to mine the greatness that lay within each of them. As both men climbed the ladders of power, Lodge, focused on dominating the political landscape of Massachusetts, served as the future president's confidant and mentor, advising him on political strategy while helping him obtain positions in government that would eventually lead to the White House.</p><p>Despite the love and respect that existed between the two men, their relationship eventually came under strain. Following Roosevelt's ascension to the presidency, T. R.'s desire to expand the social safety net--while attempting to broaden the appeal of the Republican Party--clashed with his older friend's more conservative, partisan point of view. Those tensions finally culminated in 1912. Lodge's refusal to support the former president's independent bid for a third presidential term led to a political break-up that was only repaired by each man's hatred for the policies of Woodrow Wilson.</p><p>Despite their political disagreements, Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge remained devoted friends until the Rough Rider took his final breath on January 6, 1919.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3223</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>James M. Lawson Jr. et al., "Revolutionary Nonviolence: Organizing for Freedom" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>A persuasive account of the philosophy and power of nonviolence organizing, and a resource for building and sustaining effective social movements.
Despite the rich history of nonviolent philosophy, many people today are unfamiliar with the basic principles and practices of nonviolence––even as these concepts have guided so many direct-action movements to overturn forms of racial apartheid, military and police violence, and dictatorships around the world. Revolutionary Nonviolence: Organizing for Freedom (U California Press, 2022) is a crucial resource on the long history of nonviolent philosophy through the teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., one of the great practitioners of revolution through deliberate and sustained nonviolence. His ongoing work demonstrates how we can overcome violence and oppression through organized direct action, presenting a powerful roadmap for a new generation of activists.
Rev. Lawson’s work as a theologian, pastor, and social-change activist has inspired hope and liberation for more than sixty years. To hear and see him speak is to experience the power of the prophetic tradition in the African American and social gospel. In Revolutionary Nonviolence, Michael K. Honey and Kent Wong reflect on Rev. Lawson's talks and dialogues, from his speeches at the Nashville sit-in movement in 1960 to his lectures in the current UCLA curriculum. This volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Rev. Lawson's teachings on how to center nonviolence in successfully organizing for change.
James M. Lawson Jr. is a Methodist minister who taught nonviolent theory and practice to help launch the 1960s Nashville lunch counter sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the Memphis sanitation strike, and worker and immigrant rights movements in Los Angeles. He continues to energize leaders and activists and inspire social change movements in the United States today.

Michael K. Honey is Haley Professor of Humanities at the University of Washington Tacoma. He is the author of five award-winning books on labor, the freedom movement, and Martin Luther King; the editor of King’s labor speeches; the past president of the Labor and Working-Class History Association; and a former civil liberties and community organizer in the South.

Kent Wong is director of the UCLA Labor Center, a union attorney, and a labor activist. He has taught a course on nonviolence with Rev. James Lawson Jr. for the past twenty years and has published books on the labor movement, immigrant rights, and the Asian American community.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>182</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kent Wong</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A persuasive account of the philosophy and power of nonviolence organizing, and a resource for building and sustaining effective social movements.
Despite the rich history of nonviolent philosophy, many people today are unfamiliar with the basic principles and practices of nonviolence––even as these concepts have guided so many direct-action movements to overturn forms of racial apartheid, military and police violence, and dictatorships around the world. Revolutionary Nonviolence: Organizing for Freedom (U California Press, 2022) is a crucial resource on the long history of nonviolent philosophy through the teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., one of the great practitioners of revolution through deliberate and sustained nonviolence. His ongoing work demonstrates how we can overcome violence and oppression through organized direct action, presenting a powerful roadmap for a new generation of activists.
Rev. Lawson’s work as a theologian, pastor, and social-change activist has inspired hope and liberation for more than sixty years. To hear and see him speak is to experience the power of the prophetic tradition in the African American and social gospel. In Revolutionary Nonviolence, Michael K. Honey and Kent Wong reflect on Rev. Lawson's talks and dialogues, from his speeches at the Nashville sit-in movement in 1960 to his lectures in the current UCLA curriculum. This volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Rev. Lawson's teachings on how to center nonviolence in successfully organizing for change.
James M. Lawson Jr. is a Methodist minister who taught nonviolent theory and practice to help launch the 1960s Nashville lunch counter sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the Memphis sanitation strike, and worker and immigrant rights movements in Los Angeles. He continues to energize leaders and activists and inspire social change movements in the United States today.

Michael K. Honey is Haley Professor of Humanities at the University of Washington Tacoma. He is the author of five award-winning books on labor, the freedom movement, and Martin Luther King; the editor of King’s labor speeches; the past president of the Labor and Working-Class History Association; and a former civil liberties and community organizer in the South.

Kent Wong is director of the UCLA Labor Center, a union attorney, and a labor activist. He has taught a course on nonviolence with Rev. James Lawson Jr. for the past twenty years and has published books on the labor movement, immigrant rights, and the Asian American community.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A persuasive account of the philosophy and power of nonviolence organizing, and a resource for building and sustaining effective social movements.</p><p>Despite the rich history of nonviolent philosophy, many people today are unfamiliar with the basic principles and practices of nonviolence––even as these concepts have guided so many direct-action movements to overturn forms of racial apartheid, military and police violence, and dictatorships around the world. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520387843"><em>Revolutionary Nonviolence: Organizing for Freedom</em></a><em> </em>(U California Press, 2022) is a crucial resource on the long history of nonviolent philosophy through the teachings of Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., one of the great practitioners of revolution through deliberate and sustained nonviolence. His ongoing work demonstrates how we can overcome violence and oppression through organized direct action, presenting a powerful roadmap for a new generation of activists.</p><p>Rev. Lawson’s work as a theologian, pastor, and social-change activist has inspired hope and liberation for more than sixty years. To hear and see him speak is to experience the power of the prophetic tradition in the African American and social gospel. In <em>Revolutionary Nonviolence,</em> Michael K. Honey and Kent Wong reflect on Rev. Lawson's talks and dialogues, from his speeches at the Nashville sit-in movement in 1960 to his lectures in the current UCLA curriculum. This volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Rev. Lawson's teachings on how to center nonviolence in successfully organizing for change.</p><p>James M. Lawson Jr. is a Methodist minister who taught nonviolent theory and practice to help launch the 1960s Nashville lunch counter sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the Memphis sanitation strike, and worker and immigrant rights movements in Los Angeles. He continues to energize leaders and activists and inspire social change movements in the United States today.</p><p><br></p><p>Michael K. Honey is Haley Professor of Humanities at the University of Washington Tacoma. He is the author of five award-winning books on labor, the freedom movement, and Martin Luther King; the editor of King’s labor speeches; the past president of the Labor and Working-Class History Association; and a former civil liberties and community organizer in the South.</p><p><br></p><p>Kent Wong is director of the UCLA Labor Center, a union attorney, and a labor activist. He has taught a course on nonviolence with Rev. James Lawson Jr. for the past twenty years and has published books on the labor movement, immigrant rights, and the Asian American community.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1097</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>David Craig, "Apocalypse Television: How The Day After Helped Save the World" (Applause Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>On November 20, 1983, a three-hour made-for-TV movie The Day After premiered on ABC. Set in the heartland of Lawrence, Kansas, the film depicted the events before, during, and after a Soviet nuclear attack with vivid scenes of the post-apocalyptic hellscape that would follow. The film was viewed by over 100 million Americans and remains the highest rated TV movie in history. After the premiere, ABC News aired an episode of Viewpoint, a live special featuring some of the most prominent public intellectuals of the debating the virtues of the Arms Race and the prospect of a winnable nuclear war. The response to the film proved more powerful than perhaps any film or television program in the history of media. Aside from its record-shattering Nielsen ratings, it enjoyed critical acclaim as well as international box office success in theatrical screenings.
The path to primetime for The Day After proved nearly as treacherous as the film's narrative. Battles ensued behind the scenes at the network, between the network and the filmmakers, with Broadcast Standards and Ad Sales, in the edit room and on the set, including the "nuke-mares" experienced by the cast. After the director was pushed aside, he contemplated suicide while also engineering a comeback through the press. But these skirmishes pale in comparison to the culture wars triggered by the film in the press, alongside a growing Nuclear Freeze movement, and from a united, pro-nuclear Right. Once efforts to alter the script failed, the White House conducted a full-throttled propaganda campaign to hijack the film's message.
Apocalypse Television: How the Day After Helped End the Cold War (Applause Books, 2023) features a dramatic insider's account of the making of and backlash against The Day After. No other book has told this story in similar fashion, venturing behind-the-scenes of the programming and news divisions at ABC, Reagan officials in the White House who mounted the propaganda campaign, rogue publicists who hijacked the film to promote a Nuclear Freeze, the backlash from the conservative movement and Religious Right, the challenges encountered by film's production team from conception to reception, and the experiences of the citizens of Lawrence, Kansas, where the film was set and shot, if also, ground zero in America's nuclear heartland.
David Craig is a Clinical Professor in the Annenberg School at the University of Southern California. Before his academic career, he was a multiple Emmy-nominated Hollywood producer and cable television executive involved in over thirty projects.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 20 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>182</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Craig</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On November 20, 1983, a three-hour made-for-TV movie The Day After premiered on ABC. Set in the heartland of Lawrence, Kansas, the film depicted the events before, during, and after a Soviet nuclear attack with vivid scenes of the post-apocalyptic hellscape that would follow. The film was viewed by over 100 million Americans and remains the highest rated TV movie in history. After the premiere, ABC News aired an episode of Viewpoint, a live special featuring some of the most prominent public intellectuals of the debating the virtues of the Arms Race and the prospect of a winnable nuclear war. The response to the film proved more powerful than perhaps any film or television program in the history of media. Aside from its record-shattering Nielsen ratings, it enjoyed critical acclaim as well as international box office success in theatrical screenings.
The path to primetime for The Day After proved nearly as treacherous as the film's narrative. Battles ensued behind the scenes at the network, between the network and the filmmakers, with Broadcast Standards and Ad Sales, in the edit room and on the set, including the "nuke-mares" experienced by the cast. After the director was pushed aside, he contemplated suicide while also engineering a comeback through the press. But these skirmishes pale in comparison to the culture wars triggered by the film in the press, alongside a growing Nuclear Freeze movement, and from a united, pro-nuclear Right. Once efforts to alter the script failed, the White House conducted a full-throttled propaganda campaign to hijack the film's message.
Apocalypse Television: How the Day After Helped End the Cold War (Applause Books, 2023) features a dramatic insider's account of the making of and backlash against The Day After. No other book has told this story in similar fashion, venturing behind-the-scenes of the programming and news divisions at ABC, Reagan officials in the White House who mounted the propaganda campaign, rogue publicists who hijacked the film to promote a Nuclear Freeze, the backlash from the conservative movement and Religious Right, the challenges encountered by film's production team from conception to reception, and the experiences of the citizens of Lawrence, Kansas, where the film was set and shot, if also, ground zero in America's nuclear heartland.
David Craig is a Clinical Professor in the Annenberg School at the University of Southern California. Before his academic career, he was a multiple Emmy-nominated Hollywood producer and cable television executive involved in over thirty projects.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On November 20, 1983, a three-hour made-for-TV movie The Day After premiered on ABC. Set in the heartland of Lawrence, Kansas, the film depicted the events before, during, and after a Soviet nuclear attack with vivid scenes of the post-apocalyptic hellscape that would follow. The film was viewed by over 100 million Americans and remains the highest rated TV movie in history. After the premiere, ABC News aired an episode of Viewpoint, a live special featuring some of the most prominent public intellectuals of the debating the virtues of the Arms Race and the prospect of a winnable nuclear war. The response to the film proved more powerful than perhaps any film or television program in the history of media. Aside from its record-shattering Nielsen ratings, it enjoyed critical acclaim as well as international box office success in theatrical screenings.</p><p>The path to primetime for The Day After proved nearly as treacherous as the film's narrative. Battles ensued behind the scenes at the network, between the network and the filmmakers, with Broadcast Standards and Ad Sales, in the edit room and on the set, including the "nuke-mares" experienced by the cast. After the director was pushed aside, he contemplated suicide while also engineering a comeback through the press. But these skirmishes pale in comparison to the culture wars triggered by the film in the press, alongside a growing Nuclear Freeze movement, and from a united, pro-nuclear Right. Once efforts to alter the script failed, the White House conducted a full-throttled propaganda campaign to hijack the film's message.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493079179"><em>Apocalypse Television: How the Day After Helped End the Cold War</em></a> (Applause Books, 2023) features a dramatic insider's account of the making of and backlash against The Day After. No other book has told this story in similar fashion, venturing behind-the-scenes of the programming and news divisions at ABC, Reagan officials in the White House who mounted the propaganda campaign, rogue publicists who hijacked the film to promote a Nuclear Freeze, the backlash from the conservative movement and Religious Right, the challenges encountered by film's production team from conception to reception, and the experiences of the citizens of Lawrence, Kansas, where the film was set and shot, if also, ground zero in America's nuclear heartland.</p><p>David Craig is a Clinical Professor in the Annenberg School at the University of Southern California. Before his academic career, he was a multiple Emmy-nominated Hollywood producer and cable television executive involved in over thirty projects.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3077</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9293990920.mp3?updated=1703024423" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Speech Unbound: A Conversation with Nadine Strossen</title>
      <description>What (and why) can and can't we say? What do empirical examples both at home and abroad tell us about how we should protect freedom of speech? How do we create an environment where speech is not only permitted but encouraged? Does freedom of speech bring people together or sow discord? Nadine Strossen, former president of the ACLU and Professor Emerita at New York Law School, brings her decades of expertise to bear explaining why freedom of speech is foundational to so many other fundamental rights.
Nadine Strossen is Professor Emerita at New York Law School, and was national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991-2008. She is a Senior Fellow with FIRE (the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression) and a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions. She is the author of HATE: Why We Should Resist It with Free Speech, Not Censorship (Oxford UP, 2018) and Free Speech: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford UP, 2023). She is the Host and Project Consultant for Free To Speak, a 3-hour documentary film series released in October. You can also find her remarks "Current Free Speech Controversies" with the Madison Program here.
Here are some examples of studies, referenced at the end of the episode, demonstrating links between words a language has for colors and how those colors are perceived by speakers, for Russian and for Chinese and Mongolian.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>92</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle> </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What (and why) can and can't we say? What do empirical examples both at home and abroad tell us about how we should protect freedom of speech? How do we create an environment where speech is not only permitted but encouraged? Does freedom of speech bring people together or sow discord? Nadine Strossen, former president of the ACLU and Professor Emerita at New York Law School, brings her decades of expertise to bear explaining why freedom of speech is foundational to so many other fundamental rights.
Nadine Strossen is Professor Emerita at New York Law School, and was national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991-2008. She is a Senior Fellow with FIRE (the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression) and a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions. She is the author of HATE: Why We Should Resist It with Free Speech, Not Censorship (Oxford UP, 2018) and Free Speech: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford UP, 2023). She is the Host and Project Consultant for Free To Speak, a 3-hour documentary film series released in October. You can also find her remarks "Current Free Speech Controversies" with the Madison Program here.
Here are some examples of studies, referenced at the end of the episode, demonstrating links between words a language has for colors and how those colors are perceived by speakers, for Russian and for Chinese and Mongolian.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What (and why) can and can't we say? What do empirical examples both at home and abroad tell us about how we should protect freedom of speech? How do we create an environment where speech is not only permitted but encouraged? Does freedom of speech bring people together or sow discord? <a href="https://www.nyls.edu/faculty/nadine-strossen/">Nadine Strossen</a>, former president of the ACLU and Professor Emerita at New York Law School, brings her decades of expertise to bear explaining why freedom of speech is foundational to so many other fundamental rights.</p><p>Nadine Strossen is Professor Emerita at New York Law School, and was national President of the American Civil Liberties Union from 1991-2008. She is a Senior Fellow with FIRE (the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression) and a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190089009"><em>HATE: Why We Should Resist It with Free Speech, Not Censorship</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2018) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197699652"><em>Free Speech: What Everyone Needs to Know</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023). She is the Host and Project Consultant for <a href="https://www.freetochoosenetwork.org/freetospeak/"><em>Free To Speak</em></a>, a 3-hour documentary film series released in October. You can also find her remarks "Current Free Speech Controversies" with the Madison Program <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=weRVGOmi6Hc">here</a>.</p><p>Here are some examples of studies, referenced at the end of the episode, demonstrating links between words a language has for colors and how those colors are perceived by speakers, for <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/our-language-affects-what-we-see/">Russian</a> and for <a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00551/full">Chinese and Mongolian</a>.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3593</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Katlyn Marie Carter, "Democracy in Darkness: Secrecy and Transparency in the Age of Revolutions" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Katlyn Marie Carter, Democracy in Darkness: Secrecy and Transparency in the Age of Revolutions (Yale UP, 2023) examines how debates over secrecy and transparency in politics during the eighteenth century shaped modern democracy.
Does democracy die in darkness, as the saying suggests? This book reveals that modern democracy was born in secrecy, despite the widespread conviction that transparency was its very essence.
In the years preceding the American and French revolutions, state secrecy came to be seen as despotic—an instrument of monarchy. But as revolutionaries sought to fashion representative government, they faced a dilemma. In a context where gaining public trust seemed to demand transparency, was secrecy ever legitimate? Whether in Philadelphia or Paris, establishing popular sovereignty required navigating between an ideological imperative to eradicate secrets from the state and a practical need to limit transparency in government. The fight over this—dividing revolutionaries and vexing founders—would determine the nature of the world’s first representative democracies.
Unveiling modern democracy’s surprisingly shadowy origins, Carter reshapes our understanding of how government by and for the people emerged during the Age of Revolutions.
Katlyn Marie Carter is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. She lives in South Bend, IN.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1393</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Katlyn Marie Carter, Democracy in Darkness: Secrecy and Transparency in the Age of Revolutions (Yale UP, 2023) examines how debates over secrecy and transparency in politics during the eighteenth century shaped modern democracy.
Does democracy die in darkness, as the saying suggests? This book reveals that modern democracy was born in secrecy, despite the widespread conviction that transparency was its very essence.
In the years preceding the American and French revolutions, state secrecy came to be seen as despotic—an instrument of monarchy. But as revolutionaries sought to fashion representative government, they faced a dilemma. In a context where gaining public trust seemed to demand transparency, was secrecy ever legitimate? Whether in Philadelphia or Paris, establishing popular sovereignty required navigating between an ideological imperative to eradicate secrets from the state and a practical need to limit transparency in government. The fight over this—dividing revolutionaries and vexing founders—would determine the nature of the world’s first representative democracies.
Unveiling modern democracy’s surprisingly shadowy origins, Carter reshapes our understanding of how government by and for the people emerged during the Age of Revolutions.
Katlyn Marie Carter is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. She lives in South Bend, IN.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Katlyn Marie Carter, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300246926"><em>Democracy in Darkness: Secrecy and Transparency in the Age of Revolutions</em> </a>(Yale UP, 2023) examines how debates over secrecy and transparency in politics during the eighteenth century shaped modern democracy.</p><p>Does democracy die in darkness, as the saying suggests? This book reveals that modern democracy was born in secrecy, despite the widespread conviction that transparency was its very essence.</p><p>In the years preceding the American and French revolutions, state secrecy came to be seen as despotic—an instrument of monarchy. But as revolutionaries sought to fashion representative government, they faced a dilemma. In a context where gaining public trust seemed to demand transparency, was secrecy ever legitimate? Whether in Philadelphia or Paris, establishing popular sovereignty required navigating between an ideological imperative to eradicate secrets from the state and a practical need to limit transparency in government. The fight over this—dividing revolutionaries and vexing founders—would determine the nature of the world’s first representative democracies.</p><p>Unveiling modern democracy’s surprisingly shadowy origins, Carter reshapes our understanding of how government by and for the people emerged during the Age of Revolutions.</p><p>Katlyn Marie Carter is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. She lives in South Bend, IN.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3071</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sara Chatfield, "In Her Own Name: The Politics of Women’s Rights Before Suffrage" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>We often narrate the history of women’s rights in the United States by focusing on the fight for suffrage. Yet starting as early as 1835, states expanded married women’s economic rights. How were these statutes passed at a time when women’s political power was severely constrained, including no right to vote in most states? With limited national coordination? 
In In Her Own Name: The Politics of Women’s Rights Before Suffrage (Columbia UP, 2023), Dr. Sara Chatfield argues that married women’s property rights reform occurred through a two-level process. Within each state, policy developed and cycled through different state-level institutions. Without explicit coordination, these policies spread throughout the states with institutional actors borrowing, copying, and learning from the successes and failures of other states – such that ALL states passed some reform by 1920. Dr. Chatfield’s important contribution to the American political development literature shows how male legislators pursued legislation that served their own interests and how state legislatures and courts interacted to create property reforms essential to changing economics, the project of permanently seizing land from Native people, and protecting slaveholding women and families from economic instability. The reform of property rights included both property as a commodity and also a means of social control and order. Dr. Chatfield’s book furthers our understanding of how gender, federalism, and liberalism interacted in the development of state power.
In the podcast, Dr. Chatfield generously cites the works of others including Disenfranchising Democracy: Constructing the Electorate in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France (my NBN interview with Dr. Bateman here), Emily Zackin and Chloe N. Thurston’s The Political Development of American Debt Relief (Chicago), and Alena Wolflink’s Claiming Value:The Politics of Priority from Aristotle to Black Lives Matter (Routledge).
Dr. Sara Chatfield is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver, where she teaches classes on American politics and law. Her research interests focus on American politics, especially American political development, gender and politics, and methods.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>696</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Chatfield</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We often narrate the history of women’s rights in the United States by focusing on the fight for suffrage. Yet starting as early as 1835, states expanded married women’s economic rights. How were these statutes passed at a time when women’s political power was severely constrained, including no right to vote in most states? With limited national coordination? 
In In Her Own Name: The Politics of Women’s Rights Before Suffrage (Columbia UP, 2023), Dr. Sara Chatfield argues that married women’s property rights reform occurred through a two-level process. Within each state, policy developed and cycled through different state-level institutions. Without explicit coordination, these policies spread throughout the states with institutional actors borrowing, copying, and learning from the successes and failures of other states – such that ALL states passed some reform by 1920. Dr. Chatfield’s important contribution to the American political development literature shows how male legislators pursued legislation that served their own interests and how state legislatures and courts interacted to create property reforms essential to changing economics, the project of permanently seizing land from Native people, and protecting slaveholding women and families from economic instability. The reform of property rights included both property as a commodity and also a means of social control and order. Dr. Chatfield’s book furthers our understanding of how gender, federalism, and liberalism interacted in the development of state power.
In the podcast, Dr. Chatfield generously cites the works of others including Disenfranchising Democracy: Constructing the Electorate in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France (my NBN interview with Dr. Bateman here), Emily Zackin and Chloe N. Thurston’s The Political Development of American Debt Relief (Chicago), and Alena Wolflink’s Claiming Value:The Politics of Priority from Aristotle to Black Lives Matter (Routledge).
Dr. Sara Chatfield is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver, where she teaches classes on American politics and law. Her research interests focus on American politics, especially American political development, gender and politics, and methods.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We often narrate the history of women’s rights in the United States by focusing on the fight for suffrage. Yet starting as early as 1835, states expanded married women’s <em>economic </em>rights. How were these statutes passed at a time when women’s political power was severely constrained, including no right to vote in most states? With limited national coordination? </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231199674"><em>In Her Own Name: The Politics of Women’s Rights Before Suffrage</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2023), Dr. Sara Chatfield argues that married women’s property rights reform occurred through a two-level process. Within each state, policy developed and cycled through different state-level institutions. Without explicit coordination, these policies spread throughout the states with institutional actors borrowing, copying, and learning from the successes and failures of other states – such that ALL states passed some reform by 1920. Dr. Chatfield’s important contribution to the American political development literature shows how male legislators pursued legislation that served their own interests and how state legislatures and courts interacted to create property reforms essential to changing economics, the project of permanently seizing land from Native people, and protecting slaveholding women and families from economic instability. The reform of property rights included both property as a commodity and also a means of social control and order. Dr. Chatfield’s book furthers our understanding of how gender, federalism, and liberalism interacted in the development of state power.</p><p>In the podcast, Dr. Chatfield generously cites the works of others including <em>Disenfranchising Democracy: Constructing the Electorate in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France</em> (my NBN interview with Dr. Bateman <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/david-a-bateman-disenfranchising-democracy-constructing-the-electorate-in-the-us-the-uk-and-france-cambridge-up-2020/">here</a>), Emily Zackin and Chloe N. Thurston’s <em>The Political Development of American Debt Relief </em>(Chicago), and Alena Wolflink’s <em>Claiming Value:The Politics of Priority from Aristotle to Black Lives Matter</em> (Routledge).</p><p><a href="https://du.digication.com/sara-chatfield/home">Dr. Sara Chatfield</a> is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver, where she teaches classes on American politics and law. Her research interests focus on American politics, especially American political development, gender and politics, and methods.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3346</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[114094c6-9c49-11ee-92ec-0be2c997aaed]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK6210572101.mp3?updated=1702755356" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jack D. Noe, "Contesting Commemoration: The 1876 Centennial, Independence Day, and the Reconstruction-Era South" (LSU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Examining identity and nationalism in the Reconstruction-era South, Jack Noe’s Contesting Commemoration: The 1876 Centennial, Independence Day, and the Reconstruction-Era South (Louisiana State University Press, 2021) investigates debates concerning the One Hundredth Anniversary of American Independence. This commemoration, which came only seven years after the conclusion of the Civil War, provided a crucible for whites, Blacks, northerners, and southerners to reflect on their identity as Americans and their memories of the recent conflict.
Using a rich archive, including a variety of newspapers, Contesting Commemoration illustrates how the Centennial became embroiled in the fierce political and racial debates of Reconstruction. African Americans celebrated this opportunity to assert their Americanness, while White Southerners approached the celebration with a profound pragmatism and flexibility, only partially re-embracing American nationalism as they attempted to maintain Southern distinctiveness.
Contesting Commemoration follows events in Philadelphia, where ten million visitors came to celebrate the Centennial, and in communities across the South. It is a searching interrogation of the powers of American memory, the bitter debates of Reconstruction, and continued contestations over Southern distinctiveness.
Jack Noe is a Teaching Fellow at Queen Mary, University of London and also lectures at Durham University. A native of Birmingham, Alabama, but a long-time resident of the United Kingdom, he earned his PhD from the University of Leeds in 2018.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>244</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jack D. Noe</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Examining identity and nationalism in the Reconstruction-era South, Jack Noe’s Contesting Commemoration: The 1876 Centennial, Independence Day, and the Reconstruction-Era South (Louisiana State University Press, 2021) investigates debates concerning the One Hundredth Anniversary of American Independence. This commemoration, which came only seven years after the conclusion of the Civil War, provided a crucible for whites, Blacks, northerners, and southerners to reflect on their identity as Americans and their memories of the recent conflict.
Using a rich archive, including a variety of newspapers, Contesting Commemoration illustrates how the Centennial became embroiled in the fierce political and racial debates of Reconstruction. African Americans celebrated this opportunity to assert their Americanness, while White Southerners approached the celebration with a profound pragmatism and flexibility, only partially re-embracing American nationalism as they attempted to maintain Southern distinctiveness.
Contesting Commemoration follows events in Philadelphia, where ten million visitors came to celebrate the Centennial, and in communities across the South. It is a searching interrogation of the powers of American memory, the bitter debates of Reconstruction, and continued contestations over Southern distinctiveness.
Jack Noe is a Teaching Fellow at Queen Mary, University of London and also lectures at Durham University. A native of Birmingham, Alabama, but a long-time resident of the United Kingdom, he earned his PhD from the University of Leeds in 2018.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Examining identity and nationalism in the Reconstruction-era South, Jack Noe’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807175583"><em>Contesting Commemoration: The 1876 Centennial, Independence Day, and the Reconstruction-Era South</em></a> (Louisiana State University Press, 2021) investigates debates concerning the One Hundredth Anniversary of American Independence. This commemoration, which came only seven years after the conclusion of the Civil War, provided a crucible for whites, Blacks, northerners, and southerners to reflect on their identity as Americans and their memories of the recent conflict.</p><p>Using a rich archive, including a variety of newspapers, <em>Contesting Commemoration</em> illustrates how the Centennial became embroiled in the fierce political and racial debates of Reconstruction. African Americans celebrated this opportunity to assert their Americanness, while White Southerners approached the celebration with a profound pragmatism and flexibility, only partially re-embracing American nationalism as they attempted to maintain Southern distinctiveness.</p><p><em>Contesting Commemoration</em> follows events in Philadelphia, where ten million visitors came to celebrate the Centennial, and in communities across the South. It is a searching interrogation of the powers of American memory, the bitter debates of Reconstruction, and continued contestations over Southern distinctiveness.</p><p>Jack Noe is a Teaching Fellow at Queen Mary, University of London and also lectures at Durham University. A native of Birmingham, Alabama, but a long-time resident of the United Kingdom, he earned his PhD from the University of Leeds in 2018.</p><p><a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/americas/research/research-students/thomas-cryer"><em>Thomas Cryer</em></a><em> is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1781</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sisterhood</title>
      <description>In this episode of High Theory, Katherine Turk tells us about Sisterhood, a familial metaphor used to evoke gendered solidarity in women’s movement of the mid-sixties and seventies, and a utopian ideal of equality within the human family. It’s a universalizing but aspirational concept that helped feminists build a political coalition.
Our conversation is based upon Katherine’s new book about the National Organization of Women: The Women of NOW: How Feminists Built an Organization That Transformed America (FSG, 2023). This mainstream feminist organization is often neglected in histories of the period, dismissed as a liberal organization dedicated to incremental change. But NOW was an expansive organization that changed over time, shifted the conversation and legal structures in the US, and left an important historical record that we can learn from in social justice work today.
Katherine Turk is an associate professor of History and an adjunct associate professor of Women’s and Gender Studies at UNC Chapel Hill. Her research and teaching focus on women, sex, gender, law, labor, and modern social movements. Her first book Equality on Trial: Gender and Rights in the Modern American Workplace (Politics and Culture in Modern America Series, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016) studies the history of Title VII of the 1964 US Civil Rights Act, which outlawed workplace discrimination on the basis of such personal attributes as sex, race, and religion.
The image for this week was made by Saronik Bosu. It shows Aileen Hernandez, Mary Jean Collins, and Patricia Hill Burnett, leaders of NOW who are the primary subjects of Katherine’s book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>135</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a767cdbe-9b79-11ee-91cb-d3627541152c/image/22b9fd.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Katherine Turk</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of High Theory, Katherine Turk tells us about Sisterhood, a familial metaphor used to evoke gendered solidarity in women’s movement of the mid-sixties and seventies, and a utopian ideal of equality within the human family. It’s a universalizing but aspirational concept that helped feminists build a political coalition.
Our conversation is based upon Katherine’s new book about the National Organization of Women: The Women of NOW: How Feminists Built an Organization That Transformed America (FSG, 2023). This mainstream feminist organization is often neglected in histories of the period, dismissed as a liberal organization dedicated to incremental change. But NOW was an expansive organization that changed over time, shifted the conversation and legal structures in the US, and left an important historical record that we can learn from in social justice work today.
Katherine Turk is an associate professor of History and an adjunct associate professor of Women’s and Gender Studies at UNC Chapel Hill. Her research and teaching focus on women, sex, gender, law, labor, and modern social movements. Her first book Equality on Trial: Gender and Rights in the Modern American Workplace (Politics and Culture in Modern America Series, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016) studies the history of Title VII of the 1964 US Civil Rights Act, which outlawed workplace discrimination on the basis of such personal attributes as sex, race, and religion.
The image for this week was made by Saronik Bosu. It shows Aileen Hernandez, Mary Jean Collins, and Patricia Hill Burnett, leaders of NOW who are the primary subjects of Katherine’s book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of High Theory, Katherine Turk tells us about Sisterhood, a familial metaphor used to evoke gendered solidarity in women’s movement of the mid-sixties and seventies, and a utopian ideal of equality within the human family. It’s a universalizing but aspirational concept that helped feminists build a political coalition.</p><p>Our conversation is based upon Katherine’s new book about the National Organization of Women: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374601539"><em>The Women of NOW: How Feminists Built an Organization That Transformed America</em></a> (FSG, 2023). This mainstream feminist organization is often neglected in histories of the period, dismissed as a liberal organization dedicated to incremental change. But NOW was an expansive organization that changed over time, shifted the conversation and legal structures in the US, and left an important historical record that we can learn from in social justice work today.</p><p>Katherine Turk is an associate professor of History and an adjunct associate professor of Women’s and Gender Studies at UNC Chapel Hill. Her research and teaching focus on women, sex, gender, law, labor, and modern social movements. Her first book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812224405"><em>Equality on Trial: Gender and Rights in the Modern American Workplace</em></a> (Politics and Culture in Modern America Series, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016) studies the history of Title VII of the 1964 US Civil Rights Act, which outlawed workplace discrimination on the basis of such personal attributes as sex, race, and religion.</p><p>The image for this week was made by Saronik Bosu. It shows Aileen Hernandez, Mary Jean Collins, and Patricia Hill Burnett, leaders of NOW who are the primary subjects of Katherine’s book.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1232</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a767cdbe-9b79-11ee-91cb-d3627541152c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4605481281.mp3?updated=1702665731" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Troels Burchall Henningsen, "Western Intervention and Informal Politics: Simulated Statebuilding and Failed Reforms" (Routledge, 2021)</title>
      <description>Western Intervention and Informal Politics: Simulated Statebuilding and Failed Reforms (Routledge, 2021) by Dr. Troels Burchall Henningsen examines the political and military dynamic between threatened local regimes and Western powers, and argues that the power of informal politics forces local regimes to simulate statebuilding.
Reforms enabling local states to take care of their own terrorist and insurgency threats are a blueprint for most Western interventions to provide a way out of protracted internal conflicts. Yet, local regimes most often fail to implement reforms that would have strengthened their hand. This book examines why local regimes derail the reforms demanded by Western powers when they rely on their support to stay in power during existentially threatening violent crises.
Based on the political settlement framework, the author analyses how web-like networks of militarised elites require local regimes to use informal politics to stay in power. Four case studies of Western intervention are presented: Iraq (2011-2018), Mali (2011-2020), Chad (2005-2010), and Algeria (1991-2000). These studies demonstrate that informal politics narrows strategic possibilities and forces regimes to rely on coup-proofing military strategies, to continue their alliances with militias and former insurgents, and to simulate statebuilding reforms to solve the dilemma of satisfying militarised elites and Western powers at the same time.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 15 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>85</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Troels Burchall Henningsen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Western Intervention and Informal Politics: Simulated Statebuilding and Failed Reforms (Routledge, 2021) by Dr. Troels Burchall Henningsen examines the political and military dynamic between threatened local regimes and Western powers, and argues that the power of informal politics forces local regimes to simulate statebuilding.
Reforms enabling local states to take care of their own terrorist and insurgency threats are a blueprint for most Western interventions to provide a way out of protracted internal conflicts. Yet, local regimes most often fail to implement reforms that would have strengthened their hand. This book examines why local regimes derail the reforms demanded by Western powers when they rely on their support to stay in power during existentially threatening violent crises.
Based on the political settlement framework, the author analyses how web-like networks of militarised elites require local regimes to use informal politics to stay in power. Four case studies of Western intervention are presented: Iraq (2011-2018), Mali (2011-2020), Chad (2005-2010), and Algeria (1991-2000). These studies demonstrate that informal politics narrows strategic possibilities and forces regimes to rely on coup-proofing military strategies, to continue their alliances with militias and former insurgents, and to simulate statebuilding reforms to solve the dilemma of satisfying militarised elites and Western powers at the same time.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032070070"><em>Western Intervention and Informal Politics: Simulated Statebuilding and Failed Reforms</em></a> (Routledge, 2021) by Dr. Troels Burchall Henningsen examines the political and military dynamic between threatened local regimes and Western powers, and argues that the power of informal politics forces local regimes to simulate statebuilding.</p><p>Reforms enabling local states to take care of their own terrorist and insurgency threats are a blueprint for most Western interventions to provide a way out of protracted internal conflicts. Yet, local regimes most often fail to implement reforms that would have strengthened their hand. This book examines why local regimes derail the reforms demanded by Western powers when they rely on their support to stay in power during existentially threatening violent crises.</p><p>Based on the political settlement framework, the author analyses how web-like networks of militarised elites require local regimes to use informal politics to stay in power. Four case studies of Western intervention are presented: Iraq (2011-2018), Mali (2011-2020), Chad (2005-2010), and Algeria (1991-2000). These studies demonstrate that informal politics narrows strategic possibilities and forces regimes to rely on coup-proofing military strategies, to continue their alliances with militias and former insurgents, and to simulate statebuilding reforms to solve the dilemma of satisfying militarised elites and Western powers at the same time.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3978</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gary J. Bass, "Judgement at Tokyo: World War II on Trial and the Making of Modern Asia" (Knopf, 2023)</title>
      <description>Judgement at Tokyo: World War II on Trial and the Making of Modern Asia (Knopf, 2023), a book ten years in the making, is the definitive account of the postwar trial of Japan’s leaders as war criminals, and the impact it had on the modern history of Asia.
Written by Gary Bass, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University, the book shines a much-needed spotlight on the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the criminal process historically overshadowed by its namesake in Nuremberg for the senior leaders of the Nazi regime in the Third Reich. In the weeks after Japan finally surrendered to the Allies to end World War II, the victorious powers turned to the question of how to move on from years of carnage and destruction. To them, it was clear that Japan’s militaristic leaders needed to be tried and punished for their crimes. For the Allied powers, the trials were an opportunity both to render judgment on their vanquished foes and to create a legal framework to prosecute war crimes and prohibit the use of aggressive war. For the Japanese leaders on trial, it was their chance to argue that their war had been waged to liberate Asia from Western imperialism and that the court was no more than victors’ justice. Professor Bass tells a meticulously-researched compelling story of wartime action, dramatic courtroom battles, and the epic formative years that set the stage for the postwar era in the Asia–Pacific. It should be required reading for anyone interested in the meaning and morality of international justice, in all its messy complexity and contradiction.
Alex Batesmith is a Lecturer in Legal Profession in the School of Law at the University of Leeds, and a former barrister and UN war crimes prosecutor, with teaching and research interests in international criminal law, cause lawyering and the legal profession, and law and emotion. LInkedIn. Twitter: @batesmith
His recent publications include:


“‘Poetic Justice Products’: International Justice, Victim Counter-Aesthetics, and the Spectre of the Show Trial” in Christine Schwöbel-Patel and Rob Knox (eds) Aesthetics and Counter-Aesthetics of International Justice (Counterpress, forthcoming 2023, ISBN 978-1-910761-17-5)


"Lawyers who want to make the world a better place – Scheingold and Sarat’s Something to Believe In: Politics, Professionalism, and Cause Lawyering" in D. Newman (ed.) Leading Works on the Legal Profession (Routledge, July 2023), ISBN 978-1-032182-80-3)


“International Prosecutors as Cause Lawyers" (2021) Journal of International Criminal Justice 19(4) 803-830 (ISSN 1478-1387)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 15 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gary J. Bass</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Judgement at Tokyo: World War II on Trial and the Making of Modern Asia (Knopf, 2023), a book ten years in the making, is the definitive account of the postwar trial of Japan’s leaders as war criminals, and the impact it had on the modern history of Asia.
Written by Gary Bass, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University, the book shines a much-needed spotlight on the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the criminal process historically overshadowed by its namesake in Nuremberg for the senior leaders of the Nazi regime in the Third Reich. In the weeks after Japan finally surrendered to the Allies to end World War II, the victorious powers turned to the question of how to move on from years of carnage and destruction. To them, it was clear that Japan’s militaristic leaders needed to be tried and punished for their crimes. For the Allied powers, the trials were an opportunity both to render judgment on their vanquished foes and to create a legal framework to prosecute war crimes and prohibit the use of aggressive war. For the Japanese leaders on trial, it was their chance to argue that their war had been waged to liberate Asia from Western imperialism and that the court was no more than victors’ justice. Professor Bass tells a meticulously-researched compelling story of wartime action, dramatic courtroom battles, and the epic formative years that set the stage for the postwar era in the Asia–Pacific. It should be required reading for anyone interested in the meaning and morality of international justice, in all its messy complexity and contradiction.
Alex Batesmith is a Lecturer in Legal Profession in the School of Law at the University of Leeds, and a former barrister and UN war crimes prosecutor, with teaching and research interests in international criminal law, cause lawyering and the legal profession, and law and emotion. LInkedIn. Twitter: @batesmith
His recent publications include:


“‘Poetic Justice Products’: International Justice, Victim Counter-Aesthetics, and the Spectre of the Show Trial” in Christine Schwöbel-Patel and Rob Knox (eds) Aesthetics and Counter-Aesthetics of International Justice (Counterpress, forthcoming 2023, ISBN 978-1-910761-17-5)


"Lawyers who want to make the world a better place – Scheingold and Sarat’s Something to Believe In: Politics, Professionalism, and Cause Lawyering" in D. Newman (ed.) Leading Works on the Legal Profession (Routledge, July 2023), ISBN 978-1-032182-80-3)


“International Prosecutors as Cause Lawyers" (2021) Journal of International Criminal Justice 19(4) 803-830 (ISSN 1478-1387)


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781101947104"><em>Judgement at Tokyo: World War II on Trial and the Making of Modern Asia</em></a> (Knopf, 2023), a book ten years in the making, is the definitive account of the postwar trial of Japan’s leaders as war criminals, and the impact it had on the modern history of Asia.</p><p>Written by Gary Bass, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University, the book shines a much-needed spotlight on the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the criminal process historically overshadowed by its namesake in Nuremberg for the senior leaders of the Nazi regime in the Third Reich. In the weeks after Japan finally surrendered to the Allies to end World War II, the victorious powers turned to the question of how to move on from years of carnage and destruction. To them, it was clear that Japan’s militaristic leaders needed to be tried and punished for their crimes. For the Allied powers, the trials were an opportunity both to render judgment on their vanquished foes and to create a legal framework to prosecute war crimes and prohibit the use of aggressive war. For the Japanese leaders on trial, it was their chance to argue that their war had been waged to liberate Asia from Western imperialism and that the court was no more than victors’ justice. Professor Bass tells a meticulously-researched compelling story of wartime action, dramatic courtroom battles, and the epic formative years that set the stage for the postwar era in the Asia–Pacific. It should be required reading for anyone interested in the meaning and morality of international justice, in all its messy complexity and contradiction.</p><p><a href="https://essl.leeds.ac.uk/law/staff/1332/mr-alex-batesmith">Alex Batesmith</a> is a Lecturer in Legal Profession in the School of Law at the University of Leeds, and a former barrister and UN war crimes prosecutor, with teaching and research interests in international criminal law, cause lawyering and the legal profession, and law and emotion. <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/batesmith/">LInkedIn</a>. Twitter: @batesmith</p><p>His recent publications include:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://counterpress.org.uk/publications/aesthetics-and-counter-aesthetics-of-international-justice/#1634466943999-1d22caf9-d8076232-5aaf4645-b1c7">“‘Poetic Justice Products’: International Justice, Victim Counter-Aesthetics, and the Spectre of the Show Trial”</a> in Christine Schwöbel-Patel and Rob Knox (eds) <em>Aesthetics and Counter-Aesthetics of International Justice</em> (Counterpress, forthcoming 2023, ISBN 978-1-910761-17-5)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.routledge.com/Leading-Works-on-the-Legal-Profession/Newman/p/book/9781032182803">"Lawyers who want to make the world a better place – Scheingold and Sarat’s Something to Believe In: Politics, Professionalism, and Cause Lawyering" </a>in D. Newman (ed.) <em>Leading Works on the Legal Profession </em>(Routledge, July 2023), ISBN 978-1-032182-80-3)</li>
<li>
<a href="https://academic.oup.com/jicj/article-abstract/19/4/803/6459130?redirectedFrom=fulltext">“International Prosecutors as Cause Lawyers" </a>(2021) <em>Journal of International Criminal Justice </em>19(4) 803-830 (ISSN 1478-1387)</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1877</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melinda N. Ritchie, "Backdoor Lawmaking: Evading Obstacles in the US Congress" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Civics textbooks focus on how Congress makes policy through the legislative process, but the reality is that members of Congress have limited opportunities to advance their policy priorities. In fact, less than five percent of the bills that are introduced in Congress become law. Even the most tenacious legislators are confronted by bicameralism, partisan gridlock, chamber procedures, leadership's control of the agenda, and the diverse interests of 534 other members of Congress. What strategies do lawmakers have for navigating these challenges?
In Backdoor Lawmaking: Evading Obstacles in the US Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Melinda N. Ritchie reveals how members of Congress use the federal bureaucracy as a backdoor for policymaking. Today, more law in the United States is made by unelected bureaucrats through federal agency regulations than with congressional statute. Ritchie argues that the bureaucracy's growing role in policymaking offers lawmakers a discreet way to represent controversial interests outside of the formal constraints of Congress. Lawmakers overcome obstacles in the legislative process by substituting agency regulations for legislation and pressuring agencies to make policy changes that would not pass Congress.
Drawing on an original dataset constructed from records obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, Dr. Ritchie traces the interactions between members of Congress and federal agencies to illustrate how these communications function as part of a lawmaker's overarching strategy for policymaking. Original and timely, Backdoor Lawmaking explains how members of Congress exploit the separation of powers and evade the lawmaking process established in the US Constitution.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>694</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melinda N. Ritchie</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Civics textbooks focus on how Congress makes policy through the legislative process, but the reality is that members of Congress have limited opportunities to advance their policy priorities. In fact, less than five percent of the bills that are introduced in Congress become law. Even the most tenacious legislators are confronted by bicameralism, partisan gridlock, chamber procedures, leadership's control of the agenda, and the diverse interests of 534 other members of Congress. What strategies do lawmakers have for navigating these challenges?
In Backdoor Lawmaking: Evading Obstacles in the US Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Melinda N. Ritchie reveals how members of Congress use the federal bureaucracy as a backdoor for policymaking. Today, more law in the United States is made by unelected bureaucrats through federal agency regulations than with congressional statute. Ritchie argues that the bureaucracy's growing role in policymaking offers lawmakers a discreet way to represent controversial interests outside of the formal constraints of Congress. Lawmakers overcome obstacles in the legislative process by substituting agency regulations for legislation and pressuring agencies to make policy changes that would not pass Congress.
Drawing on an original dataset constructed from records obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, Dr. Ritchie traces the interactions between members of Congress and federal agencies to illustrate how these communications function as part of a lawmaker's overarching strategy for policymaking. Original and timely, Backdoor Lawmaking explains how members of Congress exploit the separation of powers and evade the lawmaking process established in the US Constitution.

This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Civics textbooks focus on how Congress makes policy through the legislative process, but the reality is that members of Congress have limited opportunities to advance their policy priorities. In fact, less than five percent of the bills that are introduced in Congress become law. Even the most tenacious legislators are confronted by bicameralism, partisan gridlock, chamber procedures, leadership's control of the agenda, and the diverse interests of 534 other members of Congress. What strategies do lawmakers have for navigating these challenges?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197670491"><em>Backdoor Lawmaking: Evading Obstacles in the US Congress</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2023), Dr. Melinda N. Ritchie reveals how members of Congress use the federal bureaucracy as a backdoor for policymaking. Today, more law in the United States is made by unelected bureaucrats through federal agency regulations than with congressional statute. Ritchie argues that the bureaucracy's growing role in policymaking offers lawmakers a discreet way to represent controversial interests outside of the formal constraints of Congress. Lawmakers overcome obstacles in the legislative process by substituting agency regulations for legislation and pressuring agencies to make policy changes that would not pass Congress.</p><p>Drawing on an original dataset constructed from records obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, Dr. Ritchie traces the interactions between members of Congress and federal agencies to illustrate how these communications function as part of a lawmaker's overarching strategy for policymaking. Original and timely, Backdoor Lawmaking explains how members of Congress exploit the separation of powers and evade the lawmaking process established in the US Constitution.</p><p><br></p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2542</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>David Steele, "It Was Always a Choice: Picking Up the Baton of Athlete Activism" (Temple UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Today we are joined by the sports journalist David Steele, who has written for the Sporting News, AOL, the Baltimore Sun and the San Francisco Chronicle, and won awards from the National Association of Black Journalists, the Association of Black Media Workers, the Associated Press Sports Editors, and the Society of Professional Journalists. He is also the author of It Was Always a Choice: Picking up the Baton of Athlete Activism (Temple UP, 2022). In our conversation, we discuss the beginnings of black athlete activism in the 20th century, the different approaches pursued by black and white athletes across the century, and whether or not athletes should use their privileged position to promote positive change in the world.
In It Was Always A Choice, Steele explores two interconnected histories: the longer durée story of black athlete activism in the 20th and 21st centuries, beginning with Jack Johnson in the 1910s, and the history of the Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling protests and how contemporary athlete activists have engaged with the broader Black Lives Matter movement.
The book moves both chronologically and thematically, alternating between past and contemporary activist moments to tie them together. His chapters centre on specific questions: “Your Presence Is an Act of Protest: Jack Johnson, Joe Louis, Jesse Owens, and Jackie Robinson” looks at American sports idols and illustrates the significant challenges that they faced to competition but also the limits of their protest. In their case, their presence was often the only kind of protest available to them. In some instances – for example Jesse Owen’s case – they later stood up against the more radical protests of the 1960s.
Steele was influenced by Kaepernick’s protest and the Black Lives Matter movement to write the book, and that alone would have been an interesting story, but the real strength of the work is how he finds the echoes of these movements in earlier radical efforts by male and female black athletes to change American society. He makes references in many chapters to Tommie Smith and John Carlos, whose work with the Olympic Project for Human Rights and raised fist protest acted as a spiritual predecessor to Colin Kaepernick’s protest. He also notes early flag protests such as Eroseanna “Rose” Robinson’s refusal to stand for the US National Anthem during the 1959 Pan America Games.
His work also points out the ways that athlete activists have succeeded and failed to change the broader culture. Although black athletes have won significantly inside of sporting organizations, Colin Kaepernick’s protests have highlighted how far American society still must go. The WNBA might be the most progressive league: the Atlanta Dream’s players forced out an owner that they opposed and then successfully campaigned against her running for the US Senate.
It Was Always A Choice raises interesting questions about the nature of athlete protests. Steele’s chapter “Peter Norman, Chris Long, and Gregg Popovich: White Allies” shows the ways that white athletes can support their black teammates and players; some members of the public and sporting leagues seem more receptive to the Black Lives Matter message from white athletes. Steele offers a strong but nuanced criticism of Micheal Jordan, OJ Simpson and Tiger Woods who “dropped the baton” and privileged their own financial success over their politics. White House visits both offer opportunities for the government to promote the popularity of the president but also a chance for athletes to protest against them.
Steele’s work demands that athletes (and readers) make a choice. It is a must read for people interested in the history of athlete protest and as a whole or in individual chapters it would be useful for teaching the history of sport.
Keith Rathbone is a Senior Lecturer at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He researches twentieth-century French social and cultural history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>264</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Steele</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today we are joined by the sports journalist David Steele, who has written for the Sporting News, AOL, the Baltimore Sun and the San Francisco Chronicle, and won awards from the National Association of Black Journalists, the Association of Black Media Workers, the Associated Press Sports Editors, and the Society of Professional Journalists. He is also the author of It Was Always a Choice: Picking up the Baton of Athlete Activism (Temple UP, 2022). In our conversation, we discuss the beginnings of black athlete activism in the 20th century, the different approaches pursued by black and white athletes across the century, and whether or not athletes should use their privileged position to promote positive change in the world.
In It Was Always A Choice, Steele explores two interconnected histories: the longer durée story of black athlete activism in the 20th and 21st centuries, beginning with Jack Johnson in the 1910s, and the history of the Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling protests and how contemporary athlete activists have engaged with the broader Black Lives Matter movement.
The book moves both chronologically and thematically, alternating between past and contemporary activist moments to tie them together. His chapters centre on specific questions: “Your Presence Is an Act of Protest: Jack Johnson, Joe Louis, Jesse Owens, and Jackie Robinson” looks at American sports idols and illustrates the significant challenges that they faced to competition but also the limits of their protest. In their case, their presence was often the only kind of protest available to them. In some instances – for example Jesse Owen’s case – they later stood up against the more radical protests of the 1960s.
Steele was influenced by Kaepernick’s protest and the Black Lives Matter movement to write the book, and that alone would have been an interesting story, but the real strength of the work is how he finds the echoes of these movements in earlier radical efforts by male and female black athletes to change American society. He makes references in many chapters to Tommie Smith and John Carlos, whose work with the Olympic Project for Human Rights and raised fist protest acted as a spiritual predecessor to Colin Kaepernick’s protest. He also notes early flag protests such as Eroseanna “Rose” Robinson’s refusal to stand for the US National Anthem during the 1959 Pan America Games.
His work also points out the ways that athlete activists have succeeded and failed to change the broader culture. Although black athletes have won significantly inside of sporting organizations, Colin Kaepernick’s protests have highlighted how far American society still must go. The WNBA might be the most progressive league: the Atlanta Dream’s players forced out an owner that they opposed and then successfully campaigned against her running for the US Senate.
It Was Always A Choice raises interesting questions about the nature of athlete protests. Steele’s chapter “Peter Norman, Chris Long, and Gregg Popovich: White Allies” shows the ways that white athletes can support their black teammates and players; some members of the public and sporting leagues seem more receptive to the Black Lives Matter message from white athletes. Steele offers a strong but nuanced criticism of Micheal Jordan, OJ Simpson and Tiger Woods who “dropped the baton” and privileged their own financial success over their politics. White House visits both offer opportunities for the government to promote the popularity of the president but also a chance for athletes to protest against them.
Steele’s work demands that athletes (and readers) make a choice. It is a must read for people interested in the history of athlete protest and as a whole or in individual chapters it would be useful for teaching the history of sport.
Keith Rathbone is a Senior Lecturer at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He researches twentieth-century French social and cultural history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today we are joined by the sports journalist David Steele, who has written for the <em>Sporting News, </em>AOL, the <em>Baltimore Sun </em>and the <em>San Francisco Chronicle</em>, and won awards from the National Association of Black Journalists, the Association of Black Media Workers, the Associated Press Sports Editors, and the Society of Professional Journalists. He is also the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439921739"><em>It Was Always a Choice: Picking up the Baton of Athlete Activism</em></a><em> </em>(Temple UP, 2022). In our conversation, we discuss the beginnings of black athlete activism in the 20th century, the different approaches pursued by black and white athletes across the century, and whether or not athletes should use their privileged position to promote positive change in the world.</p><p>In <em>It Was Always A Choice, </em>Steele explores two interconnected histories: the longer durée story of black athlete activism in the 20th and 21st centuries, beginning with Jack Johnson in the 1910s, and the history of the Colin Kaepernick’s kneeling protests and how contemporary athlete activists have engaged with the broader Black Lives Matter movement.</p><p>The book moves both chronologically and thematically, alternating between past and contemporary activist moments to tie them together. His chapters centre on specific questions: “Your Presence Is an Act of Protest: Jack Johnson, Joe Louis, Jesse Owens, and Jackie Robinson” looks at American sports idols and illustrates the significant challenges that they faced to competition but also the limits of their protest. In their case, their presence was often the only kind of protest available to them. In some instances – for example Jesse Owen’s case – they later stood up against the more radical protests of the 1960s.</p><p>Steele was influenced by Kaepernick’s protest and the Black Lives Matter movement to write the book, and that alone would have been an interesting story, but the real strength of the work is how he finds the echoes of these movements in earlier radical efforts by male and female black athletes to change American society. He makes references in many chapters to Tommie Smith and John Carlos, whose work with the Olympic Project for Human Rights and raised fist protest acted as a spiritual predecessor to Colin Kaepernick’s protest. He also notes early flag protests such as Eroseanna “Rose” Robinson’s refusal to stand for the US National Anthem during the 1959 Pan America Games.</p><p>His work also points out the ways that athlete activists have succeeded and failed to change the broader culture. Although black athletes have won significantly inside of sporting organizations, Colin Kaepernick’s protests have highlighted how far American society still must go. The WNBA might be the most progressive league: the Atlanta Dream’s players forced out an owner that they opposed and then successfully campaigned against her running for the US Senate.</p><p><em>It Was Always A Choice </em>raises interesting questions about the nature of athlete protests. Steele’s chapter “Peter Norman, Chris Long, and Gregg Popovich: White Allies” shows the ways that white athletes can support their black teammates and players; some members of the public and sporting leagues seem more receptive to the Black Lives Matter message from white athletes. Steele offers a strong but nuanced criticism of Micheal Jordan, OJ Simpson and Tiger Woods who “dropped the baton” and privileged their own financial success over their politics. White House visits both offer opportunities for the government to promote the popularity of the president but also a chance for athletes to protest against them.</p><p>Steele’s work demands that athletes (and readers) make a choice. It is a must read for people interested in the history of athlete protest and as a whole or in individual chapters it would be useful for teaching the history of sport.</p><p><a href="https://www.mq.edu.au/about_us/faculties_and_departments/faculty_of_arts/mhpir/staff/staff/dr_keith_rathbone/"><em>Keith Rathbone</em></a><em> is a Senior Lecturer at Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He researches twentieth-century French social and cultural history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3925</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael W. Doyle, "Cold Peace: Avoiding the New Cold War" (Liveright, 2023)</title>
      <description>Michael W. Doyle's book Cold Peace: Avoiding the New Cold War (Liveright, 2023) offers an urgent examination of the world barreling toward a new Cold War.
By 1990, the first Cold War was ending. The Berlin Wall had fallen and the Warsaw Pact was crumbling; following Russia’s lead, cries for democracy were being embraced by a young Chinese populace. The post–Cold War years were a time of immense hope and possibility. They heralded an opportunity for creative cooperation among nations, an end to ideological strife, perhaps even the beginning of a stable international order of liberal peace.
But the days of optimism are over.
As renowned international relations expert Michael Doyle makes hauntingly clear, we now face the devastating specter of a new Cold War, this time orbiting the trilateral axes of Russia, the United States, and China, and exacerbated by new weapons of cyber warfare and more insidious forms of propaganda.
Such a conflict at this phase in our global history would have catastrophic repercussions, Doyle argues, stymieing global collaboration efforts that are key to reversing climate change, preventing the next pandemic, and securing nuclear nonproliferation. The recent, devastating invasion of Ukraine is both an example and an augur of the costs that lay in wait.
However, there is hope.
Putin is not Stalin, Xi is not Mao, and no autocrat is a modern Hitler. There is also an unprecedented level of shared global interest in prosperity and protecting the planet from environmental disaster.
While it is unlikely that the United States, Russia, and China will ever establish a “warm peace,” there are significant, reasonable compromises between nations that can lead to a détente. While the future remains very much in doubt, the elegant set of accords and non-subversion pacts Doyle proposes in this book may very well save the world.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu or via andrewopace.com. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>33</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael W. Doyle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael W. Doyle's book Cold Peace: Avoiding the New Cold War (Liveright, 2023) offers an urgent examination of the world barreling toward a new Cold War.
By 1990, the first Cold War was ending. The Berlin Wall had fallen and the Warsaw Pact was crumbling; following Russia’s lead, cries for democracy were being embraced by a young Chinese populace. The post–Cold War years were a time of immense hope and possibility. They heralded an opportunity for creative cooperation among nations, an end to ideological strife, perhaps even the beginning of a stable international order of liberal peace.
But the days of optimism are over.
As renowned international relations expert Michael Doyle makes hauntingly clear, we now face the devastating specter of a new Cold War, this time orbiting the trilateral axes of Russia, the United States, and China, and exacerbated by new weapons of cyber warfare and more insidious forms of propaganda.
Such a conflict at this phase in our global history would have catastrophic repercussions, Doyle argues, stymieing global collaboration efforts that are key to reversing climate change, preventing the next pandemic, and securing nuclear nonproliferation. The recent, devastating invasion of Ukraine is both an example and an augur of the costs that lay in wait.
However, there is hope.
Putin is not Stalin, Xi is not Mao, and no autocrat is a modern Hitler. There is also an unprecedented level of shared global interest in prosperity and protecting the planet from environmental disaster.
While it is unlikely that the United States, Russia, and China will ever establish a “warm peace,” there are significant, reasonable compromises between nations that can lead to a détente. While the future remains very much in doubt, the elegant set of accords and non-subversion pacts Doyle proposes in this book may very well save the world.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu or via andrewopace.com. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Michael W. Doyle's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781631496066"><em>Cold Peace: Avoiding the New Cold War</em> </a>(Liveright, 2023) offers an urgent examination of the world barreling toward a new Cold War.</p><p>By 1990, the first Cold War was ending. The Berlin Wall had fallen and the Warsaw Pact was crumbling; following Russia’s lead, cries for democracy were being embraced by a young Chinese populace. The post–Cold War years were a time of immense hope and possibility. They heralded an opportunity for creative cooperation among nations, an end to ideological strife, perhaps even the beginning of a stable international order of liberal peace.</p><p>But the days of optimism are over.</p><p>As renowned international relations expert Michael Doyle makes hauntingly clear, we now face the devastating specter of a new Cold War, this time orbiting the trilateral axes of Russia, the United States, and China, and exacerbated by new weapons of cyber warfare and more insidious forms of propaganda.</p><p>Such a conflict at this phase in our global history would have catastrophic repercussions, Doyle argues, stymieing global collaboration efforts that are key to reversing climate change, preventing the next pandemic, and securing nuclear nonproliferation. The recent, devastating invasion of Ukraine is both an example and an augur of the costs that lay in wait.</p><p>However, there is hope.</p><p>Putin is not Stalin, Xi is not Mao, and no autocrat is a modern Hitler. There is also an unprecedented level of shared global interest in prosperity and protecting the planet from environmental disaster.</p><p>While it is unlikely that the United States, Russia, and China will ever establish a “warm peace,” there are significant, reasonable compromises between nations that can lead to a détente. While the future remains very much in doubt, the elegant set of accords and non-subversion pacts Doyle proposes in this book may very well save the world.</p><p><em>Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:apace24@slcc.edu"><em>apace24@slcc.edu</em></a><em> or via andrewopace.com. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3087</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Matthew Dennis, "American Relics and the Politics of Public Memory" (U Massachusetts Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The gold epaulettes that George Washington wore into battle. A Union soldier's bloody shirt in the wake of the Civil War. A crushed wristwatch after the 9/11 attacks. The bullet-riddled door of the Pulse nightclub. Volatile and shape-shifting, relics have long played a role in memorializing the American past, acting as physical reminders of hard-won battles, mass tragedies, and political triumphs.
Surveying the expanse of U.S. history, American Relics and the Politics of Public Memory (U Massachusetts Press, 2023) shows how these objects have articulated glory, courage, and national greatness as well as horror, defeat, and oppression. While relics mostly signified heroism in the nation's early years, increasingly, they have acquired a new purpose--commemorating victimhood. The atrocious artifacts of lynching and the looted remains of Native American graves were later transformed into shameful things, exposing ongoing racial violence and advancing calls for equality and civil rights. Matthew Dennis pursues this history of fraught public objects and assesses the emergence of new venues of memorialization, such as virtual and digital spaces. Through it all, relics continue to fundamentally ground and shape U.S. public memory in its uncertain present and future.
Hallel Yadin is an archivist and special projects manager at the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 10 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>30</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Dennis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The gold epaulettes that George Washington wore into battle. A Union soldier's bloody shirt in the wake of the Civil War. A crushed wristwatch after the 9/11 attacks. The bullet-riddled door of the Pulse nightclub. Volatile and shape-shifting, relics have long played a role in memorializing the American past, acting as physical reminders of hard-won battles, mass tragedies, and political triumphs.
Surveying the expanse of U.S. history, American Relics and the Politics of Public Memory (U Massachusetts Press, 2023) shows how these objects have articulated glory, courage, and national greatness as well as horror, defeat, and oppression. While relics mostly signified heroism in the nation's early years, increasingly, they have acquired a new purpose--commemorating victimhood. The atrocious artifacts of lynching and the looted remains of Native American graves were later transformed into shameful things, exposing ongoing racial violence and advancing calls for equality and civil rights. Matthew Dennis pursues this history of fraught public objects and assesses the emergence of new venues of memorialization, such as virtual and digital spaces. Through it all, relics continue to fundamentally ground and shape U.S. public memory in its uncertain present and future.
Hallel Yadin is an archivist and special projects manager at the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The gold epaulettes that George Washington wore into battle. A Union soldier's bloody shirt in the wake of the Civil War. A crushed wristwatch after the 9/11 attacks. The bullet-riddled door of the Pulse nightclub. Volatile and shape-shifting, relics have long played a role in memorializing the American past, acting as physical reminders of hard-won battles, mass tragedies, and political triumphs.</p><p>Surveying the expanse of U.S. history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625347114"><em>American Relics and the Politics of Public Memory</em></a><em> </em>(U Massachusetts Press, 2023) shows how these objects have articulated glory, courage, and national greatness as well as horror, defeat, and oppression. While relics mostly signified heroism in the nation's early years, increasingly, they have acquired a new purpose--commemorating victimhood. The atrocious artifacts of lynching and the looted remains of Native American graves were later transformed into shameful things, exposing ongoing racial violence and advancing calls for equality and civil rights. Matthew Dennis pursues this history of fraught public objects and assesses the emergence of new venues of memorialization, such as virtual and digital spaces. Through it all, relics continue to fundamentally ground and shape U.S. public memory in its uncertain present and future.</p><p><a href="https://www.hallelyadin.net/"><em>Hallel Yadin</em></a><em> is an archivist and special projects manager at the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3122</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Ruth Ben-Ghiat on Threats to Democracy and H.L. Mencken’s "Notes on Democracy"</title>
      <description>A century ago, journalist H. L. Mencken provocatively stated in Notes On Democracy (new edition by Warbler Press, 2023) that anti-democratic behavior is not only not shocking but that we should in fact expect democracies to give rise to un- and even anti-democratic forces. Mencken doubted that such the evils of democracy will be cured by more democracy, which usually means elections and ‘fostering democratic norms and behaviors. So what is to be done?
I spoke with NYU Professor and political commentator Ruth Ben-Ghiat on the current threats to democracy posed by populism, the media’s role in shaping political views, what historical precedents of strongmen can teach us about today’s threats to democracy, and what is crucially missing from today’s political landscape.
Find the texts:
Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present (Norton, 2021) by Ruth Ben-Ghiat
Notes On Democracy (1926) by H. L. Mencken
Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a distinguished expert in the history of fascism and is appointed at NYU as Professor of History and Italian. A leading authority on the contemporary challenges facing democracies globally, she frequently provides insights as a commentator for various news networks and contributes as an MSNBC opinion columnist. In her newsletter, Lucid, she delves into the critical issues threatening democracy. Her work has been recognized with Guggenheim, NEH, Fulbright and other fellowships. Her latest book, Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present explores the regimes and rise to power of authoritarian leaders, while proposing strategies for their defeat. Follow her here: Twitter @RuthBenGhiat; Instagram @RuthBenGhiat.
Ulrich Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Think About It” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer; IG: @thinkaboutit.podcast
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 09 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>133</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A century ago, journalist H. L. Mencken provocatively stated in Notes On Democracy (new edition by Warbler Press, 2023) that anti-democratic behavior is not only not shocking but that we should in fact expect democracies to give rise to un- and even anti-democratic forces. Mencken doubted that such the evils of democracy will be cured by more democracy, which usually means elections and ‘fostering democratic norms and behaviors. So what is to be done?
I spoke with NYU Professor and political commentator Ruth Ben-Ghiat on the current threats to democracy posed by populism, the media’s role in shaping political views, what historical precedents of strongmen can teach us about today’s threats to democracy, and what is crucially missing from today’s political landscape.
Find the texts:
Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present (Norton, 2021) by Ruth Ben-Ghiat
Notes On Democracy (1926) by H. L. Mencken
Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a distinguished expert in the history of fascism and is appointed at NYU as Professor of History and Italian. A leading authority on the contemporary challenges facing democracies globally, she frequently provides insights as a commentator for various news networks and contributes as an MSNBC opinion columnist. In her newsletter, Lucid, she delves into the critical issues threatening democracy. Her work has been recognized with Guggenheim, NEH, Fulbright and other fellowships. Her latest book, Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present explores the regimes and rise to power of authoritarian leaders, while proposing strategies for their defeat. Follow her here: Twitter @RuthBenGhiat; Instagram @RuthBenGhiat.
Ulrich Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Think About It” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer; IG: @thinkaboutit.podcast
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A century ago, journalist H. L. Mencken provocatively stated in <em>Notes On Democracy</em> (new edition by Warbler Press, 2023) that anti-democratic behavior is not only not shocking but that we should in fact <em>expect</em> democracies to give rise to un- and even anti-democratic forces. Mencken doubted that such the evils of democracy will be cured by more democracy, which usually means elections and ‘fostering democratic norms and behaviors. So what is to be done?</p><p>I spoke with NYU Professor and political commentator Ruth Ben-Ghiat on the current threats to democracy posed by populism, the media’s role in shaping political views, what historical precedents of strongmen can teach us about today’s threats to democracy, and what is crucially missing from today’s political landscape.</p><p><em>Find the texts:</em></p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393868418"><em>Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present</em></a> (Norton, 2021) by Ruth Ben-Ghiat</p><p><a href="https://warblerpress.com/notes-on-democracy/"><em>Notes On Democracy</em></a> (1926) by H. L. Mencken</p><p><a href="https://ruthbenghiat.com/">Ruth Ben-Ghiat</a> is a distinguished expert in the history of fascism and is appointed at NYU as Professor of History and Italian. A leading authority on the contemporary challenges facing democracies globally, she frequently provides insights as a commentator for various news networks and contributes as an MSNBC opinion columnist. In her newsletter, <a href="https://lucid.substack.com/about?utm_source=menu-dropdown">Lucid</a>, she delves into the critical issues threatening democracy. Her work has been recognized with Guggenheim, NEH, Fulbright and other fellowships. Her latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393868418"><em>Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present</em></a> explores the regimes and rise to power of authoritarian leaders, while proposing strategies for their defeat. Follow her here: Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/ruthbenghiat">@RuthBenGhiat</a>; Instagram <a href="https://www.instagram.com/ruthbenghiat/">@RuthBenGhiat</a>.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Ulrich Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Think About It” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/UliBaer"><em>@UliBaer</em></a><em>; IG: </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/thinkaboutit.podcast/?hl=en"><em>@thinkaboutit.podcast</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3276</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Katharine M. Millar, "Support the Troops: Military Obligation, Gender, and the Making of Political Community" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the past, it was assumed that men, as good citizens, would serve in the armed forces in wartime. In the present, however, liberal democratic states increasingly rely on small, all-volunteer militaries deployed in distant wars of choice. While few people now serve in the armed forces, our cultural myths and narratives of warfare continue to reproduce a strong connection between military service, citizenship, and normative masculinity.
In Support the Troops: Military Obligation, Gender, and the Making of Political Community (Oxford University Press, 2022), Dr. Katharine M. Millar provides an empirical overview of "support the troops" discourses in the US and UK during the early years of the global war on terror (2001-2010). As Dr. Millar argues, seemingly stable understandings of the relationship between military service, citizenship, and gender norms are being unsettled by changes in warfare. The effect is a sense of uneasiness about the meaning of what it means to be a "good" citizen, "good" person, and, crucially, a "good" man in a context where neither war nor military service easily align with existing cultural myths about wartime obligations and collective sacrifice. Instead we participate in the performance of supporting the troops, even when we oppose war—an act that appears not only patriotic and moral, but also apolitical. Failing to support the troops, either through active opposition or a lack of overt supportive actions, is perceived as not only offensive and inappropriately political, but disloyal and dangerous.
Dr. Millar asserts that military support acts as a new form of military service, which serves to limit anti-war dissent, plays a crucial role in naturalizing the violence of the transnational liberal order, and recasts war as an internal issue of solidarity and loyalty. Rigorous and politically challenging, Millar provides the first work to systematically examine "support the troops" as a distinct social phenomenon and offers a novel reading of this discourse through a gendered lens that places it in historical and transnational context.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>693</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Katharine M. Millar</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the past, it was assumed that men, as good citizens, would serve in the armed forces in wartime. In the present, however, liberal democratic states increasingly rely on small, all-volunteer militaries deployed in distant wars of choice. While few people now serve in the armed forces, our cultural myths and narratives of warfare continue to reproduce a strong connection between military service, citizenship, and normative masculinity.
In Support the Troops: Military Obligation, Gender, and the Making of Political Community (Oxford University Press, 2022), Dr. Katharine M. Millar provides an empirical overview of "support the troops" discourses in the US and UK during the early years of the global war on terror (2001-2010). As Dr. Millar argues, seemingly stable understandings of the relationship between military service, citizenship, and gender norms are being unsettled by changes in warfare. The effect is a sense of uneasiness about the meaning of what it means to be a "good" citizen, "good" person, and, crucially, a "good" man in a context where neither war nor military service easily align with existing cultural myths about wartime obligations and collective sacrifice. Instead we participate in the performance of supporting the troops, even when we oppose war—an act that appears not only patriotic and moral, but also apolitical. Failing to support the troops, either through active opposition or a lack of overt supportive actions, is perceived as not only offensive and inappropriately political, but disloyal and dangerous.
Dr. Millar asserts that military support acts as a new form of military service, which serves to limit anti-war dissent, plays a crucial role in naturalizing the violence of the transnational liberal order, and recasts war as an internal issue of solidarity and loyalty. Rigorous and politically challenging, Millar provides the first work to systematically examine "support the troops" as a distinct social phenomenon and offers a novel reading of this discourse through a gendered lens that places it in historical and transnational context.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the past, it was assumed that men, as good citizens, would serve in the armed forces in wartime. In the present, however, liberal democratic states increasingly rely on small, all-volunteer militaries deployed in distant wars of choice. While few people now serve in the armed forces, our cultural myths and narratives of warfare continue to reproduce a strong connection between military service, citizenship, and normative masculinity.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197642337"><em>Support the Troops: Military Obligation, Gender, and the Making of Political Community</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2022), Dr. Katharine M. Millar provides an empirical overview of "support the troops" discourses in the US and UK during the early years of the global war on terror (2001-2010). As Dr. Millar argues, seemingly stable understandings of the relationship between military service, citizenship, and gender norms are being unsettled by changes in warfare. The effect is a sense of uneasiness about the meaning of what it means to be a "good" citizen, "good" person, and, crucially, a "good" man in a context where neither war nor military service easily align with existing cultural myths about wartime obligations and collective sacrifice. Instead we participate in the performance of supporting the troops, even when we oppose war—an act that appears not only patriotic and moral, but also apolitical. Failing to support the troops, either through active opposition or a lack of overt supportive actions, is perceived as not only offensive and inappropriately political, but disloyal and dangerous.</p><p>Dr. Millar asserts that military support acts as a new form of military service, which serves to limit anti-war dissent, plays a crucial role in naturalizing the violence of the transnational liberal order, and recasts war as an internal issue of solidarity and loyalty. Rigorous and politically challenging, Millar provides the first work to systematically examine "support the troops" as a distinct social phenomenon and offers a novel reading of this discourse through a gendered lens that places it in historical and transnational context.</p><p>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose<a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"> forthcoming book</a> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3792</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the State: A Discussion with Graeme Garrard</title>
      <description>The Reagan-Thatcher neoliberal era started the retreat of the state. Privatisation and deregulation meant power was handed over to corporations and markets. Now that neoliberalism has run its course, will there be a return of the state? Listen to Owen Bennett Jones in conversation Graeme Garrard. Garrard is the author of The Return of the State: And Why It Is Essential for Our Health, Wealth and Happiness (Yale UP, 2022).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>89</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Reagan-Thatcher neoliberal era started the retreat of the state. Privatisation and deregulation meant power was handed over to corporations and markets. Now that neoliberalism has run its course, will there be a return of the state? Listen to Owen Bennett Jones in conversation Graeme Garrard. Garrard is the author of The Return of the State: And Why It Is Essential for Our Health, Wealth and Happiness (Yale UP, 2022).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Reagan-Thatcher neoliberal era started the retreat of the state. Privatisation and deregulation meant power was handed over to corporations and markets. Now that neoliberalism has run its course, will there be a return of the state? Listen to Owen Bennett Jones in conversation Graeme Garrard. Garrard is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300256758"><em>The Return of the State: And Why It Is Essential for Our Health, Wealth and Happiness</em></a> (Yale UP, 2022).</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2118</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tracy E. Perkins, "Evolution of a Movement: Four Decades of California Environmental Justice Activism" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Despite living and working in California, one of the county's most environmentally progressive states, environmental justice activists have spent decades fighting for clean air to breathe, clean water to drink, and safe, healthy communities. 
Evolution of a Movement: Four Decades of California Environmental Justice Activism (U California Press, 2022) tells their story—from the often-raucous protests of the 1980s and 1990s to activists' growing presence inside the halls of the state capitol in the 2000s and 2010s. Tracy E. Perkins traces how shifting political contexts combined with activists' own efforts to institutionalize their work within nonprofits and state structures. By revealing these struggles and transformations, Perkins offers a new lens for understanding environmental justice activism in California.
Drawing on case studies and 125 interviews with activists from Sacramento to the California-Mexico border, Perkins explores the successes and failures of the environmental justice movement in California. She shows why some activists have moved away from the disruptive "outsider" political tactics common in the movement's early days and embraced traditional political channels of policy advocacy, electoral politics, and working from within the state's political system to enact change. Although some see these changes as a sign of the growing sophistication of the environmental justice movement, others point to the potential of such changes to blunt grassroots power. At a time when environmental justice scholars and activists face pressing questions about the best route for effecting meaningful change, this book provides insight into the strengths and limitations of social movement institutionalization.
Avery Weinman earned her Master’s in History from UCLA.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 03 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>176</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tracy E. Perkins</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Despite living and working in California, one of the county's most environmentally progressive states, environmental justice activists have spent decades fighting for clean air to breathe, clean water to drink, and safe, healthy communities. 
Evolution of a Movement: Four Decades of California Environmental Justice Activism (U California Press, 2022) tells their story—from the often-raucous protests of the 1980s and 1990s to activists' growing presence inside the halls of the state capitol in the 2000s and 2010s. Tracy E. Perkins traces how shifting political contexts combined with activists' own efforts to institutionalize their work within nonprofits and state structures. By revealing these struggles and transformations, Perkins offers a new lens for understanding environmental justice activism in California.
Drawing on case studies and 125 interviews with activists from Sacramento to the California-Mexico border, Perkins explores the successes and failures of the environmental justice movement in California. She shows why some activists have moved away from the disruptive "outsider" political tactics common in the movement's early days and embraced traditional political channels of policy advocacy, electoral politics, and working from within the state's political system to enact change. Although some see these changes as a sign of the growing sophistication of the environmental justice movement, others point to the potential of such changes to blunt grassroots power. At a time when environmental justice scholars and activists face pressing questions about the best route for effecting meaningful change, this book provides insight into the strengths and limitations of social movement institutionalization.
Avery Weinman earned her Master’s in History from UCLA.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Despite living and working in California, one of the county's most environmentally progressive states, environmental justice activists have spent decades fighting for clean air to breathe, clean water to drink, and safe, healthy communities. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520376984"><em>Evolution of a Movement: Four Decades of California Environmental Justice Activism</em></a> (U California Press, 2022) tells their story—from the often-raucous protests of the 1980s and 1990s to activists' growing presence inside the halls of the state capitol in the 2000s and 2010s. Tracy E. Perkins traces how shifting political contexts combined with activists' own efforts to institutionalize their work within nonprofits and state structures. By revealing these struggles and transformations, Perkins offers a new lens for understanding environmental justice activism in California.</p><p>Drawing on case studies and 125 interviews with activists from Sacramento to the California-Mexico border, Perkins explores the successes and failures of the environmental justice movement in California. She shows why some activists have moved away from the disruptive "outsider" political tactics common in the movement's early days and embraced traditional political channels of policy advocacy, electoral politics, and working from within the state's political system to enact change. Although some see these changes as a sign of the growing sophistication of the environmental justice movement, others point to the potential of such changes to blunt grassroots power. At a time when environmental justice scholars and activists face pressing questions about the best route for effecting meaningful change, this book provides insight into the strengths and limitations of social movement institutionalization.</p><p><a href="https://history.ucla.edu/grads/avery-weinman"><em>Avery Weinman</em></a><em> earned her Master’s in History from UCLA.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3845</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Chhaya Kolavalli, "Well-Intentioned Whiteness: Green Urban Development and Black Resistance in Kansas City" (U Georgia Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Chhaya Kolavalli's book Well-Intentioned Whiteness: Green Urban Development and Black Resistance in Kansas City (U Georgia Press, 2023) documents how whiteness can take up space in U.S. cities and policies through well-intentioned progressive policy agendas that support green urbanism. Through in-depth ethnographic research in Kansas City, Kolavalli explores how urban food projects--central to the city's approach to green urbanism--are conceived and implemented and how they are perceived by residents of "food deserts," those intended to benefit from these projects.
Through her analysis, Kolavalli examines the narratives and histories that mostly white local food advocates are guided by and offers an alternative urban history of Kansas City--one that centers the contributions of Black and brown residents to urban prosperity. She also highlights how displacement of communities of color, through green development, has historically been a key urban development strategy in the city.
Well-Intentioned Whiteness shows how a myopic focus on green urbanism, as a solution to myriad urban "problems," ends up reinforcing racial inequity and uplifting structural whiteness. In this context, fine-grained analysis of how whiteness takes up space in our cities--even through progressive policy agendas--is more important. Kolavalli examines this process intimately and, in so doing, fleshes out our understanding of how racial inequities can be (re)created by everyday urban actors.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 02 Dec 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Chhaya Kolavalli</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Chhaya Kolavalli's book Well-Intentioned Whiteness: Green Urban Development and Black Resistance in Kansas City (U Georgia Press, 2023) documents how whiteness can take up space in U.S. cities and policies through well-intentioned progressive policy agendas that support green urbanism. Through in-depth ethnographic research in Kansas City, Kolavalli explores how urban food projects--central to the city's approach to green urbanism--are conceived and implemented and how they are perceived by residents of "food deserts," those intended to benefit from these projects.
Through her analysis, Kolavalli examines the narratives and histories that mostly white local food advocates are guided by and offers an alternative urban history of Kansas City--one that centers the contributions of Black and brown residents to urban prosperity. She also highlights how displacement of communities of color, through green development, has historically been a key urban development strategy in the city.
Well-Intentioned Whiteness shows how a myopic focus on green urbanism, as a solution to myriad urban "problems," ends up reinforcing racial inequity and uplifting structural whiteness. In this context, fine-grained analysis of how whiteness takes up space in our cities--even through progressive policy agendas--is more important. Kolavalli examines this process intimately and, in so doing, fleshes out our understanding of how racial inequities can be (re)created by everyday urban actors.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Chhaya Kolavalli's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820364094"><em>Well-Intentioned Whiteness: Green Urban Development and Black Resistance in Kansas City</em></a> (U Georgia Press, 2023) documents how whiteness can take up space in U.S. cities and policies through well-intentioned progressive policy agendas that support green urbanism. Through in-depth ethnographic research in Kansas City, Kolavalli explores how urban food projects--central to the city's approach to green urbanism--are conceived and implemented and how they are perceived by residents of "food deserts," those intended to benefit from these projects.</p><p>Through her analysis, Kolavalli examines the narratives and histories that mostly white local food advocates are guided by and offers an alternative urban history of Kansas City--one that centers the contributions of Black and brown residents to urban prosperity. She also highlights how displacement of communities of color, through green development, has historically been a key urban development strategy in the city.</p><p><em>Well-Intentioned Whiteness</em> shows how a myopic focus on green urbanism, as a solution to myriad urban "problems," ends up reinforcing racial inequity and uplifting structural whiteness. In this context, fine-grained analysis of how whiteness takes up space in our cities--even through progressive policy agendas--is more important. Kolavalli examines this process intimately and, in so doing, fleshes out our understanding of how racial inequities can be (re)created by everyday urban actors.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1769</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>On “Henry Kissinger and His World” with author Barry Gewen</title>
      <description>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World (W. W. Norton, 2020), we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. 
Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at The New York Times Book Review, deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World (W. W. Norton, 2020), we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. 
Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at The New York Times Book Review, deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324004059"><em>The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World</em></a><em> </em>(W. W. Norton, 2020),<em> </em>we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. </p><p>Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at <em>The New York Times Book Review, </em>deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3584</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Russ Castronovo, "American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>An incisive critique that examines the origins of contemporary American ideas about surveillance, terrorism, and white supremacy.
For more than three centuries, Americans have pursued strategies of security that routinely make them feel vulnerable, unsafe, and insecure. American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability (Princeton UP, 2023) probes this paradox by examining American attachments to the terror of the sublime, the fear of uncertainty, and the anxieties produced by unending racial threat. 
Challenging conventional approaches that leave questions of security to policy experts, Russ Castronovo turns to literature, philosophy, and political theory to show how security provides an organizing principle for collective life in ways that both enhance freedom and limit it. His incisive critique ranges from frontier violence and white racial anxiety to insurgent Black print culture and other forms of early American terror, uncovering the hidden logic of insecurity that structures modern approaches to national defense, counterterrorism, cybersecurity, surveillance, and privacy. 
Drawing on examples from fiction, journalism, tracts, and pamphlets, Castronovo uncovers the deep affective attachments that Americans have had since the founding to the sources of fear and insecurity that make them feel unsafe. Timely and urgent, American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability sheds critical light on how and why the fundamental political desire for security promotes unease alongside assurance and fixates on risk and danger while clamoring for safety.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Russ Castronovo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An incisive critique that examines the origins of contemporary American ideas about surveillance, terrorism, and white supremacy.
For more than three centuries, Americans have pursued strategies of security that routinely make them feel vulnerable, unsafe, and insecure. American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability (Princeton UP, 2023) probes this paradox by examining American attachments to the terror of the sublime, the fear of uncertainty, and the anxieties produced by unending racial threat. 
Challenging conventional approaches that leave questions of security to policy experts, Russ Castronovo turns to literature, philosophy, and political theory to show how security provides an organizing principle for collective life in ways that both enhance freedom and limit it. His incisive critique ranges from frontier violence and white racial anxiety to insurgent Black print culture and other forms of early American terror, uncovering the hidden logic of insecurity that structures modern approaches to national defense, counterterrorism, cybersecurity, surveillance, and privacy. 
Drawing on examples from fiction, journalism, tracts, and pamphlets, Castronovo uncovers the deep affective attachments that Americans have had since the founding to the sources of fear and insecurity that make them feel unsafe. Timely and urgent, American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability sheds critical light on how and why the fundamental political desire for security promotes unease alongside assurance and fixates on risk and danger while clamoring for safety.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An incisive critique that examines the origins of contemporary American ideas about surveillance, terrorism, and white supremacy.</p><p>For more than three centuries, Americans have pursued strategies of security that routinely make them feel vulnerable, unsafe, and insecure. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691249841"><em>American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2023) probes this paradox by examining American attachments to the terror of the sublime, the fear of uncertainty, and the anxieties produced by unending racial threat. </p><p>Challenging conventional approaches that leave questions of security to policy experts, Russ Castronovo turns to literature, philosophy, and political theory to show how security provides an organizing principle for collective life in ways that both enhance freedom and limit it. His incisive critique ranges from frontier violence and white racial anxiety to insurgent Black print culture and other forms of early American terror, uncovering the hidden logic of insecurity that structures modern approaches to national defense, counterterrorism, cybersecurity, surveillance, and privacy. </p><p>Drawing on examples from fiction, journalism, tracts, and pamphlets, Castronovo uncovers the deep affective attachments that Americans have had since the founding to the sources of fear and insecurity that make them feel unsafe. Timely and urgent, <em>American Insecurity and the Origins of Vulnerability</em> sheds critical light on how and why the fundamental political desire for security promotes unease alongside assurance and fixates on risk and danger while clamoring for safety.</p><p><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4397</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Charles S. Maier, "The Project-State and Its Rivals: A New History of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries" (Harvard UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>We thought we knew the story of the twentieth century. For many in the West, after the two world conflicts and the long cold war, the verdict was clear: democratic values had prevailed over dictatorship. But if the twentieth century meant the triumph of liberalism, as many intellectuals proclaimed, why have the era’s darker impulses—ethnic nationalism, racist violence, and populist authoritarianism—revived?
The Project-State and Its Rivals: A New History of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries (Harvard University Press, 2023) by Dr. Charles S. Maier offers a radical alternative interpretation that takes us from the transforming challenges of the world wars to our own time. Instead of the traditional narrative of domestic politics and international relations, Dr. Maier looks to the political and economic impulses that propelled societies through a century when territorial states and transnational forces both claimed power, engaging sometimes as rivals and sometimes as allies. Dr. Maier focuses on recurring institutional constellations: project-states including both democracies and dictatorships that sought not just to retain power but to transform their societies; new forms of imperial domination; global networks of finance; and the international associations, foundations, and NGOs that tried to shape public life through allegedly apolitical appeals to science and ethics.
In this account, which draws on the author’s studies over half a century, Dr. Maier invites a rethinking of the long twentieth century. His history of state entanglements with capital, the decline of public projects, and the fragility of governance explains the fraying of our own civic culture—but also allows hope for its recovery.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 29 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>82</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charles S. Maier</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We thought we knew the story of the twentieth century. For many in the West, after the two world conflicts and the long cold war, the verdict was clear: democratic values had prevailed over dictatorship. But if the twentieth century meant the triumph of liberalism, as many intellectuals proclaimed, why have the era’s darker impulses—ethnic nationalism, racist violence, and populist authoritarianism—revived?
The Project-State and Its Rivals: A New History of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries (Harvard University Press, 2023) by Dr. Charles S. Maier offers a radical alternative interpretation that takes us from the transforming challenges of the world wars to our own time. Instead of the traditional narrative of domestic politics and international relations, Dr. Maier looks to the political and economic impulses that propelled societies through a century when territorial states and transnational forces both claimed power, engaging sometimes as rivals and sometimes as allies. Dr. Maier focuses on recurring institutional constellations: project-states including both democracies and dictatorships that sought not just to retain power but to transform their societies; new forms of imperial domination; global networks of finance; and the international associations, foundations, and NGOs that tried to shape public life through allegedly apolitical appeals to science and ethics.
In this account, which draws on the author’s studies over half a century, Dr. Maier invites a rethinking of the long twentieth century. His history of state entanglements with capital, the decline of public projects, and the fragility of governance explains the fraying of our own civic culture—but also allows hope for its recovery.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We thought we knew the story of the twentieth century. For many in the West, after the two world conflicts and the long cold war, the verdict was clear: democratic values had prevailed over dictatorship. But if the twentieth century meant the triumph of liberalism, as many intellectuals proclaimed, why have the era’s darker impulses—ethnic nationalism, racist violence, and populist authoritarianism—revived?</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674290143"><em>The Project-State and Its Rivals: A New History of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2023) by Dr. Charles S. Maier offers a radical alternative interpretation that takes us from the transforming challenges of the world wars to our own time. Instead of the traditional narrative of domestic politics and international relations, Dr. Maier looks to the political and economic impulses that propelled societies through a century when territorial states and transnational forces both claimed power, engaging sometimes as rivals and sometimes as allies. Dr. Maier focuses on recurring institutional constellations: project-states including both democracies and dictatorships that sought not just to retain power but to transform their societies; new forms of imperial domination; global networks of finance; and the international associations, foundations, and NGOs that tried to shape public life through allegedly apolitical appeals to science and ethics.</p><p>In this account, which draws on the author’s studies over half a century, Dr. Maier invites a rethinking of the long twentieth century. His history of state entanglements with capital, the decline of public projects, and the fragility of governance explains the fraying of our own civic culture—but also allows hope for its recovery.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/securing-peace-in-angola-and-mozambique-9781350407930/"><em> forthcoming book</em></a><em> focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3049</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[68456f56-8c65-11ee-977b-8f9a58e69165]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5729339000.mp3?updated=1732045750" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Salim Yaqub, "Winds of Hope, Storms of Discord: The United States since 1945" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Salim Yaqub's Winds of Hope, Storms of Discord: The United States since 1945 (Cambridge UP, 2022) explores how Americans from all walks of life – political leaders, businesspeople, public intellectuals, workers, students, activists, migrants, and others – struggled to define the nation's political, economic, geopolitical, demographic, and social character. It chronicles the nation's ceaseless ferment, from the rocky conversion to peacetime in the early aftermath of World War II; to the frightening emergence of the Cold War and repeated US military adventures abroad; to the struggles of African Americans and other minorities to claim a share of the American Dream; to the striking transformations in social attitudes catalyzed by the women's movement and struggles for gay and lesbian liberation; to the dynamic force of political, economic, and social conservatism. Carrying the story to the spring of 2022, Winds of Hope also shows how dizzying technological changes at times threatened to upend the nation's civic and political life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>240</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Salim Yaqub</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Salim Yaqub's Winds of Hope, Storms of Discord: The United States since 1945 (Cambridge UP, 2022) explores how Americans from all walks of life – political leaders, businesspeople, public intellectuals, workers, students, activists, migrants, and others – struggled to define the nation's political, economic, geopolitical, demographic, and social character. It chronicles the nation's ceaseless ferment, from the rocky conversion to peacetime in the early aftermath of World War II; to the frightening emergence of the Cold War and repeated US military adventures abroad; to the struggles of African Americans and other minorities to claim a share of the American Dream; to the striking transformations in social attitudes catalyzed by the women's movement and struggles for gay and lesbian liberation; to the dynamic force of political, economic, and social conservatism. Carrying the story to the spring of 2022, Winds of Hope also shows how dizzying technological changes at times threatened to upend the nation's civic and political life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Salim Yaqub's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108721882"><em>Winds of Hope, Storms of Discord: The United States since 1945</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) explores how Americans from all walks of life – political leaders, businesspeople, public intellectuals, workers, students, activists, migrants, and others – struggled to define the nation's political, economic, geopolitical, demographic, and social character. It chronicles the nation's ceaseless ferment, from the rocky conversion to peacetime in the early aftermath of World War II; to the frightening emergence of the Cold War and repeated US military adventures abroad; to the struggles of African Americans and other minorities to claim a share of the American Dream; to the striking transformations in social attitudes catalyzed by the women's movement and struggles for gay and lesbian liberation; to the dynamic force of political, economic, and social conservatism. Carrying the story to the spring of 2022, Winds of Hope also shows how dizzying technological changes at times threatened to upend the nation's civic and political life.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3731</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5353809824.mp3?updated=1701026951" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Brian D. Blankenship, "The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics" (Cornell UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics (Cornell UP, 2023) examines the conditions under which the United States is willing and able to pressure its allies to assume more responsibility for their own defense. 
The United States has a mixed track record of encouraging allied burden-sharing—while it has succeeded or failed in some cases, it has declined to do so at all in others. This variation, Brian D. Blankenship argues, is because the United States tailors its burden-sharing pressure in accordance with two competing priorities: conserving its own resources and preserving influence in its alliances. Although burden-sharing enables great power patrons like the United States to lower alliance costs, it also empowers allies to resist patron influence.
Blankenship identifies three factors that determine the severity of this burden-sharing dilemma and how it is managed: the latent military power of allies, the shared external threat environment, and the level of a patron's resource constraints. Through case studies of US alliances formed during the Cold War, he shows that a patron can mitigate the dilemma by combining assurances of protection with threats of abandonment and by exercising discretion in its burden-sharing pressure.
Blankenship's findings dismantle assumptions that burden-sharing is always desirable but difficult to obtain. Patrons, as the book reveals, can in fact be reluctant to seek burden-sharing, and attempts to pass defense costs to allies can often be successful. At a time when skepticism of alliance benefits remains high and global power shifts threaten longstanding pacts, The Burden-Sharing Dilemma recalls and reconceives the value of burden-sharing and alliances.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>32</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brian D. Blankenship</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics (Cornell UP, 2023) examines the conditions under which the United States is willing and able to pressure its allies to assume more responsibility for their own defense. 
The United States has a mixed track record of encouraging allied burden-sharing—while it has succeeded or failed in some cases, it has declined to do so at all in others. This variation, Brian D. Blankenship argues, is because the United States tailors its burden-sharing pressure in accordance with two competing priorities: conserving its own resources and preserving influence in its alliances. Although burden-sharing enables great power patrons like the United States to lower alliance costs, it also empowers allies to resist patron influence.
Blankenship identifies three factors that determine the severity of this burden-sharing dilemma and how it is managed: the latent military power of allies, the shared external threat environment, and the level of a patron's resource constraints. Through case studies of US alliances formed during the Cold War, he shows that a patron can mitigate the dilemma by combining assurances of protection with threats of abandonment and by exercising discretion in its burden-sharing pressure.
Blankenship's findings dismantle assumptions that burden-sharing is always desirable but difficult to obtain. Patrons, as the book reveals, can in fact be reluctant to seek burden-sharing, and attempts to pass defense costs to allies can often be successful. At a time when skepticism of alliance benefits remains high and global power shifts threaten longstanding pacts, The Burden-Sharing Dilemma recalls and reconceives the value of burden-sharing and alliances.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501772474"><em>The Burden-Sharing Dilemma: Coercive Diplomacy in US Alliance Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2023) examines the conditions under which the United States is willing and able to pressure its allies to assume more responsibility for their own defense. </p><p>The United States has a mixed track record of encouraging allied burden-sharing—while it has succeeded or failed in some cases, it has declined to do so at all in others. This variation, Brian D. Blankenship argues, is because the United States tailors its burden-sharing pressure in accordance with two competing priorities: conserving its own resources and preserving influence in its alliances. Although burden-sharing enables great power patrons like the United States to lower alliance costs, it also empowers allies to resist patron influence.</p><p>Blankenship identifies three factors that determine the severity of this burden-sharing dilemma and how it is managed: the latent military power of allies, the shared external threat environment, and the level of a patron's resource constraints. Through case studies of US alliances formed during the Cold War, he shows that a patron can mitigate the dilemma by combining assurances of protection with threats of abandonment and by exercising discretion in its burden-sharing pressure.</p><p>Blankenship's findings dismantle assumptions that burden-sharing is always desirable but difficult to obtain. Patrons, as the book reveals, can in fact be reluctant to seek burden-sharing, and attempts to pass defense costs to allies can often be successful. At a time when skepticism of alliance benefits remains high and global power shifts threaten longstanding pacts, <em>The Burden-Sharing Dilemma</em> recalls and reconceives the value of burden-sharing and alliances.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4096</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK1051805537.mp3?updated=1700936632" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Edward L. Ayers, "American Visions: The United States, 1800-1860" (Norton, 2023)</title>
      <description>American Visions: The United States, 1800-1860 (Norton, 2023) is a revealing history of the formative period when voices of dissent and innovation defied power and created visions of America still resonant today. 
With so many of our histories falling into dour critique or blatant celebration, here is a welcome departure: a book that offers hope as well as honesty about the American past. The early decades of the nineteenth century saw the expansion of slavery, Native dispossession, and wars with Canada and Mexico. Mass immigration and powerful religious movements sent tremors through American society. But even as the powerful defended the status quo, others defied it: voices from the margins moved the center; eccentric visions altered the accepted wisdom, and acts of empathy questioned self-interest. 
Edward L. Ayers’s rich history examines the visions that moved Frederick Douglass, Margaret Fuller, the Native American activist William Apess, and others to challenge entrenched practices and beliefs. So, Lydia Maria Child condemned the racism of her fellow northerners at great personal cost. Melville and Thoreau, Joseph Smith and Samuel Morse all charted new paths for America in the realms of art, nature, belief, and technology. It was Henry David Thoreau who, speaking of John Brown, challenged a hostile crowd "Is it not possible that an individual may be right and a government wrong?" Through decades of award-winning scholarship on the Civil War, Edward L. Ayers has himself ventured beyond the interpretative status quo to recover the range of possibilities embedded in the past as it was lived. Here he turns that distinctive historical sensibility to a period when bold visionaries and critics built vigorous traditions of dissent and innovation into the foundation of the nation. Those traditions remain alive for us today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 25 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Edward L. Ayers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American Visions: The United States, 1800-1860 (Norton, 2023) is a revealing history of the formative period when voices of dissent and innovation defied power and created visions of America still resonant today. 
With so many of our histories falling into dour critique or blatant celebration, here is a welcome departure: a book that offers hope as well as honesty about the American past. The early decades of the nineteenth century saw the expansion of slavery, Native dispossession, and wars with Canada and Mexico. Mass immigration and powerful religious movements sent tremors through American society. But even as the powerful defended the status quo, others defied it: voices from the margins moved the center; eccentric visions altered the accepted wisdom, and acts of empathy questioned self-interest. 
Edward L. Ayers’s rich history examines the visions that moved Frederick Douglass, Margaret Fuller, the Native American activist William Apess, and others to challenge entrenched practices and beliefs. So, Lydia Maria Child condemned the racism of her fellow northerners at great personal cost. Melville and Thoreau, Joseph Smith and Samuel Morse all charted new paths for America in the realms of art, nature, belief, and technology. It was Henry David Thoreau who, speaking of John Brown, challenged a hostile crowd "Is it not possible that an individual may be right and a government wrong?" Through decades of award-winning scholarship on the Civil War, Edward L. Ayers has himself ventured beyond the interpretative status quo to recover the range of possibilities embedded in the past as it was lived. Here he turns that distinctive historical sensibility to a period when bold visionaries and critics built vigorous traditions of dissent and innovation into the foundation of the nation. Those traditions remain alive for us today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393881264"><em>American Visions: The United States, 1800-1860</em></a> (Norton, 2023) is a revealing history of the formative period when voices of dissent and innovation defied power and created visions of America still resonant today. </p><p>With so many of our histories falling into dour critique or blatant celebration, here is a welcome departure: a book that offers hope as well as honesty about the American past. The early decades of the nineteenth century saw the expansion of slavery, Native dispossession, and wars with Canada and Mexico. Mass immigration and powerful religious movements sent tremors through American society. But even as the powerful defended the status quo, others defied it: voices from the margins moved the center; eccentric visions altered the accepted wisdom, and acts of empathy questioned self-interest. </p><p>Edward L. Ayers’s rich history examines the visions that moved Frederick Douglass, Margaret Fuller, the Native American activist William Apess, and others to challenge entrenched practices and beliefs. So, Lydia Maria Child condemned the racism of her fellow northerners at great personal cost. Melville and Thoreau, Joseph Smith and Samuel Morse all charted new paths for America in the realms of art, nature, belief, and technology. It was Henry David Thoreau who, speaking of John Brown, challenged a hostile crowd "Is it not possible that an individual may be right and a government wrong?" Through decades of award-winning scholarship on the Civil War, Edward L. Ayers has himself ventured beyond the interpretative status quo to recover the range of possibilities embedded in the past as it was lived. Here he turns that distinctive historical sensibility to a period when bold visionaries and critics built vigorous traditions of dissent and innovation into the foundation of the nation. Those traditions remain alive for us today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3878</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK9800264922.mp3?updated=1700684714" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Diane Carol Fujino, "Nisei Radicals: The Feminist Poetics and Transformative Ministry of Mitsuye Yamada and Michael Yasutake" (U Washington Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>This episode, which is co-hosted with Michael Nishimura, features a conversation with Dr. Diane C. Fujino, the author of Nisei Radicals: The Feminist Poetics and Transformative Ministry of Mitsuye Yamada and Reverend Michael Yasutake (University of Washington Press, 2020). 
The book traces the activism of two siblings who charted their own paths for what it meant to be Nisei. Reverend Mike was an Episcopal minister whose politics changed with the historical contexts and circumstances surrounding his life, whereas Mitsuye is one of the most widely known Nisei feminists and writers and was among the first writers to discuss the experience of incarceration. Through detailing their half-century of dedication to global movements, including multicultural feminism, Puerto Rican independence, Japanese American redress, and Indigenous sovereignty, Reverend Mike and Mitsuye’s lives complicate the dominant narrative that depicts Japanese Americans moving toward conservatism in the later part of the 20th century. Their lives present, in the words of Fujino, “a song of hope that transforms the ruptures and displacement of incarceration and atomic bombs, that moves from invisibility to insurgent mobilizations, and that rejects the projected polite politics of the Nisei to build, in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., ‘a world transcending citizenship’ that demands in/sight for the blind, food for all those who hunger, and liberation for the captive, for all of us bound by colonial, racial, and patriarchal structures” (p.190).
Dr. Fujino is a professor of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Broadly, her research examines Japanese and Asian American activist history within an Asian American Radical Tradition and shaped by Black Power and Third World decolonization. Nisei Radicals joins her other political biographies including Heartbeat of Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Yuri Kochiyama (University of Minnesota Press, 2005), Samurai among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life (University of Minnesota Press, 2012). She is also co-editor of Contemporary Asia American Activism: Building Movements for Liberation (University of Washington Press, 2022).
Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Michael Nishimura (he/him) is a graduate student in Sociology and Asian American studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 25 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>73</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Diane Carol Fujino</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This episode, which is co-hosted with Michael Nishimura, features a conversation with Dr. Diane C. Fujino, the author of Nisei Radicals: The Feminist Poetics and Transformative Ministry of Mitsuye Yamada and Reverend Michael Yasutake (University of Washington Press, 2020). 
The book traces the activism of two siblings who charted their own paths for what it meant to be Nisei. Reverend Mike was an Episcopal minister whose politics changed with the historical contexts and circumstances surrounding his life, whereas Mitsuye is one of the most widely known Nisei feminists and writers and was among the first writers to discuss the experience of incarceration. Through detailing their half-century of dedication to global movements, including multicultural feminism, Puerto Rican independence, Japanese American redress, and Indigenous sovereignty, Reverend Mike and Mitsuye’s lives complicate the dominant narrative that depicts Japanese Americans moving toward conservatism in the later part of the 20th century. Their lives present, in the words of Fujino, “a song of hope that transforms the ruptures and displacement of incarceration and atomic bombs, that moves from invisibility to insurgent mobilizations, and that rejects the projected polite politics of the Nisei to build, in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., ‘a world transcending citizenship’ that demands in/sight for the blind, food for all those who hunger, and liberation for the captive, for all of us bound by colonial, racial, and patriarchal structures” (p.190).
Dr. Fujino is a professor of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Broadly, her research examines Japanese and Asian American activist history within an Asian American Radical Tradition and shaped by Black Power and Third World decolonization. Nisei Radicals joins her other political biographies including Heartbeat of Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Yuri Kochiyama (University of Minnesota Press, 2005), Samurai among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life (University of Minnesota Press, 2012). She is also co-editor of Contemporary Asia American Activism: Building Movements for Liberation (University of Washington Press, 2022).
Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Michael Nishimura (he/him) is a graduate student in Sociology and Asian American studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This episode, which is co-hosted with Michael Nishimura, features a conversation with Dr. Diane C. Fujino, the author of <em>Nisei Radicals: </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780295748252"><em>The Feminist Poetics and Transformative Ministry of Mitsuye Yamada and Reverend Michael Yasutake</em></a> (University of Washington Press, 2020). </p><p>The book traces the activism of two siblings who charted their own paths for what it meant to be Nisei. Reverend Mike was an Episcopal minister whose politics changed with the historical contexts and circumstances surrounding his life, whereas Mitsuye is one of the most widely known Nisei feminists and writers and was among the first writers to discuss the experience of incarceration. Through detailing their half-century of dedication to global movements, including multicultural feminism, Puerto Rican independence, Japanese American redress, and Indigenous sovereignty, Reverend Mike and Mitsuye’s lives complicate the dominant narrative that depicts Japanese Americans moving toward conservatism in the later part of the 20th century. Their lives present, in the words of Fujino, “a song of hope that transforms the ruptures and displacement of incarceration and atomic bombs, that moves from invisibility to insurgent mobilizations, and that rejects the projected polite politics of the Nisei to build, in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., ‘a world transcending citizenship’ that demands in/sight for the blind, food for all those who hunger, and liberation for the captive, for all of us bound by colonial, racial, and patriarchal structures” (p.190).</p><p>Dr. Fujino is a professor of Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Broadly, her research examines Japanese and Asian American activist history within an Asian American Radical Tradition and shaped by Black Power and Third World decolonization. <em>Nisei Radicals</em> joins her other political biographies including <em>Heartbeat of Struggle: The Revolutionary Life of Yuri Kochiyama </em>(University of Minnesota Press, 2005), <em>Samurai among Panthers: Richard Aoki on Race, Resistance, and a Paradoxical Life</em> (University of Minnesota Press, 2012). She is also co-editor of <em>Contemporary Asia American Activism: Building Movements for Liberation</em> (University of Washington Press, 2022).</p><p><em>Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Michael Nishimura (he/him) is a graduate student in Sociology and Asian American studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3549</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Shea and Nicholas F. Jacobs, "The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The widening gulf between rural and urban America is becoming the most serious political divide of our day. Support for Democrats, up and down the ballot, has plummeted throughout the countryside, and the entire governing system is threatened by one-party dominance. After Donald Trump's surprising victories throughout rural America, pundits and journalists went searching for answers, popping into roadside diners and opining from afar. Rural Americans are supposedly bigots, culturally backwards, lazy, scared of the future, and radical. But is it that simple? Is the country splintering between two very different Americas--one rural, one urban? 
This pathbreaking book pinpoints forces behind the rise of the "rural voter"--a new political identity that combines a deeply felt sense of place with an increasingly nationalized set of concerns. Combining a historical perspective with the largest-ever national survey of rural voters, Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea uncover how this overwhelmingly crucial voting bloc emerged and how it has roiled American politics. They show how perceptions of economic and social change, racial anxieties, and a traditional way of life under assault have converged into a belief in rural uniqueness and separateness. Rural America believes it rises and falls together, and that the Democratic Party stands in the way. An unparalleled exploration of rural partisanship, this book offers a timely warning that the chasm separating urban and rural Americans cannot be papered over with policies or rhetoric. Instead, The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America (Columbia University Press, 2023) demonstrates, this division strikes at the heart of enduring conflicts over American identity.
Nicholas F. Jacobs is assistant professor of government at Colby College.
Daniel M. Shea is professor and chair of government at Colby College. 
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>689</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Shea and Nicholas F. Jacobs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The widening gulf between rural and urban America is becoming the most serious political divide of our day. Support for Democrats, up and down the ballot, has plummeted throughout the countryside, and the entire governing system is threatened by one-party dominance. After Donald Trump's surprising victories throughout rural America, pundits and journalists went searching for answers, popping into roadside diners and opining from afar. Rural Americans are supposedly bigots, culturally backwards, lazy, scared of the future, and radical. But is it that simple? Is the country splintering between two very different Americas--one rural, one urban? 
This pathbreaking book pinpoints forces behind the rise of the "rural voter"--a new political identity that combines a deeply felt sense of place with an increasingly nationalized set of concerns. Combining a historical perspective with the largest-ever national survey of rural voters, Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea uncover how this overwhelmingly crucial voting bloc emerged and how it has roiled American politics. They show how perceptions of economic and social change, racial anxieties, and a traditional way of life under assault have converged into a belief in rural uniqueness and separateness. Rural America believes it rises and falls together, and that the Democratic Party stands in the way. An unparalleled exploration of rural partisanship, this book offers a timely warning that the chasm separating urban and rural Americans cannot be papered over with policies or rhetoric. Instead, The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America (Columbia University Press, 2023) demonstrates, this division strikes at the heart of enduring conflicts over American identity.
Nicholas F. Jacobs is assistant professor of government at Colby College.
Daniel M. Shea is professor and chair of government at Colby College. 
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The widening gulf between rural and urban America is becoming the most serious political divide of our day. Support for Democrats, up and down the ballot, has plummeted throughout the countryside, and the entire governing system is threatened by one-party dominance. After Donald Trump's surprising victories throughout rural America, pundits and journalists went searching for answers, popping into roadside diners and opining from afar. Rural Americans are supposedly bigots, culturally backwards, lazy, scared of the future, and radical. But is it that simple? Is the country splintering between two very different Americas--one rural, one urban? </p><p>This pathbreaking book pinpoints forces behind the rise of the "rural voter"--a new political identity that combines a deeply felt sense of place with an increasingly nationalized set of concerns. Combining a historical perspective with the largest-ever national survey of rural voters, Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea uncover how this overwhelmingly crucial voting bloc emerged and how it has roiled American politics. They show how perceptions of economic and social change, racial anxieties, and a traditional way of life under assault have converged into a belief in rural uniqueness and separateness. Rural America believes it rises and falls together, and that the Democratic Party stands in the way. An unparalleled exploration of rural partisanship, this book offers a timely warning that the chasm separating urban and rural Americans cannot be papered over with policies or rhetoric. Instead, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231211581"><em>The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2023) demonstrates, this division strikes at the heart of enduring conflicts over American identity.</p><p>Nicholas F. Jacobs is assistant professor of government at Colby College.</p><p>Daniel M. Shea is professor and chair of government at Colby College. </p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3209</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Boris Heersink, "National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Boris Heersink’s new book guides the reader through over a century of politics and national parties in the United States. Heersink’s work is both qualitative and quantitative and approaches the national party organizations—the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee—from the perspective of American political development. This is a fascinating study of the way that the national parties operate when their party is in the White House or when their party is out of power in terms of the presidency. Heersink has mapped out the activities and approaches of the national parties through a host of different resources, from the available archival papers of party chairmen and women, to newspaper coverage of national party activities and events, to other media mechanisms that the parties individually, or mirroring each other, pursued to shape and promote their “brand.”
National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics (Oxford UP, 2023) tells us a lot about how the parties, from 1912 through to the contemporary experiences, have thought of their role in relation to electoral politics, especially from the top of the ticket to those running for lots of different offices. Heersink makes an interesting argument around the idea of party branding – and how party chairmen/women have worked to develop coherence within the national party and the many state and local parties whom they collaborate with and often serve. The difficulty for American political parties has long been the lack of coordination capacity and Heersink details the difficulties in coordination and various different paths that parties have taken over the years to try to create a clear “brand” for themselves and their voters/intended voters. This clarity helps voters to understand what it is a candidate stands for or supports given their party affiliation.
National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics details many of the creative ways that the parties found to communicate with party officials and elected representatives and candidates who were far from Washington, D.C. The research also makes note of the shifts and changes that the parties engaged in as the media environment shifted and changed, from radio and print media, to television, to 24-hour cable news networks, to talk radio, and now to social media. The rise of the presidential primary in the latter part of the 20th century comes to influence the ways that the national parties operate and also how they are limited in their capacities. This is an expansive exploration of the ways that national parties operate in the United States, and it carries the reader through to our current political landscape and how that landscape contributes to the dynamics around the 2020 and 2024 election cycles.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>688</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Boris Heersink</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Boris Heersink’s new book guides the reader through over a century of politics and national parties in the United States. Heersink’s work is both qualitative and quantitative and approaches the national party organizations—the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee—from the perspective of American political development. This is a fascinating study of the way that the national parties operate when their party is in the White House or when their party is out of power in terms of the presidency. Heersink has mapped out the activities and approaches of the national parties through a host of different resources, from the available archival papers of party chairmen and women, to newspaper coverage of national party activities and events, to other media mechanisms that the parties individually, or mirroring each other, pursued to shape and promote their “brand.”
National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics (Oxford UP, 2023) tells us a lot about how the parties, from 1912 through to the contemporary experiences, have thought of their role in relation to electoral politics, especially from the top of the ticket to those running for lots of different offices. Heersink makes an interesting argument around the idea of party branding – and how party chairmen/women have worked to develop coherence within the national party and the many state and local parties whom they collaborate with and often serve. The difficulty for American political parties has long been the lack of coordination capacity and Heersink details the difficulties in coordination and various different paths that parties have taken over the years to try to create a clear “brand” for themselves and their voters/intended voters. This clarity helps voters to understand what it is a candidate stands for or supports given their party affiliation.
National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics details many of the creative ways that the parties found to communicate with party officials and elected representatives and candidates who were far from Washington, D.C. The research also makes note of the shifts and changes that the parties engaged in as the media environment shifted and changed, from radio and print media, to television, to 24-hour cable news networks, to talk radio, and now to social media. The rise of the presidential primary in the latter part of the 20th century comes to influence the ways that the national parties operate and also how they are limited in their capacities. This is an expansive exploration of the ways that national parties operate in the United States, and it carries the reader through to our current political landscape and how that landscape contributes to the dynamics around the 2020 and 2024 election cycles.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Boris Heersink’s new book guides the reader through over a century of politics and national parties in the United States. Heersink’s work is both qualitative and quantitative and approaches the national party organizations—the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee—from the perspective of American political development. This is a fascinating study of the way that the national parties operate when their party is in the White House or when their party is out of power in terms of the presidency. Heersink has mapped out the activities and approaches of the national parties through a host of different resources, from the available archival papers of party chairmen and women, to newspaper coverage of national party activities and events, to other media mechanisms that the parties individually, or mirroring each other, pursued to shape and promote their “brand.”</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197695111"><em>National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023) tells us a lot about how the parties, from 1912 through to the contemporary experiences, have thought of their role in relation to electoral politics, especially from the top of the ticket to those running for lots of different offices. Heersink makes an interesting argument around the idea of party branding – and how party chairmen/women have worked to develop coherence within the national party and the many state and local parties whom they collaborate with and often serve. The difficulty for American political parties has long been the lack of coordination capacity and Heersink details the difficulties in coordination and various different paths that parties have taken over the years to try to create a clear “brand” for themselves and their voters/intended voters. This clarity helps voters to understand what it is a candidate stands for or supports given their party affiliation.</p><p><em>National Party Organizations and Party Brands in American Politics</em> details many of the creative ways that the parties found to communicate with party officials and elected representatives and candidates who were far from Washington, D.C. The research also makes note of the shifts and changes that the parties engaged in as the media environment shifted and changed, from radio and print media, to television, to 24-hour cable news networks, to talk radio, and now to social media. The rise of the presidential primary in the latter part of the 20th century comes to influence the ways that the national parties operate and also how they are limited in their capacities. This is an expansive exploration of the ways that national parties operate in the United States, and it carries the reader through to our current political landscape and how that landscape contributes to the dynamics around the 2020 and 2024 election cycles.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3024</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>William S. Kiser, "Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>The 19th-century Mexican-American borderlands were a complicated place. By the 1860s, Confederates, Americans, Mexicans, French, and various Native societies were all scheming and vying for control of the region bifurcated by the Rio Grande. In Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.- Mexico Borderlands (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Texas A&amp;M-San Antonio history professor William Kiser untangles the knotty history of this place at this time. For the United States, the Mexican borderlands were a problem - porous, difficult to control, and threatening to American sovereignty. For the Confederacy, the borderlands were a screen onto which they could project their dreams of a southern empire of slavery. For Mexicans, the borderlands represented their lack of control and political instability, while for Native people, they were homelands, to be defended at all costs. The borderlands were thus a contested space, where that same contestation shaped policy and outcomes of international crises, including the Civil War and the French Intervention. Kiser asks us to expand the boundaries of "Greater Reconstruction" to include not just the American West, but to cross international boundaries as well.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>145</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William S. Kiser</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 19th-century Mexican-American borderlands were a complicated place. By the 1860s, Confederates, Americans, Mexicans, French, and various Native societies were all scheming and vying for control of the region bifurcated by the Rio Grande. In Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.- Mexico Borderlands (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Texas A&amp;M-San Antonio history professor William Kiser untangles the knotty history of this place at this time. For the United States, the Mexican borderlands were a problem - porous, difficult to control, and threatening to American sovereignty. For the Confederacy, the borderlands were a screen onto which they could project their dreams of a southern empire of slavery. For Mexicans, the borderlands represented their lack of control and political instability, while for Native people, they were homelands, to be defended at all costs. The borderlands were thus a contested space, where that same contestation shaped policy and outcomes of international crises, including the Civil War and the French Intervention. Kiser asks us to expand the boundaries of "Greater Reconstruction" to include not just the American West, but to cross international boundaries as well.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 19th-century Mexican-American borderlands were a complicated place. By the 1860s, Confederates, Americans, Mexicans, French, and various Native societies were all scheming and vying for control of the region bifurcated by the Rio Grande. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253511"><em>Illusions of Empire: The Civil War and Reconstruction in the U.S.- Mexico Borderlands</em></a> (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Texas A&amp;M-San Antonio history professor William Kiser untangles the knotty history of this place at this time. For the United States, the Mexican borderlands were a problem - porous, difficult to control, and threatening to American sovereignty. For the Confederacy, the borderlands were a screen onto which they could project their dreams of a southern empire of slavery. For Mexicans, the borderlands represented their lack of control and political instability, while for Native people, they were homelands, to be defended at all costs. The borderlands were thus a contested space, where that same contestation shaped policy and outcomes of international crises, including the Civil War and the French Intervention. Kiser asks us to expand the boundaries of "Greater Reconstruction" to include not just the American West, but to cross international boundaries as well.</p><p><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota and is the Assistant Director of the American Society for Environmental History.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3266</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The US State Department and Ever-Changing Global Politics</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Assistant Secretary of State for Global Public Affairs Bill Russo. Assistant Secretary Russo commented on the role of the United States in the ever-changing dynamics of global politics and how it is perceived as a leader in conflict resolution and often called to act as an arbitrator in wars. 
Moreover, Assistant Secretary Russo explains how the “dissent channels” in the State Department, which originated during the Vietnam War as a way to offer opportunities for State Department personnel to criticize Department policy, continue to do so in the context of the Israel-Hamas war. 
Finally, the Assistant Secretary highlighted the importance of the recruiting process into the Foreign Service to ensure that the ranks reflect the demographic composition of the United States and explained how the democratization of the foreign service has been carried out in the past two decades since Colin Powell was Secretary of State in the early part of the 21st century.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>131</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bill Russo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Assistant Secretary of State for Global Public Affairs Bill Russo. Assistant Secretary Russo commented on the role of the United States in the ever-changing dynamics of global politics and how it is perceived as a leader in conflict resolution and often called to act as an arbitrator in wars. 
Moreover, Assistant Secretary Russo explains how the “dissent channels” in the State Department, which originated during the Vietnam War as a way to offer opportunities for State Department personnel to criticize Department policy, continue to do so in the context of the Israel-Hamas war. 
Finally, the Assistant Secretary highlighted the importance of the recruiting process into the Foreign Service to ensure that the ranks reflect the demographic composition of the United States and explained how the democratization of the foreign service has been carried out in the past two decades since Colin Powell was Secretary of State in the early part of the 21st century.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Assistant Secretary of State for Global Public Affairs <a href="https://www.state.gov/biographies/bill-russo/">Bill Russo</a>. Assistant Secretary Russo commented on the role of the United States in the ever-changing dynamics of global politics and how it is perceived as a leader in conflict resolution and often called to act as an arbitrator in wars. </p><p>Moreover, Assistant Secretary Russo explains how the “dissent channels” in the State Department, which originated during the Vietnam War as a way to offer opportunities for State Department personnel to criticize Department policy, continue to do so in the context of the Israel-Hamas war. </p><p>Finally, the Assistant Secretary highlighted the importance of the recruiting process into the Foreign Service to ensure that the ranks reflect the demographic composition of the United States and explained how the democratization of the foreign service has been carried out in the past two decades since Colin Powell was Secretary of State in the early part of the 21st century.</p><p><em>﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the </em><a href="http://ralphbuncheinstitute.org/"><em>Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies</em></a><em> that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. </em><a href="https://www.gc.cuny.edu/people/john-torpey"><em>John Torpey</em></a><em>, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1964</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK4258084295.mp3?updated=1700511921" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Cody D. Ewert, "Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In recent years, public schools have become one of the central battlegrounds of American politics. Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) lucidly explores how schools acquired such a critical role in the United States and its nation-building projects. Its author, Cody Dodge Ewert, illustrates how school reformers in the Progressive Era celebrated public education’s unique capacity to unite a diverse and diffuse citizenry while curing a broad swath of social and political ills. Pitching the school as a quintessentially American institution, these reformers’ lofty visions and nation-building projects inspired a historic expansion in public schooling, laying the groundwork for contemporary struggles over the structure and curriculum of public schools.
Making Schools American carefully historicizes this varied progressive movement, examining case studies in New York, Utah, and Texas which all shed a unique light on the development of American education and the broader debates of the turn-of-the-twentieth-century United States concerning what it meant to be an American.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, education, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>239</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cody D. Ewert</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In recent years, public schools have become one of the central battlegrounds of American politics. Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) lucidly explores how schools acquired such a critical role in the United States and its nation-building projects. Its author, Cody Dodge Ewert, illustrates how school reformers in the Progressive Era celebrated public education’s unique capacity to unite a diverse and diffuse citizenry while curing a broad swath of social and political ills. Pitching the school as a quintessentially American institution, these reformers’ lofty visions and nation-building projects inspired a historic expansion in public schooling, laying the groundwork for contemporary struggles over the structure and curriculum of public schools.
Making Schools American carefully historicizes this varied progressive movement, examining case studies in New York, Utah, and Texas which all shed a unique light on the development of American education and the broader debates of the turn-of-the-twentieth-century United States concerning what it meant to be an American.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, education, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In recent years, public schools have become one of the central battlegrounds of American politics. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421442792"><em>Making Schools American: Nationalism and the Origin of Modern Educational Politics</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) lucidly explores how schools acquired such a critical role in the United States and its nation-building projects. Its author, Cody Dodge Ewert, illustrates how school reformers in the Progressive Era celebrated public education’s unique capacity to unite a diverse and diffuse citizenry while curing a broad swath of social and political ills. Pitching the school as a quintessentially American institution, these reformers’ lofty visions and nation-building projects inspired a historic expansion in public schooling, laying the groundwork for contemporary struggles over the structure and curriculum of public schools.</p><p><em>Making Schools American </em>carefully historicizes this varied progressive movement, examining case studies in New York, Utah, and Texas which all shed a unique light on the development of American education and the broader debates of the turn-of-the-twentieth-century United States concerning what it meant to be an American.</p><p><a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/americas/research/research-students/thomas-cryer"><em>Thomas Cryer</em></a><em> is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, education, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3237</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Seán Creagh, "The Wolfhounds of Irish-American Nationalism: A History of Clan Na Gael, 1867-Present" (Peter Lang, 2023)</title>
      <description>As Ireland's oldest revolutionary movement and America's oldest transatlantic nationalist organization this is the first book covering the entire history of Clan na Gael. Formed in 1867 and existing up to the present Clan na Gael has been involved directly and indirectly in every violent revolutionary attempt for Irish independence and unification since its formation 155 years ago. Despite this long history it is the least studied and most underappreciated of Ireland's revolutionary movements. A large part of this is due to academic bias and major under appreciation as to the role of Irish America within the broader struggle for Irish independence. Clan na Gael's influence also went well beyond the borders of Ireland. Within the U.S Clan na Gael proved a major model of influence and inspiration for movements such as Zionism, Indian nationalists, African American nationalists and even the Suffragette movement among others. Seán Creagh's book The Wolfhounds of Irish-American Nationalism: A History of Clan Na Gael, 1867-Present (Peter Lang, 2023) attempts to give this long-neglected movement its proper place within the annals of Irish history as well as that of Anglo-American relations and transatlantic nationalism.
﻿Aidan Beatty teaches in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>53</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Seán Creagh</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As Ireland's oldest revolutionary movement and America's oldest transatlantic nationalist organization this is the first book covering the entire history of Clan na Gael. Formed in 1867 and existing up to the present Clan na Gael has been involved directly and indirectly in every violent revolutionary attempt for Irish independence and unification since its formation 155 years ago. Despite this long history it is the least studied and most underappreciated of Ireland's revolutionary movements. A large part of this is due to academic bias and major under appreciation as to the role of Irish America within the broader struggle for Irish independence. Clan na Gael's influence also went well beyond the borders of Ireland. Within the U.S Clan na Gael proved a major model of influence and inspiration for movements such as Zionism, Indian nationalists, African American nationalists and even the Suffragette movement among others. Seán Creagh's book The Wolfhounds of Irish-American Nationalism: A History of Clan Na Gael, 1867-Present (Peter Lang, 2023) attempts to give this long-neglected movement its proper place within the annals of Irish history as well as that of Anglo-American relations and transatlantic nationalism.
﻿Aidan Beatty teaches in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As Ireland's oldest revolutionary movement and America's oldest transatlantic nationalist organization this is the first book covering the entire history of Clan na Gael. Formed in 1867 and existing up to the present Clan na Gael has been involved directly and indirectly in every violent revolutionary attempt for Irish independence and unification since its formation 155 years ago. Despite this long history it is the least studied and most underappreciated of Ireland's revolutionary movements. A large part of this is due to academic bias and major under appreciation as to the role of Irish America within the broader struggle for Irish independence. Clan na Gael's influence also went well beyond the borders of Ireland. Within the U.S Clan na Gael proved a major model of influence and inspiration for movements such as Zionism, Indian nationalists, African American nationalists and even the Suffragette movement among others. Seán Creagh's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781800799967"><em>The Wolfhounds of Irish-American Nationalism: A History of Clan Na Gael, 1867-Present</em></a><em> </em>(Peter Lang, 2023) attempts to give this long-neglected movement its proper place within the annals of Irish history as well as that of Anglo-American relations and transatlantic nationalism.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://aidanbeatty.com/"><em>Aidan Beatty</em></a><em> teaches in the history department at Carnegie Mellon University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1678</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Leonard Grob and John K. Roth, "Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy" (Cascade Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>Old friends--one a Jew, the other a Christian--Leonard (Lenny) Grob and John K. Roth are philosophers who have long studied the Holocaust. That experience makes us anxious about democracy, because we are also Americans living in perilous times. The 2020s remind us of the 1930s when Nazis destroyed democracy in Germany. Carnage followed. In the 2020s, Donald Trump and his followers endanger democracy in the United States. With Vladimir Putin's ruthless assault against Ukraine compounding the difficulties, democracy must not be taken for granted. Americans love democracy--except when we don't. That division and conflict mean that democracy will be on the ballot in the 2024 American elections. 
Probing the prospects, Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy (Cascade Books, 2023) features exchanges between us that underscore the most urgent threats to democracy in the United States and show how to resist them. What's most needed is ethical patriotism that urges us Americans to be our best selves. Our best selves defend liberal democracy; they strive for inclusive pluralism. Our best selves resist decisions and policies like those that led to the Holocaust or genocidal war in Ukraine or conspiracies to overturn fair and free elections in the United States. Our best selves reject antisemitism and racism; they oppose hypocrisy and autocracy. Our best selves hold lying leaders accountable. Our best selves believe that, against all odds, democracy can win out if we never give up trying to be our best.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>203</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John K. Roth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Old friends--one a Jew, the other a Christian--Leonard (Lenny) Grob and John K. Roth are philosophers who have long studied the Holocaust. That experience makes us anxious about democracy, because we are also Americans living in perilous times. The 2020s remind us of the 1930s when Nazis destroyed democracy in Germany. Carnage followed. In the 2020s, Donald Trump and his followers endanger democracy in the United States. With Vladimir Putin's ruthless assault against Ukraine compounding the difficulties, democracy must not be taken for granted. Americans love democracy--except when we don't. That division and conflict mean that democracy will be on the ballot in the 2024 American elections. 
Probing the prospects, Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy (Cascade Books, 2023) features exchanges between us that underscore the most urgent threats to democracy in the United States and show how to resist them. What's most needed is ethical patriotism that urges us Americans to be our best selves. Our best selves defend liberal democracy; they strive for inclusive pluralism. Our best selves resist decisions and policies like those that led to the Holocaust or genocidal war in Ukraine or conspiracies to overturn fair and free elections in the United States. Our best selves reject antisemitism and racism; they oppose hypocrisy and autocracy. Our best selves hold lying leaders accountable. Our best selves believe that, against all odds, democracy can win out if we never give up trying to be our best.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Old friends--one a Jew, the other a Christian--Leonard (Lenny) Grob and John K. Roth are philosophers who have long studied the Holocaust. That experience makes us anxious about democracy, because we are also Americans living in perilous times. The 2020s remind us of the 1930s when Nazis destroyed democracy in Germany. Carnage followed. In the 2020s, Donald Trump and his followers endanger democracy in the United States. With Vladimir Putin's ruthless assault against Ukraine compounding the difficulties, democracy must not be taken for granted. Americans love democracy--except when we don't. That division and conflict mean that democracy will be on the ballot in the 2024 American elections. </p><p>Probing the prospects, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781666743968"><em>Warnings: The Holocaust, Ukraine, and Endangered American Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Cascade Books, 2023) features exchanges between us that underscore the most urgent threats to democracy in the United States and show how to resist them. What's most needed is ethical patriotism that urges us Americans to be our best selves. Our best selves defend liberal democracy; they strive for inclusive pluralism. Our best selves resist decisions and policies like those that led to the Holocaust or genocidal war in Ukraine or conspiracies to overturn fair and free elections in the United States. Our best selves reject antisemitism and racism; they oppose hypocrisy and autocracy. Our best selves hold lying leaders accountable. Our best selves believe that, against all odds, democracy can win out if we never give up trying to be our best.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.american.edu/sis/faculty/bachman.cfm"><em>Jeff Bachman</em></a><em> is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3987</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Rural-Urban Divide: A Discussion with Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea</title>
      <description>The town/countryside split has always been a feature of democratic Western politics and has impacted party choice. The advent of rust belts may have added a layer of complexity and may help explain why the differences between rural and urban voters seem to be deepening in the US. Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea are the authors of The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America (Columbia UP, 2023). Listen to them discuss the rural-urban divide with Owen Bennett-Jones. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>87</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The town/countryside split has always been a feature of democratic Western politics and has impacted party choice. The advent of rust belts may have added a layer of complexity and may help explain why the differences between rural and urban voters seem to be deepening in the US. Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea are the authors of The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America (Columbia UP, 2023). Listen to them discuss the rural-urban divide with Owen Bennett-Jones. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The town/countryside split has always been a feature of democratic Western politics and has impacted party choice. The advent of rust belts may have added a layer of complexity and may help explain why the differences between rural and urban voters seem to be deepening in the US. Nicholas F. Jacobs and Daniel M. Shea are the authors of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231211581"><em>The Rural Voter: The Politics of Place and the Disuniting of America</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2023). Listen to them discuss the rural-urban divide with Owen Bennett-Jones. </p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2434</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[43463322-86eb-11ee-8832-033ad05d1206]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK5893889177.mp3?updated=1700406098" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Chris Cutrone, "The Death of the Millennial Left: Interventions: 2006-2022" (Sublation Media, 2023)</title>
      <description>In The Death of the Millennial Left: Interventions: 2006-2022 (Sublation Media, 2023), Chris Cutrone investigates how and why the Millennial Left did not take up the task of socialism for the their time and relegated themselves to the shadows of the GenX Left and the New Left before them.
The Millennial Left, facing the War on Terror, the Great Recession, the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement, and the Black Lives Matter protests, as well as the Presidencies of Obama and Trump and the political discontents expressed by them and by Bernie Sanders, Brexit and Jeremy Corbyn, SYRIZA, et al, was tasked with the struggle for socialism in the core of global capital. It failed to even attempt this task. In the essays collected here, spanning the Millennial generation's many agonies, Chris Cutrone cuts through the accumulated legacy of failures that the Millennials inherited from the Left of the 20th century and that blocked their view of the socialist politics needed to turn the crisis of neoliberal capitalism into a struggle to overcome capitalism. A critique of the history of the recent and current Left, the book is also a lesson in politics: the politics marking the 21st century and the absence of Marxism informing the Left as much as the Right. It is essential reading for anybody interested in a socialist politics of freedom. 
Chris Cutrone teaches Critical Theory at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago and the Institute for Clinical Social Work. He completed his PhD on Adorno's Marxism at the University of Chicago, where he taught for many years in the Social Sciences Core Curriculum, and is the original lead organizer and chief pedagogue of the Platypus Affiliated Society.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 19 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>180</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Chris Cutrone</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Death of the Millennial Left: Interventions: 2006-2022 (Sublation Media, 2023), Chris Cutrone investigates how and why the Millennial Left did not take up the task of socialism for the their time and relegated themselves to the shadows of the GenX Left and the New Left before them.
The Millennial Left, facing the War on Terror, the Great Recession, the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement, and the Black Lives Matter protests, as well as the Presidencies of Obama and Trump and the political discontents expressed by them and by Bernie Sanders, Brexit and Jeremy Corbyn, SYRIZA, et al, was tasked with the struggle for socialism in the core of global capital. It failed to even attempt this task. In the essays collected here, spanning the Millennial generation's many agonies, Chris Cutrone cuts through the accumulated legacy of failures that the Millennials inherited from the Left of the 20th century and that blocked their view of the socialist politics needed to turn the crisis of neoliberal capitalism into a struggle to overcome capitalism. A critique of the history of the recent and current Left, the book is also a lesson in politics: the politics marking the 21st century and the absence of Marxism informing the Left as much as the Right. It is essential reading for anybody interested in a socialist politics of freedom. 
Chris Cutrone teaches Critical Theory at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago and the Institute for Clinical Social Work. He completed his PhD on Adorno's Marxism at the University of Chicago, where he taught for many years in the Social Sciences Core Curriculum, and is the original lead organizer and chief pedagogue of the Platypus Affiliated Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798986788463"><em>The Death of the Millennial Left: Interventions: 2006-2022</em></a> (Sublation Media, 2023), Chris Cutrone investigates how and why the Millennial Left did not take up the task of socialism for the their time and relegated themselves to the shadows of the GenX Left and the New Left before them.</p><p>The Millennial Left, facing the War on Terror, the Great Recession, the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement, and the Black Lives Matter protests, as well as the Presidencies of Obama and Trump and the political discontents expressed by them and by Bernie Sanders, Brexit and Jeremy Corbyn, SYRIZA, et al, was tasked with the struggle for socialism in the core of global capital. It failed to even attempt this task. In the essays collected here, spanning the Millennial generation's many agonies, Chris Cutrone cuts through the accumulated legacy of failures that the Millennials inherited from the Left of the 20th century and that blocked their view of the socialist politics needed to turn the crisis of neoliberal capitalism into a struggle to overcome capitalism. A critique of the history of the recent and current Left, the book is also a lesson in politics: the politics marking the 21st century and the absence of Marxism informing the Left as much as the Right. It is essential reading for anybody interested in a socialist politics of freedom. </p><p>Chris Cutrone teaches Critical Theory at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago and the Institute for Clinical Social Work. He completed his PhD on Adorno's Marxism at the University of Chicago, where he taught for many years in the Social Sciences Core Curriculum, and is the original lead organizer and chief pedagogue of the <a href="https://platypus1917.org/category/platypus-review-authors/chris-cutrone/">Platypus Affiliated Society</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3802</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert P. George's 'Making Men Moral': A 30th Anniversary Conference</title>
      <description>The first book in the storied career of one of the most influential conservative legal scholars and philosophers of our day is the focus of an upcoming conference in Washington, DC. Making Men Moral (1993) is the book and Robert P. George is the man behind it—Princeton professor of jurisprudence, bioethicist and pro-life and civil liberties champion. Scheduled speakers include some of the most important thinkers on social conservatism and legal thought of the generations he has molded, plus many of his peers and George himself. This conference is our focus for today.
As the founder and director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University since 2000, George has provided a model for a slew of similar programs, centers and institutes throughout American academia and abroad. He is also a noted public speaker, often in partnership with his good friend the African-American scholar, Cornel West.
Because of George’s outsized role in public discussion of moral issues and his unique position as a stalwart Christian voice and admired scholar in the heavily secular academe of our time, rather than interview the author of a book today I will be chatting with one of the organizers of Making Men Moral: 30th Anniversary Conference. This event is co-sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Ethics &amp; Public Policy Center, Pepperdine University School of Public Policy, and the Project on Constitutional Originalism and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at Catholic University.
And luckily for those unable to attend in person the event at AEI in Washington, DC Thursday, November 30, 2023 | 12:00 PM to 5:30 PM ET and Friday, December 1, 2023 | 9:00 AM to 5:15 PM ET, they can register to follow the proceedings live online for free.
This is a welcome opportunity to learn about one of the most important books in the fields of moral philosophy, the philosophy of law, and natural law of the last 30 years.
For decades, George’s Making Men Moral: Civil Liberties and Public Morality has been the go-to text for legal scholars, political theorists, philosophers and educated readers who want to grasp what types of human vice and folly can be legitimately regulated, what the relationship is between morals legislation and freedom, what is owed by the individual to the ordering of society, and what falls under the protection of privacy or basic civil liberties legal regimes.
The conference features leading lights in the conservative legal firmament such as our guest today--J. Joel Alicea an associate professor at the Columbus School of Law of the Catholic University of America, Sherif Girgis, Melissa Moschella and Professor George himself. It will also feature scholars in the fields of theology and religious learning such as Andrew T. Walker; bioethicists and legal scholars such as O. Carter Snead; luminaries in the field of natural law like Hadley Arkes; journalists such as Timothy P. Carney and Alexandra DeSanctis and notable social scientists such as Mark Regnerus and W. Bradford Wilcox.
The first day of the two-day conference will feature an interview of George by his fellow public intellectual and former student, Ryan T. Anderson.
Our guest today, Professor Alicea, will not only open the conference but will participate in a panel discussion entitled, “Making Men Moral and Constitutional Interpretation,” the title of which nicely encapsulates two of the many roles Robert P. George serves in the public sphere: George is both a powerful moral voice and a skillful, much loved professor at Princeton where he teaches a famous course on Constitutional Interpretation (the lectures of which were recorded and are available free online).
Let’s hear from Professor Alicea.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 18 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>687</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with J. Joel Alicea</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first book in the storied career of one of the most influential conservative legal scholars and philosophers of our day is the focus of an upcoming conference in Washington, DC. Making Men Moral (1993) is the book and Robert P. George is the man behind it—Princeton professor of jurisprudence, bioethicist and pro-life and civil liberties champion. Scheduled speakers include some of the most important thinkers on social conservatism and legal thought of the generations he has molded, plus many of his peers and George himself. This conference is our focus for today.
As the founder and director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University since 2000, George has provided a model for a slew of similar programs, centers and institutes throughout American academia and abroad. He is also a noted public speaker, often in partnership with his good friend the African-American scholar, Cornel West.
Because of George’s outsized role in public discussion of moral issues and his unique position as a stalwart Christian voice and admired scholar in the heavily secular academe of our time, rather than interview the author of a book today I will be chatting with one of the organizers of Making Men Moral: 30th Anniversary Conference. This event is co-sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Ethics &amp; Public Policy Center, Pepperdine University School of Public Policy, and the Project on Constitutional Originalism and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at Catholic University.
And luckily for those unable to attend in person the event at AEI in Washington, DC Thursday, November 30, 2023 | 12:00 PM to 5:30 PM ET and Friday, December 1, 2023 | 9:00 AM to 5:15 PM ET, they can register to follow the proceedings live online for free.
This is a welcome opportunity to learn about one of the most important books in the fields of moral philosophy, the philosophy of law, and natural law of the last 30 years.
For decades, George’s Making Men Moral: Civil Liberties and Public Morality has been the go-to text for legal scholars, political theorists, philosophers and educated readers who want to grasp what types of human vice and folly can be legitimately regulated, what the relationship is between morals legislation and freedom, what is owed by the individual to the ordering of society, and what falls under the protection of privacy or basic civil liberties legal regimes.
The conference features leading lights in the conservative legal firmament such as our guest today--J. Joel Alicea an associate professor at the Columbus School of Law of the Catholic University of America, Sherif Girgis, Melissa Moschella and Professor George himself. It will also feature scholars in the fields of theology and religious learning such as Andrew T. Walker; bioethicists and legal scholars such as O. Carter Snead; luminaries in the field of natural law like Hadley Arkes; journalists such as Timothy P. Carney and Alexandra DeSanctis and notable social scientists such as Mark Regnerus and W. Bradford Wilcox.
The first day of the two-day conference will feature an interview of George by his fellow public intellectual and former student, Ryan T. Anderson.
Our guest today, Professor Alicea, will not only open the conference but will participate in a panel discussion entitled, “Making Men Moral and Constitutional Interpretation,” the title of which nicely encapsulates two of the many roles Robert P. George serves in the public sphere: George is both a powerful moral voice and a skillful, much loved professor at Princeton where he teaches a famous course on Constitutional Interpretation (the lectures of which were recorded and are available free online).
Let’s hear from Professor Alicea.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first book in the storied career of one of the most influential conservative legal scholars and philosophers of our day is the focus of an upcoming conference in Washington, DC. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780198260240"><em>Making Men Moral</em></a><em> </em>(1993) is the book and <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/robert-p-george">Robert P. George</a> is the man behind it—Princeton professor of jurisprudence, bioethicist and pro-life and civil liberties champion. Scheduled speakers include some of the most important thinkers on social conservatism and legal thought of the generations he has molded, plus many of his peers and George himself. This conference is our focus for today.</p><p>As the founder and director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University since 2000, George has provided a model for a slew of similar programs, centers and institutes throughout American academia and abroad. He is also a noted public speaker, often in partnership with his good friend the African-American scholar, Cornel West.</p><p>Because of George’s outsized role in public discussion of moral issues and his unique position as a stalwart Christian voice and admired scholar in the heavily secular academe of our time, rather than interview the author of a book today I will be chatting with one of the organizers of <a href="https://www.aei.org/events/making-men-moral-30th-anniversary-conference/">Making Men Moral: 30th Anniversary Conference</a>. This event is co-sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Ethics &amp; Public Policy Center, Pepperdine University School of Public Policy, and the Project on Constitutional Originalism and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition at Catholic University.</p><p>And luckily for those unable to attend in person the event at AEI in Washington, DC Thursday, November 30, 2023 | 12:00 PM to 5:30 PM ET and Friday, December 1, 2023 | 9:00 AM to 5:15 PM ET, they can register to follow the proceedings live online for free.</p><p>This is a welcome opportunity to learn about one of the most important books in the fields of moral philosophy, the philosophy of law, and natural law of the last 30 years.</p><p>For decades, George’s <em>Making Men Moral: Civil Liberties and Public Morality</em> has been the go-to text for legal scholars, political theorists, philosophers and educated readers who want to grasp what types of human vice and folly can be legitimately regulated, what the relationship is between morals legislation and freedom, what is owed by the individual to the ordering of society, and what falls under the protection of privacy or basic civil liberties legal regimes.</p><p>The conference features leading lights in the conservative legal firmament such as our guest today--<a href="https://www.law.edu/about-us/faculty-and-staff/directory/expert-faculty/alicea-joel/index.html">J. Joel Alicea</a> an associate professor at the Columbus School of Law of the Catholic University of America, Sherif Girgis, Melissa Moschella and Professor George himself. It will also feature scholars in the fields of theology and religious learning such as Andrew T. Walker; bioethicists and legal scholars such as O. Carter Snead; luminaries in the field of natural law like Hadley Arkes; journalists such as Timothy P. Carney and Alexandra DeSanctis and notable social scientists such as Mark Regnerus and W. Bradford Wilcox.</p><p>The first day of the two-day conference will feature an interview of George by his fellow public intellectual and former student, Ryan T. Anderson.</p><p>Our guest today, Professor Alicea, will not only open the conference but will participate in a panel discussion entitled, “Making Men Moral and Constitutional Interpretation,” the title of which nicely encapsulates two of the many roles Robert P. George serves in the public sphere: George is both a powerful moral voice and a skillful, much loved professor at Princeton where he teaches a famous course on Constitutional Interpretation (the lectures of which were recorded and are available free online).</p><p>Let’s hear from Professor Alicea.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3511</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Charisse Burden-Stelly, "Black Scare/Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the early twentieth century, two panics emerged in the United States. The Black Scare was rooted in white Americans’ fear of Black Nationalism and dread at what social, economic, and political equality of Black people might entail. The Red Scare, sparked by communist uprisings abroad and subversion at home, established anticapitalism as a force capable of infiltrating and disrupting the American order. In Black Scare / Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States (U Chicago Press, 2023), Charisse Burden-Stelly meticulously outlines the conjoined nature of these state-sanctioned panics, revealing how they unfolded together as the United States pursued capitalist domination. Antiradical repression, she shows, is inseparable from anti-Black oppression, and vice versa.
Beginning her account in 1917—the year of the Bolshevik Revolution, the East St. Louis Race Riot, and the Espionage Act—Burden-Stelly traces the long duration of these intertwined and mutually reinforcing phenomena. She theorizes two bases of the Black Scare / Red Scare: US Capitalist Racist Society, a racially hierarchical political economy built on exploitative labor relationships, and Wall Street Imperialism, the violent processes by which businesses and the US government structured domestic and foreign policies to consolidate capital and racial domination. In opposition, Radical Blackness embodied the government’s fear of both Black insurrection and Red instigation. The state’s actions and rhetoric therefore characterized Black anticapitalists as foreign, alien, and undesirable. This reactionary response led to an ideology that Burden-Stelly calls True Americanism, the belief that the best things about America were absolutely not Red and not Black, which were interchangeable threats.
Black Scare / Red Scare illuminates the anticommunist nature of the US and its governance, but also shines a light on a misunderstood tradition of struggle for Black liberation. Burden-Stelly highlights the Black anticapitalist organizers working within and alongside the international communist movement and analyzes the ways the Black Scare/Red Scare reverberates through ongoing suppression of Black radical activism today. Drawing on a range of administrative, legal, and archival sources, Burden-Stelly incorporates emancipatory ideas from several disciplines to uncover novel insights into Black political minorities and their legacy.
@amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>427</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charisse Burden-Stelly</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the early twentieth century, two panics emerged in the United States. The Black Scare was rooted in white Americans’ fear of Black Nationalism and dread at what social, economic, and political equality of Black people might entail. The Red Scare, sparked by communist uprisings abroad and subversion at home, established anticapitalism as a force capable of infiltrating and disrupting the American order. In Black Scare / Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States (U Chicago Press, 2023), Charisse Burden-Stelly meticulously outlines the conjoined nature of these state-sanctioned panics, revealing how they unfolded together as the United States pursued capitalist domination. Antiradical repression, she shows, is inseparable from anti-Black oppression, and vice versa.
Beginning her account in 1917—the year of the Bolshevik Revolution, the East St. Louis Race Riot, and the Espionage Act—Burden-Stelly traces the long duration of these intertwined and mutually reinforcing phenomena. She theorizes two bases of the Black Scare / Red Scare: US Capitalist Racist Society, a racially hierarchical political economy built on exploitative labor relationships, and Wall Street Imperialism, the violent processes by which businesses and the US government structured domestic and foreign policies to consolidate capital and racial domination. In opposition, Radical Blackness embodied the government’s fear of both Black insurrection and Red instigation. The state’s actions and rhetoric therefore characterized Black anticapitalists as foreign, alien, and undesirable. This reactionary response led to an ideology that Burden-Stelly calls True Americanism, the belief that the best things about America were absolutely not Red and not Black, which were interchangeable threats.
Black Scare / Red Scare illuminates the anticommunist nature of the US and its governance, but also shines a light on a misunderstood tradition of struggle for Black liberation. Burden-Stelly highlights the Black anticapitalist organizers working within and alongside the international communist movement and analyzes the ways the Black Scare/Red Scare reverberates through ongoing suppression of Black radical activism today. Drawing on a range of administrative, legal, and archival sources, Burden-Stelly incorporates emancipatory ideas from several disciplines to uncover novel insights into Black political minorities and their legacy.
@amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the early twentieth century, two panics emerged in the United States. The Black Scare was rooted in white Americans’ fear of Black Nationalism and dread at what social, economic, and political equality of Black people might entail. The Red Scare, sparked by communist uprisings abroad and subversion at home, established anticapitalism as a force capable of infiltrating and disrupting the American order. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226830155"><em>Black Scare / Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2023), Charisse Burden-Stelly meticulously outlines the conjoined nature of these state-sanctioned panics, revealing how they unfolded together as the United States pursued capitalist domination. Antiradical repression, she shows, is inseparable from anti-Black oppression, and vice versa.</p><p>Beginning her account in 1917—the year of the Bolshevik Revolution, the East St. Louis Race Riot, and the Espionage Act—Burden-Stelly traces the long duration of these intertwined and mutually reinforcing phenomena. She theorizes two bases of the Black Scare / Red Scare: US Capitalist Racist Society, a racially hierarchical political economy built on exploitative labor relationships, and Wall Street Imperialism, the violent processes by which businesses and the US government structured domestic and foreign policies to consolidate capital and racial domination. In opposition, Radical Blackness embodied the government’s fear of both Black insurrection and Red instigation. The state’s actions and rhetoric therefore characterized Black anticapitalists as foreign, alien, and undesirable. This reactionary response led to an ideology that Burden-Stelly calls True Americanism, the belief that the best things about America were absolutely not Red and not Black, which were interchangeable threats.</p><p><em>Black Scare / Red Scare</em> illuminates the anticommunist nature of the US and its governance, but also shines a light on a misunderstood tradition of struggle for Black liberation. Burden-Stelly highlights the Black anticapitalist organizers working within and alongside the international communist movement and analyzes the ways the Black Scare/Red Scare reverberates through ongoing suppression of Black radical activism today. Drawing on a range of administrative, legal, and archival sources, Burden-Stelly incorporates emancipatory ideas from several disciplines to uncover novel insights into Black political minorities and their legacy.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/AmandaJoyceHall"><em>@amandajoycehall</em></a><em> is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2773</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Political Polarisation: Have We Got It Wrong?</title>
      <description>What is political polarisation? How different is it from ‘normal’ democratic conflict? And why have we been getting it wrong? Listen to Andreas Schedler and Petra Alderman talk about the meaning of political polarisation, its actors and drivers, and the effects it has on contemporary democracy.
Andreas Schedler is a Senior Research Fellow at the Democracy Institute of the Central European university (CEU) in Budapest, Hungary. He is well-known for his work on authoritarian elections, democratic consolidation and transition, anti-political-establishment parties, political accountability, organized violence, and political polarisation. This episode is based on Andreas’s article ‘Rethinking Political Polarization’ published in Political Science Quarterly.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>6</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Andreas Schedler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is political polarisation? How different is it from ‘normal’ democratic conflict? And why have we been getting it wrong? Listen to Andreas Schedler and Petra Alderman talk about the meaning of political polarisation, its actors and drivers, and the effects it has on contemporary democracy.
Andreas Schedler is a Senior Research Fellow at the Democracy Institute of the Central European university (CEU) in Budapest, Hungary. He is well-known for his work on authoritarian elections, democratic consolidation and transition, anti-political-establishment parties, political accountability, organized violence, and political polarisation. This episode is based on Andreas’s article ‘Rethinking Political Polarization’ published in Political Science Quarterly.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is political polarisation? How different is it from ‘normal’ democratic conflict? And why have we been getting it wrong? Listen to Andreas Schedler and Petra Alderman talk about the meaning of political polarisation, its actors and drivers, and the effects it has on contemporary democracy.</p><p><a href="https://people.ceu.edu/andreas_schedler">Andreas Schedler</a> is a Senior Research Fellow at the Democracy Institute of the Central European university (CEU) in Budapest, Hungary. He is well-known for his work on authoritarian elections, democratic consolidation and transition, anti-political-establishment parties, political accountability, organized violence, and political polarisation. This episode is based on Andreas’s article ‘<a href="https://academic.oup.com/psq/article/138/3/335/7192890">Rethinking Political Polarization</a>’ published in <em>Political Science Quarterly</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/alderman-petra.aspx">Petra Alderman</a> is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.</p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1684</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[78417058-8549-11ee-aeef-1f196b2e466e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBNK3914469435.mp3?updated=1700225887" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Where Have All the Democrats Gone?</title>
      <description>In 2002, John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority (Scribner). Now the pair are back with Where Have All the Democrats Gone?: The Soul of the Party in the Age of Extremes (Henry Holt, 2023). In their new book, an essential guide to the trends that roil the Democratic Party and threaten its national standing, the authors forthrightly acknowledge that they had underestimated “the defection of the white working class” from party ranks. Our conversation focuses on a core reason for this defection: the rise of a “shadow party” of elite donors, activist groups and media voices that is alienating the white working-class vote with an unbending, culturally-left posture on hot-button matters like race, immigration, climate change and sex and gender. This self-appointed “vanguard” possesses a quasi-religious mindset of a neo-Puritan stamp—an outlook that many Democratic voters, and not only in the white working class, reject. The battle is on, Judis and Teixeira aptly warn, for “the soul of the party in the age of extremes.”
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Ruy Teixeira and John B. Judis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2002, John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority (Scribner). Now the pair are back with Where Have All the Democrats Gone?: The Soul of the Party in the Age of Extremes (Henry Holt, 2023). In their new book, an essential guide to the trends that roil the Democratic Party and threaten its national standing, the authors forthrightly acknowledge that they had underestimated “the defection of the white working class” from party ranks. Our conversation focuses on a core reason for this defection: the rise of a “shadow party” of elite donors, activist groups and media voices that is alienating the white working-class vote with an unbending, culturally-left posture on hot-button matters like race, immigration, climate change and sex and gender. This self-appointed “vanguard” possesses a quasi-religious mindset of a neo-Puritan stamp—an outlook that many Democratic voters, and not only in the white working class, reject. The battle is on, Judis and Teixeira aptly warn, for “the soul of the party in the age of extremes.”
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2002, John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira published <em>The Emerging Democratic Majority</em> (Scribner). Now the pair are back with <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250877499"><em>Where Have All the Democrats Gone?: The Soul of the Party in the Age of Extremes</em></a> (Henry Holt, 2023). In their new book, an essential guide to the trends that roil the Democratic Party and threaten its national standing, the authors forthrightly acknowledge that they had underestimated “the defection of the white working class” from party ranks. Our conversation focuses on a core reason for this defection: the rise of a “shadow party” of elite donors, activist groups and media voices that is alienating the white working-class vote with an unbending, culturally-left posture on hot-button matters like race, immigration, climate change and sex and gender. This self-appointed “vanguard” possesses a quasi-religious mindset of a neo-Puritan stamp—an outlook that many Democratic voters, and not only in the white working class, reject. The battle is on, Judis and Teixeira aptly warn, for “the soul of the party in the age of extremes.”</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3461</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Brigid Cohen, "Musical Migration and Imperial New York: Early Cold War Scenes" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The heart of Brigid Cohen’s Musical Migration and Imperial New York: Early Cold War Scenes (University of Chicago Press, 2022) are the connections forged and broken amid the dislocations caused by war and imperialist ambitions. Rather than telling a simple chronological narrative, Cohen circles loosely around a single year, 1960, and crosses time and place to examine how a group of artists mediated ideas of displacement, race, gender, imperialism, and Cold War Orientalism in their work. Cohen begins with an examination of the complex musical and personal interactions during the 1957 Greenwich House sessions organized by Edgard Varèse, and then turns to the Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Center, the early work of Yoko Ono, and finally the early years of Fluxus. She considers a disparate collection of crossed paths in New York City, a place she calls a “capital of Empire.” While she focuses on figures, institutions, and groups that are well known among scholars who work on music and Cold War politics, she looks under and around these familiar topics to center people, art, and events that have been overlooked or even dismissed in other scholarship.
﻿Kristen M. Turner is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>210</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brigid Cohen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The heart of Brigid Cohen’s Musical Migration and Imperial New York: Early Cold War Scenes (University of Chicago Press, 2022) are the connections forged and broken amid the dislocations caused by war and imperialist ambitions. Rather than telling a simple chronological narrative, Cohen circles loosely around a single year, 1960, and crosses time and place to examine how a group of artists mediated ideas of displacement, race, gender, imperialism, and Cold War Orientalism in their work. Cohen begins with an examination of the complex musical and personal interactions during the 1957 Greenwich House sessions organized by Edgard Varèse, and then turns to the Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Center, the early work of Yoko Ono, and finally the early years of Fluxus. She considers a disparate collection of crossed paths in New York City, a place she calls a “capital of Empire.” While she focuses on figures, institutions, and groups that are well known among scholars who work on music and Cold War politics, she looks under and around these familiar topics to center people, art, and events that have been overlooked or even dismissed in other scholarship.
﻿Kristen M. Turner is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The heart of Brigid Cohen’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226818016"><em>Musical Migration and Imperial New York: Early Cold War Scenes</em></a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2022) are the connections forged and broken amid the dislocations caused by war and imperialist ambitions. Rather than telling a simple chronological narrative, Cohen circles loosely around a single year, 1960, and crosses time and place to examine how a group of artists mediated ideas of displacement, race, gender, imperialism, and Cold War Orientalism in their work. Cohen begins with an examination of the complex musical and personal interactions during the 1957 Greenwich House sessions organized by Edgard Varèse, and then turns to the Columbia-Princeton Electronic Music Center, the early work of Yoko Ono, and finally the early years of Fluxus. She considers a disparate collection of crossed paths in New York City, a place she calls a “capital of Empire.” While she focuses on figures, institutions, and groups that are well known among scholars who work on music and Cold War politics, she looks under and around these familiar topics to center people, art, and events that have been overlooked or even dismissed in other scholarship.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://music.arts.ncsu.edu/facultystaff/dr-kristen-turner/"><em>Kristen M. Turner</em></a><em> is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3794</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer Burns on the Life and Lasting Influence of Milton Friedman</title>
      <description>Jennifer Burns (Hoover Reserch Fellow and Stanford Associate Professor of History) joins the podcast to discuss her career as well as her new biography Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2023). We discuss the life of Milton Friedman including his very brief time in Chile, his intellectual development before and after joining the University of Chicago economics faculty, the role of various people who contributed to the development of his ideas behind the scenes, along with the extent of his influence nearly 20 years after his death.
﻿Jon Hartley is an economics researcher with interests in international macroeconomics, finance, and labor economics and is currently an economics PhD student at Stanford University. He is also currently a Research Fellow at the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, a Senior Fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, and a research associate at the Hoover Institution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jennifer Burns (Hoover Reserch Fellow and Stanford Associate Professor of History) joins the podcast to discuss her career as well as her new biography Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2023). We discuss the life of Milton Friedman including his very brief time in Chile, his intellectual development before and after joining the University of Chicago economics faculty, the role of various people who contributed to the development of his ideas behind the scenes, along with the extent of his influence nearly 20 years after his death.
﻿Jon Hartley is an economics researcher with interests in international macroeconomics, finance, and labor economics and is currently an economics PhD student at Stanford University. He is also currently a Research Fellow at the Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity, a Senior Fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, and a research associate at the Hoover Institution.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Jennifer Burns (Hoover Reserch Fellow and Stanford Associate Professor of History) joins the podcast to discuss her career as well as her new biography <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374601140"><em>Milton Friedman: The Last Conservative</em></a> (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2023). We discuss the life of Milton Friedman including his very brief time in Chile, his intellectual development before and after joining the University of Chicago economics faculty, the role of various people who contributed to the development of his ideas behind the scenes, along with the extent of his influence nearly 20 years after his death.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.jonathanhartley.net/"><em>Jon Hartley</em></a><em> is an economics researcher with interests in international macroeconomics, finance, and labor economics and is currently an economics PhD student at </em><a href="https://www.stanford.edu/"><em>Stanford University</em></a><em>. He is also currently a Research Fellow at the </em><a href="https://freopp.org/the-freopp-scholar-jon-hartley-e0e9666ac942"><em>Foundation for Research on Equal Opportunity</em></a><em>, a Senior Fellow at the </em><a href="https://macdonaldlaurier.ca/cm-expert/jon-hartley/"><em>Macdonald-Laurier Institute</em></a><em>, and a research associate at the </em><a href="https://www.hoover.org/"><em>Hoover Institution</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2587</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bf0a0b52-75b9-11ee-abaa-636fe9a87317]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7550447426.mp3?updated=1698515568" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of World Disorder: A Discussion with Peter R. Neumann</title>
      <description>Do confusions in the West threaten a new world disorder? It’s a question asked by Professor Peter R. Neumann of Kings College, London. He is the author of The New World Disorder: How the West is Destroying Itself (Scribe, 2024). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>86</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter R. Neumann</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Do confusions in the West threaten a new world disorder? It’s a question asked by Professor Peter R. Neumann of Kings College, London. He is the author of The New World Disorder: How the West is Destroying Itself (Scribe, 2024). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Do confusions in the West threaten a new world disorder? It’s a question asked by Professor Peter R. Neumann of Kings College, London. He is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781957363639"><em>The New World Disorder: How the West is Destroying Itself</em></a> (Scribe, 2024). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2048</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9bcebad2-80ce-11ee-b177-cb012a227423]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Scholes, "Christianity, Race, and Sport" (Routledge, 2021)</title>
      <description>This book provides a rigorously researched introduction to the relationship between Christianity, race, and sport in the United States. Christianity, Race, and Sport (Routledge, 2021) examines how Protestant Christianity and race have interacted, often to the detriment of Black bodies, throughout the sporting world over the last century. Important sporting figures and case studies discussed include: the sanctification of baseball player Jackie Robinson; the domestication of Muhammad Ali and George Foreman; religious expressions of athletes in the NFL; treatment of African American tennis player Serena Williams; Colin Kaepernick and his prophetic voice. This accessible and conversational book is essential reading for undergraduate students approaching religion and race or religion and sport for the first time, as well as those working within the sociology of sport, sport studies, history of sport, or philosophy of sport.
Jeffrey Scholes is associate professor of religious studies in the Department of Philosophy and the Director of the Center for Religious Diversity and Public Life at the University of Colorado, Colorado Springs, USA.
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>213</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey Scholes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This book provides a rigorously researched introduction to the relationship between Christianity, race, and sport in the United States. Christianity, Race, and Sport (Routledge, 2021) examines how Protestant Christianity and race have interacted, often to the detriment of Black bodies, throughout the sporting world over the last century. Important sporting figures and case studies discussed include: the sanctification of baseball player Jackie Robinson; the domestication of Muhammad Ali and George Foreman; religious expressions of athletes in the NFL; treatment of African American tennis player Serena Williams; Colin Kaepernick and his prophetic voice. This accessible and conversational book is essential reading for undergraduate students approaching religion and race or religion and sport for the first time, as well as those working within the sociology of sport, sport studies, history of sport, or philosophy of sport.
Jeffrey Scholes is associate professor of religious studies in the Department of Philosophy and the Director of the Center for Religious Diversity and Public Life at the University of Colorado, Colorado Springs, USA.
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This book provides a rigorously researched introduction to the relationship between Christianity, race, and sport in the United States.<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367313302"><em>Christianity, Race, and Sport</em> </a>(Routledge, 2021) examines how Protestant Christianity and race have interacted, often to the detriment of Black bodies, throughout the sporting world over the last century. Important sporting figures and case studies discussed include: the sanctification of baseball player Jackie Robinson; the domestication of Muhammad Ali and George Foreman; religious expressions of athletes in the NFL; treatment of African American tennis player Serena Williams; Colin Kaepernick and his prophetic voice. This accessible and conversational book is essential reading for undergraduate students approaching religion and race or religion and sport for the first time, as well as those working within the sociology of sport, sport studies, history of sport, or philosophy of sport.</p><p>Jeffrey Scholes is associate professor of religious studies in the Department of Philosophy and the Director of the Center for Religious Diversity and Public Life at the University of Colorado, Colorado Springs, USA.</p><p><em>This episode’s host, </em><a href="https://twitter.com/jakebarrett25"><em>Jacob Barrett</em></a><em>, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website </em><a href="https://thereluctantamericanist.com/"><em>thereluctantamericanist.com</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1951</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Anderson, "Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>What is the work ethic? Does it justify policies that promote the wealth and power of the One Percent at workers' expense? Or does it advance policies that promote workers' dignity and standing? Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back (Cambridge UP, 2023) explores how the history of political economy has been a contest between these two ideas about whom the work ethic is supposed to serve. Today's neoliberal ideology deploys the work ethic on behalf of the One Percent. However, workers and their advocates have long used the work ethic on behalf of ordinary people. By exposing the ideological roots of contemporary neoliberalism as a perversion of the seventeenth-century Protestant work ethic, Elizabeth Anderson shows how we can reclaim the original goals of the work ethic, and uplift ourselves again. Hijacked persuasively and powerfully demonstrates how ideas inspired by the work ethic informed debates among leading political economists of the past, and how these ideas can help us today. 
Elizabeth Anderson is the Max Mendel Shaye Professor of Public Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at University of Michigan. She is the author of Value in Ethics and Economics (1995), The Imperative of Integration (2010), and Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and Why We Don't Talk about It) (2017). She is a MacArthur Fellow and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 2019, The New Yorker described her as 'a champion of the view that equality and freedom are mutually dependent [...] Anderson may be the philosopher best suited to this awkward moment in American life.'
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>142</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Anderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the work ethic? Does it justify policies that promote the wealth and power of the One Percent at workers' expense? Or does it advance policies that promote workers' dignity and standing? Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back (Cambridge UP, 2023) explores how the history of political economy has been a contest between these two ideas about whom the work ethic is supposed to serve. Today's neoliberal ideology deploys the work ethic on behalf of the One Percent. However, workers and their advocates have long used the work ethic on behalf of ordinary people. By exposing the ideological roots of contemporary neoliberalism as a perversion of the seventeenth-century Protestant work ethic, Elizabeth Anderson shows how we can reclaim the original goals of the work ethic, and uplift ourselves again. Hijacked persuasively and powerfully demonstrates how ideas inspired by the work ethic informed debates among leading political economists of the past, and how these ideas can help us today. 
Elizabeth Anderson is the Max Mendel Shaye Professor of Public Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at University of Michigan. She is the author of Value in Ethics and Economics (1995), The Imperative of Integration (2010), and Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and Why We Don't Talk about It) (2017). She is a MacArthur Fellow and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 2019, The New Yorker described her as 'a champion of the view that equality and freedom are mutually dependent [...] Anderson may be the philosopher best suited to this awkward moment in American life.'
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the work ethic? Does it justify policies that promote the wealth and power of the One Percent at workers' expense? Or does it advance policies that promote workers' dignity and standing?<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009275439"> <em>Hijacked: How Neoliberalism Turned the Work Ethic against Workers and How Workers Can Take It Back</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) explores how the history of political economy has been a contest between these two ideas about whom the work ethic is supposed to serve. Today's neoliberal ideology deploys the work ethic on behalf of the One Percent. However, workers and their advocates have long used the work ethic on behalf of ordinary people. By exposing the ideological roots of contemporary neoliberalism as a perversion of the seventeenth-century Protestant work ethic, Elizabeth Anderson shows how we can reclaim the original goals of the work ethic, and uplift ourselves again. Hijacked persuasively and powerfully demonstrates how ideas inspired by the work ethic informed debates among leading political economists of the past, and how these ideas can help us today. </p><p>Elizabeth Anderson is the Max Mendel Shaye Professor of Public Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at University of Michigan. She is the author of Value in Ethics and Economics (1995), The Imperative of Integration (2010), and Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and Why We Don't Talk about It) (2017). She is a MacArthur Fellow and Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 2019, The New Yorker described her as 'a champion of the view that equality and freedom are mutually dependent [...] Anderson may be the philosopher best suited to this awkward moment in American life.'</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3394</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Juliet Hooker, "Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In democracies, citizens must accept loss; we can't always be on the winning side. But in the United States, the fundamental civic capacity of being able to lose is not distributed equally. Propped up by white supremacy, whites (as a group) are accustomed to winning; they have generally been able to exercise political rule without having to accept sharing it. Black citizens, on the other hand, are expected to be political heroes whose civic suffering enables progress toward racial justice. 
In Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss (Princeton UP, 2023), Juliet Hooker, a leading thinker on democracy and race, argues that the two most important forces driving racial politics in the United States today are Black grief and white grievance. Black grief is exemplified by current protests against police violence--the latest in a tradition of violent death and subsequent public mourning spurring Black political mobilization. The potent politics of white grievance, meanwhile, which is also not new, imagines the United States as a white country under siege.
Drawing on African American political thought, Hooker examines key moments in US racial politics that illuminate the problem of loss in democracy. She connects today's Black Lives Matter protests to the use of lynching photographs to arouse public outrage over post-Reconstruction era racial terror, and she discusses Emmett Till's funeral as a catalyst for the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. She also traces the political weaponization of white victimhood during the Obama and Trump presidencies. Calling for an expansion of Black and white political imaginations, Hooker argues that both must learn to sit with loss, for different reasons and to different ends.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>426</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Juliet Hooker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In democracies, citizens must accept loss; we can't always be on the winning side. But in the United States, the fundamental civic capacity of being able to lose is not distributed equally. Propped up by white supremacy, whites (as a group) are accustomed to winning; they have generally been able to exercise political rule without having to accept sharing it. Black citizens, on the other hand, are expected to be political heroes whose civic suffering enables progress toward racial justice. 
In Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss (Princeton UP, 2023), Juliet Hooker, a leading thinker on democracy and race, argues that the two most important forces driving racial politics in the United States today are Black grief and white grievance. Black grief is exemplified by current protests against police violence--the latest in a tradition of violent death and subsequent public mourning spurring Black political mobilization. The potent politics of white grievance, meanwhile, which is also not new, imagines the United States as a white country under siege.
Drawing on African American political thought, Hooker examines key moments in US racial politics that illuminate the problem of loss in democracy. She connects today's Black Lives Matter protests to the use of lynching photographs to arouse public outrage over post-Reconstruction era racial terror, and she discusses Emmett Till's funeral as a catalyst for the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. She also traces the political weaponization of white victimhood during the Obama and Trump presidencies. Calling for an expansion of Black and white political imaginations, Hooker argues that both must learn to sit with loss, for different reasons and to different ends.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In democracies, citizens must accept loss; we can't always be on the winning side. But in the United States, the fundamental civic capacity of being able to lose is not distributed equally. Propped up by white supremacy, whites (as a group) are accustomed to winning; they have generally been able to exercise political rule without having to accept sharing it. Black citizens, on the other hand, are expected to be political heroes whose civic suffering enables progress toward racial justice. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691243030"><em>Black Grief/White Grievance: The Politics of Loss</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2023), Juliet Hooker, a leading thinker on democracy and race, argues that the two most important forces driving racial politics in the United States today are Black grief and white grievance. Black grief is exemplified by current protests against police violence--the latest in a tradition of violent death and subsequent public mourning spurring Black political mobilization. The potent politics of white grievance, meanwhile, which is also not new, imagines the United States as a white country under siege.</p><p>Drawing on African American political thought, Hooker examines key moments in US racial politics that illuminate the problem of loss in democracy. She connects today's Black Lives Matter protests to the use of lynching photographs to arouse public outrage over post-Reconstruction era racial terror, and she discusses Emmett Till's funeral as a catalyst for the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. She also traces the political weaponization of white victimhood during the Obama and Trump presidencies. Calling for an expansion of Black and white political imaginations, Hooker argues that both must learn to sit with loss, for different reasons and to different ends.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3446</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>David Myer Temin, "Remapping Sovereignty: Decolonization and Self-Determination in North American Indigenous Political Thought" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Accounts of decolonization routinely neglect Indigenous societies in North America and Australasia, yet Native communities have made unique contributions to anticolonial thought and activism. David Myer Temin's book Remapping Sovereignty: Decolonization and Self-Determination in North American Indigenous Political Thought (U Chicago Press, 2023) examines how twentieth-century Indigenous activists in North America debated questions of decolonization and self-determination, developing distinctive conceptual approaches that both resonate with and reformulate key strands in other civil rights and global decolonization movements. In contrast to decolonization projects that envisioned liberation through national independence, Indigenous theorists emphasized the self-determination of peoples against sovereign states and articulated a visionary politics of decolonization as care for the earth. Temin traces the interplay between anticolonial thought and practice across key indigenous thinkers. He shows how these insights broaden the political and intellectual horizons open to us today with respect to climate justice.
Lachlan McNamee is a Lecturer of Politics at Monash University. His area of expertise is the comparative politics of settler colonialism, empire, and political violence with a regional focus on the Asia-Pacific.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Myer Temin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Accounts of decolonization routinely neglect Indigenous societies in North America and Australasia, yet Native communities have made unique contributions to anticolonial thought and activism. David Myer Temin's book Remapping Sovereignty: Decolonization and Self-Determination in North American Indigenous Political Thought (U Chicago Press, 2023) examines how twentieth-century Indigenous activists in North America debated questions of decolonization and self-determination, developing distinctive conceptual approaches that both resonate with and reformulate key strands in other civil rights and global decolonization movements. In contrast to decolonization projects that envisioned liberation through national independence, Indigenous theorists emphasized the self-determination of peoples against sovereign states and articulated a visionary politics of decolonization as care for the earth. Temin traces the interplay between anticolonial thought and practice across key indigenous thinkers. He shows how these insights broaden the political and intellectual horizons open to us today with respect to climate justice.
Lachlan McNamee is a Lecturer of Politics at Monash University. His area of expertise is the comparative politics of settler colonialism, empire, and political violence with a regional focus on the Asia-Pacific.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Accounts of decolonization routinely neglect Indigenous societies in North America and Australasia, yet Native communities have made unique contributions to anticolonial thought and activism. David Myer Temin's book<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226827261"><em>Remapping Sovereignty: Decolonization and Self-Determination in North American Indigenous Political Thought</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2023) examines how twentieth-century Indigenous activists in North America debated questions of decolonization and self-determination, developing distinctive conceptual approaches that both resonate with and reformulate key strands in other civil rights and global decolonization movements. In contrast to decolonization projects that envisioned liberation through national independence, Indigenous theorists emphasized the self-determination of peoples against sovereign states and articulated a visionary politics of decolonization as care for the earth.<em> </em>Temin traces the interplay between anticolonial thought and practice across key indigenous thinkers. He shows how these insights broaden the political and intellectual horizons open to us today with respect to climate justice.</p><p><a href="http://www.lachlanmcnamee.com/"><em>Lachlan McNamee</em></a><em> is a Lecturer of Politics at Monash University. His area of expertise is the comparative politics of settler colonialism, empire, and political violence with a regional focus on the Asia-Pacific.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4928</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Brendan J. Doherty, "Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash" (UP of Kansas, 2023)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Brendan Doherty has a new book that dives into the ways that presidents have raised money for themselves, their parties, and other elected officials over the past six decades. Doherty is an expert on campaign fundraising, especially by presidents, and Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash (UP of Kansas, 2023) continues the research he has been doing in this area within political science. The overarching thesis of Doherty’s work in Fundraiser in Chief is examining the intersection between campaigning and governing, especially when it comes to the president him(her)self. Doherty’s chief claim in the book is that presidential fundraising, which is usually studied and explored in direct connection with presidential campaigns, should be more fully integrated into the other dynamics and components of how a president governs and uses his/her time. In an effort to examine the time spent fundraising, not just at public events, but also in private venues and closed events, Doherty compiled an extensive data set that includes information for every president from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. (Doherty has continued to add to the data set to include President Joe Biden, but the research analyzed in the book concludes with the 2020 election cycle and Donald Trump’s presidency.)
This is a fascinating examination of fundraising, particularly as the laws and regulations have continued to change and shift over the decades. As Doherty notes, every time there is a shift, presidents pursue different options in order to fundraise for themselves, for their parties, and for other elected officials. And since fundraising is a constant undertaking, not just ramped up during election cycles, it needs to be considered alongside other dimensions of presidential governance, like speechmaking/rhetoric, congressional relations, foreign and domestic travel, and the other ways that presidents spend their scarcest resource, their time. The fundraising world that President Jimmy Carter entered, following the establishment of new laws, regulations, and restrictions on campaign fundraising after Watergate, is much different than the world in which former President Trump and President Biden are now operating as the 2024 election cycle moves forward. Presidents must make strategic choices around fundraising, and this also shapes the ways that individuals govern from the Oval Office, the way they work with members of their parties, and the way that they work with other elected officials. Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash is an important contribution to the scholarship on the American presidency, especially in our understanding of how governing and fundraising and campaigning all integrate into each other.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>685</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brendan J. Doherty</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Brendan Doherty has a new book that dives into the ways that presidents have raised money for themselves, their parties, and other elected officials over the past six decades. Doherty is an expert on campaign fundraising, especially by presidents, and Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash (UP of Kansas, 2023) continues the research he has been doing in this area within political science. The overarching thesis of Doherty’s work in Fundraiser in Chief is examining the intersection between campaigning and governing, especially when it comes to the president him(her)self. Doherty’s chief claim in the book is that presidential fundraising, which is usually studied and explored in direct connection with presidential campaigns, should be more fully integrated into the other dynamics and components of how a president governs and uses his/her time. In an effort to examine the time spent fundraising, not just at public events, but also in private venues and closed events, Doherty compiled an extensive data set that includes information for every president from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. (Doherty has continued to add to the data set to include President Joe Biden, but the research analyzed in the book concludes with the 2020 election cycle and Donald Trump’s presidency.)
This is a fascinating examination of fundraising, particularly as the laws and regulations have continued to change and shift over the decades. As Doherty notes, every time there is a shift, presidents pursue different options in order to fundraise for themselves, for their parties, and for other elected officials. And since fundraising is a constant undertaking, not just ramped up during election cycles, it needs to be considered alongside other dimensions of presidential governance, like speechmaking/rhetoric, congressional relations, foreign and domestic travel, and the other ways that presidents spend their scarcest resource, their time. The fundraising world that President Jimmy Carter entered, following the establishment of new laws, regulations, and restrictions on campaign fundraising after Watergate, is much different than the world in which former President Trump and President Biden are now operating as the 2024 election cycle moves forward. Presidents must make strategic choices around fundraising, and this also shapes the ways that individuals govern from the Oval Office, the way they work with members of their parties, and the way that they work with other elected officials. Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash is an important contribution to the scholarship on the American presidency, especially in our understanding of how governing and fundraising and campaigning all integrate into each other.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Brendan Doherty has a new book that dives into the ways that presidents have raised money for themselves, their parties, and other elected officials over the past six decades. Doherty is an expert on campaign fundraising, especially by presidents, and <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700635320"><em>Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2023) continues the research he has been doing in this area within political science. The overarching thesis of Doherty’s work in <em>Fundraiser in Chief</em> is examining the intersection between campaigning and governing, especially when it comes to the president him(her)self. Doherty’s chief claim in the book is that presidential fundraising, which is usually studied and explored in direct connection with presidential campaigns, should be more fully integrated into the other dynamics and components of how a president governs and uses his/her time. In an effort to examine the time spent fundraising, not just at public events, but also in private venues and closed events, Doherty compiled an extensive data set that includes information for every president from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump. (Doherty has continued to add to the data set to include President Joe Biden, but the research analyzed in the book concludes with the 2020 election cycle and Donald Trump’s presidency.)</p><p>This is a fascinating examination of fundraising, particularly as the laws and regulations have continued to change and shift over the decades. As Doherty notes, every time there is a shift, presidents pursue different options in order to fundraise for themselves, for their parties, and for other elected officials. And since fundraising is a constant undertaking, not just ramped up during election cycles, it needs to be considered alongside other dimensions of presidential governance, like speechmaking/rhetoric, congressional relations, foreign and domestic travel, and the other ways that presidents spend their scarcest resource, their time. The fundraising world that President Jimmy Carter entered, following the establishment of new laws, regulations, and restrictions on campaign fundraising after Watergate, is much different than the world in which former President Trump and President Biden are now operating as the 2024 election cycle moves forward. Presidents must make strategic choices around fundraising, and this also shapes the ways that individuals govern from the Oval Office, the way they work with members of their parties, and the way that they work with other elected officials. <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700634057/"><em>Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash</em></a> is an important contribution to the scholarship on the American presidency, especially in our understanding of how governing and fundraising and campaigning all integrate into each other.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3034</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Eric M. Patashnik, "Countermobilization: Policy Feedback and Backlash in a Polarized Age" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The most successful policies not only solve problems. They also build supportive coalitions. Yet, sometimes, policies trigger backlash and mobilize opposition. Although backlash is not a new phenomenon, today's political landscape is distinguished by the frequency and pervasiveness of backlash in nearly every area of US policymaking, from abortion rights to the Affordable Care Act. Eric M. Patashnik develops a policy-centered theory of backlash that illuminates how policies stimulate backlashes by imposing losses, overreaching, or challenging existing arrangements to which people are strongly attached. 
Drawing on case studies of issues from immigration and trade to healthcare and gun control, Countermobilization: Policy Feedback and Backlash in a Polarized Age (U Chicago Press, 2023) shows that backlash politics is fueled by polarization, cultural shifts, and negative feedback from the activist government itself. It also offers crucial insights to help identify and navigate backlash risks.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 12 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric M. Patashnik</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The most successful policies not only solve problems. They also build supportive coalitions. Yet, sometimes, policies trigger backlash and mobilize opposition. Although backlash is not a new phenomenon, today's political landscape is distinguished by the frequency and pervasiveness of backlash in nearly every area of US policymaking, from abortion rights to the Affordable Care Act. Eric M. Patashnik develops a policy-centered theory of backlash that illuminates how policies stimulate backlashes by imposing losses, overreaching, or challenging existing arrangements to which people are strongly attached. 
Drawing on case studies of issues from immigration and trade to healthcare and gun control, Countermobilization: Policy Feedback and Backlash in a Polarized Age (U Chicago Press, 2023) shows that backlash politics is fueled by polarization, cultural shifts, and negative feedback from the activist government itself. It also offers crucial insights to help identify and navigate backlash risks.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The most successful policies not only solve problems. They also build supportive coalitions. Yet, sometimes, policies trigger backlash and mobilize opposition. Although backlash is not a new phenomenon, today's political landscape is distinguished by the frequency and pervasiveness of backlash in nearly every area of US policymaking, from abortion rights to the Affordable Care Act. Eric M. Patashnik develops a policy-centered theory of backlash that illuminates how policies stimulate backlashes by imposing losses, overreaching, or challenging existing arrangements to which people are strongly attached. </p><p>Drawing on case studies of issues from immigration and trade to healthcare and gun control,<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226829890"><em>Countermobilization: Policy Feedback and Backlash in a Polarized Age</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023) shows that backlash politics is fueled by polarization, cultural shifts, and negative feedback from the activist government itself. It also offers crucial insights to help identify and navigate backlash risks.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2057</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Steven Simon, "Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East" (Penguin, 2023)</title>
      <description>A longtime American foreign policy insider’s penetrating and definitive reckoning with this country’s involvement in the Middle East
The culmination of almost forty years at the highest levels of policymaking and scholarship, Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East (Penguin, 2023) is Steven Simon’s tour de force, offering a comprehensive and deeply informed account of U.S. engagement in the Middle East. Simon begins with the Reagan administration, when American perception of the region shifted from a cluster of faraway and frequently skirmishing nations to a shining, urgent opportunity for America to (in Reagan’s words) “serve the cause of world peace and the future of mankind.”
Reagan fired the starting gun on decades of deepening American involvement, but as the global economy grew, bringing an increasing reliance on oil, U.S. diplomatic and military energies were ever more fatefully absorbed by the Middle East. Grand Delusion explores the motivations, strategies, and shortcomings of each presidential administration from Reagan to today, exposing a web of intertwined events—from the history of the Israel-Palestine conflict amid Israeli domestic politics, Cold War rivalries, and Saudi Arabia’s quest for security, to 9/11 and the war on terror—managed by a Washington policy process frequently ruled by wishful thinking and partisan politics.
Simon’s sharp sense of irony and incisive writing brings complex history to life. He illuminates the motives behind America's commitment to Israel; explodes the popular narrative of Desert Storm as a “good war”; and calls out the devastating consequences of our mistakes, particularly for people of the region trapped by the onslaught of American military action and pitiless economic sanctions.
Grand Delusion reveals that this story, while episodically impressive, has too often been tragic and at times dishonorable. As we enter a new era in foreign policy, this is an essential book, a cautionary history that illuminates America's propensity for self-deception and misadventure at a moment when the nation is redefining its engagement with a world in crisis.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu or via andrewopace.com. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Simon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A longtime American foreign policy insider’s penetrating and definitive reckoning with this country’s involvement in the Middle East
The culmination of almost forty years at the highest levels of policymaking and scholarship, Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East (Penguin, 2023) is Steven Simon’s tour de force, offering a comprehensive and deeply informed account of U.S. engagement in the Middle East. Simon begins with the Reagan administration, when American perception of the region shifted from a cluster of faraway and frequently skirmishing nations to a shining, urgent opportunity for America to (in Reagan’s words) “serve the cause of world peace and the future of mankind.”
Reagan fired the starting gun on decades of deepening American involvement, but as the global economy grew, bringing an increasing reliance on oil, U.S. diplomatic and military energies were ever more fatefully absorbed by the Middle East. Grand Delusion explores the motivations, strategies, and shortcomings of each presidential administration from Reagan to today, exposing a web of intertwined events—from the history of the Israel-Palestine conflict amid Israeli domestic politics, Cold War rivalries, and Saudi Arabia’s quest for security, to 9/11 and the war on terror—managed by a Washington policy process frequently ruled by wishful thinking and partisan politics.
Simon’s sharp sense of irony and incisive writing brings complex history to life. He illuminates the motives behind America's commitment to Israel; explodes the popular narrative of Desert Storm as a “good war”; and calls out the devastating consequences of our mistakes, particularly for people of the region trapped by the onslaught of American military action and pitiless economic sanctions.
Grand Delusion reveals that this story, while episodically impressive, has too often been tragic and at times dishonorable. As we enter a new era in foreign policy, this is an essential book, a cautionary history that illuminates America's propensity for self-deception and misadventure at a moment when the nation is redefining its engagement with a world in crisis.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu or via andrewopace.com. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A longtime American foreign policy insider’s penetrating and definitive reckoning with this country’s involvement in the Middle East</p><p>The culmination of almost forty years at the highest levels of policymaking and scholarship, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780735224247"><em>Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East</em></a><em> </em>(Penguin, 2023) is Steven Simon’s tour de force, offering a comprehensive and deeply informed account of U.S. engagement in the Middle East. Simon begins with the Reagan administration, when American perception of the region shifted from a cluster of faraway and frequently skirmishing nations to a shining, urgent opportunity for America to (in Reagan’s words) “serve the cause of world peace and the future of mankind.”</p><p>Reagan fired the starting gun on decades of deepening American involvement, but as the global economy grew, bringing an increasing reliance on oil, U.S. diplomatic and military energies were ever more fatefully absorbed by the Middle East. <em>Grand Delusion</em> explores the motivations, strategies, and shortcomings of each presidential administration from Reagan to today, exposing a web of intertwined events—from the history of the Israel-Palestine conflict amid Israeli domestic politics, Cold War rivalries, and Saudi Arabia’s quest for security, to 9/11 and the war on terror—managed by a Washington policy process frequently ruled by wishful thinking and partisan politics.</p><p>Simon’s sharp sense of irony and incisive writing brings complex history to life. He illuminates the motives behind America's commitment to Israel; explodes the popular narrative of Desert Storm as a “good war”; and calls out the devastating consequences of our mistakes, particularly for people of the region trapped by the onslaught of American military action and pitiless economic sanctions.</p><p><em>Grand Delusion</em> reveals that this story, while episodically impressive, has too often been tragic and at times dishonorable. As we enter a new era in foreign policy, this is an essential book, a cautionary history that illuminates America's propensity for self-deception and misadventure at a moment when the nation is redefining its engagement with a world in crisis.</p><p><strong><em>Andrew O. Pace</em></strong><em> is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:apace24@slcc.edu"><em>apace24@slcc.edu</em></a><em> or via andrewopace.com. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3642</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Daniel Macfarlane, "Natural Allies: Environment, Energy, and the History of US-Canada Relations" (McGill-Queen's UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>No two nations have exchanged natural resources, produced transborder environmental agreements, or cooperatively altered ecosystems on the same scale as Canada and the United States. Environmental and energy diplomacy have profoundly shaped both countries’ economies, politics, and landscapes for over 150 years.
Natural Allies: Environment, Energy, and the History of US-Canada Relations (McGill-Queen's UP, 2023) looks at the history of US-Canada relations through an environmental lens. From fisheries in the late nineteenth century to oil pipelines in the twenty-first century, Daniel Macfarlane recounts the scores of transborder environmental and energy arrangements made between the two nations. Many became global precedents that influenced international environmental law, governance, and politics, including the Boundary Waters Treaty, the Trail Smelter case, hydroelectric megaprojects, and the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreements. In addition to water, fish, wood, minerals, and myriad other resources, Natural Allies details the history of the continental energy relationship - from electricity to uranium to fossil fuels -showing how Canada became vital to American strategic interests and, along with the United States, a major international energy power and petro-state.
Environmental and energy relations facilitated the integration and prosperity of Canada and the United States but also made these countries responsible for the current climate crisis and other unsustainable forms of ecological degradation. Looking to the future, Natural Allies argues that the concept of national security must be widened to include natural security - a commitment to public, national, and international safety from environmental harms, especially those caused by human actions.
Daniel Macfarlane is associate professor at the School of the Environment, Geography, and Sustainability at Western Michigan University and senior fellow at the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History at the University of Toronto.
Filippo De Chirico is a PhD student in History and Politics of Energy at Roma Tre University (Italy).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>87</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Macfarlane</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>No two nations have exchanged natural resources, produced transborder environmental agreements, or cooperatively altered ecosystems on the same scale as Canada and the United States. Environmental and energy diplomacy have profoundly shaped both countries’ economies, politics, and landscapes for over 150 years.
Natural Allies: Environment, Energy, and the History of US-Canada Relations (McGill-Queen's UP, 2023) looks at the history of US-Canada relations through an environmental lens. From fisheries in the late nineteenth century to oil pipelines in the twenty-first century, Daniel Macfarlane recounts the scores of transborder environmental and energy arrangements made between the two nations. Many became global precedents that influenced international environmental law, governance, and politics, including the Boundary Waters Treaty, the Trail Smelter case, hydroelectric megaprojects, and the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreements. In addition to water, fish, wood, minerals, and myriad other resources, Natural Allies details the history of the continental energy relationship - from electricity to uranium to fossil fuels -showing how Canada became vital to American strategic interests and, along with the United States, a major international energy power and petro-state.
Environmental and energy relations facilitated the integration and prosperity of Canada and the United States but also made these countries responsible for the current climate crisis and other unsustainable forms of ecological degradation. Looking to the future, Natural Allies argues that the concept of national security must be widened to include natural security - a commitment to public, national, and international safety from environmental harms, especially those caused by human actions.
Daniel Macfarlane is associate professor at the School of the Environment, Geography, and Sustainability at Western Michigan University and senior fellow at the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History at the University of Toronto.
Filippo De Chirico is a PhD student in History and Politics of Energy at Roma Tre University (Italy).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>No two nations have exchanged natural resources, produced transborder environmental agreements, or cooperatively altered ecosystems on the same scale as Canada and the United States. Environmental and energy diplomacy have profoundly shaped both countries’ economies, politics, and landscapes for over 150 years.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780228017608"><em>Natural Allies: Environment, Energy, and the History of US-Canada Relations</em></a> (McGill-Queen's UP, 2023) looks at the history of US-Canada relations through an environmental lens. From fisheries in the late nineteenth century to oil pipelines in the twenty-first century, Daniel Macfarlane recounts the scores of transborder environmental and energy arrangements made between the two nations. Many became global precedents that influenced international environmental law, governance, and politics, including the Boundary Waters Treaty, the Trail Smelter case, hydroelectric megaprojects, and the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreements. In addition to water, fish, wood, minerals, and myriad other resources, Natural Allies details the history of the continental energy relationship - from electricity to uranium to fossil fuels -showing how Canada became vital to American strategic interests and, along with the United States, a major international energy power and petro-state.</p><p>Environmental and energy relations facilitated the integration and prosperity of Canada and the United States but also made these countries responsible for the current climate crisis and other unsustainable forms of ecological degradation. Looking to the future, Natural Allies argues that the concept of national security must be widened to include natural security - a commitment to public, national, and international safety from environmental harms, especially those caused by human actions.</p><p>Daniel Macfarlane is associate professor at the School of the Environment, Geography, and Sustainability at Western Michigan University and senior fellow at the Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary International History at the University of Toronto.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/FilDeChirico"><em>Filippo De Chirico</em></a><em> is a PhD student in History and Politics of Energy at Roma Tre University (Italy).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2906</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Shelley Fraser Mickle, "White House Wild Child: How Alice Roosevelt Broke All the Rules and Won the Heart of America" (Imagine, 2023)</title>
      <description>“I can do one of two things, I can be President of the United States or I can control Alice. I cannot possibly do both.”—Theodore Roosevelt
During Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency—from 1901 to 1909, when Mark Twain called him the most popular man in America—his daughter Alice Roosevelt mesmerized the world with her antics and beauty.
Alice was known for carrying a gun, a copy of the Constitution, and a green snake in her purse. When her father told her she couldn’t smoke under his roof, she climbed to the top of the White House and smoked on the roof. She became the most famous woman in America—and even the world—predating Princess Diana and Jackie Kennedy as an object of public obsession.
As her celebrity grew, she continued to buck tradition, push against social norms, and pull political sway behind the curtain of privilege and access. She was known for her acerbic wit and outspoken tendencies which hypnotized both the social and political world.
In White House Wild Child: How Alice Roosevelt Broke All the Rules and Won the Heart of America (Imagine, 2023), Shelley Fraser Mickle places the reader in the time and place of Alice and asks what would it have been like to be a strong-willed powerful woman of that day. Drawn from primary and secondary sources, Alice’s life comes into focus in this historical celebration of an extraordinary woman ahead of her time.
Jeannette Cockroft is an associate professor of history and political science at Schreiner University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>72</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shelley Fraser Mickle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“I can do one of two things, I can be President of the United States or I can control Alice. I cannot possibly do both.”—Theodore Roosevelt
During Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency—from 1901 to 1909, when Mark Twain called him the most popular man in America—his daughter Alice Roosevelt mesmerized the world with her antics and beauty.
Alice was known for carrying a gun, a copy of the Constitution, and a green snake in her purse. When her father told her she couldn’t smoke under his roof, she climbed to the top of the White House and smoked on the roof. She became the most famous woman in America—and even the world—predating Princess Diana and Jackie Kennedy as an object of public obsession.
As her celebrity grew, she continued to buck tradition, push against social norms, and pull political sway behind the curtain of privilege and access. She was known for her acerbic wit and outspoken tendencies which hypnotized both the social and political world.
In White House Wild Child: How Alice Roosevelt Broke All the Rules and Won the Heart of America (Imagine, 2023), Shelley Fraser Mickle places the reader in the time and place of Alice and asks what would it have been like to be a strong-willed powerful woman of that day. Drawn from primary and secondary sources, Alice’s life comes into focus in this historical celebration of an extraordinary woman ahead of her time.
Jeannette Cockroft is an associate professor of history and political science at Schreiner University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“I can do one of two things, I can be President of the United States or I can control Alice. I cannot possibly do both.”—Theodore Roosevelt</p><p>During Theodore Roosevelt’s presidency—from 1901 to 1909, when Mark Twain called him the most popular man in America—his daughter Alice Roosevelt mesmerized the world with her antics and beauty.</p><p>Alice was known for carrying a gun, a copy of the Constitution, and a green snake in her purse. When her father told her she couldn’t smoke under his roof, she climbed to the top of the White House and smoked <em>on</em> the roof. She became the most famous woman in America—and even the world—predating Princess Diana and Jackie Kennedy as an object of public obsession.</p><p>As her celebrity grew, she continued to buck tradition, push against social norms, and pull political sway behind the curtain of privilege and access. She was known for her acerbic wit and outspoken tendencies which hypnotized both the social and political world.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781623545499"><em>White House Wild Child: How Alice Roosevelt Broke All the Rules and Won the Heart of America</em> </a>(Imagine, 2023), Shelley Fraser Mickle places the reader in the time and place of Alice and asks what would it have been like to be a strong-willed powerful woman of that day. Drawn from primary and secondary sources, Alice’s life comes into focus in this historical celebration of an extraordinary woman ahead of her time.</p><p><a href="https://schreiner.edu/su-directory/cockroft-jeannette/"><em>Jeannette Cockroft</em></a><em> is an associate professor of history and political science at Schreiner University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2014</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Xaq Frohlich, "From Label to Table: Regulating Food in America in the Information Age" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Xaq Frohlich’s From Label to Table: Regulating Food in America in the Information Age (U California Press, 2023) is a biography of the Nutrition Facts label that adorns millions of food products and has become an integral part of the food and information landscape in the United States. Frohlich’s story unfolds in part as an institutional history of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), the agency responsible for the label, using the agency as a way to understand the ideological and policy debates about responsibility for communicating scientific information to the public, from regulation and gatekeeping to information brokering and nudging. From Label to Table is the story of how the contemporary American food information environment emerged out of this history of transformation from paternalism to “informationism.”
﻿Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>135</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Xaq Frohlich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Xaq Frohlich’s From Label to Table: Regulating Food in America in the Information Age (U California Press, 2023) is a biography of the Nutrition Facts label that adorns millions of food products and has become an integral part of the food and information landscape in the United States. Frohlich’s story unfolds in part as an institutional history of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), the agency responsible for the label, using the agency as a way to understand the ideological and policy debates about responsibility for communicating scientific information to the public, from regulation and gatekeeping to information brokering and nudging. From Label to Table is the story of how the contemporary American food information environment emerged out of this history of transformation from paternalism to “informationism.”
﻿Nathan Hopson is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Xaq Frohlich’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520298804"><em>From Label to Table: Regulating Food in America in the Information Age</em></a> (U California Press, 2023) is a biography of the Nutrition Facts label that adorns millions of food products and has become an integral part of the food and information landscape in the United States. Frohlich’s story unfolds in part as an institutional history of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), the agency responsible for the label, using the agency as a way to understand the ideological and policy debates about responsibility for communicating scientific information to the public, from regulation and gatekeeping to information brokering and nudging. <em>From Label to Table</em> is the story of how the contemporary American food information environment emerged out of this history of transformation from paternalism to “informationism.”</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.uib.no/en/persons/Nathan.Edwin.Hopson"><em>Nathan Hopson</em></a><em> is an associate professor of Japanese language and history in the University of Bergen's Department of Foreign Languages.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2841</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew J. Clavin, "Symbols of Freedom: Slavery and Resistance Before the Civil War" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the early United States, anthems, flags, holidays, monuments, and memorials were powerful symbols of an American identity that helped unify a divided people. A language of freedom played a similar role in shaping the new nation. The Declaration of Independence’s assertion “that all men are created equal,” Patrick Henry’s cry of “Give me liberty, or give me death!,” and Francis Scott Key’s “star-spangled banner” waving over “the land of the free and the home of the brave,” were anthemic celebrations of a newly free people. Resonating across the country, they encouraged the creation of a republic where the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” was universal, natural, and inalienable.
For enslaved people and their allies, the language and symbols that served as national touchstones made a mockery of freedom. Deriding the ideas that infused the republic’s founding, they encouraged an empty American culture that accepted the abstract notion of equality rather than the concrete idea. Yet, as award-winning author Matthew J. Clavin reveals, it was these powerful expressions of American nationalism that inspired forceful and even violent resistance to slavery.
Symbols of Freedom: Slavery and Resistance Before the Civil War (NYU Press, 2023) is the surprising story of how enslaved people and their allies drew inspiration from the language and symbols of American freedom. Interpreting patriotic words, phrases, and iconography literally, they embraced a revolutionary nationalism that not only justified but generated open opposition. Mindful and proud that theirs was a nation born in blood, these disparate patriots fought to fulfill the republic’s promise by waging war against slavery.
In a time when the US flag, the Fourth of July, and historical sites have never been more contested, this book reminds us that symbols are living artifacts whose power is derived from the meaning with which we imbue the
Matthew J. Clavin is Professor of History at the University of Houston and the author of The Battle of Negro Fort: The Rise and Fall of a Fugitive Slave Community, Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers, and Toussaint Louverture and the American Civil War: The Promise and Peril of a Second Haitian Revolution.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 07 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>237</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew J. Clavin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the early United States, anthems, flags, holidays, monuments, and memorials were powerful symbols of an American identity that helped unify a divided people. A language of freedom played a similar role in shaping the new nation. The Declaration of Independence’s assertion “that all men are created equal,” Patrick Henry’s cry of “Give me liberty, or give me death!,” and Francis Scott Key’s “star-spangled banner” waving over “the land of the free and the home of the brave,” were anthemic celebrations of a newly free people. Resonating across the country, they encouraged the creation of a republic where the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” was universal, natural, and inalienable.
For enslaved people and their allies, the language and symbols that served as national touchstones made a mockery of freedom. Deriding the ideas that infused the republic’s founding, they encouraged an empty American culture that accepted the abstract notion of equality rather than the concrete idea. Yet, as award-winning author Matthew J. Clavin reveals, it was these powerful expressions of American nationalism that inspired forceful and even violent resistance to slavery.
Symbols of Freedom: Slavery and Resistance Before the Civil War (NYU Press, 2023) is the surprising story of how enslaved people and their allies drew inspiration from the language and symbols of American freedom. Interpreting patriotic words, phrases, and iconography literally, they embraced a revolutionary nationalism that not only justified but generated open opposition. Mindful and proud that theirs was a nation born in blood, these disparate patriots fought to fulfill the republic’s promise by waging war against slavery.
In a time when the US flag, the Fourth of July, and historical sites have never been more contested, this book reminds us that symbols are living artifacts whose power is derived from the meaning with which we imbue the
Matthew J. Clavin is Professor of History at the University of Houston and the author of The Battle of Negro Fort: The Rise and Fall of a Fugitive Slave Community, Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers, and Toussaint Louverture and the American Civil War: The Promise and Peril of a Second Haitian Revolution.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the early United States, anthems, flags, holidays, monuments, and memorials were powerful symbols of an American identity that helped unify a divided people. A language of freedom played a similar role in shaping the new nation. The Declaration of Independence’s assertion “that all men are created equal,” Patrick Henry’s cry of “Give me liberty, or give me death!,” and Francis Scott Key’s “star-spangled banner” waving over “the land of the free and the home of the brave,” were anthemic celebrations of a newly free people. Resonating across the country, they encouraged the creation of a republic where the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” was universal, natural, and inalienable.</p><p>For enslaved people and their allies, the language and symbols that served as national touchstones made a mockery of freedom. Deriding the ideas that infused the republic’s founding, they encouraged an empty American culture that accepted the abstract notion of equality rather than the concrete idea. Yet, as award-winning author Matthew J. Clavin reveals, it was these powerful expressions of American nationalism that inspired forceful and even violent resistance to slavery.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479823246"><em>Symbols of Freedom: Slavery and Resistance Before the Civil War</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023) is the surprising story of how enslaved people and their allies drew inspiration from the language and symbols of American freedom. Interpreting patriotic words, phrases, and iconography literally, they embraced a revolutionary nationalism that not only justified but generated open opposition. Mindful and proud that theirs was a nation born in blood, these disparate patriots fought to fulfill the republic’s promise by waging war against slavery.</p><p>In a time when the US flag, the Fourth of July, and historical sites have never been more contested, this book reminds us that symbols are living artifacts whose power is derived from the meaning with which we imbue the</p><p>Matthew J. Clavin is Professor of History at the University of Houston and the author of The Battle of Negro Fort: The Rise and Fall of a Fugitive Slave Community, Aiming for Pensacola: Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers, and Toussaint Louverture and the American Civil War: The Promise and Peril of a Second Haitian Revolution.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2054</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR9941449306.mp3?updated=1699102584" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Speak Freely: The Princeton Principles</title>
      <description>Kicking off our new monthly series on freedom of speech, Keith Whittington and Donald Downs discuss the Princeton Principles for a Campus of Free Inquiry. These principles, outlined by a group of scholars convened by Professor Robert P. George here at the James Madison Program in March 2023, expand on the well-known Chicago Principles in ensuring campus free speech and institutional neutrality.
Professors Whittington and Downs are both among the original fifteen participants and endorsers of the Princeton Principles, and played significant roles in drafting the document. Keith Whittington is the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics in the Department of Politics at Princeton University, and the author of Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech (Princeton UP, 2019). He specializes in public law and American Politics, and will soon join the faculty of Yale Law School. Donald Downs is the Alexander Meiklejohn Professor of Political Science Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His areas of specialty include freedom of speech, academic freedom, and American politics. Since retiring, Downs has been the lead faculty advisor to the Free Speech and Open Inquiry Project of the Institute for Humane Studies in Washington, D.C.
Princeton's governing document, Rights, Rules, and Responsibilities, referenced during the episode. The James Madison Program's Initiative on Freedom of Thought, Inquiry, and Expression.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 07 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>88</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Keith Whittington and Donald Downs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kicking off our new monthly series on freedom of speech, Keith Whittington and Donald Downs discuss the Princeton Principles for a Campus of Free Inquiry. These principles, outlined by a group of scholars convened by Professor Robert P. George here at the James Madison Program in March 2023, expand on the well-known Chicago Principles in ensuring campus free speech and institutional neutrality.
Professors Whittington and Downs are both among the original fifteen participants and endorsers of the Princeton Principles, and played significant roles in drafting the document. Keith Whittington is the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics in the Department of Politics at Princeton University, and the author of Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech (Princeton UP, 2019). He specializes in public law and American Politics, and will soon join the faculty of Yale Law School. Donald Downs is the Alexander Meiklejohn Professor of Political Science Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His areas of specialty include freedom of speech, academic freedom, and American politics. Since retiring, Downs has been the lead faculty advisor to the Free Speech and Open Inquiry Project of the Institute for Humane Studies in Washington, D.C.
Princeton's governing document, Rights, Rules, and Responsibilities, referenced during the episode. The James Madison Program's Initiative on Freedom of Thought, Inquiry, and Expression.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Kicking off our new monthly series on freedom of speech, <a href="https://politics.princeton.edu/people/keith-e-whittington">Keith Whittington</a> and <a href="https://polisci.wisc.edu/staff/donald-downs/">Donald Downs</a> discuss the <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/princeton-principles-campus-culture-free-inquiry">Princeton Principles for a Campus of Free Inquiry</a>. These principles, outlined by a group of scholars convened by Professor Robert P. George here at the <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/">James Madison Program</a> in March 2023, expand on the well-known Chicago Principles in ensuring campus free speech and institutional neutrality.</p><p>Professors Whittington and Downs are both among the original fifteen participants and endorsers of the Princeton Principles, and played significant roles in drafting the document. Keith Whittington is the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics in the Department of Politics at Princeton University, and the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691191522"><em>Speak Freely: Why Universities Must Defend Free Speech</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2019). He specializes in public law and American Politics, and will soon join the faculty of Yale Law School. Donald Downs is the Alexander Meiklejohn Professor of Political Science Emeritus at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. His areas of specialty include freedom of speech, academic freedom, and American politics. Since retiring, Downs has been the lead faculty advisor to the Free Speech and Open Inquiry Project of the Institute for Humane Studies in Washington, D.C.</p><p>Princeton's governing document, <a href="https://rrr.princeton.edu/"><em>Rights, Rules, and Responsibilities</em></a>, referenced during the episode. The James Madison Program's <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/academic-initiatives/initiative-freedom-thought-inquiry-and-expression">Initiative on Freedom of Thought, Inquiry, and Expression</a>.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3695</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Shannon McKenna Schmidt, "The First Lady of World War II: Eleanor Roosevelt's Daring Journey to the Frontlines and Back" (Sourcebooks, 2023)</title>
      <description>Shannon McKenna Schmidt's The First Lady of World War II: Eleanor Roosevelt's Daring Journey to the Frontlines and Back (Sourcebooks, 2023) is the first book to tell the full story of Eleanor Roosevelt's unprecedented and courageous trip to the Pacific Theater during World War II.
On August 27, 1943, news broke in the United States that First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt was on the other side of the world. A closely guarded secret, she had left San Francisco aboard a military transport plane headed for the South Pacific to support and report the troops on WW2's front lines. Americans had believed she was secluded at home. As Allied forces battled the Japanese for control of the region, Eleanor was there on the frontlines, spending five weeks traveling, on a mission as First Lady of the United States to experience what our servicemen were experiencing... and report back home.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>72</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shannon McKenna Schmidt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Shannon McKenna Schmidt's The First Lady of World War II: Eleanor Roosevelt's Daring Journey to the Frontlines and Back (Sourcebooks, 2023) is the first book to tell the full story of Eleanor Roosevelt's unprecedented and courageous trip to the Pacific Theater during World War II.
On August 27, 1943, news broke in the United States that First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt was on the other side of the world. A closely guarded secret, she had left San Francisco aboard a military transport plane headed for the South Pacific to support and report the troops on WW2's front lines. Americans had believed she was secluded at home. As Allied forces battled the Japanese for control of the region, Eleanor was there on the frontlines, spending five weeks traveling, on a mission as First Lady of the United States to experience what our servicemen were experiencing... and report back home.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Shannon McKenna Schmidt's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781728256610"><em>The First Lady of World War II: Eleanor Roosevelt's Daring Journey to the Frontlines and Back</em></a><em> </em>(Sourcebooks, 2023) is the first book to tell the full story of Eleanor Roosevelt's unprecedented and courageous trip to the Pacific Theater during World War II.</p><p>On August 27, 1943, news broke in the United States that First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt was on the other side of the world. A closely guarded secret, she had left San Francisco aboard a military transport plane headed for the South Pacific to support and report the troops on WW2's front lines. Americans had believed she was secluded at home. As Allied forces battled the Japanese for control of the region, Eleanor was there on the frontlines, spending five weeks traveling, on a mission as First Lady of the United States to experience what our servicemen were experiencing... and report back home.</p><p><a href="https://www.janescimeca.com/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2067</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7325639190.mp3?updated=1699028613" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Dannagal Goldthwaite Young, "Wrong: How Media, Politics, and Identity Drive Our Appetite for Misinformation" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Over the past 40 years, lawmakers in America's two major political parties have taken increasingly extreme positions on ideological issues. Voters from the two parties have become increasingly distinct and hostile to one another along the lines of race, religion, geography, and culture. In Wrong: How Media, Politics, and Identity Drive Our Appetite for Misinformation (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young illustrates how political leaders and media organizations capitalize on social and cultural identities to separate, enrage, and mobilize people. Because humans are motivated to comprehend, to feel in control, and to be part of a community, they seek information that satisfies these needs – including misinformation that favors their political team. They don’t want to be wrong.
Bringing together tools from political science, communications, and social psychology, Dr. Goldthwaite Young creates a model to explain how public officials, journalists, and social media platforms encourage what she calls identity distillation. Dr. Young both describes the dynamics and provides suggestions for how to disrupt “identity-driven wrongness.” These include journalists abandoning conflict framing in the coverage of politics, social media platforms increasing transparency about their algorithmic content rankings and ad targeting, and individuals cultivating intellectual humility and disrupting performances of political identity to increase the demand for democracy-centered political information.
Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young is a professor of Communications and Political Science at the University of Delaware. Her areas of expertise include political media effects, media psychology, public opinion, and the psychology of misinformation. I’m delighted to welcome her to the New Books Network.
George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Nov 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>683</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dannagal Goldthwaite Young</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past 40 years, lawmakers in America's two major political parties have taken increasingly extreme positions on ideological issues. Voters from the two parties have become increasingly distinct and hostile to one another along the lines of race, religion, geography, and culture. In Wrong: How Media, Politics, and Identity Drive Our Appetite for Misinformation (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young illustrates how political leaders and media organizations capitalize on social and cultural identities to separate, enrage, and mobilize people. Because humans are motivated to comprehend, to feel in control, and to be part of a community, they seek information that satisfies these needs – including misinformation that favors their political team. They don’t want to be wrong.
Bringing together tools from political science, communications, and social psychology, Dr. Goldthwaite Young creates a model to explain how public officials, journalists, and social media platforms encourage what she calls identity distillation. Dr. Young both describes the dynamics and provides suggestions for how to disrupt “identity-driven wrongness.” These include journalists abandoning conflict framing in the coverage of politics, social media platforms increasing transparency about their algorithmic content rankings and ad targeting, and individuals cultivating intellectual humility and disrupting performances of political identity to increase the demand for democracy-centered political information.
Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young is a professor of Communications and Political Science at the University of Delaware. Her areas of expertise include political media effects, media psychology, public opinion, and the psychology of misinformation. I’m delighted to welcome her to the New Books Network.
George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past 40 years, lawmakers in America's two major political parties have taken increasingly extreme positions on ideological issues. Voters from the two parties have become increasingly distinct and hostile to one another along the lines of race, religion, geography, and culture. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421447759"><em>Wrong: How Media, Politics, and Identity Drive Our Appetite for Misinformation</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young illustrates how political leaders and media organizations capitalize on social and cultural identities to separate, enrage, and mobilize people. Because humans are motivated to comprehend, to feel in control, and to be part of a community, they seek information that satisfies these needs – including misinformation that favors their political team. They don’t want to be wrong.</p><p>Bringing together tools from political science, communications, and social psychology, Dr. Goldthwaite Young creates a model to explain how public officials, journalists, and social media platforms encourage what she calls identity distillation. Dr. Young both describes the dynamics and provides suggestions for how to disrupt “identity-driven wrongness.” These include journalists abandoning conflict framing in the coverage of politics, social media platforms increasing transparency about their algorithmic content rankings and ad targeting, and individuals cultivating intellectual humility and disrupting performances of political identity to increase the demand for democracy-centered political information.</p><p><a href="https://www.udel.edu/faculty-staff/experts/dannagal-young/">Dr. Dannagal Goldthwaite Young</a> is a professor of Communications and Political Science at the University of Delaware. Her areas of expertise include political media effects, media psychology, public opinion, and the psychology of misinformation. I’m delighted to welcome her to the New Books Network.</p><p>George Lobis served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3847</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Drew A. Swanson, "A Man of Bad Reputation: The Murder of John Stephens and the Contested Landscape of North Carolina Reconstruction" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Five years after the Civil War, North Carolina Republican state senator John W. Stephens was found murdered inside the Caswell County Courthouse. Stephens fought for the rights of freedpeople, and his killing by the Ku Klux Klan ultimately led to insurrection, Governor William W. Holden's impeachment, and the early unwinding of Reconstruction in North Carolina. In A Man of Bad Reputation: The Murder of John Stephens and the Contested Landscape of North Carolina Reconstruction (UNC Press, 2023), Drew A. Swanson tells a story of race, politics, and social power shaped by violence and profit. The struggle for dominance in Reconstruction-era rural North Carolina, Swanson argues, was an economic and ecological transformation. Arson, beating, and murder became tools to control people and landscapes, and the ramifications of this violence continued long afterward. The failure to prosecute anyone for decades after John Stephens's assassination left behind a vacuum, as each side shaped its own memory of Stephens and his murder.
The malleability of and contested storytelling around Stephens's legacy presents a window into the struggle to control the future of the South.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 04 Nov 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>58</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Drew A. Swanson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Five years after the Civil War, North Carolina Republican state senator John W. Stephens was found murdered inside the Caswell County Courthouse. Stephens fought for the rights of freedpeople, and his killing by the Ku Klux Klan ultimately led to insurrection, Governor William W. Holden's impeachment, and the early unwinding of Reconstruction in North Carolina. In A Man of Bad Reputation: The Murder of John Stephens and the Contested Landscape of North Carolina Reconstruction (UNC Press, 2023), Drew A. Swanson tells a story of race, politics, and social power shaped by violence and profit. The struggle for dominance in Reconstruction-era rural North Carolina, Swanson argues, was an economic and ecological transformation. Arson, beating, and murder became tools to control people and landscapes, and the ramifications of this violence continued long afterward. The failure to prosecute anyone for decades after John Stephens's assassination left behind a vacuum, as each side shaped its own memory of Stephens and his murder.
The malleability of and contested storytelling around Stephens's legacy presents a window into the struggle to control the future of the South.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Five years after the Civil War, North Carolina Republican state senator John W. Stephens was found murdered inside the Caswell County Courthouse. Stephens fought for the rights of freedpeople, and his killing by the Ku Klux Klan ultimately led to insurrection, Governor William W. Holden's impeachment, and the early unwinding of Reconstruction in North Carolina. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469674711"><em>A Man of Bad Reputation: The Murder of John Stephens and the Contested Landscape of North Carolina Reconstruction</em></a> (UNC Press, 2023), Drew A. Swanson tells a story of race, politics, and social power shaped by violence and profit. The struggle for dominance in Reconstruction-era rural North Carolina, Swanson argues, was an economic and ecological transformation. Arson, beating, and murder became tools to control people and landscapes, and the ramifications of this violence continued long afterward. The failure to prosecute anyone for decades after John Stephens's assassination left behind a vacuum, as each side shaped its own memory of Stephens and his murder.</p><p>The malleability of and contested storytelling around Stephens's legacy presents a window into the struggle to control the future of the South.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3660</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[25395716-78bc-11ee-81a8-0fe9af3fa368]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5008757875.mp3?updated=1698847200" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Alexandra Hudson, "The Soul of Civility: Timeless Principles to Heal Society and Ourselves" (St. Martin's Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Alexandra Hudson, daughter of the "Manners Lady," was raised to respect others. But as she grew up, Hudson discovered a difference between politeness--a superficial appearance of good manners--and true civility. In this timely book, Hudson sheds light on how civility can help bridge our political divide.
From classical philosophers like Epictetus, to great twentieth-century thinkers like Martin Luther King Jr., to her own experience working in the federal government during one of the most politically fraught eras in our nation's history, Hudson examines how civility--a respect for the personhood and dignity of others--transcends political disagreements. Respecting someone means valuing them enough to tell them when you think they are wrong.
It's easy to look at the divided state of the world and blame our leaders, the media, or our education system. Instead, we should focus on what we can control: ourselves. The Soul of Civility: Timeless Principles to Heal Society and Ourselves (St. Martin's Press, 2023) empowers readers to live tolerantly with others despite deep differences, and to rigorously protest wrongs and debate issues rather than silencing disagreements. A robust public discourse is essential to a truly civil society, and respecting others means telling hard truths. If enough of us decide to change ourselves, we might be able to change the world we live in, too.
Alexandra Hudson is a writer and the founder of Civic Renaissance. She is an adjunct professor at the Indiana University Lilly School of Philanthropy.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Nov 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>179</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alexandra Hudson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Alexandra Hudson, daughter of the "Manners Lady," was raised to respect others. But as she grew up, Hudson discovered a difference between politeness--a superficial appearance of good manners--and true civility. In this timely book, Hudson sheds light on how civility can help bridge our political divide.
From classical philosophers like Epictetus, to great twentieth-century thinkers like Martin Luther King Jr., to her own experience working in the federal government during one of the most politically fraught eras in our nation's history, Hudson examines how civility--a respect for the personhood and dignity of others--transcends political disagreements. Respecting someone means valuing them enough to tell them when you think they are wrong.
It's easy to look at the divided state of the world and blame our leaders, the media, or our education system. Instead, we should focus on what we can control: ourselves. The Soul of Civility: Timeless Principles to Heal Society and Ourselves (St. Martin's Press, 2023) empowers readers to live tolerantly with others despite deep differences, and to rigorously protest wrongs and debate issues rather than silencing disagreements. A robust public discourse is essential to a truly civil society, and respecting others means telling hard truths. If enough of us decide to change ourselves, we might be able to change the world we live in, too.
Alexandra Hudson is a writer and the founder of Civic Renaissance. She is an adjunct professor at the Indiana University Lilly School of Philanthropy.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Alexandra Hudson, daughter of the "Manners Lady," was raised to respect others. But as she grew up, Hudson discovered a difference between politeness--a superficial appearance of good manners--and true civility. In this timely book, Hudson sheds light on how civility can help bridge our political divide.</p><p>From classical philosophers like Epictetus, to great twentieth-century thinkers like Martin Luther King Jr., to her own experience working in the federal government during one of the most politically fraught eras in our nation's history, Hudson examines how civility--a respect for the personhood and dignity of others--transcends political disagreements. Respecting someone means valuing them enough to tell them when you think they are wrong.</p><p>It's easy to look at the divided state of the world and blame our leaders, the media, or our education system. Instead, we should focus on what we can control: ourselves. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250277787"><em>The Soul of Civility: Timeless Principles to Heal Society and Ourselves</em></a><em> </em>(St. Martin's Press, 2023) empowers readers to live tolerantly with others despite deep differences, and to rigorously protest wrongs and debate issues rather than silencing disagreements. A robust public discourse is essential to a truly civil society, and respecting others means telling hard truths. If enough of us decide to change ourselves, we might be able to change the world we live in, too.</p><p>Alexandra Hudson is a writer and the founder of <a href="https://www.civic-renaissance.com/">Civic Renaissance</a>. She is an adjunct professor at the Indiana University Lilly School of Philanthropy.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1821</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Cancelling: A Conversation with Greg Lukianoff</title>
      <description>Cancel culture is something all academics are aware of and some are concerned about.  Certainly that’s true of Greg Lukianoff who was the co-author (with Jonathan Haidt) of The Coddling of the American Mind (Penguin, 2018) and who has now co-authored (with Rikki Schlott) of The Canceling of the American Mind (Simon and Schuster, 2023). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Nov 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>84</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Cancel culture is something all academics are aware of and some are concerned about.  Certainly that’s true of Greg Lukianoff who was the co-author (with Jonathan Haidt) of The Coddling of the American Mind (Penguin, 2018) and who has now co-authored (with Rikki Schlott) of The Canceling of the American Mind (Simon and Schuster, 2023). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Cancel culture is something all academics are aware of and some are concerned about.  Certainly that’s true of Greg Lukianoff who was the co-author (with Jonathan Haidt) of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780735224919"><em>The Coddling of the American Mind</em></a><em> </em>(Penguin, 2018) and who has now co-authored (with Rikki Schlott) of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668019146"><em>The Canceling of the American Mind </em></a>(Simon and Schuster, 2023). Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2176</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[074820c0-75a6-11ee-81d8-df5cee906a34]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Melvin L. Rogers, "The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Frederick Douglass’s 1852 speech “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” is notoriously fiery. No doubt part of what’s gripping about it is its internal tension. Douglass begins by sincerely praising the founders and their philosophical principles, and then turns to a devastating critique of the hypocrisy of the United States. Underlying Douglass’s argument is a commitment to the democratic project in the United States that one imagines could be sustained only with extraordinary effort. What prevented Douglass from embracing the understandable, warranted pessimism that the democratic experiment in the United States had failed – or perhaps had never really been taken up?
In The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought (Princeton University Press, 2023), Melvin Rogers takes his reader on a journey through the efforts of African American philosophers, social critics, and artists to make sense of the United States.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Nov 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>327</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melvin L. Rogers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Frederick Douglass’s 1852 speech “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” is notoriously fiery. No doubt part of what’s gripping about it is its internal tension. Douglass begins by sincerely praising the founders and their philosophical principles, and then turns to a devastating critique of the hypocrisy of the United States. Underlying Douglass’s argument is a commitment to the democratic project in the United States that one imagines could be sustained only with extraordinary effort. What prevented Douglass from embracing the understandable, warranted pessimism that the democratic experiment in the United States had failed – or perhaps had never really been taken up?
In The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought (Princeton University Press, 2023), Melvin Rogers takes his reader on a journey through the efforts of African American philosophers, social critics, and artists to make sense of the United States.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Frederick Douglass’s 1852 speech “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July” is notoriously fiery. No doubt part of what’s gripping about it is its internal tension. Douglass begins by sincerely praising the founders and their philosophical principles, and then turns to a devastating critique of the hypocrisy of the United States. Underlying Douglass’s argument is a commitment to the democratic project in the United States that one imagines could be sustained only with extraordinary effort. What prevented Douglass from embracing the understandable, warranted pessimism that the democratic experiment in the United States had failed – or perhaps had never really been taken up?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691219134"><em>The Darkened Light of Faith: Race, Democracy, and Freedom in African American Political Thought</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2023), <a href="https://polisci.brown.edu/people/melvin-rogers">Melvin Rogers</a> takes his reader on a journey through the efforts of African American philosophers, social critics, and artists to make sense of the United States.</p><p><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4115</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f1acaffa-781c-11ee-a5e5-bbc0a5502fdb]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Woodrow Wilson: Patrick Weil’s "The Madman in the White House"</title>
      <description>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Patrick Weil, author of The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard University Press, 2023). Weil discusses the beginnings of a book published in 1960 by Ambassador William C. Bullitt, who wrote on the mental health of President Woodrow Wilson with the founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud. Delving into archival research, Weil found that Bullitt and Freud saw Wilson as a neurotic obsessed with his father, whom he both deeply loved and hated, and that the image of his father was later projected into other characters who first were his friends and later his enemies. Bullitt and Freud also found that Wilson had an unconscious bisexual desire that drove his love-hate relationships. Finally, the conversation offers some reflections on the difficulties presidential systems have in screening mentally unfit candidates for their positions and getting rid of them when they seem unable to fulfill their duties.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>129</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Patrick Weil</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Patrick Weil, author of The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson (Harvard University Press, 2023). Weil discusses the beginnings of a book published in 1960 by Ambassador William C. Bullitt, who wrote on the mental health of President Woodrow Wilson with the founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud. Delving into archival research, Weil found that Bullitt and Freud saw Wilson as a neurotic obsessed with his father, whom he both deeply loved and hated, and that the image of his father was later projected into other characters who first were his friends and later his enemies. Bullitt and Freud also found that Wilson had an unconscious bisexual desire that drove his love-hate relationships. Finally, the conversation offers some reflections on the difficulties presidential systems have in screening mentally unfit candidates for their positions and getting rid of them when they seem unable to fulfill their duties.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey interviews Patrick Weil, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674291614"><em>The Madman in the White House: Sigmund Freud, Ambassador Bullitt, and the Lost Psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2023). Weil discusses the beginnings of a book published in 1960 by Ambassador William C. Bullitt, who wrote on the mental health of President Woodrow Wilson with the founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud. Delving into archival research, Weil found that Bullitt and Freud saw Wilson as a neurotic obsessed with his father, whom he both deeply loved and hated, and that the image of his father was later projected into other characters who first were his friends and later his enemies. Bullitt and Freud also found that Wilson had an unconscious bisexual desire that drove his love-hate relationships. Finally, the conversation offers some reflections on the difficulties presidential systems have in screening mentally unfit candidates for their positions and getting rid of them when they seem unable to fulfill their duties.</p><p><em>﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the </em><a href="http://ralphbuncheinstitute.org/"><em>Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies</em></a><em> that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. </em><a href="https://www.gc.cuny.edu/people/john-torpey"><em>John Torpey</em></a><em>, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2451</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR8689925256.mp3?updated=1698754211" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dara Z. Strolovitch, "When Bad Things Happen to Privileged People: Race, Gender, and What Makes a Crisis in America" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>A deep and thought-provoking examination of crisis politics and their implications for power and marginalization in the United States. 
From the climate crisis to the opioid crisis to the Coronavirus crisis, the language of crisis is everywhere around us and ubiquitous in contemporary American politics and policymaking. But for every problem that political actors describe as a crisis, there are myriad other equally serious ones that are not described in this way. Why has the term crisis been associated with some problems but not others? What has crisis come to mean, and what work does it do? 
In When Bad Things Happen to Privileged People: Race, Gender, and What Makes a Crisis in America (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dara Z. Strolovitch brings a critical eye to the taken-for-granted political vernacular of crisis. Using systematic analyses to trace the evolution of the use of the term crisis by both political elites and outsiders, Strolovitch unpacks the idea of “crisis” in contemporary politics and demonstrates that crisis is itself an operation of politics. She shows that racial justice activists innovated the language of crisis in an effort to transform racism from something understood as natural and intractable and to cast it instead as a policy problem that could be remedied. Dominant political actors later seized on the language of crisis to compel the use of state power, but often in ways that compounded rather than alleviated inequality and injustice. In this eye-opening and important book, Strolovitch demonstrates that understanding crisis politics is key to understanding the politics of racial, gender, and class inequalities in the early twenty-first century.
Dara Z. Strolovitch is Professor of Women’s Gender, and Sexuality Studies, American Studies, and Political Science at Yale University, where her research and teaching focus on political representation, social movements, and the intersecting politics of race, class, gender, and sexuality.
Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>168</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dara Z. Strolovitch</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A deep and thought-provoking examination of crisis politics and their implications for power and marginalization in the United States. 
From the climate crisis to the opioid crisis to the Coronavirus crisis, the language of crisis is everywhere around us and ubiquitous in contemporary American politics and policymaking. But for every problem that political actors describe as a crisis, there are myriad other equally serious ones that are not described in this way. Why has the term crisis been associated with some problems but not others? What has crisis come to mean, and what work does it do? 
In When Bad Things Happen to Privileged People: Race, Gender, and What Makes a Crisis in America (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dara Z. Strolovitch brings a critical eye to the taken-for-granted political vernacular of crisis. Using systematic analyses to trace the evolution of the use of the term crisis by both political elites and outsiders, Strolovitch unpacks the idea of “crisis” in contemporary politics and demonstrates that crisis is itself an operation of politics. She shows that racial justice activists innovated the language of crisis in an effort to transform racism from something understood as natural and intractable and to cast it instead as a policy problem that could be remedied. Dominant political actors later seized on the language of crisis to compel the use of state power, but often in ways that compounded rather than alleviated inequality and injustice. In this eye-opening and important book, Strolovitch demonstrates that understanding crisis politics is key to understanding the politics of racial, gender, and class inequalities in the early twenty-first century.
Dara Z. Strolovitch is Professor of Women’s Gender, and Sexuality Studies, American Studies, and Political Science at Yale University, where her research and teaching focus on political representation, social movements, and the intersecting politics of race, class, gender, and sexuality.
Host Ursula Hackett is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A deep and thought-provoking examination of crisis politics and their implications for power and marginalization in the United States. </p><p>From the climate crisis to the opioid crisis to the Coronavirus crisis, the language of crisis is everywhere around us and ubiquitous in contemporary American politics and policymaking. But for every problem that political actors describe as a crisis, there are myriad other equally serious ones that are not described in this way. Why has the term crisis been associated with some problems but not others? What has crisis come to mean, and what work does it do? </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226798813"><em>When Bad Things Happen to Privileged People: Race, Gender, and What Makes a Crisis in America</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023), Dara Z. Strolovitch brings a critical eye to the taken-for-granted political vernacular of crisis. Using systematic analyses to trace the evolution of the use of the term crisis by both political elites and outsiders, Strolovitch unpacks the idea of “crisis” in contemporary politics and demonstrates that crisis is itself an operation of politics. She shows that racial justice activists innovated the language of crisis in an effort to transform racism from something understood as natural and intractable and to cast it instead as a policy problem that could be remedied. Dominant political actors later seized on the language of crisis to compel the use of state power, but often in ways that compounded rather than alleviated inequality and injustice. In this eye-opening and important book, Strolovitch demonstrates that understanding crisis politics is key to understanding the politics of racial, gender, and class inequalities in the early twenty-first century.</p><p>Dara Z. Strolovitch is Professor of Women’s Gender, and Sexuality Studies, American Studies, and Political Science at Yale University, where her research and teaching focus on political representation, social movements, and the intersecting politics of race, class, gender, and sexuality.</p><p><em>Host </em><strong><em>Ursula Hackett </em></strong><em>is Reader in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3659</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Scott Eyman, "Charlie Chaplin vs. America: When Art, Sex, and Politics Collided" (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023)</title>
      <description>The remarkable, must-read story of Charlie Chaplin’s years of exile from the United States during the postwar Red Scare, and how it ruined his film career, from bestselling biographer Scott Eyman.
Bestselling Hollywood biographer and film historian Scott Eyman tells the story of Charlie Chaplin’s fall from grace. In the aftermath of World War Two, Chaplin was criticized for being politically liberal and internationalist in outlook. He had never become a US citizen, something that would be held against him as xenophobia set in when the postwar Red Scare took hold.
Politics aside, Chaplin had another problem: his sexual interest in young women. He had been married three times and had had numerous affairs. In the 1940s, he was the subject of a paternity suit, which he lost, despite blood tests that proved he was not the father. His sexuality became a convenient way for those who opposed his politics to condemn him. Refused permission to return to the US from a trip abroad, he settled in Switzerland, and made his last two films in London
In Charlie Chaplin vs. America: When Art, Sex, and Politics Collided (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023), bestselling author Scott Eyman explores the life and times of the movie genius who brought us such masterpieces as City Lights and Modern Times. This is a perceptive, insightful portrait of Chaplin and of an America consumed by political turmoil.
Scott Eyman was formerly the literary critic at The Palm Beach Post and is the author or coauthor of sixteen books, including the bestseller John Wayne and You Must Remember This with actor Robert Wagner. Eyman also writes book reviews for The Wall Street Journal, and has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, and the Chicago Tribune. He and his wife, Lynn, live in West Palm Beach.
Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers and articles on G. K. Chesterton and John Ford, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found here on the New Books Network and on X.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>174</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Scott Eyman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The remarkable, must-read story of Charlie Chaplin’s years of exile from the United States during the postwar Red Scare, and how it ruined his film career, from bestselling biographer Scott Eyman.
Bestselling Hollywood biographer and film historian Scott Eyman tells the story of Charlie Chaplin’s fall from grace. In the aftermath of World War Two, Chaplin was criticized for being politically liberal and internationalist in outlook. He had never become a US citizen, something that would be held against him as xenophobia set in when the postwar Red Scare took hold.
Politics aside, Chaplin had another problem: his sexual interest in young women. He had been married three times and had had numerous affairs. In the 1940s, he was the subject of a paternity suit, which he lost, despite blood tests that proved he was not the father. His sexuality became a convenient way for those who opposed his politics to condemn him. Refused permission to return to the US from a trip abroad, he settled in Switzerland, and made his last two films in London
In Charlie Chaplin vs. America: When Art, Sex, and Politics Collided (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023), bestselling author Scott Eyman explores the life and times of the movie genius who brought us such masterpieces as City Lights and Modern Times. This is a perceptive, insightful portrait of Chaplin and of an America consumed by political turmoil.
Scott Eyman was formerly the literary critic at The Palm Beach Post and is the author or coauthor of sixteen books, including the bestseller John Wayne and You Must Remember This with actor Robert Wagner. Eyman also writes book reviews for The Wall Street Journal, and has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, and the Chicago Tribune. He and his wife, Lynn, live in West Palm Beach.
Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers and articles on G. K. Chesterton and John Ford, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found here on the New Books Network and on X.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The remarkable, must-read story of Charlie Chaplin’s years of exile from the United States during the postwar Red Scare, and how it ruined his film career, from bestselling biographer Scott Eyman.</p><p>Bestselling Hollywood biographer and film historian Scott Eyman tells the story of Charlie Chaplin’s fall from grace. In the aftermath of World War Two, Chaplin was criticized for being politically liberal and internationalist in outlook. He had never become a US citizen, something that would be held against him as xenophobia set in when the postwar Red Scare took hold.</p><p>Politics aside, Chaplin had another problem: his sexual interest in young women. He had been married three times and had had numerous affairs. In the 1940s, he was the subject of a paternity suit, which he lost, despite blood tests that proved he was not the father. His sexuality became a convenient way for those who opposed his politics to condemn him. Refused permission to return to the US from a trip abroad, he settled in Switzerland, and made his last two films in London</p><p>In<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982176358"> <em>Charlie Chaplin vs. America: When Art, Sex, and Politics Collided</em></a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023), bestselling author Scott Eyman explores the life and times of the movie genius who brought us such masterpieces as City Lights and Modern Times. This is a perceptive, insightful portrait of Chaplin and of an America consumed by political turmoil.</p><p>Scott Eyman was formerly the literary critic at <em>The Palm Beach Post</em> and is the author or coauthor of sixteen books, including the bestseller <em>John Wayne</em> <em>and You Must Remember This</em> with actor Robert Wagner. Eyman also writes book reviews for <em>The Wall Street Journal</em>, and has written for <em>The New York Times, The Washington Post</em>, and the <em>Chicago Tribune</em>. He and his wife, Lynn, live in West Palm Beach.</p><p><em>Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers and articles on G. K. Chesterton and John Ford, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/academic-partners/fifteen-minute-film-fanatics"><em>here</em></a><em> on the New Books Network and on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/15minfilm"><em>X</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3310</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Claire Jean Kim, "Asian Americans in an Anti-Black World" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Where do Asian Americans fit into the U.S. racial order? How do we understand anti-Asian racism in relation to structural anti-Blackness? Are Asian Americans subordinated comparably to Black people or permitted adjacency to whiteness? For Dr. Claire Jean Kim, the police murder of George Floyd and the surge in anti-Asian hate during the COVID-19 pandemic make these questions urgent – and the answers may alter the US racial order.
In Asian Americans in an Anti-Black World (Cambridge UP, 2023), Dr. Kim argues that understanding US racial dynamics requires careful analysis of two forces: anti-Blackness and white supremacy. Dr. Kim’s meticulously researched book treats White supremacy and anti-Blackness as “kinetic forces or energy flows that have shaped and been shaped by the structural regimes of slavery, colonialism, capitalism, settler colonialism, and empire across the globe.” White supremacy lifts up one group as it pushes down all others. Anti-Blackness “abjects Blackness and elevates not-Blackness.” Based on her detailed analysis of law, history, and politics, Dr. Kim demonstrates how Asian Americans are “dynamically constituted as not-white, but above all not-Black” – and that Not-Blackness is a “vital form of property in an anti-Black world.” The construction of Asian Americans as not-white but above all not-Black has determined their positionality for nearly two centuries. Asian Americans are “dynamically positioned and weaponized by the U.S. state as it seeks to preserve structural anti-Blackness.” How Asian Americans choose to respond to their not-Black status will help to define racial politics in the U.S. in the twenty-first century. Can “Asian Americanness be reimagined as a force that destabilizes, rather than stabilizes, an anti-Black world?
Dr. Claire Jean Kim is Professor of Political Science and Asian American Studies at University of California, Irvine, where she teaches classes on race, politics, and human-animal studies. She is the author of two previous award-winning books, Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City (Yale University Press, 2000) and Dangerous Crossings: Race, Species, and Nature in a Multicultural Age (Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>682</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Claire Jean Kim</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Where do Asian Americans fit into the U.S. racial order? How do we understand anti-Asian racism in relation to structural anti-Blackness? Are Asian Americans subordinated comparably to Black people or permitted adjacency to whiteness? For Dr. Claire Jean Kim, the police murder of George Floyd and the surge in anti-Asian hate during the COVID-19 pandemic make these questions urgent – and the answers may alter the US racial order.
In Asian Americans in an Anti-Black World (Cambridge UP, 2023), Dr. Kim argues that understanding US racial dynamics requires careful analysis of two forces: anti-Blackness and white supremacy. Dr. Kim’s meticulously researched book treats White supremacy and anti-Blackness as “kinetic forces or energy flows that have shaped and been shaped by the structural regimes of slavery, colonialism, capitalism, settler colonialism, and empire across the globe.” White supremacy lifts up one group as it pushes down all others. Anti-Blackness “abjects Blackness and elevates not-Blackness.” Based on her detailed analysis of law, history, and politics, Dr. Kim demonstrates how Asian Americans are “dynamically constituted as not-white, but above all not-Black” – and that Not-Blackness is a “vital form of property in an anti-Black world.” The construction of Asian Americans as not-white but above all not-Black has determined their positionality for nearly two centuries. Asian Americans are “dynamically positioned and weaponized by the U.S. state as it seeks to preserve structural anti-Blackness.” How Asian Americans choose to respond to their not-Black status will help to define racial politics in the U.S. in the twenty-first century. Can “Asian Americanness be reimagined as a force that destabilizes, rather than stabilizes, an anti-Black world?
Dr. Claire Jean Kim is Professor of Political Science and Asian American Studies at University of California, Irvine, where she teaches classes on race, politics, and human-animal studies. She is the author of two previous award-winning books, Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City (Yale University Press, 2000) and Dangerous Crossings: Race, Species, and Nature in a Multicultural Age (Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Where do Asian Americans fit into the U.S. racial order? How do we understand anti-Asian racism in relation to structural anti-Blackness? Are Asian Americans subordinated comparably to Black people or permitted adjacency to whiteness? For Dr. Claire Jean Kim, the police murder of George Floyd and the surge in anti-Asian hate during the COVID-19 pandemic make these questions urgent – and the answers may alter the US racial order.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009222259"><em>Asian Americans in an Anti-Black World</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023), Dr. Kim argues that understanding US racial dynamics requires careful analysis of two forces: anti-Blackness and white supremacy. Dr. Kim’s meticulously researched book treats White supremacy and anti-Blackness as “kinetic forces or energy flows that have shaped and been shaped by the structural regimes of slavery, colonialism, capitalism, settler colonialism, and empire across the globe.” White supremacy lifts up one group as it pushes down all others. Anti-Blackness “abjects Blackness and elevates not-Blackness.” Based on her detailed analysis of law, history, and politics, Dr. Kim demonstrates how Asian Americans are “dynamically constituted as <em>not-white, but above all not-Black</em>” – and that Not-Blackness is a “vital form of property in an anti-Black world.” The construction of Asian Americans as not-white but above all not-Black has determined their positionality for nearly two centuries. Asian Americans are “dynamically positioned and weaponized by the U.S. state as it seeks to preserve structural anti-Blackness.” How Asian Americans choose to respond to their not-Black status will help to define racial politics in the U.S. in the twenty-first century. Can “Asian Americanness be reimagined as a force that destabilizes, rather than stabilizes, an anti-Black world?</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.faculty.uci.edu/profile/?facultyId=2453">Claire Jean Kim</a> is Professor of Political Science and Asian American Studies at University of California, Irvine, where she teaches classes on race, politics, and human-animal studies. She is the author of two previous award-winning books, <em>Bitter Fruit: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict in New York City</em> (Yale University Press, 2000) and <em>Dangerous Crossings: Race, Species, and Nature in a Multicultural Age</em> (Cambridge University Press, 2015).</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3929</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Norman Solomon, "War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine" (New Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>More than twenty years ago, 9/11 and the war in Afghanistan set into motion a hugely consequential shift in America’s foreign policy: a perpetual state of war that is almost entirely invisible to the American public. War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine (New Press, 2023), by the journalist and political analyst Norman Solomon, exposes how this happened, and what its consequences are, from military and civilian casualties to drained resources at home.
From Iraq through Afghanistan and Syria and on to little-known deployments in a range of countries around the globe, the United States has been at perpetual war for at least the past two decades. Yet many of these forays remain off the radar of average Americans. Compliant journalists add to the smokescreen by providing narrow coverage of military engagements and by repeating the military’s talking points. Meanwhile, the increased use of high technology, air power, and remote drones has put distance between soldiers and the civilians who die. Back at home, Solomon argues, the cloak of invisibility masks massive Pentagon budgets that receive bipartisan approval even as policy makers struggle to fund the domestic agenda.
Necessary, timely, and unflinching, War Made Invisible is an eloquent moral call for counting the true costs of war.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 28 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>202</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Norman Solomon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>More than twenty years ago, 9/11 and the war in Afghanistan set into motion a hugely consequential shift in America’s foreign policy: a perpetual state of war that is almost entirely invisible to the American public. War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine (New Press, 2023), by the journalist and political analyst Norman Solomon, exposes how this happened, and what its consequences are, from military and civilian casualties to drained resources at home.
From Iraq through Afghanistan and Syria and on to little-known deployments in a range of countries around the globe, the United States has been at perpetual war for at least the past two decades. Yet many of these forays remain off the radar of average Americans. Compliant journalists add to the smokescreen by providing narrow coverage of military engagements and by repeating the military’s talking points. Meanwhile, the increased use of high technology, air power, and remote drones has put distance between soldiers and the civilians who die. Back at home, Solomon argues, the cloak of invisibility masks massive Pentagon budgets that receive bipartisan approval even as policy makers struggle to fund the domestic agenda.
Necessary, timely, and unflinching, War Made Invisible is an eloquent moral call for counting the true costs of war.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>More than twenty years ago, 9/11 and the war in Afghanistan set into motion a hugely consequential shift in America’s foreign policy: a perpetual state of war that is almost entirely invisible to the American public. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620977910"><em>War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine</em></a><em> </em>(New Press, 2023), by the journalist and political analyst Norman Solomon, exposes how this happened, and what its consequences are, from military and civilian casualties to drained resources at home.</p><p>From Iraq through Afghanistan and Syria and on to little-known deployments in a range of countries around the globe, the United States has been at perpetual war for at least the past two decades. Yet many of these forays remain off the radar of average Americans. Compliant journalists add to the smokescreen by providing narrow coverage of military engagements and by repeating the military’s talking points. Meanwhile, the increased use of high technology, air power, and remote drones has put distance between soldiers and the civilians who die. Back at home, Solomon argues, the cloak of invisibility masks massive Pentagon budgets that receive bipartisan approval even as policy makers struggle to fund the domestic agenda.</p><p>Necessary, timely, and unflinching, <em>War Made Invisible</em> is an eloquent moral call for counting the true costs of war.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.american.edu/sis/faculty/bachman.cfm"><em>Jeff Bachman</em></a><em> is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3946</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Denise D. Meringolo, "Radical Roots: Public History and a Tradition of Social Justice Activism" (Amherst College Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Uncovering a radical tradition at the heart of public history within the United States, Radical Roots: Public History and a Tradition of Social Justice Activism (Amherst College Press, 2021) redefines our sense of the past and future of public historical practice. Its editor, Denise D. Meringolo proposes an alternative and more radical understanding of public history’s beginnings that has been marginalized in prior studies of the past of the historian profession. Reflecting on this radical past, Radical Roots’ contributors discuss the history, ethics, and power of public history, theorizing a model of public history that is future focused, committed to advancing social justice, and deeply committed to creating a more inclusive public record.
Sections on museum practices, oral history, grassroots preservation, and community-based learning offer an array of local case studies and examples, from the early-twentieth-century to the present day. Throughout, the contributors to Radical Roots reflect on their experiences in public history with candor, self-reflection, and humility. This contemporary and engaging volume provides critical lessons to all those interested in mobilizing public history towards social justice and equality.
This book is available open access here. 
Denise D. Meringolo is the Vice-President/President-Elect of the National Council on Public History and a scholar-practitioner in the field of public history working at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Her book Museums, Monuments, and National Parks: Toward a New Genealogy of Public History (published in 2012) won the 2013 National Council on Public History prize for the best book in the field.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>235</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Denise D. Meringolo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Uncovering a radical tradition at the heart of public history within the United States, Radical Roots: Public History and a Tradition of Social Justice Activism (Amherst College Press, 2021) redefines our sense of the past and future of public historical practice. Its editor, Denise D. Meringolo proposes an alternative and more radical understanding of public history’s beginnings that has been marginalized in prior studies of the past of the historian profession. Reflecting on this radical past, Radical Roots’ contributors discuss the history, ethics, and power of public history, theorizing a model of public history that is future focused, committed to advancing social justice, and deeply committed to creating a more inclusive public record.
Sections on museum practices, oral history, grassroots preservation, and community-based learning offer an array of local case studies and examples, from the early-twentieth-century to the present day. Throughout, the contributors to Radical Roots reflect on their experiences in public history with candor, self-reflection, and humility. This contemporary and engaging volume provides critical lessons to all those interested in mobilizing public history towards social justice and equality.
This book is available open access here. 
Denise D. Meringolo is the Vice-President/President-Elect of the National Council on Public History and a scholar-practitioner in the field of public history working at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Her book Museums, Monuments, and National Parks: Toward a New Genealogy of Public History (published in 2012) won the 2013 National Council on Public History prize for the best book in the field.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Uncovering a radical tradition at the heart of public history within the United States, <a href="https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/rf55z988p"><em>Radical Roots: Public History and a Tradition of Social Justice Activism</em></a><em> </em>(Amherst College Press, 2021) redefines our sense of the past and future of public historical practice. Its editor, Denise D. Meringolo proposes an alternative and more radical understanding of public history’s beginnings that has been marginalized in prior studies of the past of the historian profession. Reflecting on this radical past, <em>Radical Roots’ </em>contributors discuss the history, ethics, and power of public history, theorizing a model of public history that is future focused, committed to advancing social justice, and deeply committed to creating a more inclusive public record.</p><p>Sections on museum practices, oral history, grassroots preservation, and community-based learning offer an array of local case studies and examples, from the early-twentieth-century to the present day. Throughout, the contributors to <em>Radical Roots</em> reflect on their experiences in public history with candor, self-reflection, and humility. This contemporary and engaging volume provides critical lessons to all those interested in mobilizing public history towards social justice and equality.</p><p>This book is available open access <a href="https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/rf55z988p">here</a>. </p><p>Denise D. Meringolo is the Vice-President/President-Elect of the National Council on Public History and a scholar-practitioner in the field of public history working at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. Her book <em>Museums, Monuments, and National Parks: Toward a New Genealogy of Public History</em> (published in 2012) won the 2013 National Council on Public History prize for the best book in the field.</p><p><a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/americas/research/research-students/thomas-cryer"><em>Thomas Cryer</em></a><em> is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3569</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Greg Glasgow and Kathryn Mayer, "Disneyland on the Mountain: Walt, the Environmentalists, and the Ski Resort That Never Was" (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023)</title>
      <description>A fascinating look at Walt Disney's last, unfinished project and the controversy that surrounded it. It was going to be Disneyland at the top of a mountain. A vacation destination where guests could ski, go ice skating, or be entertained by a Disney Imagineer-created band of Audio-Animatronic bears. In the summer, visitors could fish, camp, hike, or take a scenic chairlift ride to the top of a mountain. It was the Mineral King resort in Southern California, and it was Walt Disney's final passion project. But there was one major obstacle to Walt's dream: the growing environmentalist movement of the 1960s. 
In Disneyland on the Mountain: Walt, the Environmentalists, and the Ski Resort That Never Was (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Greg Glasgow and Kathryn Mayer provide an unprecedented look inside the Mineral King saga, from its origins at the 1960 Winter Olympics to the years-long environmental fight that eventually shut the development down. The fight, which went all the way to the Supreme Court, reshaped the environmental movement and helped to put in place long-reaching laws to protect nature. Although the court battle, coupled with Walt's death in 1966, meant the end for the Mineral King resort, the ideas and planning behind it have permeated throughout the Walt Disney company and the ski tourism industry in ways that are still seen today. With firsthand interviews and behind-the-scenes details, Disneyland on the Mountain offers incredible access to a part of Disney history that hasn't been thoroughly explored before, including Walt's love of nature, how the company changed after Walt's death, and of course, the story of Mineral King. It's a tale of man versus nature, ambition versus mortality, and how a gang of scrappy environmentalists took on one of America's most beloved companies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>175</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Greg Glasgow and Kathryn Mayer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A fascinating look at Walt Disney's last, unfinished project and the controversy that surrounded it. It was going to be Disneyland at the top of a mountain. A vacation destination where guests could ski, go ice skating, or be entertained by a Disney Imagineer-created band of Audio-Animatronic bears. In the summer, visitors could fish, camp, hike, or take a scenic chairlift ride to the top of a mountain. It was the Mineral King resort in Southern California, and it was Walt Disney's final passion project. But there was one major obstacle to Walt's dream: the growing environmentalist movement of the 1960s. 
In Disneyland on the Mountain: Walt, the Environmentalists, and the Ski Resort That Never Was (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Greg Glasgow and Kathryn Mayer provide an unprecedented look inside the Mineral King saga, from its origins at the 1960 Winter Olympics to the years-long environmental fight that eventually shut the development down. The fight, which went all the way to the Supreme Court, reshaped the environmental movement and helped to put in place long-reaching laws to protect nature. Although the court battle, coupled with Walt's death in 1966, meant the end for the Mineral King resort, the ideas and planning behind it have permeated throughout the Walt Disney company and the ski tourism industry in ways that are still seen today. With firsthand interviews and behind-the-scenes details, Disneyland on the Mountain offers incredible access to a part of Disney history that hasn't been thoroughly explored before, including Walt's love of nature, how the company changed after Walt's death, and of course, the story of Mineral King. It's a tale of man versus nature, ambition versus mortality, and how a gang of scrappy environmentalists took on one of America's most beloved companies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A fascinating look at Walt Disney's last, unfinished project and the controversy that surrounded it. It was going to be Disneyland at the top of a mountain. A vacation destination where guests could ski, go ice skating, or be entertained by a Disney Imagineer-created band of Audio-Animatronic bears. In the summer, visitors could fish, camp, hike, or take a scenic chairlift ride to the top of a mountain. It was the Mineral King resort in Southern California, and it was Walt Disney's final passion project. But there was one major obstacle to Walt's dream: the growing environmentalist movement of the 1960s. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538173671"><em>Disneyland on the Mountain: Walt, the Environmentalists, and the Ski Resort That Never Was</em></a> (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Greg Glasgow and Kathryn Mayer provide an unprecedented look inside the Mineral King saga, from its origins at the 1960 Winter Olympics to the years-long environmental fight that eventually shut the development down. The fight, which went all the way to the Supreme Court, reshaped the environmental movement and helped to put in place long-reaching laws to protect nature. Although the court battle, coupled with Walt's death in 1966, meant the end for the Mineral King resort, the ideas and planning behind it have permeated throughout the Walt Disney company and the ski tourism industry in ways that are still seen today. With firsthand interviews and behind-the-scenes details, Disneyland on the Mountain offers incredible access to a part of Disney history that hasn't been thoroughly explored before, including Walt's love of nature, how the company changed after Walt's death, and of course, the story of Mineral King. It's a tale of man versus nature, ambition versus mortality, and how a gang of scrappy environmentalists took on one of America's most beloved companies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2536</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Scott Kamen, "From Union Halls to the Suburbs: Americans for Democratic Action and the Transformation of Postwar Liberalism" (U Massachusetts Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>For decades, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) was perhaps the most influential multi-issue organization in American liberalism. The first book-length study of the ADA since 1986, Scott Kamen’s From Union Halls to the Suburbs: Americans for Democratic Action and the Transformation of Postwar Liberalism (University of Massachusetts Press, 2023) details how the ADA and its key figures, including the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and the economist John Kenneth Galbraith, exerted their influence on critical debates in post-war liberal politics, helping to define the very essence of liberalism. Taking the ADA’s story into the 1970s and 1980s, Kamen also illustrates how the ADA profoundly shaped the New Politics movement, which upended Democratic Party politics with its challenge to the Vietnam War, demands for redistributive economic policies, and development of a far-reaching politics of race, gender, and sexuality.
By bringing the ADA and its influential public intellectuals into the story of the New Politics movement, Scott Kamen reveals how American liberalism shifted away from the working-class concerns of the New Deal era and began to cater to the interests of a new, suburban professional class. By the 1980s, many Democratic politicians, activists, and voters had embraced a neoliberal ideology that coupled socially liberal attitudes with market-based solutions, eschewing an older progressive politics steeped in labor issues. In so doing, Kamen historicizes several of the most contentious issues in contemporary Democratic politics—from neo-liberalism to identity politics—powerfully revealing how the ADA shaped some of the most critical debates in American politics today.
Scott Kamen is an Assistant Professor of History at the University of New Mexico, Valencia Campus. He has published in the Michigan Historical Review, Peace &amp; Change, The Sixties and the Southern Historian and received his PhD from Trinity College Dublin in 2016.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin. @ThomasOCryer
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>236</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Scott Kamen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For decades, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) was perhaps the most influential multi-issue organization in American liberalism. The first book-length study of the ADA since 1986, Scott Kamen’s From Union Halls to the Suburbs: Americans for Democratic Action and the Transformation of Postwar Liberalism (University of Massachusetts Press, 2023) details how the ADA and its key figures, including the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and the economist John Kenneth Galbraith, exerted their influence on critical debates in post-war liberal politics, helping to define the very essence of liberalism. Taking the ADA’s story into the 1970s and 1980s, Kamen also illustrates how the ADA profoundly shaped the New Politics movement, which upended Democratic Party politics with its challenge to the Vietnam War, demands for redistributive economic policies, and development of a far-reaching politics of race, gender, and sexuality.
By bringing the ADA and its influential public intellectuals into the story of the New Politics movement, Scott Kamen reveals how American liberalism shifted away from the working-class concerns of the New Deal era and began to cater to the interests of a new, suburban professional class. By the 1980s, many Democratic politicians, activists, and voters had embraced a neoliberal ideology that coupled socially liberal attitudes with market-based solutions, eschewing an older progressive politics steeped in labor issues. In so doing, Kamen historicizes several of the most contentious issues in contemporary Democratic politics—from neo-liberalism to identity politics—powerfully revealing how the ADA shaped some of the most critical debates in American politics today.
Scott Kamen is an Assistant Professor of History at the University of New Mexico, Valencia Campus. He has published in the Michigan Historical Review, Peace &amp; Change, The Sixties and the Southern Historian and received his PhD from Trinity College Dublin in 2016.
Thomas Cryer is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin. @ThomasOCryer
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For decades, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) was perhaps the most influential multi-issue organization in American liberalism. The first book-length study of the ADA since 1986, Scott Kamen’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625347619"><em>From Union Halls to the Suburbs: Americans for Democratic Action and the Transformation of Postwar Liberalism</em></a><em> </em>(University of Massachusetts Press, 2023) details how the ADA and its key figures, including the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and the economist John Kenneth Galbraith, exerted their influence on critical debates in post-war liberal politics, helping to define the very essence of liberalism. Taking the ADA’s story into the 1970s and 1980s, Kamen also illustrates how the ADA profoundly shaped the New Politics movement, which upended Democratic Party politics with its challenge to the Vietnam War, demands for redistributive economic policies, and development of a far-reaching politics of race, gender, and sexuality.</p><p>By bringing the ADA and its influential public intellectuals into the story of the New Politics movement, Scott Kamen reveals how American liberalism shifted away from the working-class concerns of the New Deal era and began to cater to the interests of a new, suburban professional class. By the 1980s, many Democratic politicians, activists, and voters had embraced a neoliberal ideology that coupled socially liberal attitudes with market-based solutions, eschewing an older progressive politics steeped in labor issues. In so doing, Kamen historicizes several of the most contentious issues in contemporary Democratic politics—from neo-liberalism to identity politics—powerfully revealing how the ADA shaped some of the most critical debates in American politics today.</p><p>Scott Kamen is an Assistant Professor of History at the University of New Mexico, Valencia Campus. He has published in the <em>Michigan Historical Review, Peace &amp; Change, The Sixties </em>and the <em>Southern Historian </em>and received his PhD from Trinity College Dublin in 2016.</p><p><a href="https://www.ucl.ac.uk/americas/research/research-students/thomas-cryer"><em>Thomas Cryer</em></a><em> is a PhD Student in American History at University College London, where he studies race, nationhood, and memory through the life, scholarship, and activism of the historian John Hope Franklin. @ThomasOCryer</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3773</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeff Kosseff, "Liar in a Crowded Theater: Freedom of Speech in a World of Misinformation" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Thanks to the First Amendment, Americans enjoy a rare privilege: the constitutional right to lie. And although controversial, they should continue to enjoy this right.
When commentators and politicians discuss misinformation, they often repeat five words: "fire in a crowded theater." Though governments can, if they choose, attempt to ban harmful lies, propaganda, misinformation, and disinformation, how effective will their efforts really be? Can they punish someone for yelling "fire" in a crowded theater―and would those lies then have any less impact? How do governments around the world respond to the spread of misinformation, and when should the US government protect the free speech of liars?
In Liar in a Crowded Theater: Freedom of Speech in a World of Misinformation (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), law professor Jeff Kosseff addresses the pervasiveness of lies, the legal protections they enjoy, the harm they cause, and how to combat them. From the COVID-19 pandemic to the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections and the January 6, 2021, insurrection on the Capitol building, Kosseff argues that even though lies can inflict huge damage, US law should continue to protect them. Liar in a Crowded Theater explores both the history of protected falsehoods and where to go from here.
Drawing on years of research and thousands of pages of court documents in dozens of cases―from Alexander Hamilton's enduring defense of free speech to Eminem's victory in a lawsuit claiming that he stretched the truth in a 1999 song―Kosseff illustrates not only why courts are reluctant to be the arbiters of truth but also why they're uniquely unsuited to that role. Rather than resorting to regulating speech and fining or jailing speakers, he proposes solutions that focus on minimizing the harms of misinformation. If we want to seriously address concerns about misinformation and other false speech, we must finally exit the crowded theater.
Jeff Kosseff is an associate professor of cybersecurity law at the United States Naval Academy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>200</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeff Kosseff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Thanks to the First Amendment, Americans enjoy a rare privilege: the constitutional right to lie. And although controversial, they should continue to enjoy this right.
When commentators and politicians discuss misinformation, they often repeat five words: "fire in a crowded theater." Though governments can, if they choose, attempt to ban harmful lies, propaganda, misinformation, and disinformation, how effective will their efforts really be? Can they punish someone for yelling "fire" in a crowded theater―and would those lies then have any less impact? How do governments around the world respond to the spread of misinformation, and when should the US government protect the free speech of liars?
In Liar in a Crowded Theater: Freedom of Speech in a World of Misinformation (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), law professor Jeff Kosseff addresses the pervasiveness of lies, the legal protections they enjoy, the harm they cause, and how to combat them. From the COVID-19 pandemic to the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections and the January 6, 2021, insurrection on the Capitol building, Kosseff argues that even though lies can inflict huge damage, US law should continue to protect them. Liar in a Crowded Theater explores both the history of protected falsehoods and where to go from here.
Drawing on years of research and thousands of pages of court documents in dozens of cases―from Alexander Hamilton's enduring defense of free speech to Eminem's victory in a lawsuit claiming that he stretched the truth in a 1999 song―Kosseff illustrates not only why courts are reluctant to be the arbiters of truth but also why they're uniquely unsuited to that role. Rather than resorting to regulating speech and fining or jailing speakers, he proposes solutions that focus on minimizing the harms of misinformation. If we want to seriously address concerns about misinformation and other false speech, we must finally exit the crowded theater.
Jeff Kosseff is an associate professor of cybersecurity law at the United States Naval Academy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Thanks to the First Amendment, Americans enjoy a rare privilege: the constitutional right to lie. And although controversial, they should continue to enjoy this right.</p><p>When commentators and politicians discuss misinformation, they often repeat five words: "fire in a crowded theater." Though governments can, if they choose, attempt to ban harmful lies, propaganda, misinformation, and disinformation, how effective will their efforts really be? Can they punish someone for yelling "fire" in a crowded theater―and would those lies then have any less impact? How do governments around the world respond to the spread of misinformation, and when should the US government protect the free speech of liars?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421447322"><em>Liar in a Crowded Theater: Freedom of Speech in a World of Misinformation</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), law professor Jeff Kosseff addresses the pervasiveness of lies, the legal protections they enjoy, the harm they cause, and how to combat them. From the COVID-19 pandemic to the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections and the January 6, 2021, insurrection on the Capitol building, Kosseff argues that even though lies can inflict huge damage, US law should continue to protect them. <em>Liar in a Crowded Theater</em> explores both the history of protected falsehoods and where to go from here.</p><p>Drawing on years of research and thousands of pages of court documents in dozens of cases―from Alexander Hamilton's enduring defense of free speech to Eminem's victory in a lawsuit claiming that he stretched the truth in a 1999 song―Kosseff illustrates not only why courts are reluctant to be the arbiters of truth but also why they're uniquely unsuited to that role. Rather than resorting to regulating speech and fining or jailing speakers, he proposes solutions that focus on minimizing the harms of misinformation. If we want to seriously address concerns about misinformation and other false speech, we must finally exit the crowded theater.</p><p>Jeff Kosseff is an associate professor of cybersecurity law at the United States Naval Academy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3859</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Aaron Tang, "Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The American public’s confidence in the United States Supreme Court is a historic low – in part based on a belief that the Supreme Court is increasingly behaving as a partisan, political body. 
In Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It (Yale UP, 2023), legal scholar Aaron Tang argues that partisanship is not the best lens for understanding the Supreme Court. He focuses on overconfidence. According to Professor Tang, the legal arguments of both conservative and liberal justices have a tone of uncompromising certainty. As the Court “lurches stridently from one case to the next,” it delegitimizes opposing views and undermines public confidence in the Court itself.
Restoring the Court’s public legitimacy requires the justices to adopt what Professor Tang calls a “least harm rule.” Examining a range of cases – from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice – Tang demonstrates how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide the US. But this is not work exclusively for the justices. Reform depends on the voters. They must elect representatives who pass legislation that clarifies the public will for the Supreme Court – and consider ways that they can use “private ordering” to assert their rights without the Court.
Professor Aaron Tang (he/him) is a law professor at the University of California, Davis, and a former law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. He is a frequent commentator about the Supreme Court whose op-eds appear in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Slate, The Atlantic, and elsewhere.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>678</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aaron Tang</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The American public’s confidence in the United States Supreme Court is a historic low – in part based on a belief that the Supreme Court is increasingly behaving as a partisan, political body. 
In Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It (Yale UP, 2023), legal scholar Aaron Tang argues that partisanship is not the best lens for understanding the Supreme Court. He focuses on overconfidence. According to Professor Tang, the legal arguments of both conservative and liberal justices have a tone of uncompromising certainty. As the Court “lurches stridently from one case to the next,” it delegitimizes opposing views and undermines public confidence in the Court itself.
Restoring the Court’s public legitimacy requires the justices to adopt what Professor Tang calls a “least harm rule.” Examining a range of cases – from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice – Tang demonstrates how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide the US. But this is not work exclusively for the justices. Reform depends on the voters. They must elect representatives who pass legislation that clarifies the public will for the Supreme Court – and consider ways that they can use “private ordering” to assert their rights without the Court.
Professor Aaron Tang (he/him) is a law professor at the University of California, Davis, and a former law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. He is a frequent commentator about the Supreme Court whose op-eds appear in the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Slate, The Atlantic, and elsewhere.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The American <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/4732/supreme-court.aspx">public’s confidence in the United States Supreme Court</a> is a historic low – in part based on a belief that the Supreme Court is increasingly behaving as a partisan, political body. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300264036"><em>Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It</em></a> (Yale UP, 2023), legal scholar Aaron Tang argues that partisanship is not the best lens for understanding the Supreme Court. He focuses on overconfidence. According to Professor Tang, the legal arguments of both conservative and liberal justices have a tone of uncompromising certainty. As the Court “lurches stridently from one case to the next,” it delegitimizes opposing views and undermines public confidence in the Court itself.</p><p>Restoring the Court’s public legitimacy requires the justices to adopt what Professor Tang calls a “least harm rule.” Examining a range of cases – from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice – Tang demonstrates how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide the US. But this is not work exclusively for the justices. Reform depends on the voters. They must elect representatives who pass legislation that clarifies the public will for the Supreme Court – and consider ways that they can use “private ordering” to assert their rights without the Court.</p><p><a href="https://www.aaronyentang.com/">Professor Aaron Tang</a> (he/him) is a law professor at the University of California, Davis, and a former law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor. He is a frequent commentator about the Supreme Court whose op-eds appear in the <em>New York Times</em>, <em>Los Angeles Times</em>, <em>Washington Post</em>, <em>Slate</em>, <em>The Atlantic</em>, and elsewhere.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3367</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3829606384.mp3?updated=1696091258" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Decolonizing Praxis</title>
      <description>In this episode of High Theory, Erin Pineda talks about decolonizing praxis. Black American activists in the 1950s and 1960s used strategies of civil disobedience and nonviolent direct action as part of a broader anticolonial movement, and reading their story in an international context can help us rethink the narrative of the US civil rights movement enshrined in American political theory.
In the episode Erin references Jack Halberstam’s concept of “low theory” which derives from the work of Stuart Hall, and appears in the book, The Queer Art of Failure (Duke UP 2011). She also references several mainstream liberal political philosophers who set the terms of the debate about “civil disobedience” in the US academy in the 1970s, John Rawls Theory of Justice (Harvard UP, 1971), Hugo Bedau, “On Civil Disobedience” (Journal of Philosophy 58, no. 21 (1961): 653-665) and Carl Cohen, Civil Disobedience: Conscience, Tactics, and the Law (Columbia University Press, 1971). Pineda writes against this tradition. The American activists she studies developed a different set of theoretical commitments to civil disobedience that are a bit less polite, and have a bit more potential for actual revolution.
Erin Pineda is the Phyllis Cohen Rappaport ’68 New Century Term Professor of Government at Smith College. She teaches courses in the history of political thought, democratic theory, race and politics, social movements and American political thought. Her research interests include the politics of protest and social movements, Black political thought, race and politics, radical democracy and 20th-century American political development. If you want to learn more about the topics she discusses in this episode, read her book! It’s called Seeing Like an Activist: Civil Disobedience and the Civil Rights Movement (Oxford UP, 2021).
The image for this episode is a famous photograph of Black student Elizabeth Eckford being jeered by white student Hazel Bryan as she attempts to enter Little Rock Central High School, taken by Will Counts on 4 September 1957, one of the more famous images of school desegregation from the US Civil Rights Movement. This digital version came from wikimedia commons.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>130</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/7caf172e-70fb-11ee-8de6-dfaeeef2ada6/image/b7422a.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Erin R. Pineda</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of High Theory, Erin Pineda talks about decolonizing praxis. Black American activists in the 1950s and 1960s used strategies of civil disobedience and nonviolent direct action as part of a broader anticolonial movement, and reading their story in an international context can help us rethink the narrative of the US civil rights movement enshrined in American political theory.
In the episode Erin references Jack Halberstam’s concept of “low theory” which derives from the work of Stuart Hall, and appears in the book, The Queer Art of Failure (Duke UP 2011). She also references several mainstream liberal political philosophers who set the terms of the debate about “civil disobedience” in the US academy in the 1970s, John Rawls Theory of Justice (Harvard UP, 1971), Hugo Bedau, “On Civil Disobedience” (Journal of Philosophy 58, no. 21 (1961): 653-665) and Carl Cohen, Civil Disobedience: Conscience, Tactics, and the Law (Columbia University Press, 1971). Pineda writes against this tradition. The American activists she studies developed a different set of theoretical commitments to civil disobedience that are a bit less polite, and have a bit more potential for actual revolution.
Erin Pineda is the Phyllis Cohen Rappaport ’68 New Century Term Professor of Government at Smith College. She teaches courses in the history of political thought, democratic theory, race and politics, social movements and American political thought. Her research interests include the politics of protest and social movements, Black political thought, race and politics, radical democracy and 20th-century American political development. If you want to learn more about the topics she discusses in this episode, read her book! It’s called Seeing Like an Activist: Civil Disobedience and the Civil Rights Movement (Oxford UP, 2021).
The image for this episode is a famous photograph of Black student Elizabeth Eckford being jeered by white student Hazel Bryan as she attempts to enter Little Rock Central High School, taken by Will Counts on 4 September 1957, one of the more famous images of school desegregation from the US Civil Rights Movement. This digital version came from wikimedia commons.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of High Theory, Erin Pineda talks about decolonizing praxis. Black American activists in the 1950s and 1960s used strategies of civil disobedience and nonviolent direct action as part of a broader anticolonial movement, and reading their story in an international context can help us rethink the narrative of the US civil rights movement enshrined in American political theory.</p><p>In the episode Erin references Jack Halberstam’s concept of “low theory” which derives from the work of Stuart Hall, and appears in the book, <a href="https://www.dukeupress.edu/the-queer-art-of-failure"><em>The Queer Art of Failure</em></a> (Duke UP 2011). She also references several mainstream liberal political philosophers who set the terms of the debate about “civil disobedience” in the US academy in the 1970s, John Rawls <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674000780"><em>Theory of Justice</em></a> (Harvard UP, 1971), Hugo Bedau, “<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2023542">On Civil Disobedience</a>” (<em>Journal of Philosophy </em>58, no. 21 (1961): 653-665) and Carl Cohen, <a href="https://dp.la/item/820603a37a1cb66a64e671113cca4da1"><em>Civil Disobedience: Conscience, Tactics, and the Law</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 1971). Pineda writes against this tradition. The American activists she studies developed a different set of theoretical commitments to civil disobedience that are a bit less polite, and have a bit more potential for actual revolution.</p><p><a href="https://www.smith.edu/people/erin-pineda">Erin Pineda</a> is the Phyllis Cohen Rappaport ’68 New Century Term Professor of Government at Smith College. She teaches courses in the history of political thought, democratic theory, race and politics, social movements and American political thought. Her research interests include the politics of protest and social movements, Black political thought, race and politics, radical democracy and 20th-century American political development. If you want to learn more about the topics she discusses in this episode, read her book! It’s called <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197526439"><em>Seeing Like an Activist: Civil Disobedience and the Civil Rights Movement</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021).</p><p>The image for this episode is a famous photograph of Black student Elizabeth Eckford being jeered by white student Hazel Bryan as she attempts to enter Little Rock Central High School, taken by Will Counts on 4 September 1957, one of the more famous images of school desegregation from the US Civil Rights Movement. This digital version came from <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Elizabeth_Eckford.jpg">wikimedia commons</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1324</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin Passmore, "Fascism: A Very Short Introduction" (Oxford UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>What is fascism? Is it revolutionary? Or is it reactionary? Can it be both?
Fascism is notoriously hard to define. How do we make sense of an ideology that appeals to streetfighters and intellectuals alike? That calls for a return to tradition while maintaining a fascination with technology? And that preaches violence in the name of an ordered society?
In Fascism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford UP, 2014), Kevin Passmore brilliantly unravels the paradoxes of one of the most important phenomena in the modern world--tracing its origins in the intellectual, political, and social crises of the late nineteenth century, the rise of fascism following World War I -including fascist regimes in Italy and Germany -and the fortunes of 'failed' fascist movements in Eastern Europe, Spain, and the Americas. He also considers fascism in culture, the new interest in transnational research, and the progress of the far right since 2002.
Dr. Kevin Passmore is a Reader in History at Cardiff University. His The Right in the Third Republic was published by OUP in November 2012. He has continued to publish widely on fascism since publication of the VSI in 2002, but has also written on the history of the social sciences and historical writing.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>418</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Passmore</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is fascism? Is it revolutionary? Or is it reactionary? Can it be both?
Fascism is notoriously hard to define. How do we make sense of an ideology that appeals to streetfighters and intellectuals alike? That calls for a return to tradition while maintaining a fascination with technology? And that preaches violence in the name of an ordered society?
In Fascism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford UP, 2014), Kevin Passmore brilliantly unravels the paradoxes of one of the most important phenomena in the modern world--tracing its origins in the intellectual, political, and social crises of the late nineteenth century, the rise of fascism following World War I -including fascist regimes in Italy and Germany -and the fortunes of 'failed' fascist movements in Eastern Europe, Spain, and the Americas. He also considers fascism in culture, the new interest in transnational research, and the progress of the far right since 2002.
Dr. Kevin Passmore is a Reader in History at Cardiff University. His The Right in the Third Republic was published by OUP in November 2012. He has continued to publish widely on fascism since publication of the VSI in 2002, but has also written on the history of the social sciences and historical writing.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is fascism? Is it revolutionary? Or is it reactionary? Can it be both?</p><p>Fascism is notoriously hard to define. How do we make sense of an ideology that appeals to streetfighters and intellectuals alike? That calls for a return to tradition while maintaining a fascination with technology? And that preaches violence in the name of an ordered society?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780199685363"><em>Fascism: A Very Short Introduction</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2014), Kevin Passmore brilliantly unravels the paradoxes of one of the most important phenomena in the modern world--tracing its origins in the intellectual, political, and social crises of the late nineteenth century, the rise of fascism following World War I -including fascist regimes in Italy and Germany -and the fortunes of 'failed' fascist movements in Eastern Europe, Spain, and the Americas. He also considers fascism in culture, the new interest in transnational research, and the progress of the far right since 2002.</p><p>Dr. Kevin Passmore is a Reader in History at Cardiff University. His The Right in the Third Republic was published by OUP in November 2012. He has continued to publish widely on fascism since publication of the VSI in 2002, but has also written on the history of the social sciences and historical writing.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2628</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d6efbf44-7011-11ee-9937-ff4c66921ab4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7298854491.mp3?updated=1697893857" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin, "American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer" (Vintage, 2006)</title>
      <description>The inspiration for Christopher Nolan’s major motion picture, Oppenheimer, this Pulitzer Prize-winning biography explores the life and times of J. Robert Oppenheimer – the “Father of the Atomic Bomb” – who, like the mythological Prometheus, brought atomic fire to mankind. In deep detail, Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin's American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer (Vintage, 2006) explores Oppenheimer’s early career at the forefront of quantum physics, his associations with left-wing politics and the Communist Party, his leadership of the Manhattan Project, and his confrontations with the moral and political consequences of scientific progress during the Cold War. Twenty-five years in the making, this definitive biography charts the rise and fall of one of the twentieth century’s most iconic and paradoxical characters and restores Oppenheimer’s legacy and his humanity.
﻿Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>30</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kai Bird</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The inspiration for Christopher Nolan’s major motion picture, Oppenheimer, this Pulitzer Prize-winning biography explores the life and times of J. Robert Oppenheimer – the “Father of the Atomic Bomb” – who, like the mythological Prometheus, brought atomic fire to mankind. In deep detail, Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin's American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer (Vintage, 2006) explores Oppenheimer’s early career at the forefront of quantum physics, his associations with left-wing politics and the Communist Party, his leadership of the Manhattan Project, and his confrontations with the moral and political consequences of scientific progress during the Cold War. Twenty-five years in the making, this definitive biography charts the rise and fall of one of the twentieth century’s most iconic and paradoxical characters and restores Oppenheimer’s legacy and his humanity.
﻿Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The inspiration for Christopher Nolan’s major motion picture, <em>Oppenheimer</em>, this Pulitzer Prize-winning biography explores the life and times of J. Robert Oppenheimer – the “Father of the Atomic Bomb” – who, like the mythological Prometheus, brought atomic fire to mankind. In deep detail, Kai Bird and Martin J. Sherwin's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780375726262"><em>American Prometheus: The Triumph and Tragedy of J. Robert Oppenheimer</em></a> (Vintage, 2006) explores Oppenheimer’s early career at the forefront of quantum physics, his associations with left-wing politics and the Communist Party, his leadership of the Manhattan Project, and his confrontations with the moral and political consequences of scientific progress during the Cold War. Twenty-five years in the making, this definitive biography charts the rise and fall of one of the twentieth century’s most iconic and paradoxical characters and restores Oppenheimer’s legacy and his humanity.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://andrewopace.super.site/"><em>Andrew O. Pace</em></a><em> is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4235</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[506d8090-6ea5-11ee-a171-439afe6b40b6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2797244536.mp3?updated=1697737256" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jason C. Bivins, "Embattled America: The Rise of Anti-Politics and America's Obsession with Religion" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Histories of political religion since the 1960s often center on the rise of the powerful conservative evangelical voting bloc since the 1970s. One of the beliefs that has united these citizens is the idea that they are treated unfairly or are marginalized, despite their significant influence on public life. From the ascent of Reagan to the "Contract with America," from 9/11 to Obama to Trump--these claims have moved steadily to the center of conservative activism. Scholars of religion have approached these phenomena with great caution, generally focusing on institutional history, or relying on journalistic conveniences like "populism," or embracing the self-understandings of evangelicals themselves. None of these approaches is sufficiently calibrated to decoding the fierce convergence of online conspiracy theory, public violence, white supremacy, and religious authoritarianism. Accepting the narrative of Embattlement on its own terms, or examining it as mere turbulence on the path of American pluralism, overlooks how such deeper structural or atmospheric conditions work through this discourse to undermine the actual practice of democratic politics. 
Exploring the impact of these claims through case studies ranging from the Tea Party to Birthers to anti-sharia laws, Embattled America: The Rise of Anti-Politics and America's Obsession with Religion (Oxford UP, 2022) digs deeper into the debates between Martyrs (those who profess persecution) and Whistleblowers (those who sanctimoniously refute such claims). Hidden beneath each of these episodes is a series of ambivalences about democracy that require attention. Jason Bivins argues that the claims of Martyrs and Whistleblowers are symptoms of America's larger failings to strengthen the conditions for democratic life, and thus that rather than engaging their claims on the merits, concerned citizens should reassess fundamental democratic norms as part of a broader challenge to embolden American citizenship and institutions.
Jason C. Bivins is Professor of Philosophy and Religious Studies at North Carolina State University. He is the author of three previous books including, most recently, Spirits Rejoice!: Jazz and American Religion. He has written widely for popular and academic media, has taught for The Great Courses, and has recorded multiple albums of improvised music on guitar.
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>210</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jason C. Bivins</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Histories of political religion since the 1960s often center on the rise of the powerful conservative evangelical voting bloc since the 1970s. One of the beliefs that has united these citizens is the idea that they are treated unfairly or are marginalized, despite their significant influence on public life. From the ascent of Reagan to the "Contract with America," from 9/11 to Obama to Trump--these claims have moved steadily to the center of conservative activism. Scholars of religion have approached these phenomena with great caution, generally focusing on institutional history, or relying on journalistic conveniences like "populism," or embracing the self-understandings of evangelicals themselves. None of these approaches is sufficiently calibrated to decoding the fierce convergence of online conspiracy theory, public violence, white supremacy, and religious authoritarianism. Accepting the narrative of Embattlement on its own terms, or examining it as mere turbulence on the path of American pluralism, overlooks how such deeper structural or atmospheric conditions work through this discourse to undermine the actual practice of democratic politics. 
Exploring the impact of these claims through case studies ranging from the Tea Party to Birthers to anti-sharia laws, Embattled America: The Rise of Anti-Politics and America's Obsession with Religion (Oxford UP, 2022) digs deeper into the debates between Martyrs (those who profess persecution) and Whistleblowers (those who sanctimoniously refute such claims). Hidden beneath each of these episodes is a series of ambivalences about democracy that require attention. Jason Bivins argues that the claims of Martyrs and Whistleblowers are symptoms of America's larger failings to strengthen the conditions for democratic life, and thus that rather than engaging their claims on the merits, concerned citizens should reassess fundamental democratic norms as part of a broader challenge to embolden American citizenship and institutions.
Jason C. Bivins is Professor of Philosophy and Religious Studies at North Carolina State University. He is the author of three previous books including, most recently, Spirits Rejoice!: Jazz and American Religion. He has written widely for popular and academic media, has taught for The Great Courses, and has recorded multiple albums of improvised music on guitar.
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Histories of political religion since the 1960s often center on the rise of the powerful conservative evangelical voting bloc since the 1970s. One of the beliefs that has united these citizens is the idea that they are treated unfairly or are marginalized, despite their significant influence on public life. From the ascent of Reagan to the "Contract with America," from 9/11 to Obama to Trump--these claims have moved steadily to the center of conservative activism. Scholars of religion have approached these phenomena with great caution, generally focusing on institutional history, or relying on journalistic conveniences like "populism," or embracing the self-understandings of evangelicals themselves. None of these approaches is sufficiently calibrated to decoding the fierce convergence of online conspiracy theory, public violence, white supremacy, and religious authoritarianism. Accepting the narrative of Embattlement on its own terms, or examining it as mere turbulence on the path of American pluralism, overlooks how such deeper structural or atmospheric conditions work through this discourse to undermine the actual practice of democratic politics. </p><p>Exploring the impact of these claims through case studies ranging from the Tea Party to Birthers to anti-sharia laws, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197623503"><em>Embattled America: The Rise of Anti-Politics and America's Obsession with Religion</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022) digs deeper into the debates between Martyrs (those who profess persecution) and Whistleblowers (those who sanctimoniously refute such claims). Hidden beneath each of these episodes is a series of ambivalences about democracy that require attention. Jason Bivins argues that the claims of Martyrs and Whistleblowers are symptoms of America's larger failings to strengthen the conditions for democratic life, and thus that rather than engaging their claims on the merits, concerned citizens should reassess fundamental democratic norms as part of a broader challenge to embolden American citizenship and institutions.</p><p>Jason C. Bivins is Professor of Philosophy and Religious Studies at North Carolina State University. He is the author of three previous books including, most recently, <em>Spirits Rejoice!: Jazz and American Religion</em>. He has written widely for popular and academic media, has taught for The Great Courses, and has recorded multiple albums of improvised music on guitar.</p><p><em>This episode’s host, </em><a href="https://twitter.com/jakebarrett25"><em>Jacob Barrett</em></a><em>, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website </em><a href="https://thereluctantamericanist.com/"><em>thereluctantamericanist.com</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2134</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[40ae5f82-6dcc-11ee-855f-77d42ad2062a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2966411736.mp3?updated=1697644002" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Diana Furchtgott-Roth on Serving In Four U.S. Presidential Administrations, Environmental Regulation, and Infrastructure</title>
      <link>https://capitalismandfreedom.podbean.com/e/dianafurchtgott-roth-heritage-fellow-and-gwu-adjunctprofessoron-serving-infourpresidential-administrationsenvironmental-regulationand-infrastructure/</link>
      <description>Diana Furchtgott-Roth (Heritage Fellow and GWU Adjunct Professor) joins the podcast to discuss her career including her government service in the Reagan, George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Trump administrations, along with her current work on environmental regulation and infrastructure.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Oct 2023 07:55:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A conversation with Diana Furchtgott-Roth </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Diana Furchtgott-Roth (Heritage Fellow and GWU Adjunct Professor) joins the podcast to discuss her career including her government service in the Reagan, George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Trump administrations, along with her current work on environmental regulation and infrastructure.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Diana Furchtgott-Roth (Heritage Fellow and GWU Adjunct Professor) joins the podcast to discuss her career including her government service in the Reagan, George H.W. Bush, George W. Bush and Trump administrations, along with her current work on environmental regulation and infrastructure.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3587</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[capitalismandfreedom.podbean.com/3f13fa00-18b2-36a4-9831-5e65b490cb39]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR6592588281.mp3?updated=1695315247" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Allison M. Prasch, "The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Allison M. Prasch, Assistant Professor of Rhetoric, Politics, and Culture at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that focuses on the way that presidents used words, speeches, and international visits to communicate more than simple policy prescriptions during the Cold War period. This is a fascinating analysis and takes the reader through particular presidential visits to a variety of places—where the president’s symbolic quality as well as the words spoken communicate not only to the country or place visited, but also are communicating to American citizens back home as well as our antagonists in the Soviet Union and elsewhere. The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War (U Chicago Press, 2023) examines the ways in which the office of the American president—along with the individual inhabiting it—combines with the presentation of policy and rhetorical engagement to impact thinking about U.S. power abroad as well as at home. This is an important thesis and Prasch delineates a clear analysis of how this looked and operated during the Cold War, with five case studies that provide evidence and examples of how this actually worked.
The five case studies include President Harry S. Truman at Potsdam, President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Good Will Tours, particularly in South America, President John F. Kennedy in West Berlin, President Richard M. Nixon’s trip/opening to China, and finally President Ronald W. Reagan in Normandy. Prasch weaves together historical, political, cultural, and rhetorical dimensions of each of these presidential events to understand the impacts and the reverberations for the United States, for the Soviet Union, for U.S. allies and enemies. She documents the ways in which some of these moves were responses to similar kinds of trips and events taken by Soviet leaders at the same time. Prasch has included deep archival research at presidential libraries and the like in order to flesh out the Oval Office discussions about these events—going through memos and interviews with presidential staff who were in charge of the planning and orchestration of the trips, the particular speeches, and the choices as to the venue and audiences.
The World is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War is a crucial addition to the scholarship on rhetoric and the American presidency, moving beyond the words themselves and examining the multiple dimensions of presidentiality on display on the world stage when a president takes the opportunity to give a speech at a certain global venue. This analysis is particularly vital given the symbolic, performative, and policy import of these kinds of events.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>677</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Allison M. Prasch</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Allison M. Prasch, Assistant Professor of Rhetoric, Politics, and Culture at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that focuses on the way that presidents used words, speeches, and international visits to communicate more than simple policy prescriptions during the Cold War period. This is a fascinating analysis and takes the reader through particular presidential visits to a variety of places—where the president’s symbolic quality as well as the words spoken communicate not only to the country or place visited, but also are communicating to American citizens back home as well as our antagonists in the Soviet Union and elsewhere. The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War (U Chicago Press, 2023) examines the ways in which the office of the American president—along with the individual inhabiting it—combines with the presentation of policy and rhetorical engagement to impact thinking about U.S. power abroad as well as at home. This is an important thesis and Prasch delineates a clear analysis of how this looked and operated during the Cold War, with five case studies that provide evidence and examples of how this actually worked.
The five case studies include President Harry S. Truman at Potsdam, President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s Good Will Tours, particularly in South America, President John F. Kennedy in West Berlin, President Richard M. Nixon’s trip/opening to China, and finally President Ronald W. Reagan in Normandy. Prasch weaves together historical, political, cultural, and rhetorical dimensions of each of these presidential events to understand the impacts and the reverberations for the United States, for the Soviet Union, for U.S. allies and enemies. She documents the ways in which some of these moves were responses to similar kinds of trips and events taken by Soviet leaders at the same time. Prasch has included deep archival research at presidential libraries and the like in order to flesh out the Oval Office discussions about these events—going through memos and interviews with presidential staff who were in charge of the planning and orchestration of the trips, the particular speeches, and the choices as to the venue and audiences.
The World is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War is a crucial addition to the scholarship on rhetoric and the American presidency, moving beyond the words themselves and examining the multiple dimensions of presidentiality on display on the world stage when a president takes the opportunity to give a speech at a certain global venue. This analysis is particularly vital given the symbolic, performative, and policy import of these kinds of events.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Allison M. Prasch, Assistant Professor of Rhetoric, Politics, and Culture at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that focuses on the way that presidents used words, speeches, and international visits to communicate more than simple policy prescriptions during the Cold War period. This is a fascinating analysis and takes the reader through particular presidential visits to a variety of places—where the president’s symbolic quality as well as the words spoken communicate not only to the country or place visited, but also are communicating to American citizens back home as well as our antagonists in the Soviet Union and elsewhere. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226823669"><em>The World Is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2023) examines the ways in which the office of the American president—along with the individual inhabiting it—combines with the presentation of policy and rhetorical engagement to impact thinking about U.S. power abroad as well as at home. This is an important thesis and Prasch delineates a clear analysis of how this looked and operated during the Cold War, with five case studies that provide evidence and examples of how this actually worked.</p><p>The five case studies include President Harry S. Truman at Potsdam, President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s <em>Good Will Tours</em>, particularly in South America, President John F. Kennedy in West Berlin, President Richard M. Nixon’s trip/opening to China, and finally President Ronald W. Reagan in Normandy. Prasch weaves together historical, political, cultural, and rhetorical dimensions of each of these presidential events to understand the impacts and the reverberations for the United States, for the Soviet Union, for U.S. allies and enemies. She documents the ways in which some of these moves were responses to similar kinds of trips and events taken by Soviet leaders at the same time. Prasch has included deep archival research at presidential libraries and the like in order to flesh out the Oval Office discussions about these events—going through memos and interviews with presidential staff who were in charge of the planning and orchestration of the trips, the particular speeches, and the choices as to the venue and audiences.</p><p><a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/W/bo186006093.html"><em>The World is Our Stage: The Global Rhetorical Presidency and the Cold War</em></a> is a crucial addition to the scholarship on rhetoric and the American presidency, moving beyond the words themselves and examining the multiple dimensions of presidentiality on display on the world stage when a president takes the opportunity to give a speech at a certain global venue. This analysis is particularly vital given the symbolic, performative, and policy import of these kinds of events.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2798</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of Incarceration: A Discussion with Colleen P. Eren</title>
      <description>The United States has long been associated with a very harsh criminal justice system with, in some cases, people serving long sentence for minor crimes. But attempts to reform the system have proven very difficult. In her new book Reform Nation: The First Step Act and the Movement to End Mass Incarceration (Stanford UP, 2023), Colleen P. Eren explains why. Listen to her in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>82</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States has long been associated with a very harsh criminal justice system with, in some cases, people serving long sentence for minor crimes. But attempts to reform the system have proven very difficult. In her new book Reform Nation: The First Step Act and the Movement to End Mass Incarceration (Stanford UP, 2023), Colleen P. Eren explains why. Listen to her in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States has long been associated with a very harsh criminal justice system with, in some cases, people serving long sentence for minor crimes. But attempts to reform the system have proven very difficult. In her new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503636736"><em>Reform Nation: The First Step Act and the Movement to End Mass Incarceration</em></a> (Stanford UP, 2023), Colleen P. Eren explains why. Listen to her in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2433</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Colin Dickey, "Under the Eye of Power: How Fear of Secret Societies Shapes American Democracy" (Viking, 2023)</title>
      <description>The United States was born in paranoia. From the American Revolution (thought by some to be a conspiracy organized by the French) to the Salem witch trials to the Satanic Panic, the Illuminati, and QAnon, one of the most enduring narratives that defines the United States is simply this: secret groups are conspiring to pervert the will of the people and the rule of law. We’d like to assume these panics exist only at the fringes of society, or are unique features of the internet age. But history tells us, in fact, that they are woven into the fabric of American democracy.
Cultural historian Dr. Colin Dickey has built a career studying how our most irrational beliefs reach the mainstream, why, and what they tell us about ourselves. In Under the Eye of Power: How Fear of Secret Societies Shape American Democracy (Viking, 2023), Dickey charts the history of America through its paranoias and fears of secret societies, while seeking to explain why so many people—including some of the most powerful people in the country—continue to subscribe to these conspiracy theories. Paradoxically, he finds, belief in the fantastical and conspiratorial can be more soothing than what we fear the most: the chaos and randomness of history, the rising and falling of fortunes in America, and the messiness of democracy. Only in seeing the cycle of this history, Dickey says, can we break it.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>232</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States was born in paranoia. From the American Revolution (thought by some to be a conspiracy organized by the French) to the Salem witch trials to the Satanic Panic, the Illuminati, and QAnon, one of the most enduring narratives that defines the United States is simply this: secret groups are conspiring to pervert the will of the people and the rule of law. We’d like to assume these panics exist only at the fringes of society, or are unique features of the internet age. But history tells us, in fact, that they are woven into the fabric of American democracy.
Cultural historian Dr. Colin Dickey has built a career studying how our most irrational beliefs reach the mainstream, why, and what they tell us about ourselves. In Under the Eye of Power: How Fear of Secret Societies Shape American Democracy (Viking, 2023), Dickey charts the history of America through its paranoias and fears of secret societies, while seeking to explain why so many people—including some of the most powerful people in the country—continue to subscribe to these conspiracy theories. Paradoxically, he finds, belief in the fantastical and conspiratorial can be more soothing than what we fear the most: the chaos and randomness of history, the rising and falling of fortunes in America, and the messiness of democracy. Only in seeing the cycle of this history, Dickey says, can we break it.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States was born in paranoia. From the American Revolution (thought by some to be a conspiracy organized by the French) to the Salem witch trials to the Satanic Panic, the Illuminati, and QAnon, one of the most enduring narratives that defines the United States is simply this: secret groups are conspiring to pervert the will of the people and the rule of law. We’d like to assume these panics exist only at the fringes of society, or are unique features of the internet age. But history tells us, in fact, that they are woven into the fabric of American democracy.</p><p>Cultural historian Dr. Colin Dickey has built a career studying how our most irrational beliefs reach the mainstream, why, and what they tell us about ourselves. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593299456"><em>Under the Eye of Power: How Fear of Secret Societies Shape American Democracy</em></a> (Viking, 2023), Dickey charts the history of America through its paranoias and fears of secret societies, while seeking to explain why so many people—including some of the most powerful people in the country—continue to subscribe to these conspiracy theories. Paradoxically, he finds, belief in the fantastical and conspiratorial can be more soothing than what we fear the most: the chaos and randomness of history, the rising and falling of fortunes in America, and the messiness of democracy. Only in seeing the cycle of this history, Dickey says, can we break it.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1800</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael A. Robinson, "Dangerous Instrument: Political Polarization and US Civil-Military Relations" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>As increasingly contentious politics in the United States raise concerns over the "politicization" of traditionally non-partisan institutions, many have turned their attention to how the American military has been--and will be--affected by this trend. Since a low point following the end of the Vietnam War, the U.S. military has experienced a dramatic reversal of public opinion, becoming one of the most trusted institutions in American society. However, this trend is more complicated than it appears: just as individuals have become fonder of their military, they have also become increasingly polarized from one another along partisan lines. The result is a new political environment rife with challenges to traditional civil-military norms.
In a data-driven analysis of contemporary American attitudes, Dangerous Instrument: Political Polarization and US Civil-Military Relations (Oxford UP, 2022) examines the current state of U.S. civil-military affairs, probing how the public views their military and the effect that partisan tribalism may have on that relationship in the future. Michael A. Robinson studies the sources and potential limits of American trust in the armed services, focusing on the interplay of the public, political parties, media outlets, and the military itself on the prospect of politicization and its associated challenges. As democratic institutions face persistent pressure worldwide, Dangerous Instrument provides important insights into the contemporary arc of American civil-military affairs and delivers recommendations on ways to preserve a non-partisan military.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>233</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael A. Robinson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As increasingly contentious politics in the United States raise concerns over the "politicization" of traditionally non-partisan institutions, many have turned their attention to how the American military has been--and will be--affected by this trend. Since a low point following the end of the Vietnam War, the U.S. military has experienced a dramatic reversal of public opinion, becoming one of the most trusted institutions in American society. However, this trend is more complicated than it appears: just as individuals have become fonder of their military, they have also become increasingly polarized from one another along partisan lines. The result is a new political environment rife with challenges to traditional civil-military norms.
In a data-driven analysis of contemporary American attitudes, Dangerous Instrument: Political Polarization and US Civil-Military Relations (Oxford UP, 2022) examines the current state of U.S. civil-military affairs, probing how the public views their military and the effect that partisan tribalism may have on that relationship in the future. Michael A. Robinson studies the sources and potential limits of American trust in the armed services, focusing on the interplay of the public, political parties, media outlets, and the military itself on the prospect of politicization and its associated challenges. As democratic institutions face persistent pressure worldwide, Dangerous Instrument provides important insights into the contemporary arc of American civil-military affairs and delivers recommendations on ways to preserve a non-partisan military.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As increasingly contentious politics in the United States raise concerns over the "politicization" of traditionally non-partisan institutions, many have turned their attention to how the American military has been--and will be--affected by this trend. Since a low point following the end of the Vietnam War, the U.S. military has experienced a dramatic reversal of public opinion, becoming one of the most trusted institutions in American society. However, this trend is more complicated than it appears: just as individuals have become fonder of their military, they have also become increasingly polarized from one another along partisan lines. The result is a new political environment rife with challenges to traditional civil-military norms.</p><p>In a data-driven analysis of contemporary American attitudes, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197611562"><em>Dangerous Instrument: Political Polarization and US Civil-Military Relations</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2022) examines the current state of U.S. civil-military affairs, probing how the public views their military and the effect that partisan tribalism may have on that relationship in the future. Michael A. Robinson studies the sources and potential limits of American trust in the armed services, focusing on the interplay of the public, political parties, media outlets, and the military itself on the prospect of politicization and its associated challenges. As democratic institutions face persistent pressure worldwide, <em>Dangerous Instrument </em>provides important insights into the contemporary arc of American civil-military affairs and delivers recommendations on ways to preserve a non-partisan military.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1519</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher John Bosso, "Why SNAP Works: A Political History--And Defense--of the Food Stamp Program" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>How did the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program evolve from a Depression-era effort to use up surplus goods into America's foundational food assistance program? And how does SNAP survive? 
Incisive and original, Why SNAP Works: A Political History--And Defense--of the Food Stamp Program (U California Press, 2023) is the first book to provide a comprehensive history and evaluation of the nation's most important food insecurity and poverty alleviation effort. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly food stamps, is the nation's largest government effort for helping low-income Americans obtain an adequate diet. Everyone has an opinion about SNAP, not all of them positive, but its benefits are felt broadly and across party lines. Christopher Bosso makes a clear, nuanced, and impassioned case for protecting this unique food voucher program, exploring its history and breaking down the facts for readers across the political spectrum. Why SNAP Works is an essential resource for anyone concerned about food access, poverty, and the "welfare system" in the United States.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>167</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher John Bosso</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program evolve from a Depression-era effort to use up surplus goods into America's foundational food assistance program? And how does SNAP survive? 
Incisive and original, Why SNAP Works: A Political History--And Defense--of the Food Stamp Program (U California Press, 2023) is the first book to provide a comprehensive history and evaluation of the nation's most important food insecurity and poverty alleviation effort. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly food stamps, is the nation's largest government effort for helping low-income Americans obtain an adequate diet. Everyone has an opinion about SNAP, not all of them positive, but its benefits are felt broadly and across party lines. Christopher Bosso makes a clear, nuanced, and impassioned case for protecting this unique food voucher program, exploring its history and breaking down the facts for readers across the political spectrum. Why SNAP Works is an essential resource for anyone concerned about food access, poverty, and the "welfare system" in the United States.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program evolve from a Depression-era effort to use up surplus goods into America's foundational food assistance program? And how does SNAP survive? </p><p>Incisive and original, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520392816"><em>Why SNAP Works: A Political History--And Defense--of the Food Stamp Program</em></a> (U California Press, 2023) is the first book to provide a comprehensive history and evaluation of the nation's most important food insecurity and poverty alleviation effort. The Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, formerly food stamps, is the nation's largest government effort for helping low-income Americans obtain an adequate diet. Everyone has an opinion about SNAP, not all of them positive, but its benefits are felt broadly and across party lines. Christopher Bosso makes a clear, nuanced, and impassioned case for protecting this unique food voucher program, exploring its history and breaking down the facts for readers across the political spectrum. <em>Why SNAP Works</em> is an essential resource for anyone concerned about food access, poverty, and the "welfare system" in the United States.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2296</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Dennis C. Rasmussen, "The Constitution's Penman: Gouverneur Morris and the Creation of America's Basic Charter" (UP of Kansas, 2023)</title>
      <description>Dennis Rasmussen’s new book, The Constitution's Penman: Gouverneur Morris and the Creation of America's Basic Charter (UP of Kansas, 2023), is a propulsive analysis of one of the key members of the Founding generation, Gouverneur Morris of New York and Pennsylvania. Morris is quite a character—from his reputation as a lady’s man to his brilliant speeches at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. Rasmussen has pulled together archival research on Morris along with historical and political context to understand the Constitution’s penman, since Morris was responsible for writing the draft of the document that would become the U.S. Constitution.
Gouverneur Morris was a fascinating fellow—and his exploits were well known among his peers and colleagues. Morris, who had been educated at King’s College (now Columbia), and had become a lawyer, made much of his fortune in land speculation. He was active during the Revolutionary War, especially in helping to manage payment and supplies to the troops fighting for the new country. Morris, like Jefferson and Adams, also represented the United States abroad, particularly in France during the revolutionary period there. His capacity to negotiate through the factions during the French Revolution was vital to the United States since he was able to protect both American citizens and U.S. interests in France. Morris’s diplomatic and political expertise was in sharp relief during this period in France. As a Federalist Morris also served in the U.S. Senate, elected in 1800 as the Jeffersonians were coming into office. He was at Alexander Hamilton’s deathbed with him after Hamilton’s duel with Burr. But the central action of The Constitution’s Penman is during the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787.
Rasmussen lays out all of the ways that Morris had a hand in the creation of the American constitutional system, even though he was absent from the convention in the early going in June. The bulk of The Constitution’s Penman focuses on each section of the governing structure of the U.S. national system and draws out Morris’ role in shaping these parts of the American system. While some of Morris’ ideas were more extreme than others—including his thinking on the form that the U.S. Senate should take—his ideas and influence are clear throughout the document itself. Rasmussen digs into Morris’ speeches on the floor of the convention, his role in writing up the document—in which he pulled 23 articles into the seven articles that compose the United States Constitution—and his authorship of the Preamble itself. Rasmussen also focuses on Morris’ strident denunciation of slavery at the Convention and elsewhere, becoming, on some level, the Framers’ conscience on the issue of slavery.
Dennis Rasmussen has written a book where the story truly dances off the page—and while Gouverneur Morris himself provides much of the content because of his cosmopolitan approach to life, his sharp wit and intelligence, and his interesting lifestyle—this is quite a compelling read.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>676</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dennis C. Rasmussen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dennis Rasmussen’s new book, The Constitution's Penman: Gouverneur Morris and the Creation of America's Basic Charter (UP of Kansas, 2023), is a propulsive analysis of one of the key members of the Founding generation, Gouverneur Morris of New York and Pennsylvania. Morris is quite a character—from his reputation as a lady’s man to his brilliant speeches at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. Rasmussen has pulled together archival research on Morris along with historical and political context to understand the Constitution’s penman, since Morris was responsible for writing the draft of the document that would become the U.S. Constitution.
Gouverneur Morris was a fascinating fellow—and his exploits were well known among his peers and colleagues. Morris, who had been educated at King’s College (now Columbia), and had become a lawyer, made much of his fortune in land speculation. He was active during the Revolutionary War, especially in helping to manage payment and supplies to the troops fighting for the new country. Morris, like Jefferson and Adams, also represented the United States abroad, particularly in France during the revolutionary period there. His capacity to negotiate through the factions during the French Revolution was vital to the United States since he was able to protect both American citizens and U.S. interests in France. Morris’s diplomatic and political expertise was in sharp relief during this period in France. As a Federalist Morris also served in the U.S. Senate, elected in 1800 as the Jeffersonians were coming into office. He was at Alexander Hamilton’s deathbed with him after Hamilton’s duel with Burr. But the central action of The Constitution’s Penman is during the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787.
Rasmussen lays out all of the ways that Morris had a hand in the creation of the American constitutional system, even though he was absent from the convention in the early going in June. The bulk of The Constitution’s Penman focuses on each section of the governing structure of the U.S. national system and draws out Morris’ role in shaping these parts of the American system. While some of Morris’ ideas were more extreme than others—including his thinking on the form that the U.S. Senate should take—his ideas and influence are clear throughout the document itself. Rasmussen digs into Morris’ speeches on the floor of the convention, his role in writing up the document—in which he pulled 23 articles into the seven articles that compose the United States Constitution—and his authorship of the Preamble itself. Rasmussen also focuses on Morris’ strident denunciation of slavery at the Convention and elsewhere, becoming, on some level, the Framers’ conscience on the issue of slavery.
Dennis Rasmussen has written a book where the story truly dances off the page—and while Gouverneur Morris himself provides much of the content because of his cosmopolitan approach to life, his sharp wit and intelligence, and his interesting lifestyle—this is quite a compelling read.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dennis Rasmussen’s new book<em>, </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700634149"><em>The Constitution's Penman: Gouverneur Morris and the Creation of America's Basic Charter</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2023), is a propulsive analysis of one of the key members of the Founding generation, Gouverneur Morris of New York and Pennsylvania. Morris is quite a character—from his reputation as a lady’s man to his brilliant speeches at the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. Rasmussen has pulled together archival research on Morris along with historical and political context to understand the Constitution’s penman, since Morris was responsible for writing the draft of the document that would become the <em>U.S. Constitution</em>.</p><p>Gouverneur Morris was a fascinating fellow—and his exploits were well known among his peers and colleagues. Morris, who had been educated at King’s College (now Columbia), and had become a lawyer, made much of his fortune in land speculation. He was active during the Revolutionary War, especially in helping to manage payment and supplies to the troops fighting for the new country. Morris, like Jefferson and Adams, also represented the United States abroad, particularly in France during the revolutionary period there. His capacity to negotiate through the factions during the French Revolution was vital to the United States since he was able to protect both American citizens and U.S. interests in France. Morris’s diplomatic and political expertise was in sharp relief during this period in France. As a Federalist Morris also served in the U.S. Senate, elected in 1800 as the Jeffersonians were coming into office. He was at Alexander Hamilton’s deathbed with him after Hamilton’s duel with Burr. But the central action of <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700634149/"><em>The Constitution’s Penman</em></a> is during the constitutional convention in Philadelphia in 1787.</p><p>Rasmussen lays out all of the ways that Morris had a hand in the creation of the American constitutional system, even though he was absent from the convention in the early going in June. The bulk of <a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700634149/"><em>The Constitution’s Penman</em></a> focuses on each section of the governing structure of the U.S. national system and draws out Morris’ role in shaping these parts of the American system. While some of Morris’ ideas were more extreme than others—including his thinking on the form that the U.S. Senate should take—his ideas and influence are clear throughout the document itself. Rasmussen digs into Morris’ speeches on the floor of the convention, his role in writing up the document—in which he pulled 23 articles into the seven articles that compose the <em>United States Constitution</em>—and his authorship of the <em>Preamble</em> itself. Rasmussen also focuses on Morris’ strident denunciation of slavery at the Convention and elsewhere, becoming, on some level, the Framers’ conscience on the issue of slavery.</p><p>Dennis Rasmussen has written a book where the story truly dances off the page—and while Gouverneur Morris himself provides much of the content because of his cosmopolitan approach to life, his sharp wit and intelligence, and his interesting lifestyle—this is quite a compelling read.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3118</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Lainey Newman and Theda Skocpol, "Rust Belt Union Blues: Why Working-Class Voters Are Turning Away from the Democratic Party" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the heyday of American labor, the influence of local unions extended far beyond the workplace. Unions fostered tight-knit communities, touching nearly every aspect of the lives of members--mostly men--and their families and neighbors. They conveyed fundamental worldviews, making blue-collar unionists into loyal Democrats who saw the party as on the side of the working man. Today, unions play a much less significant role in American life. In industrial and formerly industrial Rust Belt towns, Republican-leaning groups and outlooks have burgeoned among the kinds of voters who once would have been part of union communities. 
In ﻿Rust Belt Union Blues: Why Working-Class Voters Are Turning Away from the Democratic Party (Columbia UP, 2023), Lainey Newman and Theda Skocpol provide timely insight into the relationship between the decline of unions and the shift of working-class voters away from Democrats. Drawing on interviews, union newsletters, and ethnographic analysis, they pinpoint the significance of eroding local community ties and identities. Using western Pennsylvania as a case study, Newman and Skocpol argue that union members' loyalty to Democratic candidates was as much a product of the group identity that unions fostered as it was a response to the Democratic Party's economic policies. As the social world around organized labor dissipated, conservative institutions like gun clubs, megachurches, and other Republican-leaning groups took its place. Rust Belt Union Blues sheds new light on why so many union members have dramatically changed their party politics. It makes a compelling case that Democrats are unlikely to rebuild credibility in places like western Pennsylvania unless they find new ways to weave themselves into the daily lives of workers and their families.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>166</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lainey Newman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the heyday of American labor, the influence of local unions extended far beyond the workplace. Unions fostered tight-knit communities, touching nearly every aspect of the lives of members--mostly men--and their families and neighbors. They conveyed fundamental worldviews, making blue-collar unionists into loyal Democrats who saw the party as on the side of the working man. Today, unions play a much less significant role in American life. In industrial and formerly industrial Rust Belt towns, Republican-leaning groups and outlooks have burgeoned among the kinds of voters who once would have been part of union communities. 
In ﻿Rust Belt Union Blues: Why Working-Class Voters Are Turning Away from the Democratic Party (Columbia UP, 2023), Lainey Newman and Theda Skocpol provide timely insight into the relationship between the decline of unions and the shift of working-class voters away from Democrats. Drawing on interviews, union newsletters, and ethnographic analysis, they pinpoint the significance of eroding local community ties and identities. Using western Pennsylvania as a case study, Newman and Skocpol argue that union members' loyalty to Democratic candidates was as much a product of the group identity that unions fostered as it was a response to the Democratic Party's economic policies. As the social world around organized labor dissipated, conservative institutions like gun clubs, megachurches, and other Republican-leaning groups took its place. Rust Belt Union Blues sheds new light on why so many union members have dramatically changed their party politics. It makes a compelling case that Democrats are unlikely to rebuild credibility in places like western Pennsylvania unless they find new ways to weave themselves into the daily lives of workers and their families.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the heyday of American labor, the influence of local unions extended far beyond the workplace. Unions fostered tight-knit communities, touching nearly every aspect of the lives of members--mostly men--and their families and neighbors. They conveyed fundamental worldviews, making blue-collar unionists into loyal Democrats who saw the party as on the side of the working man. Today, unions play a much less significant role in American life. In industrial and formerly industrial Rust Belt towns, Republican-leaning groups and outlooks have burgeoned among the kinds of voters who once would have been part of union communities. </p><p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231208826"><em>﻿Rust Belt Union Blues: Why Working-Class Voters Are Turning Away from the Democratic Party</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2023), Lainey Newman and Theda Skocpol provide timely insight into the relationship between the decline of unions and the shift of working-class voters away from Democrats. Drawing on interviews, union newsletters, and ethnographic analysis, they pinpoint the significance of eroding local community ties and identities. Using western Pennsylvania as a case study, Newman and Skocpol argue that union members' loyalty to Democratic candidates was as much a product of the group identity that unions fostered as it was a response to the Democratic Party's economic policies. As the social world around organized labor dissipated, conservative institutions like gun clubs, megachurches, and other Republican-leaning groups took its place. Rust Belt Union Blues sheds new light on why so many union members have dramatically changed their party politics. It makes a compelling case that Democrats are unlikely to rebuild credibility in places like western Pennsylvania unless they find new ways to weave themselves into the daily lives of workers and their families.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2291</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Aurelian Craiutu, "Why Not Moderation?: Letters to Young Radicals" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Moderation is often presented as a simple virtue for lukewarm and indecisive minds, searching for a fuzzy center between the extremes. Not surprisingly, many politicians do not want to be labelled 'moderates' for fear of losing elections. Why Not Moderation?: Letters to Young Radicals (Cambridge UP, 2023) challenges this conventional image and shows that moderation is a complex virtue with a rich tradition and unexplored radical sides. Through a series of imaginary letters between a passionate moderate and two young radicals, the book outlines the distinctive political vision undergirding moderation and makes a case for why we need this virtue today in America. Drawing on clearly written and compelling sources, Craiutu offers an opportunity to rethink moderation and participate in the important public debate on what kind of society we want to live in. His book reminds us that we cannot afford to bargain away the liberal civilization and open society we have inherited from our forefathers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aurelian Craiutu</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Moderation is often presented as a simple virtue for lukewarm and indecisive minds, searching for a fuzzy center between the extremes. Not surprisingly, many politicians do not want to be labelled 'moderates' for fear of losing elections. Why Not Moderation?: Letters to Young Radicals (Cambridge UP, 2023) challenges this conventional image and shows that moderation is a complex virtue with a rich tradition and unexplored radical sides. Through a series of imaginary letters between a passionate moderate and two young radicals, the book outlines the distinctive political vision undergirding moderation and makes a case for why we need this virtue today in America. Drawing on clearly written and compelling sources, Craiutu offers an opportunity to rethink moderation and participate in the important public debate on what kind of society we want to live in. His book reminds us that we cannot afford to bargain away the liberal civilization and open society we have inherited from our forefathers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Moderation is often presented as a simple virtue for lukewarm and indecisive minds, searching for a fuzzy center between the extremes. Not surprisingly, many politicians do not want to be labelled 'moderates' for fear of losing elections. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108494953"><em>Why Not Moderation?: Letters to Young Radicals</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) challenges this conventional image and shows that moderation is a complex virtue with a rich tradition and unexplored radical sides. Through a series of imaginary letters between a passionate moderate and two young radicals, the book outlines the distinctive political vision undergirding moderation and makes a case for why we need this virtue today in America. Drawing on clearly written and compelling sources, Craiutu offers an opportunity to rethink moderation and participate in the important public debate on what kind of society we want to live in. His book reminds us that we cannot afford to bargain away the liberal civilization and open society we have inherited from our forefathers.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>John Arena, "Expelling Public Schools: How Antiracist Politics Enable School Privatization in Newark" (U Minnesota Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Exploring the role of identitarian politics in the privatization of Newark’s public school system In Expelling Public Schools, John Arena explores the more than two-decade struggle to privatize public schools in Newark, New Jersey—a conflict that is raging in cities across the country—from the vantage point of elites advancing the pro-privatization agenda and their grassroots challengers. Analyzing the unsuccessful effort of Cory Booker—Newark’s leading pro-privatization activist and mayor—to generate popular support for the agenda, and Booker’s rival and ultimate successor Ras Baraka’s eventual galvanization of the charter movement, Arena argues that Baraka’s black radical politics cloaked a revanchist agenda of privatization. 
John Arena's book Expelling Public Schools: How Antiracist Politics Enable School Privatization in Newark (U Minnesota Press, 2023) reveals the political rise of Booker and Baraka, their one-time rivalry and subsequent alliance, and what this particular case study illuminates about contemporary post–civil rights Black politics. Ultimately, Expelling Public Schools is a critique of Black urban regime politics and the way in which antiracist messaging obscures real class divisions, interests, and ideological diversity.
Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>220</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John Arena</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Exploring the role of identitarian politics in the privatization of Newark’s public school system In Expelling Public Schools, John Arena explores the more than two-decade struggle to privatize public schools in Newark, New Jersey—a conflict that is raging in cities across the country—from the vantage point of elites advancing the pro-privatization agenda and their grassroots challengers. Analyzing the unsuccessful effort of Cory Booker—Newark’s leading pro-privatization activist and mayor—to generate popular support for the agenda, and Booker’s rival and ultimate successor Ras Baraka’s eventual galvanization of the charter movement, Arena argues that Baraka’s black radical politics cloaked a revanchist agenda of privatization. 
John Arena's book Expelling Public Schools: How Antiracist Politics Enable School Privatization in Newark (U Minnesota Press, 2023) reveals the political rise of Booker and Baraka, their one-time rivalry and subsequent alliance, and what this particular case study illuminates about contemporary post–civil rights Black politics. Ultimately, Expelling Public Schools is a critique of Black urban regime politics and the way in which antiracist messaging obscures real class divisions, interests, and ideological diversity.
Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Exploring the role of identitarian politics in the privatization of Newark’s public school system In Expelling Public Schools, John Arena explores the more than two-decade struggle to privatize public schools in Newark, New Jersey—a conflict that is raging in cities across the country—from the vantage point of elites advancing the pro-privatization agenda and their grassroots challengers. Analyzing the unsuccessful effort of Cory Booker—Newark’s leading pro-privatization activist and mayor—to generate popular support for the agenda, and Booker’s rival and ultimate successor Ras Baraka’s eventual galvanization of the charter movement, Arena argues that Baraka’s black radical politics cloaked a revanchist agenda of privatization. </p><p>John Arena's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517913687"><em>Expelling Public Schools: How Antiracist Politics Enable School Privatization in Newark</em></a><em> </em>(U Minnesota Press, 2023) reveals the political rise of Booker and Baraka, their one-time rivalry and subsequent alliance, and what this particular case study illuminates about contemporary post–civil rights Black politics. Ultimately, <em>Expelling Public Schools</em> is a critique of Black urban regime politics and the way in which antiracist messaging obscures real class divisions, interests, and ideological diversity.</p><p><a href="https://www.rhodes.edu/bio/laura-kelly"><em>Laura Beth Kelly</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2675</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Tariq D. Khan, "The Republic Shall be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression" (U Illinois Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The Republic Will Be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression (University of Illinois Press, 2023) by Dr. Tariq D. Khan examines the long relationship between America’s colonising wars and virulent anticommunism.
The colonising wars against Native Americans created the template for anticommunist repression in the United States. Dr. Khan’s analysis reveals bloodshed and class war as foundational aspects of capitalist domination and vital elements of the nation’s long history of internal repression and social control. Dr. Khan shows how the state wielded the tactics, weapons, myths, and ideology refined in America’s colonising wars to repress anarchists, labour unions, and a host of others labelled as alien, multi-racial, multi-ethnic urban rabble. The ruling classes considered radicals of all stripes to be anticolonial insurgents. As Dr. Khan charts the decades of red scares that began in the 1840s, he reveals how capitalists and government used much-practised counterinsurgency rhetoric and tactics against the movements they perceived and vilified as “anarchist.”
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1369</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tariq D. Khan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Republic Will Be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression (University of Illinois Press, 2023) by Dr. Tariq D. Khan examines the long relationship between America’s colonising wars and virulent anticommunism.
The colonising wars against Native Americans created the template for anticommunist repression in the United States. Dr. Khan’s analysis reveals bloodshed and class war as foundational aspects of capitalist domination and vital elements of the nation’s long history of internal repression and social control. Dr. Khan shows how the state wielded the tactics, weapons, myths, and ideology refined in America’s colonising wars to repress anarchists, labour unions, and a host of others labelled as alien, multi-racial, multi-ethnic urban rabble. The ruling classes considered radicals of all stripes to be anticolonial insurgents. As Dr. Khan charts the decades of red scares that began in the 1840s, he reveals how capitalists and government used much-practised counterinsurgency rhetoric and tactics against the movements they perceived and vilified as “anarchist.”
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252087431"><em>The Republic Will Be Kept Clean: How Settler Colonial Violence Shaped Antileft Repression</em></a> (University of Illinois Press, 2023) by Dr. Tariq D. Khan examines the long relationship between America’s colonising wars and virulent anticommunism.</p><p>The colonising wars against Native Americans created the template for anticommunist repression in the United States. Dr. Khan’s analysis reveals bloodshed and class war as foundational aspects of capitalist domination and vital elements of the nation’s long history of internal repression and social control. Dr. Khan shows how the state wielded the tactics, weapons, myths, and ideology refined in America’s colonising wars to repress anarchists, labour unions, and a host of others labelled as alien, multi-racial, multi-ethnic urban rabble. The ruling classes considered radicals of all stripes to be anticolonial insurgents. As Dr. Khan charts the decades of red scares that began in the 1840s, he reveals how capitalists and government used much-practised counterinsurgency rhetoric and tactics against the movements they perceived and vilified as “anarchist.”</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3085</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrew Monteith, "Christian Nationalism and the Birth of the War on Drugs" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Many people view the War on Drugs as a contemporary phenomenon invented by the Nixon administration. But as Dr. Andrew Monteith shows in Christian Nationalism and the Birth of the War on Drugs (NYU Press, 2023), the conflict actually began more than a century before, when American Protestants began the temperance movement and linked drug use with immorality.
Dr. Monteith argues that this early drug war was deeply rooted in Christian impulses. While many scholars understand Prohibition to have been a Protestant undertaking, it is considerably less common to consider the War on Drugs this way, in part because racism has understandably been the focal point of discussions of the drug war. Antidrug activists expressed—and still do express--blatant white supremacist and nativist motives. Yet this book argues that racism was intertwined with religious impulses. Reformers pursued the “civilising mission,” a wide-ranging project that sought to protect “child races” from harmful influences while remodelling their cultures to look like Europe and the United States. Most reformers saw Christianity as essential to civilization and missionaries felt that banning drugs would encourage religious conversion and progress.
This compelling work of scholarship radically reshapes our understanding of one of the longest and most damaging conflicts in modern American history, making the case that we cannot understand the War on Drugs unless we understand its religious origins.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>57</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Monteith</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many people view the War on Drugs as a contemporary phenomenon invented by the Nixon administration. But as Dr. Andrew Monteith shows in Christian Nationalism and the Birth of the War on Drugs (NYU Press, 2023), the conflict actually began more than a century before, when American Protestants began the temperance movement and linked drug use with immorality.
Dr. Monteith argues that this early drug war was deeply rooted in Christian impulses. While many scholars understand Prohibition to have been a Protestant undertaking, it is considerably less common to consider the War on Drugs this way, in part because racism has understandably been the focal point of discussions of the drug war. Antidrug activists expressed—and still do express--blatant white supremacist and nativist motives. Yet this book argues that racism was intertwined with religious impulses. Reformers pursued the “civilising mission,” a wide-ranging project that sought to protect “child races” from harmful influences while remodelling their cultures to look like Europe and the United States. Most reformers saw Christianity as essential to civilization and missionaries felt that banning drugs would encourage religious conversion and progress.
This compelling work of scholarship radically reshapes our understanding of one of the longest and most damaging conflicts in modern American history, making the case that we cannot understand the War on Drugs unless we understand its religious origins.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many people view the War on Drugs as a contemporary phenomenon invented by the Nixon administration. But as Dr. Andrew Monteith shows in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479817917"><em>Christian Nationalism and the Birth of the War on Drugs</em></a> (NYU Press, 2023), the conflict actually began more than a century before, when American Protestants began the temperance movement and linked drug use with immorality.</p><p>Dr. Monteith argues that this early drug war was deeply rooted in Christian impulses. While many scholars understand Prohibition to have been a Protestant undertaking, it is considerably less common to consider the War on Drugs this way, in part because racism has understandably been the focal point of discussions of the drug war. Antidrug activists expressed—and still do express--blatant white supremacist and nativist motives. Yet this book argues that racism was intertwined with religious impulses. Reformers pursued the “civilising mission,” a wide-ranging project that sought to protect “child races” from harmful influences while remodelling their cultures to look like Europe and the United States. Most reformers saw Christianity as essential to civilization and missionaries felt that banning drugs would encourage religious conversion and progress.</p><p>This compelling work of scholarship radically reshapes our understanding of one of the longest and most damaging conflicts in modern American history, making the case that we cannot understand the War on Drugs unless we understand its religious origins.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4476</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Chrissy Yee Lau, "New Women of Empire: Gendered Politics and Racial Uplift in Interwar Japanese America" (U Washington Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>This episode, which is co-hosted with Mika Thornburg, features a conversation with Dr. Chrissy Yee Lau, the author of the newly published New Women of Empire: Gendered Politics and Racial Uplift in Interwar Japanese America (U Washington Press, 2022). The book centers the compelling life histories of five young women and men in Los Angeles to illuminate how they negotiated overlapping imperialisms through new gender roles. With extensive youth networks and the largest Japanese population in the United States, Los Angeles was a critical site of transnational relations, and in the 1920s and '30s Japanese American youth became politicized through active participation in Christian civic organizations. By racially uplifting their peers through youth clubs, athletics, and cultural ambassadorship, these young leaders reshaped Japanese and US imperialisms and provided the groundwork for future expressions of model minority respectability and Japanese American feminisms.
Dr. Lau is an assistant professor of Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University. Her research and teaching interests include Asian American History, U.S. Women's History, California History, and Public History. She is also co-editor of The Auntie Sewing Squad Guide to Mask Making, Radical Care, and Racial Justice.
Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>70</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Chrissy Yee Lau</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This episode, which is co-hosted with Mika Thornburg, features a conversation with Dr. Chrissy Yee Lau, the author of the newly published New Women of Empire: Gendered Politics and Racial Uplift in Interwar Japanese America (U Washington Press, 2022). The book centers the compelling life histories of five young women and men in Los Angeles to illuminate how they negotiated overlapping imperialisms through new gender roles. With extensive youth networks and the largest Japanese population in the United States, Los Angeles was a critical site of transnational relations, and in the 1920s and '30s Japanese American youth became politicized through active participation in Christian civic organizations. By racially uplifting their peers through youth clubs, athletics, and cultural ambassadorship, these young leaders reshaped Japanese and US imperialisms and provided the groundwork for future expressions of model minority respectability and Japanese American feminisms.
Dr. Lau is an assistant professor of Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University. Her research and teaching interests include Asian American History, U.S. Women's History, California History, and Public History. She is also co-editor of The Auntie Sewing Squad Guide to Mask Making, Radical Care, and Racial Justice.
Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This episode, which is co-hosted with Mika Thornburg, features a conversation with Dr. Chrissy Yee Lau, the author of the newly published <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780295750521"><em>New Women of Empire: Gendered Politics and Racial Uplift in Interwar Japanese America</em></a> (U Washington Press, 2022). The book centers the compelling life histories of five young women and men in Los Angeles to illuminate how they negotiated overlapping imperialisms through new gender roles. With extensive youth networks and the largest Japanese population in the United States, Los Angeles was a critical site of transnational relations, and in the 1920s and '30s Japanese American youth became politicized through active participation in Christian civic organizations. By racially uplifting their peers through youth clubs, athletics, and cultural ambassadorship, these young leaders reshaped Japanese and US imperialisms and provided the groundwork for future expressions of model minority respectability and Japanese American feminisms.</p><p>Dr. Lau is an assistant professor of Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University. Her research and teaching interests include Asian American History, U.S. Women's History, California History, and Public History. She is also co-editor of <em>The Auntie Sewing Squad Guide to Mask Making, Radical Care, and Racial Justice</em>.</p><p><em>Donna Doan Anderson (she/her) is a PhD candidate in History and Asian American Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3381</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Charlotte Gray, "Passionate Mothers, Powerful Sons: The Lives of Jennie Jerome Churchill and Sara Delano Roosevelt" (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023)</title>
      <description>Born into upper-class America in the same year, 1854, Sara Delano (later to become the mother of Franklin Delano Roosevelt) and Jennie Jerome (later to become the mother of Winston Churchill) refused to settle into predictable, sheltered lives as little-known wives to prominent men. Instead, both women concentrated much of their energies on enabling their sons to reach the epicentre of political power on two continents.
Set against one hundred years of history, Passionate Mothers, Powerful Sons: The Lives of Jennie Jerome Churchill and Sara Delano Roosevelt (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) by Dr. Charlotte Gray is a study in loyalty and resilience. Gray argues that Jennie and Sara are too often presented as lesser figures in the backdrop of history rather than as two remarkable individuals who were key in shaping the characters of the sons who adored them and in preparing them for leadership on the world stage.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>69</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charlotte Gray</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Born into upper-class America in the same year, 1854, Sara Delano (later to become the mother of Franklin Delano Roosevelt) and Jennie Jerome (later to become the mother of Winston Churchill) refused to settle into predictable, sheltered lives as little-known wives to prominent men. Instead, both women concentrated much of their energies on enabling their sons to reach the epicentre of political power on two continents.
Set against one hundred years of history, Passionate Mothers, Powerful Sons: The Lives of Jennie Jerome Churchill and Sara Delano Roosevelt (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) by Dr. Charlotte Gray is a study in loyalty and resilience. Gray argues that Jennie and Sara are too often presented as lesser figures in the backdrop of history rather than as two remarkable individuals who were key in shaping the characters of the sons who adored them and in preparing them for leadership on the world stage.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Born into upper-class America in the same year, 1854, Sara Delano (later to become the mother of Franklin Delano Roosevelt) and Jennie Jerome (later to become the mother of Winston Churchill) refused to settle into predictable, sheltered lives as little-known wives to prominent men. Instead, both women concentrated much of their energies on enabling their sons to reach the epicentre of political power on two continents.</p><p>Set against one hundred years of history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781668031971"><em>Passionate Mothers, Powerful Sons: The Lives of Jennie Jerome Churchill and Sara Delano Roosevelt</em></a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2023) by Dr. Charlotte Gray is a study in loyalty and resilience. Gray argues that Jennie and Sara are too often presented as lesser figures in the backdrop of history rather than as two remarkable individuals who were key in shaping the characters of the sons who adored them and in preparing them for leadership on the world stage.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3001</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Melissa Estes Blair, "Bringing Home the White House: The Hidden History of Women Who Shaped the Presidency in the Twentieth Century" (U Georgia Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In Bringing Home the White House: The Hidden History of Women Who Shaped the Presidency in the Twentieth Century (U Georgia Press, 2023), Melissa Estes Blair introduces us to five fascinating yet largely unheralded women who were at the heart of campaigns to elect and reelect some of our most beloved presidents. By examining the roles of these political strategists in affecting the outcome of presidential elections, Blair sheds light on their historical importance and the relevance of their individual influence.
In the middle decades of the twentieth century both major political parties had Women's Divisions. The leaders of these divisions--five women who held the job from 1932 until 1958--organized tens of thousands of women all over the country, turning them into the "saleswomen for the party" by providing them with talking points, fliers, and other material they needed to strike up political conversations with their friends and neighbors. The leaders of the Women's Divisions also produced a huge portion of the media used by the campaigns--over 90 percent of all print material in the 1930s--and were close advisors of the presidents of both parties.
In spite of their importance, these women and their work have been left out of the narratives of midcentury America. In telling the story of these five West Wing women, Blair reveals the ways that women were central to American politics from the depths of the Great Depression to the height of the Cold War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>67</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melissa Estes Blair</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Bringing Home the White House: The Hidden History of Women Who Shaped the Presidency in the Twentieth Century (U Georgia Press, 2023), Melissa Estes Blair introduces us to five fascinating yet largely unheralded women who were at the heart of campaigns to elect and reelect some of our most beloved presidents. By examining the roles of these political strategists in affecting the outcome of presidential elections, Blair sheds light on their historical importance and the relevance of their individual influence.
In the middle decades of the twentieth century both major political parties had Women's Divisions. The leaders of these divisions--five women who held the job from 1932 until 1958--organized tens of thousands of women all over the country, turning them into the "saleswomen for the party" by providing them with talking points, fliers, and other material they needed to strike up political conversations with their friends and neighbors. The leaders of the Women's Divisions also produced a huge portion of the media used by the campaigns--over 90 percent of all print material in the 1930s--and were close advisors of the presidents of both parties.
In spite of their importance, these women and their work have been left out of the narratives of midcentury America. In telling the story of these five West Wing women, Blair reveals the ways that women were central to American politics from the depths of the Great Depression to the height of the Cold War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820365107"><em>Bringing Home the White House: The Hidden History of Women Who Shaped the Presidency in the Twentieth Century</em></a><em> </em>(U Georgia Press, 2023), Melissa Estes Blair introduces us to five fascinating yet largely unheralded women who were at the heart of campaigns to elect and reelect some of our most beloved presidents. By examining the roles of these political strategists in affecting the outcome of presidential elections, Blair sheds light on their historical importance and the relevance of their individual influence.</p><p>In the middle decades of the twentieth century both major political parties had Women's Divisions. The leaders of these divisions--five women who held the job from 1932 until 1958--organized tens of thousands of women all over the country, turning them into the "saleswomen for the party" by providing them with talking points, fliers, and other material they needed to strike up political conversations with their friends and neighbors. The leaders of the Women's Divisions also produced a huge portion of the media used by the campaigns--over 90 percent of all print material in the 1930s--and were close advisors of the presidents of both parties.</p><p>In spite of their importance, these women and their work have been left out of the narratives of midcentury America. In telling the story of these five West Wing women, Blair reveals the ways that women were central to American politics from the depths of the Great Depression to the height of the Cold War.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2381</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James N. Druckman and Elizabeth A. Sharrow, "Equality Unfulfilled: How Title IX's Policy Design Undermines Change to College Sports" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The year 1972 is often hailed as an inflection point in the evolution of women's rights. Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, a law that outlawed sex-based discrimination in education. Many Americans celebrate Title IX for having ushered in an era of expanded opportunity for women's athletics; yet fifty years after its passage, sex-based inequalities in college athletics remain the reality. James N. Druckman and Elizabeth A. Sharrow's book Equality Unfulfilled: How Title IX's Policy Design Undermines Change to College Sports (Cambridge UP, 2023) explains why. 
The book identifies institutional roadblocks - including sex-based segregation, androcentric organizational cultures, and overbearing market incentives - that undermine efforts to achieve systemic change. Drawing on surveys with student-athletes, athletic administrators, college coaches, members of the public, and fans of college sports, it highlights how institutions shape attitudes toward gender equity policy. It offers novel lessons not only for those interested in college sports but for everyone seeking to understand the barriers that any marginalized group faces in their quest for equality.
﻿Kelly McFall is Professor of History and Director of the Honors Program at Newman University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>258</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James N. Druckman and Elizabeth A. Sharrow</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The year 1972 is often hailed as an inflection point in the evolution of women's rights. Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, a law that outlawed sex-based discrimination in education. Many Americans celebrate Title IX for having ushered in an era of expanded opportunity for women's athletics; yet fifty years after its passage, sex-based inequalities in college athletics remain the reality. James N. Druckman and Elizabeth A. Sharrow's book Equality Unfulfilled: How Title IX's Policy Design Undermines Change to College Sports (Cambridge UP, 2023) explains why. 
The book identifies institutional roadblocks - including sex-based segregation, androcentric organizational cultures, and overbearing market incentives - that undermine efforts to achieve systemic change. Drawing on surveys with student-athletes, athletic administrators, college coaches, members of the public, and fans of college sports, it highlights how institutions shape attitudes toward gender equity policy. It offers novel lessons not only for those interested in college sports but for everyone seeking to understand the barriers that any marginalized group faces in their quest for equality.
﻿Kelly McFall is Professor of History and Director of the Honors Program at Newman University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The year 1972 is often hailed as an inflection point in the evolution of women's rights. Congress passed Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, a law that outlawed sex-based discrimination in education. Many Americans celebrate Title IX for having ushered in an era of expanded opportunity for women's athletics; yet fifty years after its passage, sex-based inequalities in college athletics remain the reality. James N. Druckman and Elizabeth A. Sharrow's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009338325"><em>Equality Unfulfilled: How Title IX's Policy Design Undermines Change to College Sports</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) explains why. </p><p>The book identifies institutional roadblocks - including sex-based segregation, androcentric organizational cultures, and overbearing market incentives - that undermine efforts to achieve systemic change. Drawing on surveys with student-athletes, athletic administrators, college coaches, members of the public, and fans of college sports, it highlights how institutions shape attitudes toward gender equity policy. It offers novel lessons not only for those interested in college sports but for everyone seeking to understand the barriers that any marginalized group faces in their quest for equality.</p><p><em>﻿Kelly McFall is Professor of History and Director of the Honors Program at Newman University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5116</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Adrian Chastain Weimer, "A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle Against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle Against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023), Adrian Chastain Weimer uncovers the story of how, more than a hundred years before the American Revolution, colonists pledged their lives and livelihoods to the defense of local political institutions against arbitrary rule.
With the return of Charles II to the English throne in 1660, the puritan-led colonies faced enormous pressure to conform to the crown's priorities. Charles demanded that puritans change voting practices, baptismal policies, and laws, and he also cast an eye on local resources such as forests, a valuable source of masts for the English navy. Moreover, to enforce these demands, the king sent four royal commissioners on warships, ostensibly headed for New Netherland but easily redirected toward Boston. In the face of this threat to local rule, colonists had to decide whether they would submit to the commissioners' authority, which they viewed as arbitrary because it was not accountable to the people, or whether they would mobilize to defy the crown.
Those resisting the crown included not just freemen (voters) but also people often seen as excluded or marginalized such as non-freemen, indentured servants, and women. Together they crafted a potent regional constitutional culture in defiance of Charles II that was characterized by a skepticism of metropolitan ambition, a defense of civil and religious liberties, and a conviction that self-government was divinely sanctioned. Weimer shows how they expressed this constitutional culture through a set of well-rehearsed practices--including fast days, debates, committee work, and petitions. Equipped with a ready vocabulary for criticizing arbitrary rule, with a providentially informed capacity for risk-taking, and with a set of intellectual frameworks for divided sovereignty, the constitutional culture that New Englanders forged would not easily succumb to an imperial authority intent on consolidating its power.
﻿Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Oct 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>231</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adrian Chastain Weimer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle Against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023), Adrian Chastain Weimer uncovers the story of how, more than a hundred years before the American Revolution, colonists pledged their lives and livelihoods to the defense of local political institutions against arbitrary rule.
With the return of Charles II to the English throne in 1660, the puritan-led colonies faced enormous pressure to conform to the crown's priorities. Charles demanded that puritans change voting practices, baptismal policies, and laws, and he also cast an eye on local resources such as forests, a valuable source of masts for the English navy. Moreover, to enforce these demands, the king sent four royal commissioners on warships, ostensibly headed for New Netherland but easily redirected toward Boston. In the face of this threat to local rule, colonists had to decide whether they would submit to the commissioners' authority, which they viewed as arbitrary because it was not accountable to the people, or whether they would mobilize to defy the crown.
Those resisting the crown included not just freemen (voters) but also people often seen as excluded or marginalized such as non-freemen, indentured servants, and women. Together they crafted a potent regional constitutional culture in defiance of Charles II that was characterized by a skepticism of metropolitan ambition, a defense of civil and religious liberties, and a conviction that self-government was divinely sanctioned. Weimer shows how they expressed this constitutional culture through a set of well-rehearsed practices--including fast days, debates, committee work, and petitions. Equipped with a ready vocabulary for criticizing arbitrary rule, with a providentially informed capacity for risk-taking, and with a set of intellectual frameworks for divided sovereignty, the constitutional culture that New Englanders forged would not easily succumb to an imperial authority intent on consolidating its power.
﻿Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512823974"><em>A Constitutional Culture: New England and the Struggle Against Arbitrary Rule in the Restoration Empire</em> </a>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2023), Adrian Chastain Weimer uncovers the story of how, more than a hundred years before the American Revolution, colonists pledged their lives and livelihoods to the defense of local political institutions against arbitrary rule.</p><p>With the return of Charles II to the English throne in 1660, the puritan-led colonies faced enormous pressure to conform to the crown's priorities. Charles demanded that puritans change voting practices, baptismal policies, and laws, and he also cast an eye on local resources such as forests, a valuable source of masts for the English navy. Moreover, to enforce these demands, the king sent four royal commissioners on warships, ostensibly headed for New Netherland but easily redirected toward Boston. In the face of this threat to local rule, colonists had to decide whether they would submit to the commissioners' authority, which they viewed as arbitrary because it was not accountable to the people, or whether they would mobilize to defy the crown.</p><p>Those resisting the crown included not just freemen (voters) but also people often seen as excluded or marginalized such as non-freemen, indentured servants, and women. Together they crafted a potent regional constitutional culture in defiance of Charles II that was characterized by a skepticism of metropolitan ambition, a defense of civil and religious liberties, and a conviction that self-government was divinely sanctioned. Weimer shows how they expressed this constitutional culture through a set of well-rehearsed practices--including fast days, debates, committee work, and petitions. Equipped with a ready vocabulary for criticizing arbitrary rule, with a providentially informed capacity for risk-taking, and with a set of intellectual frameworks for divided sovereignty, the constitutional culture that New Englanders forged would not easily succumb to an imperial authority intent on consolidating its power.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/persons/crawford-gribben(9c12859e-6933-4880-b397-d8e6382b0052).html"><em>Crawford Gribben</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2060</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>40 Years Since Milton Friedman‘s ‘Free To Choose‘</title>
      <link>https://capitalismandfreedom.podbean.com/e/40-years-since-milton-friedmans-free-to-choose-rob-chatfield-free-to-choose-network/</link>
      <description>It's been 40 years since Milton Friedman's famous ten-part television series 'Free To Choose' was broadcast on PBS. Rob Chatfield, President and CEO of the Free To Choose Network (FTCN), speaks to us about the legacy of the original series as well as the variety of new FTCN media programs that continue to promote the ideas of Milton Friedman. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 02 Oct 2023 14:06:03 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d35e9f2e-612c-11ee-a6c1-6f94776ea1d9/image/PodcastArtworkTest.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A conversation with Rob Chatfield</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It's been 40 years since Milton Friedman's famous ten-part television series 'Free To Choose' was broadcast on PBS. Rob Chatfield, President and CEO of the Free To Choose Network (FTCN), speaks to us about the legacy of the original series as well as the variety of new FTCN media programs that continue to promote the ideas of Milton Friedman. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It's been 40 years since Milton Friedman's famous ten-part television series 'Free To Choose' was broadcast on PBS. Rob Chatfield, President and CEO of the Free To Choose Network (FTCN), speaks to us about the legacy of the original series as well as the variety of new FTCN media programs that continue to promote the ideas of Milton Friedman. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>974</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[capitalismandfreedom.podbean.com/230f51f3-5b99-5250-ad0c-1a76cf51c295]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR8524399034.mp3?updated=1694813448" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Aaron Tang, "Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Aaron Tang about his new book Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It (Yale UP, 2023).
The Supreme Court, once the most respected institution in American government, is now routinely criticized for rendering decisions based on the individual justices' partisan leanings rather than on a faithful reading of the law. For legal scholar Aaron Tang, however, partisanship is not the Court's root problem. Overconfidence is.
Conservative and liberal justices alike have adopted a tone of uncompromising certainty in their ability to solve society's problems with just the right lawyerly arguments. The result is a Court that lurches stridently from one case to the next, delegitimizing opposing views and undermining public confidence in itself.
To restore the Court's legitimacy, Tang proposes a different approach to hard cases: one in which the Court acknowledges the arguments and interests on both sides and rules in the way that will do the least harm possible. Examining a surprising number of popular opinions where the Court has applied this approach--ranging from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice--Tang shows how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide our nation.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 30 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>199</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aaron Tang</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Aaron Tang about his new book Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It (Yale UP, 2023).
The Supreme Court, once the most respected institution in American government, is now routinely criticized for rendering decisions based on the individual justices' partisan leanings rather than on a faithful reading of the law. For legal scholar Aaron Tang, however, partisanship is not the Court's root problem. Overconfidence is.
Conservative and liberal justices alike have adopted a tone of uncompromising certainty in their ability to solve society's problems with just the right lawyerly arguments. The result is a Court that lurches stridently from one case to the next, delegitimizing opposing views and undermining public confidence in itself.
To restore the Court's legitimacy, Tang proposes a different approach to hard cases: one in which the Court acknowledges the arguments and interests on both sides and rules in the way that will do the least harm possible. Examining a surprising number of popular opinions where the Court has applied this approach--ranging from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice--Tang shows how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide our nation.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Aaron Tang about his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300264036"><em>Supreme Hubris: How Overconfidence Is Destroying the Court--And How We Can Fix It</em></a> (Yale UP, 2023).</p><p>The Supreme Court, once the most respected institution in American government, is now routinely criticized for rendering decisions based on the individual justices' partisan leanings rather than on a faithful reading of the law. For legal scholar Aaron Tang, however, partisanship is not the Court's root problem. Overconfidence is.</p><p>Conservative and liberal justices alike have adopted a tone of uncompromising certainty in their ability to solve society's problems with just the right lawyerly arguments. The result is a Court that lurches stridently from one case to the next, delegitimizing opposing views and undermining public confidence in itself.</p><p>To restore the Court's legitimacy, Tang proposes a different approach to hard cases: one in which the Court acknowledges the arguments and interests on both sides and rules in the way that will do the least harm possible. Examining a surprising number of popular opinions where the Court has applied this approach--ranging from LGBTQ rights to immigration to juvenile justice--Tang shows how the least harm principle can provide a promising and legally grounded framework for the difficult cases that divide our nation.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3135</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sara Marcus, "Political Disappointment: A Cultural History from Reconstruction to the AIDS Crisis" (Harvard UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Moving from the aftermath of Reconstruction through the AIDS crisis, a new cultural history of the United States shows how artists, intellectuals, and activists turned political disappointment--the unfulfilled desire for change--into a basis for solidarity.
Sara Marcus argues that the defining texts in twentieth-century American cultural history are records of political disappointment. Through insightful and often surprising readings of literature and sound, Marcus offers a new cultural history of the last century, in which creative minds observed the passing of moments of possibility, took stock of the losses sustained, and fostered intellectual revolutions and unexpected solidarities.
Political Disappointment: A Cultural History from Reconstruction to the AIDS Crisis (Harvard UP, 2023) shows how, by confronting disappointment directly, writers and artists helped to produce new political meanings and possibilities. Marcus first analyzes works by W. E. B. Du Bois, Charles Chesnutt, Pauline Hopkins, and the Fisk Jubilee Singers that expressed the anguish of the early Jim Crow era, during which white supremacy thwarted the rebuilding of the country as a multiracial democracy. In the ensuing decades, the Popular Front work songs and stories of Lead Belly and Tillie Olsen, the soundscapes of the civil rights and Black Power movements, the feminist poetry of Audre Lorde and Adrienne Rich, and the queer art of Marlon Riggs and David Wojnarowicz continued building the century-long archive of disappointment. Marcus shows how defeat time and again gave rise to novel modes of protest and new forms of collective practice, keeping alive the dream of a better world.
Disappointment has proved to be a durable, perhaps even inevitable, feature of the democratic project, yet so too has the resistance it precipitates. Marcus's unique history of the twentieth century reclaims the unrealized desire for liberation as a productive force in American literature and life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 30 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1365</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Marcus</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Moving from the aftermath of Reconstruction through the AIDS crisis, a new cultural history of the United States shows how artists, intellectuals, and activists turned political disappointment--the unfulfilled desire for change--into a basis for solidarity.
Sara Marcus argues that the defining texts in twentieth-century American cultural history are records of political disappointment. Through insightful and often surprising readings of literature and sound, Marcus offers a new cultural history of the last century, in which creative minds observed the passing of moments of possibility, took stock of the losses sustained, and fostered intellectual revolutions and unexpected solidarities.
Political Disappointment: A Cultural History from Reconstruction to the AIDS Crisis (Harvard UP, 2023) shows how, by confronting disappointment directly, writers and artists helped to produce new political meanings and possibilities. Marcus first analyzes works by W. E. B. Du Bois, Charles Chesnutt, Pauline Hopkins, and the Fisk Jubilee Singers that expressed the anguish of the early Jim Crow era, during which white supremacy thwarted the rebuilding of the country as a multiracial democracy. In the ensuing decades, the Popular Front work songs and stories of Lead Belly and Tillie Olsen, the soundscapes of the civil rights and Black Power movements, the feminist poetry of Audre Lorde and Adrienne Rich, and the queer art of Marlon Riggs and David Wojnarowicz continued building the century-long archive of disappointment. Marcus shows how defeat time and again gave rise to novel modes of protest and new forms of collective practice, keeping alive the dream of a better world.
Disappointment has proved to be a durable, perhaps even inevitable, feature of the democratic project, yet so too has the resistance it precipitates. Marcus's unique history of the twentieth century reclaims the unrealized desire for liberation as a productive force in American literature and life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Moving from the aftermath of Reconstruction through the AIDS crisis, a new cultural history of the United States shows how artists, intellectuals, and activists turned political disappointment--the unfulfilled desire for change--into a basis for solidarity.</p><p>Sara Marcus argues that the defining texts in twentieth-century American cultural history are records of political disappointment. Through insightful and often surprising readings of literature and sound, Marcus offers a new cultural history of the last century, in which creative minds observed the passing of moments of possibility, took stock of the losses sustained, and fostered intellectual revolutions and unexpected solidarities.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674248656"><em>Political Disappointment: A Cultural History from Reconstruction to the AIDS Crisis</em></a> (Harvard UP, 2023) shows how, by confronting disappointment directly, writers and artists helped to produce new political meanings and possibilities. Marcus first analyzes works by W. E. B. Du Bois, Charles Chesnutt, Pauline Hopkins, and the Fisk Jubilee Singers that expressed the anguish of the early Jim Crow era, during which white supremacy thwarted the rebuilding of the country as a multiracial democracy. In the ensuing decades, the Popular Front work songs and stories of Lead Belly and Tillie Olsen, the soundscapes of the civil rights and Black Power movements, the feminist poetry of Audre Lorde and Adrienne Rich, and the queer art of Marlon Riggs and David Wojnarowicz continued building the century-long archive of disappointment. Marcus shows how defeat time and again gave rise to novel modes of protest and new forms of collective practice, keeping alive the dream of a better world.</p><p>Disappointment has proved to be a durable, perhaps even inevitable, feature of the democratic project, yet so too has the resistance it precipitates. Marcus's unique history of the twentieth century reclaims the unrealized desire for liberation as a productive force in American literature and life.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2672</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sarah Sunn Bush and Lauren Prather, "Monitors and Meddlers: How Foreign Actors Influence Local Trust in Elections" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Foreign influences on elections are widespread. Although foreign interventions around elections differ markedly-in terms of when and why they occur, and whether they are even legal-they all have enormous potential to influence citizens in the countries where elections are held. Monitors and Meddlers: How Foreign Actors Influence Local Trust in Elections (Cambridge UP, 2022) explains how and why outside interventions influence local trust in elections, a critical factor for democracy and stability. Whether foreign actors enhance or diminish electoral trust depends on who is intervening, what political party citizens support, and where the election takes place. The book draws on diverse evidence, including new surveys conducted around elections with varying levels of democracy in Georgia, Tunisia, and the United States. Its insights about public opinion shed light on why leaders sometimes invite foreign influences on elections and why the candidates that win elections do not do more to respond to credible evidence of foreign meddling.
Sarah Bush is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. Her research examines how international actors try to aid democracy, promote women’s representation, and influence elections globally, as well as the politics of climate change. She is the author of The Taming of Democracy Assistance: Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dictators (Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Lauren Prather is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego in the School of Global Policy and Strategy. Her work focuses on political behavior in international relations, democracy promotion and democratization, foreign aid and migration, and experimental methods. She is the author of several publications appearing in such journals as American Political Science Review and International Organization.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>675</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sarah Sunn Bush and Lauren Prather</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Foreign influences on elections are widespread. Although foreign interventions around elections differ markedly-in terms of when and why they occur, and whether they are even legal-they all have enormous potential to influence citizens in the countries where elections are held. Monitors and Meddlers: How Foreign Actors Influence Local Trust in Elections (Cambridge UP, 2022) explains how and why outside interventions influence local trust in elections, a critical factor for democracy and stability. Whether foreign actors enhance or diminish electoral trust depends on who is intervening, what political party citizens support, and where the election takes place. The book draws on diverse evidence, including new surveys conducted around elections with varying levels of democracy in Georgia, Tunisia, and the United States. Its insights about public opinion shed light on why leaders sometimes invite foreign influences on elections and why the candidates that win elections do not do more to respond to credible evidence of foreign meddling.
Sarah Bush is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. Her research examines how international actors try to aid democracy, promote women’s representation, and influence elections globally, as well as the politics of climate change. She is the author of The Taming of Democracy Assistance: Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dictators (Cambridge University Press, 2015).
Lauren Prather is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego in the School of Global Policy and Strategy. Her work focuses on political behavior in international relations, democracy promotion and democratization, foreign aid and migration, and experimental methods. She is the author of several publications appearing in such journals as American Political Science Review and International Organization.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Foreign influences on elections are widespread. Although foreign interventions around elections differ markedly-in terms of when and why they occur, and whether they are even legal-they all have enormous potential to influence citizens in the countries where elections are held. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009204316"><em>Monitors and Meddlers: How Foreign Actors Influence Local Trust in Elections</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) explains how and why outside interventions influence local trust in elections, a critical factor for democracy and stability. Whether foreign actors enhance or diminish electoral trust depends on who is intervening, what political party citizens support, and where the election takes place. The book draws on diverse evidence, including new surveys conducted around elections with varying levels of democracy in Georgia, Tunisia, and the United States. Its insights about public opinion shed light on why leaders sometimes invite foreign influences on elections and why the candidates that win elections do not do more to respond to credible evidence of foreign meddling.</p><p>Sarah Bush is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. Her research examines how international actors try to aid democracy, promote women’s representation, and influence elections globally, as well as the politics of climate change. She is the author of <em>The Taming of Democracy Assistance: Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dictators</em> (Cambridge University Press, 2015).</p><p>Lauren Prather is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego in the School of Global Policy and Strategy. Her work focuses on political behavior in international relations, democracy promotion and democratization, foreign aid and migration, and experimental methods. She is the author of several publications appearing in such journals as <em>American Political Science Review</em> and<em> International Organization.</em></p><p><a href="https://labdelaa.expressions.syr.edu/"><em>Lamis Abdelaaty</em></a><em> is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/discrimination-and-delegation-9780197530061"><em>Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:labdelaa@syr.edu"><em>labdelaa@syr.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3797</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Civic Bargain: A Conversation with Josiah Ober on Ancients and Moderns</title>
      <description>Amidst increasing acrimony and political strain, many worry that democratic governance has an expiration date. To answer these concerns, Josiah Ober looks to the ancients. Here, he discusses his recent book (co-authored with Brook Manville), The Civic Bargain: How Democracies Survive (Princeton UP, 2023). How did democracies like Athens, Rome, and England overcome the challenges that accompanied wealth and expansion? How did the ancients influence the American Founders? What lessons can they teach us for preserving democracy today?
Josiah Ober is the Constantine Mitsotakis Professor in the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford University and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. In addition to The Civic Bargain, he is the author of The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Democracy and Knowledge: Innovation and Learning in Classical Athens, and The Greeks and the Rational: The Discovery of Practical Reason. He is also the Director of the Stanford Civics Initiative.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>85</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Amidst increasing acrimony and political strain, many worry that democratic governance has an expiration date. To answer these concerns, Josiah Ober looks to the ancients. Here, he discusses his recent book (co-authored with Brook Manville), The Civic Bargain: How Democracies Survive (Princeton UP, 2023). How did democracies like Athens, Rome, and England overcome the challenges that accompanied wealth and expansion? How did the ancients influence the American Founders? What lessons can they teach us for preserving democracy today?
Josiah Ober is the Constantine Mitsotakis Professor in the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford University and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. In addition to The Civic Bargain, he is the author of The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece, Democracy and Knowledge: Innovation and Learning in Classical Athens, and The Greeks and the Rational: The Discovery of Practical Reason. He is also the Director of the Stanford Civics Initiative.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Amidst increasing acrimony and political strain, many worry that democratic governance has an expiration date. To answer these concerns, Josiah Ober looks to the ancients. Here, he discusses his recent book (co-authored with Brook Manville), <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691218601"><em>The Civic Bargain: How Democracies Survive</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2023). How did democracies like Athens, Rome, and England overcome the challenges that accompanied wealth and expansion? How did the ancients influence the American Founders? What lessons can they teach us for preserving democracy today?</p><p><a href="https://classics.stanford.edu/people/josiah-ober">Josiah Ober</a> is the Constantine Mitsotakis Professor in the School of Humanities and Sciences at Stanford University and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. In addition to The Civic Bargain, he is the author of <em>The Rise and Fall of Classical Greece</em>,<em> Democracy and Knowledge: Innovation and Learning in Classical Athens</em>, and<em> The Greeks and the Rational: The Discovery of Practical Reason</em>. He is also the Director of the <a href="https://civics.stanford.edu/">Stanford Civics Initiative</a>.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3808</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Dylan C. Penningroth, "Before the Movement: The Hidden History of Black Civil Rights" (Liveright, 2023)</title>
      <description>A prize-winning scholar draws on astonishing new research to demonstrate how Black people used the law to their advantage long before the Civil Rights Movement.
The familiar story of civil rights goes like this: once, America’s legal system shut Black people out and refused to recognize their rights, their basic human dignity, or even their very lives. When lynch mobs gathered, police and judges often closed their eyes, if they didn’t join in. For Black people, law was a hostile, fearsome power to be avoided whenever possible. Then, starting in the 1940s, a few brave lawyers ventured south, bent on changing the law. Soon, ordinary African Americans, awakened by Supreme Court victories and galvanized by racial justice activists, launched the civil rights movement.
In Before the Movement: The Hidden History of Black Civil Rights (Liveright, 2023), acclaimed historian Dylan C. Penningroth brilliantly revises the conventional story. Drawing on long-forgotten sources found in the basements of county courthouses across the nation, Penningroth reveals that African Americans, far from being ignorant about law until the middle of the twentieth century, have thought about, talked about, and used it going as far back as even the era of slavery. They dealt constantly with the laws of property, contract, inheritance, marriage and divorce, of associations (like churches and businesses and activist groups), and more. By exercising these “rights of everyday use,” Penningroth demonstrates, they made Black rights seem unremarkable. And in innumerable subtle ways, they helped shape the law itself—the laws all of us live under today.
Penningroth’s narrative, which stretches from the last decades of slavery to the 1970s, partly traces the history of his own family. Challenging accepted understandings of Black history framed by relations with white people, he puts Black people at the center of the story—their loves and anger and loneliness, their efforts to stay afloat, their mistakes and embarrassments, their fights, their ideas, their hopes and disappointments, in all their messy humanness. Before the Movement is an account of Black legal lives that looks beyond the Constitution and the criminal justice system to recover a rich, broader vision of Black life—a vision allied with, yet distinct from, “the freedom struggle.”
﻿Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>409</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dylan C. Penningroth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A prize-winning scholar draws on astonishing new research to demonstrate how Black people used the law to their advantage long before the Civil Rights Movement.
The familiar story of civil rights goes like this: once, America’s legal system shut Black people out and refused to recognize their rights, their basic human dignity, or even their very lives. When lynch mobs gathered, police and judges often closed their eyes, if they didn’t join in. For Black people, law was a hostile, fearsome power to be avoided whenever possible. Then, starting in the 1940s, a few brave lawyers ventured south, bent on changing the law. Soon, ordinary African Americans, awakened by Supreme Court victories and galvanized by racial justice activists, launched the civil rights movement.
In Before the Movement: The Hidden History of Black Civil Rights (Liveright, 2023), acclaimed historian Dylan C. Penningroth brilliantly revises the conventional story. Drawing on long-forgotten sources found in the basements of county courthouses across the nation, Penningroth reveals that African Americans, far from being ignorant about law until the middle of the twentieth century, have thought about, talked about, and used it going as far back as even the era of slavery. They dealt constantly with the laws of property, contract, inheritance, marriage and divorce, of associations (like churches and businesses and activist groups), and more. By exercising these “rights of everyday use,” Penningroth demonstrates, they made Black rights seem unremarkable. And in innumerable subtle ways, they helped shape the law itself—the laws all of us live under today.
Penningroth’s narrative, which stretches from the last decades of slavery to the 1970s, partly traces the history of his own family. Challenging accepted understandings of Black history framed by relations with white people, he puts Black people at the center of the story—their loves and anger and loneliness, their efforts to stay afloat, their mistakes and embarrassments, their fights, their ideas, their hopes and disappointments, in all their messy humanness. Before the Movement is an account of Black legal lives that looks beyond the Constitution and the criminal justice system to recover a rich, broader vision of Black life—a vision allied with, yet distinct from, “the freedom struggle.”
﻿Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A prize-winning scholar draws on astonishing new research to demonstrate how Black people used the law to their advantage long before the Civil Rights Movement.</p><p>The familiar story of civil rights goes like this: once, America’s legal system shut Black people out and refused to recognize their rights, their basic human dignity, or even their very lives. When lynch mobs gathered, police and judges often closed their eyes, if they didn’t join in. For Black people, law was a hostile, fearsome power to be avoided whenever possible. Then, starting in the 1940s, a few brave lawyers ventured south, bent on changing the law. Soon, ordinary African Americans, awakened by Supreme Court victories and galvanized by racial justice activists, launched the civil rights movement.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324093107"><em>Before the Movement: The Hidden History of Black Civil Rights</em></a> (Liveright, 2023), acclaimed historian Dylan C. Penningroth brilliantly revises the conventional story. Drawing on long-forgotten sources found in the basements of county courthouses across the nation, Penningroth reveals that African Americans, far from being ignorant about law until the middle of the twentieth century, have thought about, talked about, and used it going as far back as even the era of slavery. They dealt constantly with the laws of property, contract, inheritance, marriage and divorce, of associations (like churches and businesses and activist groups), and more. By exercising these “rights of everyday use,” Penningroth demonstrates, they made Black rights seem unremarkable. And in innumerable subtle ways, they helped shape the law itself—the laws all of us live under today.</p><p>Penningroth’s narrative, which stretches from the last decades of slavery to the 1970s, partly traces the history of his own family. Challenging accepted understandings of Black history framed by relations with white people, he puts Black people at the center of the story—their loves and anger and loneliness, their efforts to stay afloat, their mistakes and embarrassments, their fights, their ideas, their hopes and disappointments, in all their messy humanness. <em>Before the Movement</em> is an account of Black legal lives that looks beyond the Constitution and the criminal justice system to recover a rich, broader vision of Black life—a vision allied with, yet distinct from, “the freedom struggle.”</p><p><em>﻿Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6286</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Laura F. Edwards, "The People and Their Peace: Legal Culture and the Transformation of Inequality in the Post-Revolutionary South" (UNC Press, 2009)</title>
      <description>Do individuals have the right to “keep and bear” arms? Do “the people” have any collective rights to public safety? Now that the United States Supreme Court requires each side to argue based on the “history” and “tradition” of 1791 and 1868, what do scholars tell us about legal practices and public understanding in those times? Dr. Laura F. Edwards argues that Americans in the South transformed their understanding of inequality during the half century following the Revolutionary War. Drawing on extensive archival research in North and South Caroline, she outlines the changes in the legal system, highlighting the importance of localized legal practices that favored maintaining the "peace”: a concept intended to protect the social order and its patriarchal hierarchies. Ordinary people, rather than legal professionals and political leaders, were central to its workings. People without rights – even those enslaved – “had influence within the system because of their positions of subordination, not in spite of them.” Edwards documents how, by the 1830s, state leaders secured support for a more centralized system that excluded people who were not specifically granted individual rights, including women, African Americans, and the poor. The People and Their Peace: Legal Culture and the Transformation of Inequality in the Post-Revolutionary South (UNC Press, 2009) concludes that the emphasis on rights affirmed and restructured existing patriarchal inequalities, giving them new life within state law with implications that affected all Americans.
This award-winning 2009 book is now central to a new Supreme Court case (United States v. Rahimi) dealing with domestic violence and guns – and has been cited in the legal briefs.
Dr. Laura F. Edwards is the Class of 1921 Bicentennial Professor in the History of American Law and Liberty at Princeton University and the award-winning author of four books. Most recently, she wrote Only the Clothes on Her Back: Textiles, Law, and Commerce in the Nineteenth-Century United States published by Oxford in 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>674</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Laura F. Edwards</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Do individuals have the right to “keep and bear” arms? Do “the people” have any collective rights to public safety? Now that the United States Supreme Court requires each side to argue based on the “history” and “tradition” of 1791 and 1868, what do scholars tell us about legal practices and public understanding in those times? Dr. Laura F. Edwards argues that Americans in the South transformed their understanding of inequality during the half century following the Revolutionary War. Drawing on extensive archival research in North and South Caroline, she outlines the changes in the legal system, highlighting the importance of localized legal practices that favored maintaining the "peace”: a concept intended to protect the social order and its patriarchal hierarchies. Ordinary people, rather than legal professionals and political leaders, were central to its workings. People without rights – even those enslaved – “had influence within the system because of their positions of subordination, not in spite of them.” Edwards documents how, by the 1830s, state leaders secured support for a more centralized system that excluded people who were not specifically granted individual rights, including women, African Americans, and the poor. The People and Their Peace: Legal Culture and the Transformation of Inequality in the Post-Revolutionary South (UNC Press, 2009) concludes that the emphasis on rights affirmed and restructured existing patriarchal inequalities, giving them new life within state law with implications that affected all Americans.
This award-winning 2009 book is now central to a new Supreme Court case (United States v. Rahimi) dealing with domestic violence and guns – and has been cited in the legal briefs.
Dr. Laura F. Edwards is the Class of 1921 Bicentennial Professor in the History of American Law and Liberty at Princeton University and the award-winning author of four books. Most recently, she wrote Only the Clothes on Her Back: Textiles, Law, and Commerce in the Nineteenth-Century United States published by Oxford in 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Do individuals have the right to “keep and bear” arms? Do “the people” have any collective rights to public safety? Now that the United States Supreme Court requires each side to argue based on the “history” and “tradition” of 1791 and 1868, what do scholars tell us about legal practices and public understanding in those times? Dr. Laura F. Edwards argues that Americans in the South transformed their understanding of inequality during the half century following the Revolutionary War. Drawing on extensive archival research in North and South Caroline, she outlines the changes in the legal system, highlighting the importance of localized legal practices that favored maintaining the "peace”: a concept intended to protect the social order and its patriarchal hierarchies. Ordinary people, rather than legal professionals and political leaders, were central to its workings. People without rights – even those enslaved – “had influence within the system because of their positions of subordination, not in spite of them.” Edwards documents how, by the 1830s, state leaders secured support for a more centralized system that excluded people who were not specifically granted individual rights, including women, African Americans, and the poor. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807859322"><em>The People and Their Peace: Legal Culture and the Transformation of Inequality in the Post-Revolutionary South</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2009) concludes that the emphasis on rights affirmed and restructured existing patriarchal inequalities, giving them new life within state law with implications that affected all Americans.</p><p>This award-winning 2009 book is now central to a new Supreme Court case (<em>United States v. Rahimi</em>) dealing with domestic violence and guns – and has been cited in the legal briefs.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/laura-f-edwards"><em>Dr. Laura F. Edwards</em></a><em> is the Class of 1921 Bicentennial Professor in the History of American Law and Liberty at Princeton University and the award-winning author of four books. Most recently, she wrote Only the Clothes on Her Back: Textiles, Law, and Commerce in the Nineteenth-Century United States published by Oxford in 2022.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3673</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mark Thomas Edwards, "Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling A Preface to Morals (1929) and U.S. Foreign Policy (1943). His Public Opinion (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.
Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.
Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor (Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.
Mark Thomas Edwards is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>242</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Thomas Edwards</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling A Preface to Morals (1929) and U.S. Foreign Policy (1943). His Public Opinion (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.
Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.
Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor (Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.
Mark Thomas Edwards is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Walter Lippmann was arguably the most recognized and respected political journalist of the twentieth century. His "Today and Tomorrow" columns attracted a global readership of well over ten million. Lippmann was the author of numerous books, including the best-selling <em>A Preface to Morals</em> (1929) and <em>U.S. Foreign Policy</em> (1943). His <em>Public Opinion</em> (1922) remains a classic text within American political philosophy and media studies. Lippmann coined or popularized several keywords of the twentieth century, including "stereotype," the "Cold War," and the "Great Society." Sought out by U.S. Presidents and by America's allies and rivals around the world, Lippmann remained one of liberalism's most faithful proponents and harshest critics.</p><p>Yet few people then or since encountered the "real" Walter Lippmann. That was because he kept crucial parts of himself hiding in plain sight. His extensive commentary on politics and diplomacy was bounded by his sense that America had to adjust to the loss of a common faith and morality in a "post-Christian" era. Over the course of his life, Lippmann traded in his fame as a happy secularist for the stardom of a grumpy Western Christian intellectual. Yet he never committed himself to any religious system, especially his own Jewish heritage.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192895165"><em>Walter Lippmann: American Skeptic, American Pastor</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2023) considers the role of religions in Lippmann's life and thought, prioritizing his affirmation and rejection of Christian nationalisms of the left and right. It also yields fresh insights into the philosophical origins of modern American liberalism, including liberalism's blind spots in the areas of sex, race, and class. But most importantly, this biography highlights the constructive power of doubt. For Lippmann, the good life in the good society was lived in irreconcilable tension: the struggle to be free from yet loyal to a way of life; to recognize the dangers yet also the necessity of civil religion; and to strive for a just and enduring world order that can never be. In the end, Lippmann manufactured himself as the prophet of limitation for an extravagant American Century.</p><p><strong>Mark Thomas Edwards</strong> is professor of US history and politics at Spring Arbor University in Michigan.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3042</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>James Greenwood-Reeves, "Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. 
This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. 
Dr James Greenwood-Reeves is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag
﻿Jane Richards is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 23 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>198</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James Greenwood-Reeves</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. 
This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. 
Dr James Greenwood-Reeves is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag
﻿Jane Richards is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Was the use of violence on January 6th Capitol attacks legitimate? Is the use of violence morally justified by members of Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil campaigners? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032226934"><em>Justifying Violent Protest: Law and Morality in Democratic States</em></a> (Routledge, 2023) addresses these issues head on, to make a radical, but compelling argument in favour of the legitimate use of violence in protest in liberal democracies. Grounded in theories of constitutional morality, the book makes the case that when states make illogical or unjust laws, citizens have morally justifiable reasons to disobey. Violence can act as moral dialogue - both expressively and directly - to denounce unjust laws, particularly in cases where civil disobedience does not go far enough. This book considers recent protest movements, of which the use of violent protest has been central to citizens demands. It examines the activism of the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, Extinction Rebellion, Black Lives Matter movement, and other contemporary international movements. </p><p>This book could not be more timely. In a world where citizens' rights to protest are being increasingly curtailed, and climate destruction is becoming an increasing matter of urgency, Greenwood-Reeves addresses the legitimacy of violent protest and ultimate importance in upholding liberal democracy. </p><p><a href="https://essl.leeds.ac.uk/law/staff/2132/dr-james-greenwood-reeves">Dr James Greenwood-Reeves</a> is a Lecturer in Law at The University of Leeds. One of his current projects @lawsadrag</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://twitter.com/janerichardshk?lang=en"><em>Jane Richards</em></a><em> is a doctoral student at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4298</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Diana Rickard, "The New True Crime: How the Rise of Serialized Storytelling Is Transforming Innocence" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The New True Crime: How the Rise of Serialized Storytelling Is Transforming Innocence (NYU Press, 2023) by Dr. Diana Rickard examines how serialized crime shows became an American obsession.
TV shows and podcasts like Making a Murderer, Serial, and Atlanta Monster have taken the cultural zeitgeist by storm, and contributed to the release of wrongly imprisoned people—such as Adnan Syed. The popularity of these long-form true crime docuseries has sparked greater attention to issues of inequality, power, social class, and structural racism. More and more, the American public is asking, Who is and is not deserving of punishment, and who is and is not protected by the law? In The New True Crime, Dr. Rickard argues that these new true crime series deserve our attention for what they reveal about our societal understanding of crime and punishment, and for the new light they shine on the inequalities of the criminal justice system. Questioning the finality of verdicts, framing facts as in the eye of the beholder—these new series unmoor our faith in what is knowable, even as, Rickard critically notes, they often blur the lines between “fact” and “fiction.”
With a focus on some of the most popular true crime podcasts and streaming series of the last decade, Dr. Rickard provides an in-depth analysis of the ways in which this new media—which allows for binge-listening or watching—makes crime into a public spectacle and conveys ideological messages about punishment to its audience. Entertainment values have always been entwined with crime news reporting. Newsworthy stories, Rickard reminds us, need to involve sex, violence, or a famous person, and contain events that can be framed in terms of individualism and conservative ideologies about crime. Even as these old tropes of innocent victims and deviant bad guys still dominate these docuseries, Dr. Rickard also unpacks how the new true crime has been influenced by the innocence movement, a diverse group of organizers and activists, be they journalists, lawyers, formerly incarcerated people, or family members, who now have a place in mainstream consciousness as DNA evidence exonerates the wrongly convicted.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 23 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Diana Rickard</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The New True Crime: How the Rise of Serialized Storytelling Is Transforming Innocence (NYU Press, 2023) by Dr. Diana Rickard examines how serialized crime shows became an American obsession.
TV shows and podcasts like Making a Murderer, Serial, and Atlanta Monster have taken the cultural zeitgeist by storm, and contributed to the release of wrongly imprisoned people—such as Adnan Syed. The popularity of these long-form true crime docuseries has sparked greater attention to issues of inequality, power, social class, and structural racism. More and more, the American public is asking, Who is and is not deserving of punishment, and who is and is not protected by the law? In The New True Crime, Dr. Rickard argues that these new true crime series deserve our attention for what they reveal about our societal understanding of crime and punishment, and for the new light they shine on the inequalities of the criminal justice system. Questioning the finality of verdicts, framing facts as in the eye of the beholder—these new series unmoor our faith in what is knowable, even as, Rickard critically notes, they often blur the lines between “fact” and “fiction.”
With a focus on some of the most popular true crime podcasts and streaming series of the last decade, Dr. Rickard provides an in-depth analysis of the ways in which this new media—which allows for binge-listening or watching—makes crime into a public spectacle and conveys ideological messages about punishment to its audience. Entertainment values have always been entwined with crime news reporting. Newsworthy stories, Rickard reminds us, need to involve sex, violence, or a famous person, and contain events that can be framed in terms of individualism and conservative ideologies about crime. Even as these old tropes of innocent victims and deviant bad guys still dominate these docuseries, Dr. Rickard also unpacks how the new true crime has been influenced by the innocence movement, a diverse group of organizers and activists, be they journalists, lawyers, formerly incarcerated people, or family members, who now have a place in mainstream consciousness as DNA evidence exonerates the wrongly convicted.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479816040"><em>The New True Crime: How the Rise of Serialized Storytelling Is Transforming Innocence</em></a> (NYU Press, 2023) by Dr. Diana Rickard examines how serialized crime shows became an American obsession.</p><p>TV shows and podcasts like Making a Murderer, Serial, and Atlanta Monster have taken the cultural zeitgeist by storm, and contributed to the release of wrongly imprisoned people—such as Adnan Syed. The popularity of these long-form true crime docuseries has sparked greater attention to issues of inequality, power, social class, and structural racism. More and more, the American public is asking, Who is and is not deserving of punishment, and who is and is not protected by the law? In The New True Crime, Dr. Rickard argues that these new true crime series deserve our attention for what they reveal about our societal understanding of crime and punishment, and for the new light they shine on the inequalities of the criminal justice system. Questioning the finality of verdicts, framing facts as in the eye of the beholder—these new series unmoor our faith in what is knowable, even as, Rickard critically notes, they often blur the lines between “fact” and “fiction.”</p><p>With a focus on some of the most popular true crime podcasts and streaming series of the last decade, Dr. Rickard provides an in-depth analysis of the ways in which this new media—which allows for binge-listening or watching—makes crime into a public spectacle and conveys ideological messages about punishment to its audience. Entertainment values have always been entwined with crime news reporting. Newsworthy stories, Rickard reminds us, need to involve sex, violence, or a famous person, and contain events that can be framed in terms of individualism and conservative ideologies about crime. Even as these old tropes of innocent victims and deviant bad guys still dominate these docuseries, Dr. Rickard also unpacks how the new true crime has been influenced by the innocence movement, a diverse group of organizers and activists, be they journalists, lawyers, formerly incarcerated people, or family members, who now have a place in mainstream consciousness as DNA evidence exonerates the wrongly convicted.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2903</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Zebulon Vance Miletsky, "Before Busing: A History of Boston's Long Black Freedom Struggle" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In many histories of Boston, African Americans have remained almost invisible. Partly as a result, when the 1972 crisis over school desegregation and busing erupted, many observers professed shock at the overt racism on display in the "cradle of liberty." Yet the city has long been divided over matters of race, and it was also home to a far older Black organizing tradition than many realize. A community of Black activists had fought segregated education since the origins of public schooling and racial inequality since the end of northern slavery. 
Before Busing: A History of Boston's Long Black Freedom Struggle (UNC Press, 2022) tells the story of the men and women who struggled and demonstrated to make school desegregation a reality in Boston. It reveals the legal efforts and battles over tactics that played out locally and influenced the national Black freedom struggle. And the book gives credit to the Black organizers, parents, and children who fought long and hard battles for justice that have been left out of the standard narratives of the civil rights movement. What emerges is a clear picture of the long and hard-fought campaigns to break the back of Jim Crow education in the North and make Boston into a better, more democratic city—a fight that continues to this day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>408</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Zebulon Vance Miletsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In many histories of Boston, African Americans have remained almost invisible. Partly as a result, when the 1972 crisis over school desegregation and busing erupted, many observers professed shock at the overt racism on display in the "cradle of liberty." Yet the city has long been divided over matters of race, and it was also home to a far older Black organizing tradition than many realize. A community of Black activists had fought segregated education since the origins of public schooling and racial inequality since the end of northern slavery. 
Before Busing: A History of Boston's Long Black Freedom Struggle (UNC Press, 2022) tells the story of the men and women who struggled and demonstrated to make school desegregation a reality in Boston. It reveals the legal efforts and battles over tactics that played out locally and influenced the national Black freedom struggle. And the book gives credit to the Black organizers, parents, and children who fought long and hard battles for justice that have been left out of the standard narratives of the civil rights movement. What emerges is a clear picture of the long and hard-fought campaigns to break the back of Jim Crow education in the North and make Boston into a better, more democratic city—a fight that continues to this day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In many histories of Boston, African Americans have remained almost invisible. Partly as a result, when the 1972 crisis over school desegregation and busing erupted, many observers professed shock at the overt racism on display in the "cradle of liberty." Yet the city has long been divided over matters of race, and it was also home to a far older Black organizing tradition than many realize. A community of Black activists had fought segregated education since the origins of public schooling and racial inequality since the end of northern slavery. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469662770"><em>Before Busing: A History of Boston's Long Black Freedom Struggle</em></a> (UNC Press, 2022) tells the story of the men and women who struggled and demonstrated to make school desegregation a reality in Boston. It reveals the legal efforts and battles over tactics that played out locally and influenced the national Black freedom struggle. And the book gives credit to the Black organizers, parents, and children who fought long and hard battles for justice that have been left out of the standard narratives of the civil rights movement. What emerges is a clear picture of the long and hard-fought campaigns to break the back of Jim Crow education in the North and make Boston into a better, more democratic city—a fight that continues to this day.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3560</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5ca83680-5720-11ee-8d4a-5fec35ac71d4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR9125867586.mp3?updated=1695152926" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Todd E. Vachon, "Clean Air and Good Jobs: U.S. Labor and the Struggle for Climate Justice" (Temple UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The labor–climate movement in the U.S. laid the groundwork for the Green New Deal by building a base within labor for supporting climate protection as a vehicle for good jobs. But as we confront the climate crisis and seek environmental justice, a “jobs vs. environment” discourse often pits workers against climate activists. How can we make a “just transition” moving away from fossil fuels, while also compensating for the human cost when jobs are lost or displaced?
In his book, Clean Air and Good Jobs: U.S. Labor and the Struggle for Climate Justice (Temple University Press, 2023), Todd Vachon examines the labor–climate movement and demonstrates what can be envisioned and accomplished when climate justice is on labor’s agenda and unions work together with other social movements to formulate bold solutions to the climate crisis.
Todd Vachon is Assistant Professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations and Director of the Labor Education Action Research Network at Rutgers University
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>171</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Todd E. Vachon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The labor–climate movement in the U.S. laid the groundwork for the Green New Deal by building a base within labor for supporting climate protection as a vehicle for good jobs. But as we confront the climate crisis and seek environmental justice, a “jobs vs. environment” discourse often pits workers against climate activists. How can we make a “just transition” moving away from fossil fuels, while also compensating for the human cost when jobs are lost or displaced?
In his book, Clean Air and Good Jobs: U.S. Labor and the Struggle for Climate Justice (Temple University Press, 2023), Todd Vachon examines the labor–climate movement and demonstrates what can be envisioned and accomplished when climate justice is on labor’s agenda and unions work together with other social movements to formulate bold solutions to the climate crisis.
Todd Vachon is Assistant Professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations and Director of the Labor Education Action Research Network at Rutgers University
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The labor–climate movement in the U.S. laid the groundwork for the Green New Deal by building a base within labor for supporting climate protection as a vehicle for good jobs. But as we confront the climate crisis and seek environmental justice, a “jobs vs. environment” discourse often pits workers against climate activists. How can we make a “just transition” moving away from fossil fuels, while also compensating for the human cost when jobs are lost or displaced?</p><p>In his book,<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439923214"> <em>Clean Air and Good Jobs: U.S. Labor and the Struggle for Climate Justice</em></a> (Temple University Press, 2023), Todd Vachon examines the labor–climate movement and demonstrates what can be envisioned and accomplished when climate justice is on labor’s agenda and unions work together with other social movements to formulate bold solutions to the climate crisis.</p><p>Todd Vachon is Assistant Professor of Labor Studies and Employment Relations and Director of the Labor Education Action Research Network at Rutgers University</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Associate Professor of Sociology and Jewish Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2043</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[db63325c-572c-11ee-97ba-97feb8c15a12]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Cunningham, January 6th and Asymmetrical Policing (JP, EF)</title>
      <description>Recall This Book first heard from the sociologist of American racism David Cunningham in Episode 36 Policing and White Power. Less than a week after the horrors of January 6th, 2021, he came back for this conversation about “asymmetrical policing” of the political right and left–and of White and Black Americans. His very first book (There’s Something Happening Here, 2004) studied the contrast between the FBI’s work in the 1960’s to wipe out left-wing and Black protests and its efforts to control and tame right-wing and white supremacist movements. That gives him a valuable perspective on the run-up to January 6th–and what may happen next.
Mentioned in the Episode

David Cunningham collaborated on this article about the “common pattern of underestimating the threat from right-wing extremists.”

Ulster Defence Association

Kathleen Belew, Bring the War Home: The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America


Ulster Defence Association

Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma City Bombing: FBI perspective and reported book


Two of the “after-action” reports on Charlottesville that David discusses are:

“Independent Review of the 2017 Protest Events in Charlottesville, Virginia” (Hunton and Williams 2017)

“Virginia’s Response to the Unite the Right Rally: After-Action Review” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, December 2017)

Lessons Charlottesville (should have) taught us: “Prohibiting Private Armies at Public Rallies” (Georgetown Law School, Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and protection, September 2020).


Listen and Read
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>113</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Recall This Book first heard from the sociologist of American racism David Cunningham in Episode 36 Policing and White Power. Less than a week after the horrors of January 6th, 2021, he came back for this conversation about “asymmetrical policing” of the political right and left–and of White and Black Americans. His very first book (There’s Something Happening Here, 2004) studied the contrast between the FBI’s work in the 1960’s to wipe out left-wing and Black protests and its efforts to control and tame right-wing and white supremacist movements. That gives him a valuable perspective on the run-up to January 6th–and what may happen next.
Mentioned in the Episode

David Cunningham collaborated on this article about the “common pattern of underestimating the threat from right-wing extremists.”

Ulster Defence Association

Kathleen Belew, Bring the War Home: The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America


Ulster Defence Association

Timothy McVeigh and the Oklahoma City Bombing: FBI perspective and reported book


Two of the “after-action” reports on Charlottesville that David discusses are:

“Independent Review of the 2017 Protest Events in Charlottesville, Virginia” (Hunton and Williams 2017)

“Virginia’s Response to the Unite the Right Rally: After-Action Review” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, December 2017)

Lessons Charlottesville (should have) taught us: “Prohibiting Private Armies at Public Rallies” (Georgetown Law School, Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and protection, September 2020).


Listen and Read
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Recall This Book first heard from the sociologist of American racism <a href="https://sites.wustl.edu/cunningham/">David Cunningham</a> in <a href="https://recallthisbook.org/2020/06/17/36-policing-and-white-power-ef-jp-global-policing-series/">Episode 36 Policing and White Power</a>. Less than a week after the horrors of January 6th, 2021, he came back for this conversation about “asymmetrical policing” of the political right and left–and of White and Black Americans. His very first book (<a href="https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520246652/theres-something-happening-here"><em>There’s Something Happening Here,</em> 2004</a>) studied the contrast between the FBI’s work in the 1960’s to wipe out left-wing and Black protests and its efforts to control and tame right-wing and white supremacist movements. That gives him a valuable perspective on the run-up to January 6th–and what may happen next.</p><p><strong>Mentioned in the Episode</strong></p><ul>
<li>David Cunningham collaborated on<a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/see-no-evil-hear-no-evil-police-no-evil"> this article</a> about the “<em>common pattern of underestimating the threat from right-wing extremists</em>.”</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulster_Defence_Association">Ulster Defence Association</a></li>
<li>Kathleen Belew, <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674237698"><em>Bring the War Home: The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America</em></a>
</li>
<li><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ulster_Defence_Association">Ulster Defence Association</a></li>
<li>Timothy McVeigh and the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oklahoma_City_bombing">Oklahoma City Bombing:</a> <a href="https://www.fbi.gov/history/famous-cases/oklahoma-city-bombing">FBI perspective</a> and <a href="https://www.amazon.com/American-Terrorist-Timothy-McVeigh-Oklahoma/dp/0060394072">reported book</a>
</li>
<li>Two of the “after-action” reports on Charlottesville that David discusses are:</li>
<li>“<a href="https://www.huntonak.com/images/content/3/4/v2/34613/final-report-ada-compliant-ready.pdf">Independent Review of the 2017 Protest Events in Charlottesville, Virginia</a>” (Hunton and Williams 2017)</li>
<li>“<a href="https://www.pshs.virginia.gov/media/governorvirginiagov/secretary-of-public-safety-and-homeland-security/pdf/iacp-after-action-review.pdf">Virginia’s Response to the Unite the Right Rally: After-Action Review</a>” (International Association of Chiefs of Police, December 2017)</li>
<li>Lessons Charlottesville (should have) taught us: “<a href="https://www.law.georgetown.edu/icap/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2018/04/Prohibiting-Private-Armies-at-Public-Rallies.pdf"><em>Prohibiting Private Armies at Public Rallies</em></a>” (Georgetown Law School, Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and protection, September 2020).</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><strong>Listen and </strong><a href="https://recallthisbookorg.files.wordpress.com/2021/01/rtb-49-cunningham-transcript-jp-ef.pdf"><strong>Read</strong></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1906</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f9e32d84-57c9-11ee-8549-5bd4b7399976]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7923434416.mp3?updated=1695224277" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher F. Zurn, "Splitsville USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>At the end of the day, I have faith in the wisdom of democracy: the idea that good political solutions only arise from widely dispersed discussion, debate and decision among the broadest group of those affected. This book is intended, then, not as a finalized blueprint or technical report delivered from on high but as a conversation opener for democratic debate among my fellow citizens.
– Christopher F. Zurn, Splitsville USA (2023)
Splitsville USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States (Routledge, 2023) argues that it’s time for us to break up to save representative democracy, proposing a mutually negotiated, peaceful dissolution of the current United States into several new nations. Zurn begins by examining the United States’ democratic predicament, a road most likely headed for electoral authoritarianism, with distinct possibilities of ungovernability and violent civil strife. Unlike others who share this diagnosis, Zurn presents a realistic picture of how we can get to reform and what it would involve. It is argued that “Splitsville” represents the most plausible way for American citizens to continue living under a republican form of government. Despite recent talk of secession and civil war, this book offers the most extensive treatment yet of the issues we need to think through to enable a peacefully negotiated political divorce.
The publisher’s summary above of Professor Zurn’s latest book is a worthy overview, even more are the insightful thoughts and comments he shares in this interview. There is something here for everyone, as he shares insights about two key influences on his work - Honneth and Habermas, as well as his gratitude for his Northwestern graduate school experience under Thomas McCarthy in heady times when Nancy Fraser was still there.
Zurn explains his argument ‘that democracy minimally requires a widely shared precommitment to obeying and accepting the outcomes of free, fair and regular elections for political representatives’ and contends ‘if we look frankly at our current situation, we—the United States ‘we’—no longer sufficiently share this democratic precommitment.’ 
The professor elaborates on ideas and concepts such as ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ and their manipulation of an existential framing of our political struggles to gain and maintain power. However, he also makes clear that the American public agrees at a ‘high level on the basic values of American society’ and he expands his argument to ‘think about the complex constellation of values we want to realize in our politics’. As you will hear, Splitsville USA was written by an articulate and passionate voice that is both supportive and highly committed to saving representative government.
Some of Professor Zurn’s other books and chapters in edited books mentioned in this interview:


Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review (2007)


Axel Honneth: A Critical Theory of the Social (2015)

Chapter 12: ‘Social Pathologies as Second-Order Disorders’ in  Axel Honneth: Critical Essays - With a Reply by Axel Honneth (2011)

Introduction to The Philosophy of Recognition: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (2009)


Christopher Zurn is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Massachusetts Boston.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>176</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher F. Zurn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the end of the day, I have faith in the wisdom of democracy: the idea that good political solutions only arise from widely dispersed discussion, debate and decision among the broadest group of those affected. This book is intended, then, not as a finalized blueprint or technical report delivered from on high but as a conversation opener for democratic debate among my fellow citizens.
– Christopher F. Zurn, Splitsville USA (2023)
Splitsville USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States (Routledge, 2023) argues that it’s time for us to break up to save representative democracy, proposing a mutually negotiated, peaceful dissolution of the current United States into several new nations. Zurn begins by examining the United States’ democratic predicament, a road most likely headed for electoral authoritarianism, with distinct possibilities of ungovernability and violent civil strife. Unlike others who share this diagnosis, Zurn presents a realistic picture of how we can get to reform and what it would involve. It is argued that “Splitsville” represents the most plausible way for American citizens to continue living under a republican form of government. Despite recent talk of secession and civil war, this book offers the most extensive treatment yet of the issues we need to think through to enable a peacefully negotiated political divorce.
The publisher’s summary above of Professor Zurn’s latest book is a worthy overview, even more are the insightful thoughts and comments he shares in this interview. There is something here for everyone, as he shares insights about two key influences on his work - Honneth and Habermas, as well as his gratitude for his Northwestern graduate school experience under Thomas McCarthy in heady times when Nancy Fraser was still there.
Zurn explains his argument ‘that democracy minimally requires a widely shared precommitment to obeying and accepting the outcomes of free, fair and regular elections for political representatives’ and contends ‘if we look frankly at our current situation, we—the United States ‘we’—no longer sufficiently share this democratic precommitment.’ 
The professor elaborates on ideas and concepts such as ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ and their manipulation of an existential framing of our political struggles to gain and maintain power. However, he also makes clear that the American public agrees at a ‘high level on the basic values of American society’ and he expands his argument to ‘think about the complex constellation of values we want to realize in our politics’. As you will hear, Splitsville USA was written by an articulate and passionate voice that is both supportive and highly committed to saving representative government.
Some of Professor Zurn’s other books and chapters in edited books mentioned in this interview:


Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review (2007)


Axel Honneth: A Critical Theory of the Social (2015)

Chapter 12: ‘Social Pathologies as Second-Order Disorders’ in  Axel Honneth: Critical Essays - With a Reply by Axel Honneth (2011)

Introduction to The Philosophy of Recognition: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (2009)


Christopher Zurn is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Massachusetts Boston.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>At the end of the day, I have faith in the wisdom of democracy: the idea that good political solutions only arise from widely dispersed discussion, debate and decision among the broadest group of those affected. This book is intended, then, not as a finalized blueprint or technical report delivered from on high but as a conversation opener for democratic debate among my fellow citizens.</em></p><p>– Christopher F. Zurn, <em>Splitsville USA</em> (2023)</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032429793"><em>Splitsville USA: A Democratic Argument for Breaking Up the United States</em></a> (Routledge, 2023) argues that it’s time for us to break up to save representative democracy, proposing a mutually negotiated, peaceful dissolution of the current United States into several new nations. Zurn begins by examining the United States’ democratic predicament, a road most likely headed for electoral authoritarianism, with distinct possibilities of ungovernability and violent civil strife. Unlike others who share this diagnosis, Zurn presents a realistic picture of how we can get to reform and what it would involve. It is argued that “Splitsville” represents the most plausible way for American citizens to continue living under a republican form of government. Despite recent talk of secession and civil war, this book offers the most extensive treatment yet of the issues we need to think through to enable a peacefully negotiated political divorce.</p><p>The publisher’s summary above of Professor Zurn’s latest book is a worthy overview, even more are the insightful thoughts and comments he shares in this interview. There is something here for everyone, as he shares insights about two key influences on his work - Honneth and Habermas, as well as his gratitude for his Northwestern graduate school experience under Thomas McCarthy in heady times when Nancy Fraser was still there.</p><p>Zurn explains his argument ‘that democracy minimally requires a widely shared precommitment to obeying and accepting the outcomes of free, fair and regular elections for political representatives’ and contends ‘if we look frankly at our current situation, we—the United States ‘we’—no longer sufficiently share this democratic precommitment.’ </p><p>The professor elaborates on ideas and concepts such as ‘conflict entrepreneurs’ and their manipulation of an existential framing of our political struggles to gain and maintain power. However, he also makes clear that the American public agrees at a ‘high level on the basic values of American society’ and he expands his argument to ‘think about the complex constellation of values we want to realize in our politics’. As you will hear, <em>Splitsville USA</em> was written by an articulate and passionate voice that is both supportive and highly committed to saving representative government.</p><p>Some of Professor Zurn’s other books and chapters in edited books mentioned in this interview:</p><ul>
<li>
<em>Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review </em>(2007)</li>
<li>
<em>Axel Honneth: A Critical Theory of the Social </em>(2015)</li>
<li>Chapter 12: ‘Social Pathologies as Second-Order Disorders’ in <em> Axel Honneth: Critical Essays - With a Reply by Axel Honneth </em>(2011)</li>
<li>Introduction to <em>The Philosophy of Recognition: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives</em> (2009)</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Christopher Zurn is a Professor of Philosophy at the University of Massachusetts Boston.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4639</itunes:duration>
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      <title>The Future of Anarchism: A Discussion with Ruth Kinna</title>
      <description>50 years ago, anarchism was written off by some as a set of outdated idealistic ideas that had no contemporary relevance. Then came protests at events such as World Trade Organisation meetings – protests by people who either described themselves as anarchists or were so described by the media. It all gave rise the question "Has anarchism actually got a future?" To answer this question, Ruth Kinna has written The Government of No One: The Theory and Practice of Anarchism (Pelican Publishing, 2020). Listen to her on conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 16 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>78</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>50 years ago, anarchism was written off by some as a set of outdated idealistic ideas that had no contemporary relevance. Then came protests at events such as World Trade Organisation meetings – protests by people who either described themselves as anarchists or were so described by the media. It all gave rise the question "Has anarchism actually got a future?" To answer this question, Ruth Kinna has written The Government of No One: The Theory and Practice of Anarchism (Pelican Publishing, 2020). Listen to her on conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>50 years ago, anarchism was written off by some as a set of outdated idealistic ideas that had no contemporary relevance. Then came protests at events such as World Trade Organisation meetings – protests by people who either described themselves as anarchists or were so described by the media. It all gave rise the question "Has anarchism actually got a future?" To answer this question, Ruth Kinna has written <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780141984667"><em>The Government of No One: The Theory and Practice of Anarchism</em></a> (Pelican Publishing, 2020). Listen to her on conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2113</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Christopher Paul Harris, "To Build a Black Future: The Radical Politics of Joy, Pain, and Care" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>When #BlackLivesMatter emerged in 2013, it animated the most consequential Black-led mobilization since the civil rights and Black power era. Today, the hashtag turned rallying cry is but one expression of a radical reorientation toward Black politics, protest, and political thought. To Build a Black Future: The Radical Politics of Joy, Pain, and Care (Princeton UP, 2023) examines the spirit and significance of this insurgency, offering a revelatory account of a new political culture--responsive to pain, suffused with joy, and premised on care--emerging from the centuries-long arc of Black rebellion, a tradition that traces back to the Black slave.
Drawing on his own experiences as an activist and organizer, Christopher Paul Harris takes readers inside the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to chart the propulsive trajectory of Black politics and thought from the Middle Passage to the present historical moment. Carefully attending to the social forces that produce Black struggle and the contradictions that arise within it, Harris illustrates how M4BL gives voice to an abolitionist praxis that bridges the past, present, and future, outlining a political project at once directed inward to the Black community while issuing an outward challenge to the world.
Essential reading for the age of #BlackLivesMatter, this visionary and provocative book reveals how the radical politics of joy, pain, and care, in sharp contrast to liberal political thought, can build a Black future that transcends ideology and pushes the boundaries of our political imagination.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 15 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>71</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher Paul Harris</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When #BlackLivesMatter emerged in 2013, it animated the most consequential Black-led mobilization since the civil rights and Black power era. Today, the hashtag turned rallying cry is but one expression of a radical reorientation toward Black politics, protest, and political thought. To Build a Black Future: The Radical Politics of Joy, Pain, and Care (Princeton UP, 2023) examines the spirit and significance of this insurgency, offering a revelatory account of a new political culture--responsive to pain, suffused with joy, and premised on care--emerging from the centuries-long arc of Black rebellion, a tradition that traces back to the Black slave.
Drawing on his own experiences as an activist and organizer, Christopher Paul Harris takes readers inside the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to chart the propulsive trajectory of Black politics and thought from the Middle Passage to the present historical moment. Carefully attending to the social forces that produce Black struggle and the contradictions that arise within it, Harris illustrates how M4BL gives voice to an abolitionist praxis that bridges the past, present, and future, outlining a political project at once directed inward to the Black community while issuing an outward challenge to the world.
Essential reading for the age of #BlackLivesMatter, this visionary and provocative book reveals how the radical politics of joy, pain, and care, in sharp contrast to liberal political thought, can build a Black future that transcends ideology and pushes the boundaries of our political imagination.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When #BlackLivesMatter emerged in 2013, it animated the most consequential Black-led mobilization since the civil rights and Black power era. Today, the hashtag turned rallying cry is but one expression of a radical reorientation toward Black politics, protest, and political thought. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691219066"><em>To Build a Black Future: The Radical Politics of Joy, Pain, and Care</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2023) examines the spirit and significance of this insurgency, offering a revelatory account of a new political culture--responsive to pain, suffused with joy, and premised on care--emerging from the centuries-long arc of Black rebellion, a tradition that traces back to the Black slave.</p><p>Drawing on his own experiences as an activist and organizer, Christopher Paul Harris takes readers inside the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) to chart the propulsive trajectory of Black politics and thought from the Middle Passage to the present historical moment. Carefully attending to the social forces that produce Black struggle and the contradictions that arise within it, Harris illustrates how M4BL gives voice to an abolitionist praxis that bridges the past, present, and future, outlining a political project at once directed inward to the Black community while issuing an outward challenge to the world.</p><p>Essential reading for the age of #BlackLivesMatter, this visionary and provocative book reveals how the radical politics of joy, pain, and care, in sharp contrast to liberal political thought, can build a Black future that transcends ideology and pushes the boundaries of our political imagination.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1983</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Zachary Parolin, "Poverty in the Pandemic: Policy Lessons from COVID-19" (Russell Sage Foundation, 2023)</title>
      <description>Zachary Parolin's book Poverty in the Pandemic: Policy Lessons from COVID-19 (Russell Sage Foundation, 2023) is interested in poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S., as well as what the pandemic teaches us about how to think about poverty, and policies designed to reduce it, well after the pandemic subsides. Four main questions guide the book's focus. First, how did poverty influence the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic? Second, what was the role of government income support in reducing poverty during the pandemic? Third, what lessons does the COVID-19 pandemic offer for the way we measure and conceptualize poverty in the U.S.? And fourth, what policy lessons should we take from the pandemic for efforts to improve the economic well-being of households in the future? In answering these four questions, this book not only provides a comprehensive, descriptive portrait of policy and poverty outcomes during the pandemic but also identifies policy takeaways for improving economic opportunity beyond it.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 15 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Zachary Parolin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Zachary Parolin's book Poverty in the Pandemic: Policy Lessons from COVID-19 (Russell Sage Foundation, 2023) is interested in poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S., as well as what the pandemic teaches us about how to think about poverty, and policies designed to reduce it, well after the pandemic subsides. Four main questions guide the book's focus. First, how did poverty influence the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic? Second, what was the role of government income support in reducing poverty during the pandemic? Third, what lessons does the COVID-19 pandemic offer for the way we measure and conceptualize poverty in the U.S.? And fourth, what policy lessons should we take from the pandemic for efforts to improve the economic well-being of households in the future? In answering these four questions, this book not only provides a comprehensive, descriptive portrait of policy and poverty outcomes during the pandemic but also identifies policy takeaways for improving economic opportunity beyond it.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Zachary Parolin's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780871546722"><em>Poverty in the Pandemic: Policy Lessons from COVID-19</em></a><em> </em>(Russell Sage Foundation, 2023) is interested in poverty during the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S., as well as what the pandemic teaches us about how to think about poverty, and policies designed to reduce it, well after the pandemic subsides. Four main questions guide the book's focus. First, how did poverty influence the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic? Second, what was the role of government income support in reducing poverty during the pandemic? Third, what lessons does the COVID-19 pandemic offer for the way we measure and conceptualize poverty in the U.S.? And fourth, what policy lessons should we take from the pandemic for efforts to improve the economic well-being of households in the future? In answering these four questions, this book not only provides a comprehensive, descriptive portrait of policy and poverty outcomes during the pandemic but also identifies policy takeaways for improving economic opportunity beyond it.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1752</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Emilee Booth Chapman, "Election Day: How We Vote and What It Means for Democracy" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Emilee Booth Chapman, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Stanford University, has a new book that examines the idea of the vote, and what this experience means for citizens, for the structure of government, and, as the title indicates, for democracy. Booth Chapman is a political theorist, so she is approaching the actual experience of voting not only as an activity that we all do “together” but also considering how this experience is part of democracy. 
What Election Day: How We Vote and What It Means for Democracy (Princeton UP, 2022) also teaches us is that within the study of democratic theory, not all that much attention has been directed at the idea of and the execution of the vote itself. While there is an approach within democratic theory that citizens/individuals should think about and engage with other dimensions of democratic participation beyond the vote—and this is also important, since it focuses on places of deliberation, community engagement, and the like—it obscures the importance of this particularly momentous component of democratic theory and democracy in action. Booth Chapman argues that there are three dynamics that are particularly important to consider in context of the role of voting in elections in democracies: 1. Mass participation by the citizenry, which is an experience where the individual citizen participates in doing something, voting, together with others; 2. The experience of the aggregate equality of the vote itself—each individual vote is equal; 3. The momentousness of the election event itself—this is an important moment that we all recognize as noteworthy and valuable.
Voting is something that we generally do with others, though more recent elections in the United States have seen the experience spread out over time, and also as an experience that is done separately, at home, and then mailed into officials. Thus, we have also seen the temporal dilution of the voting experience of late. Given how and where people are voting, particularly in the United States, we have also started to see a polarization in the voting experience, with more Democrats voting early in person or via absentee or mail-in ballots, and more Republicans going to vote at the polling places on election day. Because of this expanding gap between what people are doing, there is a growing suspiciousness about the vote itself and the voting experience. This evolving experience, overlaid with partisan polarization, is examined in Election Day, and is in some tension with another fundamental thesis of the vote, which is the foundational equality of the voting experience and the vote, since we recognize that we are each part of this shared political project—voting within a democracy—and that generally makes citizens feel like the process is legitimate.
Voting is indeed an important part of democracy, and Emilee Booth Chapman’s new book helps us to understand the various dimensions of why and how voting continues to be vital to the function and shape of contemporary democracies.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
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      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>671</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emilee Booth Chapman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Emilee Booth Chapman, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Stanford University, has a new book that examines the idea of the vote, and what this experience means for citizens, for the structure of government, and, as the title indicates, for democracy. Booth Chapman is a political theorist, so she is approaching the actual experience of voting not only as an activity that we all do “together” but also considering how this experience is part of democracy. 
What Election Day: How We Vote and What It Means for Democracy (Princeton UP, 2022) also teaches us is that within the study of democratic theory, not all that much attention has been directed at the idea of and the execution of the vote itself. While there is an approach within democratic theory that citizens/individuals should think about and engage with other dimensions of democratic participation beyond the vote—and this is also important, since it focuses on places of deliberation, community engagement, and the like—it obscures the importance of this particularly momentous component of democratic theory and democracy in action. Booth Chapman argues that there are three dynamics that are particularly important to consider in context of the role of voting in elections in democracies: 1. Mass participation by the citizenry, which is an experience where the individual citizen participates in doing something, voting, together with others; 2. The experience of the aggregate equality of the vote itself—each individual vote is equal; 3. The momentousness of the election event itself—this is an important moment that we all recognize as noteworthy and valuable.
Voting is something that we generally do with others, though more recent elections in the United States have seen the experience spread out over time, and also as an experience that is done separately, at home, and then mailed into officials. Thus, we have also seen the temporal dilution of the voting experience of late. Given how and where people are voting, particularly in the United States, we have also started to see a polarization in the voting experience, with more Democrats voting early in person or via absentee or mail-in ballots, and more Republicans going to vote at the polling places on election day. Because of this expanding gap between what people are doing, there is a growing suspiciousness about the vote itself and the voting experience. This evolving experience, overlaid with partisan polarization, is examined in Election Day, and is in some tension with another fundamental thesis of the vote, which is the foundational equality of the voting experience and the vote, since we recognize that we are each part of this shared political project—voting within a democracy—and that generally makes citizens feel like the process is legitimate.
Voting is indeed an important part of democracy, and Emilee Booth Chapman’s new book helps us to understand the various dimensions of why and how voting continues to be vital to the function and shape of contemporary democracies.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Emilee Booth Chapman, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Stanford University, has a new book that examines the idea of the vote, and what this experience means for citizens, for the structure of government, and, as the title indicates, for democracy. Booth Chapman is a political theorist, so she is approaching the actual experience of voting not only as an activity that we all do “together” but also considering how this experience is part of democracy. </p><p>What <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691239095"><em>Election Day: How We Vote and What It Means for Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2022) also teaches us is that within the study of democratic theory, not all that much attention has been directed at the idea of and the execution of the vote itself. While there is an approach within democratic theory that citizens/individuals should think about and engage with other dimensions of democratic participation beyond the vote—and this is also important, since it focuses on places of deliberation, community engagement, and the like—it obscures the importance of this particularly momentous component of democratic theory and democracy in action. Booth Chapman argues that there are three dynamics that are particularly important to consider in context of the role of voting in elections in democracies: 1. Mass participation by the citizenry, which is an experience where the individual citizen participates in doing something, voting, together with others; 2. The experience of the aggregate equality of the vote itself—each individual vote is equal; 3. The momentousness of the election event itself—this is an important moment that we all recognize as noteworthy and valuable.</p><p>Voting is something that we generally do with others, though more recent elections in the United States have seen the experience spread out over time, and also as an experience that is done separately, at home, and then mailed into officials. Thus, we have also seen the temporal dilution of the voting experience of late. Given how and where people are voting, particularly in the United States, we have also started to see a polarization in the voting experience, with more Democrats voting early in person or via absentee or mail-in ballots, and more Republicans going to vote at the polling places on election day. Because of this expanding gap between what people are doing, there is a growing suspiciousness about the vote itself and the voting experience. This evolving experience, overlaid with partisan polarization, is examined in <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691239095/election-day"><em>Election Day</em></a>, and is in some tension with another fundamental thesis of the vote, which is the foundational equality of the voting experience and the vote, since we recognize that we are each part of this shared political project—voting within a democracy—and that generally makes citizens feel like the process is legitimate.</p><p>Voting is indeed an important part of democracy, and Emilee Booth Chapman’s new book helps us to understand the various dimensions of why and how voting continues to be vital to the function and shape of contemporary democracies.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2974</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Anthony B. Sanders, "Baby Ninth Amendments: How Americans Embraced Unenumerated Rights and Why It Matters" (U Michigan Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Listing every right that a constitution should protect is hard. American constitution drafters often list a few famous rights such as freedom of speech, protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, and free exercise of religion, plus a handful of others. However, we do not need to enumerate every liberty because there is another way to protect them: an "etcetera clause." It states that there are other rights beyond those specifically listed: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." Yet scholars are divided on whether the Ninth Amendment itself actually does protect unenumerated rights, and the Supreme Court has almost entirely ignored it. Regardless of what the Ninth Amendment means, two-thirds of state constitutions have equivalent provisions, or "Baby Ninth Amendments," worded similarly to the Ninth Amendment.
Anthony B. Sanders' book Baby Ninth Amendments: How Americans Embraced Unenumerated Rights and Why It Matters (U Michigan Press, 2023) is the story of how the "Baby Ninths" came to be and what they mean. Unlike the controversy surrounding the Ninth Amendment, the meaning of the Baby Ninths is straightforward: they protect individual rights that are not otherwise enumerated. They are an "etcetera, etcetera" at the end of a bill of rights. This book argues that state judges should do their duty and live up to their own constitutions to protect the rights "retained by the people" that these "etcetera clauses" are designed to guarantee. The fact that Americans have adopted these provisions so many times in so many states demonstrates that unenumerated rights are not only protected by state constitutions, but that they are popular. Unenumerated rights are not a weird exception to American constitutional law. They are at the center of it. We should start treating constitutions accordingly.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>197</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anthony B. Sanders</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Listing every right that a constitution should protect is hard. American constitution drafters often list a few famous rights such as freedom of speech, protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, and free exercise of religion, plus a handful of others. However, we do not need to enumerate every liberty because there is another way to protect them: an "etcetera clause." It states that there are other rights beyond those specifically listed: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." Yet scholars are divided on whether the Ninth Amendment itself actually does protect unenumerated rights, and the Supreme Court has almost entirely ignored it. Regardless of what the Ninth Amendment means, two-thirds of state constitutions have equivalent provisions, or "Baby Ninth Amendments," worded similarly to the Ninth Amendment.
Anthony B. Sanders' book Baby Ninth Amendments: How Americans Embraced Unenumerated Rights and Why It Matters (U Michigan Press, 2023) is the story of how the "Baby Ninths" came to be and what they mean. Unlike the controversy surrounding the Ninth Amendment, the meaning of the Baby Ninths is straightforward: they protect individual rights that are not otherwise enumerated. They are an "etcetera, etcetera" at the end of a bill of rights. This book argues that state judges should do their duty and live up to their own constitutions to protect the rights "retained by the people" that these "etcetera clauses" are designed to guarantee. The fact that Americans have adopted these provisions so many times in so many states demonstrates that unenumerated rights are not only protected by state constitutions, but that they are popular. Unenumerated rights are not a weird exception to American constitutional law. They are at the center of it. We should start treating constitutions accordingly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Listing every right that a constitution should protect is hard. American constitution drafters often list a few famous rights such as freedom of speech, protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, and free exercise of religion, plus a handful of others. However, we do not need to enumerate every liberty because there is another way to protect them: an "etcetera clause." It states that there are other rights beyond those specifically listed: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." Yet scholars are divided on whether the Ninth Amendment itself actually does protect unenumerated rights, and the Supreme Court has almost entirely ignored it. Regardless of what the Ninth Amendment means, two-thirds of state constitutions have equivalent provisions, or "Baby Ninth Amendments," worded similarly to the Ninth Amendment.</p><p>Anthony B. Sanders' book<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780472056156"> <em>Baby Ninth Amendments: How Americans Embraced Unenumerated Rights and Why It Matters</em></a> (U Michigan Press, 2023) is the story of how the "Baby Ninths" came to be and what they mean. Unlike the controversy surrounding the Ninth Amendment, the meaning of the Baby Ninths is straightforward: they protect individual rights that are not otherwise enumerated. They are an "etcetera, etcetera" at the end of a bill of rights. This book argues that state judges should do their duty and live up to their own constitutions to protect the rights "retained by the people" that these "etcetera clauses" are designed to guarantee. The fact that Americans have adopted these provisions so many times in so many states demonstrates that unenumerated rights are not only protected by state constitutions, but that they are popular. Unenumerated rights are not a weird exception to American constitutional law. They are at the center of it. We should start treating constitutions accordingly.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2977</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew McManus, "The Political Right and Equality: Turning Back the Tide of Egalitarian Modernity" (Routledge, 2023)</title>
      <description>McManus presents an intellectual history of the conservative and reactionary tradition, stretching from Aristotle and Filmer to Alexander Dugin and Patrick Deneen.
Providing a comprehensive critical genealogy of the intellectual political right, McManus traces its core to a nostalgia for the hierarchical cosmos of antiquarian and scholastic thinking. The yearning for a shared vision of the universe where each part of reality has its place maps onto the conservative admiration for orderly political and social stratification. It stamps even the more moderate forms of liberal conservatism which emerged in the aftermath of the revolutionary 18th century, as the political right struggled to accept and later master first the politics of liberal capitalism and later universal suffrage. In its most radical forms this nostalgia for an orderly and hierarchical existence can harden into a resentment at the perceived shallowness of liberal modernity. McManus argues for those who support the project of modernity to commit themselves to better understanding the depth of the political right’s critiques, many of which expose uncomfortable but solvable problems with the quest for equality and freedom.
While there are a lot of competing explanations for the contemporary rise of right-wing forces, Matt McManus’ new book suggests that it is hostility to equality that actually unites the right. Zeroing in on key intellectuals and writers, McManus, in a sharply written text, offers a compelling explanation for the disproportionate intensity of right-wing grievance politics
Matthew McManus is a Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Michigan. He is a contributor to Jacobin and Quillette online magazines.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>411</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew McManus</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>McManus presents an intellectual history of the conservative and reactionary tradition, stretching from Aristotle and Filmer to Alexander Dugin and Patrick Deneen.
Providing a comprehensive critical genealogy of the intellectual political right, McManus traces its core to a nostalgia for the hierarchical cosmos of antiquarian and scholastic thinking. The yearning for a shared vision of the universe where each part of reality has its place maps onto the conservative admiration for orderly political and social stratification. It stamps even the more moderate forms of liberal conservatism which emerged in the aftermath of the revolutionary 18th century, as the political right struggled to accept and later master first the politics of liberal capitalism and later universal suffrage. In its most radical forms this nostalgia for an orderly and hierarchical existence can harden into a resentment at the perceived shallowness of liberal modernity. McManus argues for those who support the project of modernity to commit themselves to better understanding the depth of the political right’s critiques, many of which expose uncomfortable but solvable problems with the quest for equality and freedom.
While there are a lot of competing explanations for the contemporary rise of right-wing forces, Matt McManus’ new book suggests that it is hostility to equality that actually unites the right. Zeroing in on key intellectuals and writers, McManus, in a sharply written text, offers a compelling explanation for the disproportionate intensity of right-wing grievance politics
Matthew McManus is a Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Michigan. He is a contributor to Jacobin and Quillette online magazines.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>McManus presents an intellectual history of the conservative and reactionary tradition, stretching from Aristotle and Filmer to Alexander Dugin and Patrick Deneen.</p><p>Providing a comprehensive critical genealogy of the intellectual political right, McManus traces its core to a nostalgia for the hierarchical cosmos of antiquarian and scholastic thinking. The yearning for a shared vision of the universe where each part of reality has its place maps onto the conservative admiration for orderly political and social stratification. It stamps even the more moderate forms of liberal conservatism which emerged in the aftermath of the revolutionary 18th century, as the political right struggled to accept and later master first the politics of liberal capitalism and later universal suffrage. In its most radical forms this nostalgia for an orderly and hierarchical existence can harden into a resentment at the perceived shallowness of liberal modernity. McManus argues for those who support the project of modernity to commit themselves to better understanding the depth of the political right’s critiques, many of which expose uncomfortable but solvable problems with the quest for equality and freedom.</p><p>While there are a lot of competing explanations for the contemporary rise of right-wing forces, Matt McManus’ new book suggests that it is hostility to equality that actually unites the right. Zeroing in on key intellectuals and writers, McManus, in a sharply written text, offers a compelling explanation for the disproportionate intensity of right-wing grievance politics</p><p>Matthew McManus is a Lecturer in Political Science at the University of Michigan. He is a contributor to Jacobin and Quillette online magazines.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1845</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michèle Lamont, "Seeing Others: How Recognition Works-And How It Can Heal a Divided World" (Atria, 2023)</title>
      <description>How can we challenge and change inequalities? In Seeing Others: How Recognition Works— and How It Can Heal a Divided World (Atria, 2023), Michele Lamont, Professor of Sociology and African and African American Studies and the Robert I. Goldman Professor of European Studies, at Harvard University, explores this question by empirically substantiating the concept of recognition. Using a huge range of case studies, interview data, as well as wealth of cross-disciplinary research, the book shows the problems of our unequal societies and the people, and ideas, that can contribute to solving them. It looks at art, politics, media and culture, as well as social policy and generational conflicts, all of which show how individuals and social groups need and can give recognition to each other. An accessible as well as detailed analysis, the book is essential reading across the humanities and social sciences, as well as for anyone who wants to make a better world.
Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Manchester.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>410</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michèle Lamont</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How can we challenge and change inequalities? In Seeing Others: How Recognition Works— and How It Can Heal a Divided World (Atria, 2023), Michele Lamont, Professor of Sociology and African and African American Studies and the Robert I. Goldman Professor of European Studies, at Harvard University, explores this question by empirically substantiating the concept of recognition. Using a huge range of case studies, interview data, as well as wealth of cross-disciplinary research, the book shows the problems of our unequal societies and the people, and ideas, that can contribute to solving them. It looks at art, politics, media and culture, as well as social policy and generational conflicts, all of which show how individuals and social groups need and can give recognition to each other. An accessible as well as detailed analysis, the book is essential reading across the humanities and social sciences, as well as for anyone who wants to make a better world.
Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Manchester.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How can we challenge and change inequalities? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982153786"><em>Seeing Others: How Recognition Works— and How It Can Heal a Divided World</em></a> (Atria, 2023), <a href="https://twitter.com/mlamont6">Michele Lamont,</a> <a href="https://sociology.fas.harvard.edu/people/michele-lamont">Professor of Sociology and African and African American Studies and the Robert I. Goldman Professor of European Studies, at Harvard University</a>, explores this question by empirically substantiating the concept of recognition. Using a huge range of case studies, interview data, as well as wealth of cross-disciplinary research, the book shows the problems of our unequal societies and the people, and ideas, that can contribute to solving them. It looks at art, politics, media and culture, as well as social policy and generational conflicts, all of which show how individuals and social groups need and can give recognition to each other. An accessible as well as detailed analysis, the book is essential reading across the humanities and social sciences, as well as for anyone who wants to make a better world.</p><p><a href="https://www.eca.ed.ac.uk/profile/dr-dave-obrien"><em>Dave O'Brien</em></a><em> is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Manchester.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2213</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Shadow War between America and Russia</title>
      <description>Western analysts and media often assess the prospect that Moscow might use nuclear weapons as the war in Ukraine grinds on, possibly to a flailing Russia’s disadvantage. George Beebe, though, injects a less-familiar element into this grim dynamic: What are the chances that Washington might resort to nukes, should the direction in the war turn sharply against U.S.-backed Ukraine? Or enter the conflict directly with NATO air support for beleaguered Ukrainian foot soldiers? These are awkward questions but Beebe is well equipped to parse them. He is the Director of Grand Strategy for the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft in Washington and in an earlier career in government he served as director of the CIA’s Russia analysis. 
The springboard for our discussion is his 2019 book, The Russia Trap: How Our Shadow War with Russia Could Spiral into Nuclear Catastrophe (St. Martins Press, 2019). It’s a sober and an incisive look at a vital topic—and as characterizes Beebe’s assessments generally, his take is unsparing of prevailing U.S. foreign policy establishment wisdoms.
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>4</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with George S. Beebe</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Western analysts and media often assess the prospect that Moscow might use nuclear weapons as the war in Ukraine grinds on, possibly to a flailing Russia’s disadvantage. George Beebe, though, injects a less-familiar element into this grim dynamic: What are the chances that Washington might resort to nukes, should the direction in the war turn sharply against U.S.-backed Ukraine? Or enter the conflict directly with NATO air support for beleaguered Ukrainian foot soldiers? These are awkward questions but Beebe is well equipped to parse them. He is the Director of Grand Strategy for the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft in Washington and in an earlier career in government he served as director of the CIA’s Russia analysis. 
The springboard for our discussion is his 2019 book, The Russia Trap: How Our Shadow War with Russia Could Spiral into Nuclear Catastrophe (St. Martins Press, 2019). It’s a sober and an incisive look at a vital topic—and as characterizes Beebe’s assessments generally, his take is unsparing of prevailing U.S. foreign policy establishment wisdoms.
﻿Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Western analysts and media often assess the prospect that Moscow might use nuclear weapons as the war in Ukraine grinds on, possibly to a flailing Russia’s disadvantage. George Beebe, though, injects a less-familiar element into this grim dynamic: What are the chances that Washington might resort to nukes, should the direction in the war turn sharply against U.S.-backed Ukraine? Or enter the conflict directly with NATO air support for beleaguered Ukrainian foot soldiers? These are awkward questions but Beebe is well equipped to parse them. He is the Director of Grand Strategy for the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft in Washington and in an earlier career in government he served as director of the CIA’s Russia analysis. </p><p>The springboard for our discussion is his 2019 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250904201"><em>The Russia Trap: How Our Shadow War with Russia Could Spiral into Nuclear Catastrophe</em></a> (St. Martins Press, 2019). It’s a sober and an incisive look at a vital topic—and as characterizes Beebe’s assessments generally, his take is unsparing of prevailing U.S. foreign policy establishment wisdoms.</p><p><em>﻿Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3722</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A Better Way to Buy Books</title>
      <description>Bookshop.org is an online book retailer that donates more than 80% of its profits to independent bookstores. Launched in 2020, Bookshop.org has already raised more than $27,000,000. In this interview, Andy Hunter, founder and CEO discusses his journey to creating one of the most revolutionary new organizations in the book world. Bookshop has found a way to retain the convenience of online book shopping while also supporting independent bookstores that are the backbones of many local communities. 
Andy Hunter is CEO and Founder of Bookshop.org. He also co-created Literary Hub.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>109</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Andy Hunter, Founder and CEO, Bookshop.org</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bookshop.org is an online book retailer that donates more than 80% of its profits to independent bookstores. Launched in 2020, Bookshop.org has already raised more than $27,000,000. In this interview, Andy Hunter, founder and CEO discusses his journey to creating one of the most revolutionary new organizations in the book world. Bookshop has found a way to retain the convenience of online book shopping while also supporting independent bookstores that are the backbones of many local communities. 
Andy Hunter is CEO and Founder of Bookshop.org. He also co-created Literary Hub.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bookshop.org is an online book retailer that donates more than 80% of its profits to independent bookstores. Launched in 2020, <a href="https://bookshop.org/">Bookshop.org</a> has already raised more than $27,000,000. In this interview, <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/andy-hunter-64484224/">Andy Hunter</a>, founder and CEO discusses his journey to creating one of the most revolutionary new organizations in the book world. Bookshop has found a way to retain the convenience of online book shopping while also supporting independent bookstores that are the backbones of many local communities. </p><p>Andy Hunter is CEO and Founder of Bookshop.org. He also co-created <a href="https://lithub.com/">Literary Hub</a>.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1964</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d3231638-50b1-11ee-af31-1bdfd9de8b75]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7796113912.mp3?updated=1694441399" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gilberto Rosas, "Unsettling: The El Paso Massacre, Resurgent White Nationalism, and the US-Mexico Border" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>On August 3, 2019, a far-right extremist committed a deadly mass shooting at a major shopping center in El Paso, Texas, a city on the border of the United States and Mexico. In Unsettling, Gilberto Rosas situates this devastating shooting as the latest unsettling consequence of our border crisis and currents of deeply rooted white nationalism embedded in the United States.
Tracing strict immigration policies and inhumane border treatment from the Clinton era through Democratic and Republican administrations alike, Rosas shows how the rhetoric around these policies helped lead to the Trump administration's brutal crackdown on migration—and the massacre in El Paso. Rosas draws on poignant stories and compelling testimonies from workers in immigrant justice organizations, federal public defenders, immigration attorneys, and human rights activists to document the cruelties and indignities inflicted on border crossers.
Borders, as sites of crossings and spaces long inhabited by marginalized populations, generate deep anxiety across much of the contemporary world. Rosas demonstrates how the Trump administration amplified and weaponized immigration and border policy, including family separation, torture, and murder. None of this dehumanization and violence was inevitable, however. The border zone in El Paso (which translates to "the Pass") was once a very different place, one marked by frequent and inconsequential crossings to and from both sides—and with more humane immigration policies, it could become that once again.
Gilberto Rosas is an associate professor of anthropology and Latina/o studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. He is the author of Barrio Libre: Criminalizing States and Delinquent Refusals of the New Frontier.
Alize Arıcan is a Society of Fellows Postdoctoral Scholar at Boston University and an incoming Assistant Professor of Anthropology at CUNY—City College, focusing on urban life, futurity, care, and migration. You can find her on Twitter @alizearican.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>61</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gilberto Rosas</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On August 3, 2019, a far-right extremist committed a deadly mass shooting at a major shopping center in El Paso, Texas, a city on the border of the United States and Mexico. In Unsettling, Gilberto Rosas situates this devastating shooting as the latest unsettling consequence of our border crisis and currents of deeply rooted white nationalism embedded in the United States.
Tracing strict immigration policies and inhumane border treatment from the Clinton era through Democratic and Republican administrations alike, Rosas shows how the rhetoric around these policies helped lead to the Trump administration's brutal crackdown on migration—and the massacre in El Paso. Rosas draws on poignant stories and compelling testimonies from workers in immigrant justice organizations, federal public defenders, immigration attorneys, and human rights activists to document the cruelties and indignities inflicted on border crossers.
Borders, as sites of crossings and spaces long inhabited by marginalized populations, generate deep anxiety across much of the contemporary world. Rosas demonstrates how the Trump administration amplified and weaponized immigration and border policy, including family separation, torture, and murder. None of this dehumanization and violence was inevitable, however. The border zone in El Paso (which translates to "the Pass") was once a very different place, one marked by frequent and inconsequential crossings to and from both sides—and with more humane immigration policies, it could become that once again.
Gilberto Rosas is an associate professor of anthropology and Latina/o studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. He is the author of Barrio Libre: Criminalizing States and Delinquent Refusals of the New Frontier.
Alize Arıcan is a Society of Fellows Postdoctoral Scholar at Boston University and an incoming Assistant Professor of Anthropology at CUNY—City College, focusing on urban life, futurity, care, and migration. You can find her on Twitter @alizearican.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On August 3, 2019, a far-right extremist committed a deadly mass shooting at a major shopping center in El Paso, Texas, a city on the border of the United States and Mexico. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/unsettling-the-el-paso-massacre-resurgent-white-nationalism-and-the-us-mexico-border-gilberto-rosas/18692165?ean=9781421446165"><em>Unsettling</em></a>, Gilberto Rosas situates this devastating shooting as the latest unsettling consequence of our border crisis and currents of deeply rooted white nationalism embedded in the United States.</p><p>Tracing strict immigration policies and inhumane border treatment from the Clinton era through Democratic and Republican administrations alike, Rosas shows how the rhetoric around these policies helped lead to the Trump administration's brutal crackdown on migration—and the massacre in El Paso. Rosas draws on poignant stories and compelling testimonies from workers in immigrant justice organizations, federal public defenders, immigration attorneys, and human rights activists to document the cruelties and indignities inflicted on border crossers.</p><p>Borders, as sites of crossings and spaces long inhabited by marginalized populations, generate deep anxiety across much of the contemporary world. Rosas demonstrates how the Trump administration amplified and weaponized immigration and border policy, including family separation, torture, and murder. None of this dehumanization and violence was inevitable, however. The border zone in El Paso (which translates to "the Pass") was once a very different place, one marked by frequent and inconsequential crossings to and from both sides—and with more humane immigration policies, it could become that once again.</p><p>Gilberto Rosas is an associate professor of anthropology and Latina/o studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. He is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/barrio-libre-criminalizing-states-and-delinquent-refusals-of-the-new-frontier-gilberto-rosas/10907065?ean=9780822352372"><em>Barrio Libre: Criminalizing States and Delinquent Refusals of the New Frontier</em></a>.</p><p><a href="https://www.alizearican.com/"><em>Alize Arıcan</em></a><em> is a Society of Fellows Postdoctoral Scholar at Boston University and an incoming Assistant Professor of Anthropology at CUNY—City College, focusing on urban life, futurity, care, and migration. You can find her on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/alizearican"><em>@alizearican</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2523</itunes:duration>
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      <title>William Darity et al., "The Black Reparations Project: A Handbook for Racial Justice" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>A surge in interest in black reparations is taking place in America on a scale not seen since the Reconstruction Era. The Black Reparations Project: A Handbook for Racial Justice (U California Press, 2023) gathers an accomplished interdisciplinary team of scholars--members of the Reparations Planning Committee--who have considered the issues pertinent to making reparations happen. This book will be an essential resource in the national conversation going forward.
The first section of The Black Reparations Project crystallizes the rationale for reparations, cataloguing centuries of racial repression, discrimination, violence, mass incarceration, and the immense black-white wealth gap. Drawing on the contributors' expertise in economics, history, law, public policy, public health, and education, the second section unfurls direct guidance for building and implementing a reparations program, including draft legislation that addresses how the program should be financed and how claimants can be identified and compensated. Rigorous and comprehensive, The Black Reparations Project will motivate, guide, and speed the final leg of the journey for justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>404</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A surge in interest in black reparations is taking place in America on a scale not seen since the Reconstruction Era. The Black Reparations Project: A Handbook for Racial Justice (U California Press, 2023) gathers an accomplished interdisciplinary team of scholars--members of the Reparations Planning Committee--who have considered the issues pertinent to making reparations happen. This book will be an essential resource in the national conversation going forward.
The first section of The Black Reparations Project crystallizes the rationale for reparations, cataloguing centuries of racial repression, discrimination, violence, mass incarceration, and the immense black-white wealth gap. Drawing on the contributors' expertise in economics, history, law, public policy, public health, and education, the second section unfurls direct guidance for building and implementing a reparations program, including draft legislation that addresses how the program should be financed and how claimants can be identified and compensated. Rigorous and comprehensive, The Black Reparations Project will motivate, guide, and speed the final leg of the journey for justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A surge in interest in black reparations is taking place in America on a scale not seen since the Reconstruction Era. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520383814"><em>The Black Reparations Project: A Handbook for Racial Justice</em></a><em> </em>(U California Press, 2023) gathers an accomplished interdisciplinary team of scholars--members of the Reparations Planning Committee--who have considered the issues pertinent to making reparations happen. This book will be an essential resource in the national conversation going forward.</p><p>The first section of <em>The Black Reparations Project</em> crystallizes the rationale for reparations, cataloguing centuries of racial repression, discrimination, violence, mass incarceration, and the immense black-white wealth gap. Drawing on the contributors' expertise in economics, history, law, public policy, public health, and education, the second section unfurls direct guidance for building and implementing a reparations program, including draft legislation that addresses how the program should be financed and how claimants can be identified and compensated. Rigorous and comprehensive, <em>The Black Reparations Project </em>will motivate, guide, and speed the final leg of the journey for justice.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2264</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Postscript: How Firearms Fuel Domestic Violence in the US</title>
      <description>In 2019, nearly two-thirds of domestic violence homicides in the United States were committed with a gun. On average, three women are killed by a current or former partner every day in the United States. Between 1980 and 2014, more than half of women killed by intimate partners were killed with guns. Domestic violence affects children, friends, neighbors, peace officers, the abusers themselves, and society as a whole. This fall, the United States Supreme Court will hear a Second Amendment case (United States v. Rahimi) that may affect whether Congress or state legislatures may pass laws to mitigate domestic violence. To unpack what we know about the effect of firearms on intimate partner violence, Postscript brings you two nationally recognized experts on public health and firearms and an attorney who helped assembled an amicus brief for the Supreme Court.
Dr. Shannon Frattoroli, PhD, MPH, is Professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. She is affiliated with the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions. Her scholarship focuses on how to translate evidence about injury and violence prevention into policies and practices that create safe places for people to thrive. She is a leader on both research and practice efforts to implement firearm dispossession, provisions of domestic violence restraining orders, and the new extreme risk protection order laws (often called “red flag laws”). Policy creation and implementation are crucial components of her research.
Dr. April M. Zeoli, PhD, MPH is Associate Professor of Health Management at the University of Michigan's School of Public Health and also the Policy Core Director at their Institute for Firearm Injury Prevention. Her research focuses on the impact of state-level firearm safety laws on interpersonal firearm violence. She studies domestic violence-related firearm restrictions, such as laws that require or allow firearm restrictions on domestic violence restraining orders. She has particular interest in outcomes (for example reductions in violence, including suicide and intimate partner homicide) and how local implementation affects these outcomes. She is dedicated to using science to create and enforce policy that reduces firearm violence. 
Kelly Roskam, JD, is the Director of Law and Policy at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She served as the Legal Director of the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence and has published on gun violence restraining orders, most recently work highlighting the practical implications of the Rahimi case (e.g., she co-authored “A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers” with her colleague at Johns Hopkins, Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi at SMU-Dedman).
﻿Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>22</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Shannon Frattoroli, Kelly Roskam, and April M. Zeoli</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2019, nearly two-thirds of domestic violence homicides in the United States were committed with a gun. On average, three women are killed by a current or former partner every day in the United States. Between 1980 and 2014, more than half of women killed by intimate partners were killed with guns. Domestic violence affects children, friends, neighbors, peace officers, the abusers themselves, and society as a whole. This fall, the United States Supreme Court will hear a Second Amendment case (United States v. Rahimi) that may affect whether Congress or state legislatures may pass laws to mitigate domestic violence. To unpack what we know about the effect of firearms on intimate partner violence, Postscript brings you two nationally recognized experts on public health and firearms and an attorney who helped assembled an amicus brief for the Supreme Court.
Dr. Shannon Frattoroli, PhD, MPH, is Professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. She is affiliated with the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions. Her scholarship focuses on how to translate evidence about injury and violence prevention into policies and practices that create safe places for people to thrive. She is a leader on both research and practice efforts to implement firearm dispossession, provisions of domestic violence restraining orders, and the new extreme risk protection order laws (often called “red flag laws”). Policy creation and implementation are crucial components of her research.
Dr. April M. Zeoli, PhD, MPH is Associate Professor of Health Management at the University of Michigan's School of Public Health and also the Policy Core Director at their Institute for Firearm Injury Prevention. Her research focuses on the impact of state-level firearm safety laws on interpersonal firearm violence. She studies domestic violence-related firearm restrictions, such as laws that require or allow firearm restrictions on domestic violence restraining orders. She has particular interest in outcomes (for example reductions in violence, including suicide and intimate partner homicide) and how local implementation affects these outcomes. She is dedicated to using science to create and enforce policy that reduces firearm violence. 
Kelly Roskam, JD, is the Director of Law and Policy at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She served as the Legal Director of the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence and has published on gun violence restraining orders, most recently work highlighting the practical implications of the Rahimi case (e.g., she co-authored “A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers” with her colleague at Johns Hopkins, Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi at SMU-Dedman).
﻿Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2019, nearly two-thirds of domestic violence homicides in the United States were committed with a gun. On average, three women are killed by a current or former partner <em>every day </em>in the United States. Between 1980 and 2014, more than half of women killed by intimate partners were killed with guns. Domestic violence affects children, friends, neighbors, peace officers, the abusers themselves, and society as a whole. This fall, the United States Supreme Court will hear a Second Amendment case (<em>United States v. Rahimi</em>) that may affect whether Congress or state legislatures may pass laws to mitigate domestic violence. To unpack what we know about the effect of firearms on intimate partner violence, <em>Postscript </em>brings you two nationally recognized experts on public health and firearms and an attorney who helped assembled <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/22/22-915/275782/20230821132826195_US%20v%20Rahimi%20-%20Public%20Health%20Scholars%20and%20Lawyers%20Amicus%20Brief.pdf">an <em>amicus </em>brief</a> for the Supreme Court.</p><p><a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/faculty/240/shannon-frattaroli">Dr. Shannon Frattoroli, </a>PhD, MPH,<a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/faculty/240/shannon-frattaroli"> </a>is Professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. She is affiliated with the <a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/departments/health-policy-and-management/research-and-practice/center-for-gun-violence-solutions">Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions</a>. Her scholarship focuses on how to translate evidence about injury and violence prevention into policies and practices that create safe places for people to thrive. She is a leader on both research and practice efforts to implement firearm dispossession, provisions of domestic violence restraining orders, and the new extreme risk protection order laws (often called “red flag laws”). Policy creation and implementation are crucial components of her research.</p><p><a href="https://sph.umich.edu/faculty-profiles/zeoli-april.html">Dr. April M. Zeoli</a>, PhD, MPH is Associate Professor of Health Management at the University of Michigan's School of Public Health and also the Policy Core Director at their Institute for Firearm Injury Prevention. Her research focuses on the impact of state-level firearm safety laws on interpersonal firearm violence. She studies domestic violence-related firearm restrictions, such as laws that require or allow firearm restrictions on domestic violence restraining orders. She has particular interest in outcomes (for example reductions in violence, including suicide and intimate partner homicide) and how local implementation affects these outcomes. She is dedicated to using science to create and enforce policy that reduces firearm violence. </p><p>Kelly Roskam, JD, is the Director of Law and Policy at the <a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/departments/health-policy-and-management/research-and-practice/center-for-gun-violence-solutions">Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence </a>Solutions. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She served as the Legal Director of the Educational Fund to Stop Gun Violence and has published on gun violence restraining orders, most recently work highlighting the practical implications of the <em>Rahimi</em> case (e.g., she co-authored <a href="https://www.law.com/nationallawjournal/2022/11/17/a-texas-judge-is-using-originalism-to-justify-arming-domestic-abusers/?slreturn=20230626115236">“A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers</a>” with her colleague at Johns Hopkins, Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi at SMU-Dedman).</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4233</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Al Davidoff, "Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers' Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage" (ILR Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers' Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage (ILR Press, 2023) chronicles how a thousand low-paid custodians, cooks, and gardeners succeeded in organizing a union at Cornell University. Al Davidoff, the Cornell student leader who became a custodian and the union's first president, tells the extraordinary story of these ordinary workers with passion, sensitivity, and wit.
His memoir reveals how they took on the dominant power in the community, built a strong organization, and waged multiple strikes and campaigns for livable wages and their dignity. Their strategies and tactics were creative and feisty, founded on worker participation and ownership.
The union's commitment to fairness, equity, and economic justice also engaged these workers—mostly rural, white, and conservative—at the intersections of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia. Davidoff's story demonstrates how a fighting union can activate today's working class to oppose antidemocratic and white supremacist forces.
Al Davidoff is co-founder of the National Labor Leadership Initiative and the Director of Organizational and Leadership Development for US labor's global arm at the Solidarity Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>214</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Al Davidoff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers' Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage (ILR Press, 2023) chronicles how a thousand low-paid custodians, cooks, and gardeners succeeded in organizing a union at Cornell University. Al Davidoff, the Cornell student leader who became a custodian and the union's first president, tells the extraordinary story of these ordinary workers with passion, sensitivity, and wit.
His memoir reveals how they took on the dominant power in the community, built a strong organization, and waged multiple strikes and campaigns for livable wages and their dignity. Their strategies and tactics were creative and feisty, founded on worker participation and ownership.
The union's commitment to fairness, equity, and economic justice also engaged these workers—mostly rural, white, and conservative—at the intersections of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia. Davidoff's story demonstrates how a fighting union can activate today's working class to oppose antidemocratic and white supremacist forces.
Al Davidoff is co-founder of the National Labor Leadership Initiative and the Director of Organizational and Leadership Development for US labor's global arm at the Solidarity Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501769801"><em>Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers' Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage</em></a><em> </em>(ILR Press, 2023) chronicles how a thousand low-paid custodians, cooks, and gardeners succeeded in organizing a union at Cornell University. Al Davidoff, the Cornell student leader who became a custodian and the union's first president, tells the extraordinary story of these ordinary workers with passion, sensitivity, and wit.</p><p>His memoir reveals how they took on the dominant power in the community, built a strong organization, and waged multiple strikes and campaigns for livable wages and their dignity. Their strategies and tactics were creative and feisty, founded on worker participation and ownership.</p><p>The union's commitment to fairness, equity, and economic justice also engaged these workers—mostly rural, white, and conservative—at the intersections of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia. Davidoff's story demonstrates how a fighting union can activate today's working class to oppose antidemocratic and white supremacist forces.</p><p>Al Davidoff is co-founder of the National Labor Leadership Initiative and the Director of Organizational and Leadership Development for US labor's global arm at the Solidarity Center.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[51c1f094-44dd-11ee-8fd1-0b3d818a8451]]></guid>
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      <title>Zachary Jacobson, "On Nixon's Madness: An Emotional History" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>When Richard Nixon battled for the presidency in 1968, he did so with the knowledge that, should he win, he would face the looming question of how to extract the United States from its disastrous war in Vietnam. It was on a beach that summer that Nixon disclosed to his chief aide, H. R. Haldeman, one of his most notorious, risky gambits: the madman theory.
In On Nixon's Madness: An Emotional History (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Zachary Jonathan Jacobson examines the enigmatic president through this theory of Nixon’s own invention. With strategic force and nuclear bluffing, Nixon attempted to coerce his foreign adversaries through sheer unpredictability. As his national security advisor Henry Kissinger noted, Nixon’s strategy resembled a poker game in which he “push[ed] so many chips into the pot” that the United States’ foes would think the president had gone “crazy.”
From Vietnam, Pakistan, and India to the greater Middle East, Nixon applied this madman theory. Foreign relations were not a steady march toward peaceful coexistence but rather an ongoing test of mettle. Nixon saw the Cold War as he saw his life, as a series of ordeals that demanded great risk and grand gestures. For decades, journalists, critics, and scholars have searched for the real Nixon behind these acts. Was he a Red-baiter, a worldly statesman, a war criminal or, in the end, a punchline?
Jacobson combines biography and intellectual and cultural history to understand the emotional life of Richard Nixon, exploring how the former president struggled between great effusions of feeling and great inhibition, how he winced at the notion of his reputation for rage, and how he used that ill repute to his advantage.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 03 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>29</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Zachary Jacobson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Richard Nixon battled for the presidency in 1968, he did so with the knowledge that, should he win, he would face the looming question of how to extract the United States from its disastrous war in Vietnam. It was on a beach that summer that Nixon disclosed to his chief aide, H. R. Haldeman, one of his most notorious, risky gambits: the madman theory.
In On Nixon's Madness: An Emotional History (Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Zachary Jonathan Jacobson examines the enigmatic president through this theory of Nixon’s own invention. With strategic force and nuclear bluffing, Nixon attempted to coerce his foreign adversaries through sheer unpredictability. As his national security advisor Henry Kissinger noted, Nixon’s strategy resembled a poker game in which he “push[ed] so many chips into the pot” that the United States’ foes would think the president had gone “crazy.”
From Vietnam, Pakistan, and India to the greater Middle East, Nixon applied this madman theory. Foreign relations were not a steady march toward peaceful coexistence but rather an ongoing test of mettle. Nixon saw the Cold War as he saw his life, as a series of ordeals that demanded great risk and grand gestures. For decades, journalists, critics, and scholars have searched for the real Nixon behind these acts. Was he a Red-baiter, a worldly statesman, a war criminal or, in the end, a punchline?
Jacobson combines biography and intellectual and cultural history to understand the emotional life of Richard Nixon, exploring how the former president struggled between great effusions of feeling and great inhibition, how he winced at the notion of his reputation for rage, and how he used that ill repute to his advantage.
Andrew O. Pace is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at apace24@slcc.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Richard Nixon battled for the presidency in 1968, he did so with the knowledge that, should he win, he would face the looming question of how to extract the United States from its disastrous war in Vietnam. It was on a beach that summer that Nixon disclosed to his chief aide, H. R. Haldeman, one of his most notorious, risky gambits: the madman theory.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421445533"><em>On Nixon's Madness: An Emotional History</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins UP, 2023), Zachary Jonathan Jacobson examines the enigmatic president through this theory of Nixon’s own invention. With strategic force and nuclear bluffing, Nixon attempted to coerce his foreign adversaries through sheer unpredictability. As his national security advisor Henry Kissinger noted, Nixon’s strategy resembled a poker game in which he “push[ed] so many chips into the pot” that the United States’ foes would think the president had gone “crazy.”</p><p>From Vietnam, Pakistan, and India to the greater Middle East, Nixon applied this madman theory. Foreign relations were not a steady march toward peaceful coexistence but rather an ongoing test of mettle. Nixon saw the Cold War as he saw his life, as a series of ordeals that demanded great risk and grand gestures. For decades, journalists, critics, and scholars have searched for the real Nixon behind these acts. Was he a Red-baiter, a worldly statesman, a war criminal or, in the end, a punchline?</p><p>Jacobson combines biography and intellectual and cultural history to understand the emotional life of Richard Nixon, exploring how the former president struggled between great effusions of feeling and great inhibition, how he winced at the notion of his reputation for rage, and how he used that ill repute to his advantage.</p><p><a href="https://andrewopace.super.site/"><em>Andrew O. Pace</em></a><em> is a historian of moral dilemmas of US foreign relations and an adjunct professor of history at Salt Lake Community College. He is a co-host of the Diplomatic History Channel on the New Books Network and is currently working on a book about the reversal in US foreign policy from victory at all costs in World War II to peace at any price in the Vietnam War. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:apace24@slcc.edu"><em>apace24@slcc.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2238</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1da36634-490c-11ee-a9f3-6370a63d6657]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5389360360.mp3?updated=1693603115" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Kathryn J. Edin et al., "The Injustice of Place: Uncovering the Legacy of Poverty in America" (Mariner Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>A sweeping and surprising new understanding of extreme poverty in America from the authors of the acclaimed $2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America. 
Three of the nation’s top scholars – known for tackling key mysteries about poverty in America – turn their attention from the country’s poorest people to its poorest places. Based on a fresh, data-driven approach, they discover that America’s most disadvantaged communities are not the big cities that get the most notice. Instead, nearly all are rural. Little if any attention has been paid to these places or to the people who make their lives there. 
This revelation set in motion a five-year journey across Appalachia, the Cotton and Tobacco Belts of the Deep South, and South Texas. Immersing themselves in these communities, pouring over centuries of local history, attending parades and festivals, the authors trace the legacies of the deepest poverty in America—including inequalities shaping people’s health, livelihoods, and upward social mobility for families. Wrung dry by powerful forces and corrupt government officials, the “internal colonies” in these regions were exploited for their resources and then left to collapse. The unfolding revelation in The Injustice of Place: Uncovering the Legacy of Poverty in America (Mariner Books, 2023) is not about what sets these places apart, but about what they have in common—a history of raw, intensive resource extraction and human exploitation. This history and its reverberations demand a reckoning and a commitment to wage a new War on Poverty, with the unrelenting focus on our nation’s places of deepest need.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Sep 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>162</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kathryn J. Edin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sweeping and surprising new understanding of extreme poverty in America from the authors of the acclaimed $2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America. 
Three of the nation’s top scholars – known for tackling key mysteries about poverty in America – turn their attention from the country’s poorest people to its poorest places. Based on a fresh, data-driven approach, they discover that America’s most disadvantaged communities are not the big cities that get the most notice. Instead, nearly all are rural. Little if any attention has been paid to these places or to the people who make their lives there. 
This revelation set in motion a five-year journey across Appalachia, the Cotton and Tobacco Belts of the Deep South, and South Texas. Immersing themselves in these communities, pouring over centuries of local history, attending parades and festivals, the authors trace the legacies of the deepest poverty in America—including inequalities shaping people’s health, livelihoods, and upward social mobility for families. Wrung dry by powerful forces and corrupt government officials, the “internal colonies” in these regions were exploited for their resources and then left to collapse. The unfolding revelation in The Injustice of Place: Uncovering the Legacy of Poverty in America (Mariner Books, 2023) is not about what sets these places apart, but about what they have in common—a history of raw, intensive resource extraction and human exploitation. This history and its reverberations demand a reckoning and a commitment to wage a new War on Poverty, with the unrelenting focus on our nation’s places of deepest need.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sweeping and surprising new understanding of extreme poverty in America from the authors of the acclaimed <em>$2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America</em>. </p><p>Three of the nation’s top scholars – known for tackling key mysteries about poverty in America – turn their attention from the country’s poorest people to its poorest places. Based on a fresh, data-driven approach, they discover that America’s most disadvantaged communities are not the big cities that get the most notice. Instead, nearly all are rural. Little if any attention has been paid to these places or to the people who make their lives there. </p><p>This revelation set in motion a five-year journey across Appalachia, the Cotton and Tobacco Belts of the Deep South, and South Texas. Immersing themselves in these communities, pouring over centuries of local history, attending parades and festivals, the authors trace the legacies of the deepest poverty in America—including inequalities shaping people’s health, livelihoods, and upward social mobility for families. Wrung dry by powerful forces and corrupt government officials, the “internal colonies” in these regions were exploited for their resources and then left to collapse. The unfolding revelation in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063239494"><em>The Injustice of Place: Uncovering the Legacy of Poverty in America</em></a> (Mariner Books, 2023) is not about what sets these places apart, but about what they have in common—a history of raw, intensive resource extraction and human exploitation. This history and its reverberations demand a reckoning and a commitment to wage a new War on Poverty, with the unrelenting focus on our nation’s places of deepest need.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1873</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Sarah R. Coleman, "The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Sarah Coleman, an historian at Texas State University, is the author of an important and topical book about immigration policy in the United States. The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America (Princeton UP, 2023) focuses much less on the often-discussed physical border between the United States and other countries, and more so on the internal touchpoints where immigration federalism takes place. Coleman does a number of things in this book, including providing a fascinating overview of immigration policies and prohibitions throughout U.S. history, but not in a linear mode—instead, she integrates the historical record into the discussion of the domestic policies that were developed over the past 70 years. These policies are the central focus of the book, since it is the structure, execution, and implementation of these policies that constrain and impact citizens and non-citizens in the United States. The Walls Within examines education policy and court decisions, labor policy and the debate about employer sanctions, welfare policy and questions of immigrant contributions and benefits, and, finally, civil liberties and localized immigration enforcement regimes.
Given the current political debate around immigration, the complexity of the politics within and around that debate, and the constantly looming image of “the wall” at the southern border, Coleman’s book explains and clarifies so much of the history, political conversations, policies, and implementation of immigration inside the United States. Sifting through demographic changes, economic shifts, congressional legislation, and court challenges, Coleman weaves together the different policies and outcomes, and the different forms of enforcement. This is what contributes to immigration federalism, since restrictions, prohibitions, and denial of opportunities generally happen at a state or local level. Thus, where immigration policy is actually touching people—citizens and non-citizens alike—is not, per se, where a Border Control officer examines a passport or a document, but in implementing sanctions against employers or in denying a second-grader breakfast before school. The exploration of these touchpoints highlights the themes running through The Walls Within: political culture, electoral politics, and political economy. Coleman notes that there are approximately 24 million immigrants in the United States, and about half that number are unauthorized. Most of the unauthorized immigrants are not coming across either the northern or southern border of the United States but are overstaying visas. Thus, the imaginary that often wraps around these questions is disconnected from the reality of authorized and unauthorized immigration in the United States. The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America works to clarify our current situation and how we ended up where we are, while also explaining the policies and actions that were put into place along the way and how those policies and actions shape the actual immigration landscape in the U.S.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
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      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>669</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sarah R. Coleman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sarah Coleman, an historian at Texas State University, is the author of an important and topical book about immigration policy in the United States. The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America (Princeton UP, 2023) focuses much less on the often-discussed physical border between the United States and other countries, and more so on the internal touchpoints where immigration federalism takes place. Coleman does a number of things in this book, including providing a fascinating overview of immigration policies and prohibitions throughout U.S. history, but not in a linear mode—instead, she integrates the historical record into the discussion of the domestic policies that were developed over the past 70 years. These policies are the central focus of the book, since it is the structure, execution, and implementation of these policies that constrain and impact citizens and non-citizens in the United States. The Walls Within examines education policy and court decisions, labor policy and the debate about employer sanctions, welfare policy and questions of immigrant contributions and benefits, and, finally, civil liberties and localized immigration enforcement regimes.
Given the current political debate around immigration, the complexity of the politics within and around that debate, and the constantly looming image of “the wall” at the southern border, Coleman’s book explains and clarifies so much of the history, political conversations, policies, and implementation of immigration inside the United States. Sifting through demographic changes, economic shifts, congressional legislation, and court challenges, Coleman weaves together the different policies and outcomes, and the different forms of enforcement. This is what contributes to immigration federalism, since restrictions, prohibitions, and denial of opportunities generally happen at a state or local level. Thus, where immigration policy is actually touching people—citizens and non-citizens alike—is not, per se, where a Border Control officer examines a passport or a document, but in implementing sanctions against employers or in denying a second-grader breakfast before school. The exploration of these touchpoints highlights the themes running through The Walls Within: political culture, electoral politics, and political economy. Coleman notes that there are approximately 24 million immigrants in the United States, and about half that number are unauthorized. Most of the unauthorized immigrants are not coming across either the northern or southern border of the United States but are overstaying visas. Thus, the imaginary that often wraps around these questions is disconnected from the reality of authorized and unauthorized immigration in the United States. The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America works to clarify our current situation and how we ended up where we are, while also explaining the policies and actions that were put into place along the way and how those policies and actions shape the actual immigration landscape in the U.S.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the New Books in Political Science channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached @gorenlj.bsky.social
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Sarah Coleman, an historian at Texas State University, is the author of an important and topical book about immigration policy in the United States. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691203331"><em>The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2023) focuses much less on the often-discussed physical border between the United States and other countries, and more so on the internal touchpoints where <em>immigration federalism</em> takes place. Coleman does a number of things in this book, including providing a fascinating overview of immigration policies and prohibitions throughout U.S. history, but not in a linear mode—instead, she integrates the historical record into the discussion of the domestic policies that were developed over the past 70 years. These policies are the central focus of the book, since it is the structure, execution, and implementation of these policies that constrain and impact citizens and non-citizens in the United States. <em>The Walls Within</em> examines education policy and court decisions, labor policy and the debate about employer sanctions, welfare policy and questions of immigrant contributions and benefits, and, finally, civil liberties and localized immigration enforcement regimes.</p><p>Given the current political debate around immigration, the complexity of the politics within and around that debate, and the constantly looming image of “the wall” at the southern border, Coleman’s book explains and clarifies so much of the history, political conversations, policies, and implementation of immigration inside the United States. Sifting through demographic changes, economic shifts, congressional legislation, and court challenges, Coleman weaves together the different policies and outcomes, and the different forms of enforcement. This is what contributes to immigration federalism, since restrictions, prohibitions, and denial of opportunities generally happen at a state or local level. Thus, where immigration policy is actually touching people—citizens and non-citizens alike—is not, per se, where a Border Control officer examines a passport or a document, but in implementing sanctions against employers or in denying a second-grader breakfast before school. The exploration of these touchpoints highlights the themes running through <em>The Walls Within</em>: political culture, electoral politics, and political economy. Coleman notes that there are approximately 24 million immigrants in the United States, and about half that number are unauthorized. Most of the unauthorized immigrants are not coming across either the northern or southern border of the United States but are overstaying visas. Thus, the imaginary that often wraps around these questions is disconnected from the reality of authorized and unauthorized immigration in the United States. <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691203331/the-walls-within"><em>The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America</em></a> works to clarify our current situation and how we ended up where we are, while also explaining the policies and actions that were put into place along the way and how those policies and actions shape the actual immigration landscape in the U.S.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/a7ac4af9-1306-463f-baf9-00f1f4187dfd"><em>New Books in Political Science</em></a><em> channel at the New Books Network. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012). She can be reached </em><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/gorenlj.bsky.social"><em>@gorenlj.bsky.social</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2841</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Tomiko Brown-Nagin, "Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality" (Knopf Doubleday, 2023)</title>
      <description>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.
Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality (Knopf Doubleday, 2023) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>298</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tomiko Brown-Nagin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.
Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality (Knopf Doubleday, 2023) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780525436102"><em>Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality</em></a><em> </em>(Knopf Doubleday, 2023) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3703</itunes:duration>
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      <title>On “Henry Kissinger and His World” with author Barry Gewen</title>
      <description>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World (W. W. Norton, 2020), we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. 
Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at The New York Times Book Review, deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World (W. W. Norton, 2020), we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. 
Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at The New York Times Book Review, deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In my talk with Barry Gewen on his 2020 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324004059"><em>The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World</em></a><em> </em>(W. W. Norton, 2020),<em> </em>we explore the disparate influences that shaped Kissinger as both an intellectual and as a practitioner of power. </p><p>Our conversation touches on Kissinger’s upbringing in a German-Jewish community in Bavaria at the time of Hitler’s rise to power and pivots to an understanding of Kissinger’s Realism as his pessimistic yet unwavering approach to foreign affairs and exigencies like the balance of power. In his committed opposition to the Wilsonian creed—the missionary idea of America’s role in the world—Kissinger was decidedly in the camp of the political scientist Hans Morgenthau, a fellow German-Jewish immigrant and mentor of sorts. Barry Gewen, a former editor at <em>The New York Times Book Review, </em>deserves to be heard, and his book deserves to be read, for his judicious, textured appraisal of Kissinger. His Kissinger is neither a war criminal nor a diplomatic magician but one guided by the stern maxim that order is prior to justice in the affairs of an ever-perilous world. Our talk closes with Gewen’s assessment of Kissinger’s thinking on the present-day foreign-policy challenges for the U.S. of China and the Russia-Ukraine war.</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3584</itunes:duration>
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      <title>How Should Protestants Engage With Natural Law Theory?</title>
      <description>Natural law theory is known to be more emphasized among Catholics than Protestants. Why is that the case, and should it be? Do Protestants need to focus more on philosophy? Today's guest, Andrew T. Walker of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, discusses why Protestants need natural law too, and specifically the work of the Madison Program’s founder and Director, Professor Robert P. George. We discuss Dr. Walker's book, Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement with Robert P. George, which features essays from a variety of Protestant scholars on Professor George and the importance of his contributions to the field of natural law.
Andrew T. Walker is associate professor of Christian Ethics at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and an associate dean in their School of Theology. He also serves as the executive director of the Carl F. H. Henry Institute for Evangelical Engagement, as Managing Editor of WORLD opinions, and as a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.

More on Natural Law, from a former JMP fellow here.

A little bit on New Natural Law here.

An overview of John Rawls here.

Rawls' "original position," where he advocates for his famous "veil of ignorance" here.

His recent article, "True conservatism is not mere progressivism in slow motion" in WORLD Opinions here.

His recent book review, "Were problems baked into the American cake?" in WORLD Opinions here.

"The Baby and the Bathwater," an essay co-authored by Professor George mentioned during the interview here.


Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>83</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle> A Conversation on the Work of Robert P. George with Andrew T. Walker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Natural law theory is known to be more emphasized among Catholics than Protestants. Why is that the case, and should it be? Do Protestants need to focus more on philosophy? Today's guest, Andrew T. Walker of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, discusses why Protestants need natural law too, and specifically the work of the Madison Program’s founder and Director, Professor Robert P. George. We discuss Dr. Walker's book, Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement with Robert P. George, which features essays from a variety of Protestant scholars on Professor George and the importance of his contributions to the field of natural law.
Andrew T. Walker is associate professor of Christian Ethics at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and an associate dean in their School of Theology. He also serves as the executive director of the Carl F. H. Henry Institute for Evangelical Engagement, as Managing Editor of WORLD opinions, and as a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.

More on Natural Law, from a former JMP fellow here.

A little bit on New Natural Law here.

An overview of John Rawls here.

Rawls' "original position," where he advocates for his famous "veil of ignorance" here.

His recent article, "True conservatism is not mere progressivism in slow motion" in WORLD Opinions here.

His recent book review, "Were problems baked into the American cake?" in WORLD Opinions here.

"The Baby and the Bathwater," an essay co-authored by Professor George mentioned during the interview here.


Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Natural law theory is known to be more emphasized among Catholics than Protestants. Why is that the case, and should it be? Do Protestants need to focus more on philosophy? Today's guest, <a href="https://www.sbts.edu/academics/faculty/andrew-t-walker/">Andrew T. Walker</a> of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, discusses why Protestants need natural law too, and specifically the work of the Madison Program’s founder and Director, Professor Robert P. George. We discuss Dr. Walker's book, <a href="https://www.crossway.org/books/social-conservatism-for-the-common-good-hcj/"><em>Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement with Robert P. George</em></a>, which features essays from a variety of Protestant scholars on Professor George and the importance of his contributions to the field of natural law.</p><p>Andrew T. Walker is associate professor of Christian Ethics at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary and an associate dean in their School of Theology. He also serves as the executive director of the Carl F. H. Henry Institute for Evangelical Engagement, as Managing Editor of WORLD opinions, and as a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center.</p><ul>
<li>More on Natural Law, from a former JMP fellow <a href="https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/2021/08/77294/">here</a>.</li>
<li>A little bit on New Natural Law <a href="https://lawandreligionforum.org/2023/07/24/new-new-natural-law/#:~:text=The%20%E2%80%9Cnew%20natural%20law%E2%80%9D%20(,thought%20for%20the%20contemporary%20period">here</a>.</li>
<li>An overview of John Rawls <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/rawls/">here</a>.</li>
<li>Rawls' "original position," where he advocates for his famous "veil of ignorance" <a href="https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/original-position/">here</a>.</li>
<li>His recent article, "True conservatism is not mere progressivism in slow motion" in WORLD Opinions <a href="https://wng.org/opinions/true-conservatism-is-not-mere-progressivism-in-slow-motion-1689679845">here</a>.</li>
<li>His recent book review, "Were problems baked into the American cake?" in WORLD Opinions <a href="https://wng.org/articles/were-problems-baked-into-the-american-cake-1687922387">here</a>.</li>
<li>"The Baby and the Bathwater," an essay co-authored by Professor George mentioned during the interview <a href="https://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/the-baby-and-the-bathwater">here</a>.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2917</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[934f04f4-4675-11ee-bb33-9356350c619f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR6605213670.mp3?updated=1724699195" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Beverly C. Tomek, "Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania" (Temple UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>In her concise history Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania (Temple UP, 2021), Beverly Tomek corrects the long-held notion that slavery in the North was “not so bad” as, or somehow “more humane” than, in the South due to the presence of abolitionists. While the Quaker presence focused on moral and practical opposition to bondage, slavery was ubiquitous. Nevertheless, Pennsylvania was the first state to pass an abolition law in the United States.
Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania traces this movement from its beginning to the years immediately following the American Civil War. Discussions of the complexities of the state’s antislavery movement illustrate how different groups of Pennsylvanians followed different paths in an effort to achieve their goal. Tomek also examines the backlash abolitionists and Black Americans faced. In addition, she considers the civil rights movement from the period of state reconstruction through the national reconstruction that occurred after the Civil War.
While the past few decades have shed light on enslavement and slavery in the South, much of the story of northern slavery remains hidden. Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania tells the full and inclusive story of this history, bringing the realities of slavery, abolition, and Pennsylvania's attempt to reconstruct its post-emancipation society.
Beverly C. Tomek is Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences at Monroe County Community College. She is the author of Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania and Pennsylvania Hall: A "Legal Lynching" in the Shadow of the Liberty Bell, as well as the coeditor of New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 27 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>396</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Beverly C. Tomek</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In her concise history Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania (Temple UP, 2021), Beverly Tomek corrects the long-held notion that slavery in the North was “not so bad” as, or somehow “more humane” than, in the South due to the presence of abolitionists. While the Quaker presence focused on moral and practical opposition to bondage, slavery was ubiquitous. Nevertheless, Pennsylvania was the first state to pass an abolition law in the United States.
Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania traces this movement from its beginning to the years immediately following the American Civil War. Discussions of the complexities of the state’s antislavery movement illustrate how different groups of Pennsylvanians followed different paths in an effort to achieve their goal. Tomek also examines the backlash abolitionists and Black Americans faced. In addition, she considers the civil rights movement from the period of state reconstruction through the national reconstruction that occurred after the Civil War.
While the past few decades have shed light on enslavement and slavery in the South, much of the story of northern slavery remains hidden. Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania tells the full and inclusive story of this history, bringing the realities of slavery, abolition, and Pennsylvania's attempt to reconstruct its post-emancipation society.
Beverly C. Tomek is Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences at Monroe County Community College. She is the author of Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania and Pennsylvania Hall: A "Legal Lynching" in the Shadow of the Liberty Bell, as well as the coeditor of New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In her concise history <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781932304350"><em>Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania</em></a><em> </em>(Temple UP, 2021), Beverly Tomek corrects the long-held notion that slavery in the North was “not so bad” as, or somehow “more humane” than, in the South due to the presence of abolitionists. While the Quaker presence focused on moral and practical opposition to bondage, slavery was ubiquitous. Nevertheless, Pennsylvania was the first state to pass an abolition law in the United States.</p><p><em>Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania</em> traces this movement from its beginning to the years immediately following the American Civil War. Discussions of the complexities of the state’s antislavery movement illustrate how different groups of Pennsylvanians followed different paths in an effort to achieve their goal. Tomek also examines the backlash abolitionists and Black Americans faced. In addition, she considers the civil rights movement from the period of state reconstruction through the national reconstruction that occurred after the Civil War.</p><p>While the past few decades have shed light on enslavement and slavery in the South, much of the story of northern slavery remains hidden. <em>Slavery and Abolition in Pennsylvania</em> tells the full and inclusive story of this history, bringing the realities of slavery, abolition, and Pennsylvania's attempt to reconstruct its post-emancipation society.</p><p><em>Beverly C. Tomek is Dean of Humanities and Social Sciences at Monroe County Community College. She is the author of Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration, and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania and Pennsylvania Hall: A "Legal Lynching" in the Shadow of the Liberty Bell, as well as the coeditor of New Directions in the Study of African American Recolonization.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5216</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR4951866202.mp3?updated=1693059458" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marisa Holmes, "Organizing Occupy Wall Street: This is Just Practice" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023)</title>
      <description>Organizing Occupy Wall Street: This is Just Practice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) is the first study of the processes and structures of the Occupy Wall Street movement, written from the perspective of a core organizer who was involved from the inception to the end. While much has been written on OWS, few books have focused on how the movement was organized. Marisa Holmes, an organizer of OWS in New York City, aims to fill this gap by deriving the theory from the practice and analyzing a broad range of original primary sources, from collective statements, structure documents, meeting minutes, and live tweets, to hundreds of hours of footage from the OWS Media Working Group archive. In doing so, she reveals how the movement was organized in practice, which experiments were most successful, and what future generations can learn.
Marisa Holmes is an organizer, filmmaker, writer, and educator based in Brooklyn, NY. She is the director of two non-fiction feature films, All Day All Week: An Occupy Wall Street Story, which captures the occupation at Zuccotti Park, and After the Revolution, a non-linear narrative of the post-2011 context in North Africa. In addition, she has authored numerous short films and articles. Her work has appeared in Truthout, Paris-Luttes, Nawaat, PBS, and Al Jazeera, and We Are Many: Reflections on Movement Strategy from Occupation to Liberation. She teaches courses on social movements and media at Rutgers University and Fordham University.
Jen Hoyer is Technical Services and Electronic Resources Librarian at CUNY New York City College of Technology. Jen edits for Partnership Journal and organizes with the TPS Collective. She is co-author of What Primary Sources Teach: Lessons for Every Classroom and The Social Movement Archive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 26 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>175</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Marisa Holmes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Organizing Occupy Wall Street: This is Just Practice (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) is the first study of the processes and structures of the Occupy Wall Street movement, written from the perspective of a core organizer who was involved from the inception to the end. While much has been written on OWS, few books have focused on how the movement was organized. Marisa Holmes, an organizer of OWS in New York City, aims to fill this gap by deriving the theory from the practice and analyzing a broad range of original primary sources, from collective statements, structure documents, meeting minutes, and live tweets, to hundreds of hours of footage from the OWS Media Working Group archive. In doing so, she reveals how the movement was organized in practice, which experiments were most successful, and what future generations can learn.
Marisa Holmes is an organizer, filmmaker, writer, and educator based in Brooklyn, NY. She is the director of two non-fiction feature films, All Day All Week: An Occupy Wall Street Story, which captures the occupation at Zuccotti Park, and After the Revolution, a non-linear narrative of the post-2011 context in North Africa. In addition, she has authored numerous short films and articles. Her work has appeared in Truthout, Paris-Luttes, Nawaat, PBS, and Al Jazeera, and We Are Many: Reflections on Movement Strategy from Occupation to Liberation. She teaches courses on social movements and media at Rutgers University and Fordham University.
Jen Hoyer is Technical Services and Electronic Resources Librarian at CUNY New York City College of Technology. Jen edits for Partnership Journal and organizes with the TPS Collective. She is co-author of What Primary Sources Teach: Lessons for Every Classroom and The Social Movement Archive.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9789811989469"><em>Organizing Occupy Wall Street: This is Just Practice</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) is the first study of the processes and structures of the Occupy Wall Street movement, written from the perspective of a core organizer who was involved from the inception to the end. While much has been written on OWS, few books have focused on how the movement was organized. Marisa Holmes, an organizer of OWS in New York City, aims to fill this gap by deriving the theory from the practice and analyzing a broad range of original primary sources, from collective statements, structure documents, meeting minutes, and live tweets, to hundreds of hours of footage from the OWS Media Working Group archive. In doing so, she reveals how the movement was organized in practice, which experiments were most successful, and what future generations can learn.</p><p>Marisa Holmes is an organizer, filmmaker, writer, and educator based in Brooklyn, NY. She is the director of two non-fiction feature films, <em>All Day All Week: An Occupy Wall Street Story</em>, which captures the occupation at Zuccotti Park, and <em>After the Revolution</em>, a non-linear narrative of the post-2011 context in North Africa. In addition, she has authored numerous short films and articles. Her work has appeared in Truthout, Paris-Luttes, Nawaat, PBS, and Al Jazeera, and <em>We Are Many: Reflections on Movement Strategy from Occupation to Liberation</em>. She teaches courses on social movements and media at Rutgers University and Fordham University.</p><p><a href="https://linktr.ee/jenhoyer"><em>Jen Hoyer</em></a><em> is Technical Services and Electronic Resources Librarian at</em><a href="http://www.citytech.cuny.edu/"><em> CUNY New York City College of Technology</em></a><em>. Jen edits for </em><a href="http://partnershipjournal.ca/"><em>Partnership Journal</em></a><em> and organizes with the </em><a href="https://tpscollective.org/"><em>TPS Collective</em></a><em>. She is co-author of</em><a href="https://www.abc-clio.com/products/a6435p/"><em> What Primary Sources Teach: Lessons for Every Classroom</em></a><em> and</em><a href="https://litwinbooks.com/books/6722/"><em> The Social Movement Archive</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2659</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f5a3c9be-4373-11ee-95d9-5b90feba1316]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3964392615.mp3?updated=1692988124" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover's Secret FBI</title>
      <description>In this 2014 episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Betty Medsger. Medsger was a Washington Post reporter in March 1971, and received a cache of stolen FBI files that detailed the elaborate surveillance activities the bureau was using against Vietnam war protesters and others whom J. Edgar Hoover deemed “subversive.“ All Medsger knew about the documents was that they had been stolen by a group of anonymous individuals who called themselves the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI. In 2014, she revisited the story in her book, The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover's Secret FBI (Vintage, 2014). In it, she tells the story of an unlikely group of academics and ordinary citizens who broke into a suburban FBI office and shed light on the way the intelligence community was spying on its own citizens.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Lecture by Betty Medsger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this 2014 episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Betty Medsger. Medsger was a Washington Post reporter in March 1971, and received a cache of stolen FBI files that detailed the elaborate surveillance activities the bureau was using against Vietnam war protesters and others whom J. Edgar Hoover deemed “subversive.“ All Medsger knew about the documents was that they had been stolen by a group of anonymous individuals who called themselves the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI. In 2014, she revisited the story in her book, The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover's Secret FBI (Vintage, 2014). In it, she tells the story of an unlikely group of academics and ordinary citizens who broke into a suburban FBI office and shed light on the way the intelligence community was spying on its own citizens.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this 2014 episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Betty Medsger. Medsger was a <em>Washington Post</em> reporter in March 1971, and received a cache of stolen FBI files that detailed the elaborate surveillance activities the bureau was using against Vietnam war protesters and others whom J. Edgar Hoover deemed “subversive.“ All Medsger knew about the documents was that they had been stolen by a group of anonymous individuals who called themselves the Citizens Commission to Investigate the FBI. In 2014, she revisited the story in her book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780804173667"><em>The Burglary: The Discovery of J. Edgar Hoover's Secret FBI</em> </a>(Vintage, 2014). In it, she tells the story of an unlikely group of academics and ordinary citizens who broke into a suburban FBI office and shed light on the way the intelligence community was spying on its own citizens.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3296</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d26ac650-41e8-11ee-8e4b-471871b550d4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR4432398170.mp3?updated=1692818317" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On the (Still Bright) Future of Nostalgia</title>
      <description>I am joined on “America and Beyond” by historian Peter Fritzsche for an appreciation of The Future of Nostalgia (Basic Books), the landmark book published by the late Svetlana Boym in 2001. I do not use the word “landmark” lightly. The Future of Nostalgia is, first, impressively prescient. Pages, as in Boym’s chapter on “Restorative Nostalgia: Conspiracies and Return to Origins,” sound eerily present day. But even more than that, Boym, who died in 2015 from cancer, at the age of 56, bequeathed a rich vocabulary for plumbing the contemporary meanings of nostalgia. Her essential distinction between restorative nostalgia, the politically-toxic desire to “rebuild the lost home,” and reflective nostalgia, the often-sentimental longing for shards of the personal past, endures. In these terms, nostalgia can be a poison—or a cure. My conversation with Peter Fritzsche, author of the 2004 book Stranded in the Present, revisits Boym’s wonderful work and meanders its way into topics like nostalgia as a frame for grasping Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement. Enjoy.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Revisiting Svetlana Boym's Book with Peter Fritzsche</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>I am joined on “America and Beyond” by historian Peter Fritzsche for an appreciation of The Future of Nostalgia (Basic Books), the landmark book published by the late Svetlana Boym in 2001. I do not use the word “landmark” lightly. The Future of Nostalgia is, first, impressively prescient. Pages, as in Boym’s chapter on “Restorative Nostalgia: Conspiracies and Return to Origins,” sound eerily present day. But even more than that, Boym, who died in 2015 from cancer, at the age of 56, bequeathed a rich vocabulary for plumbing the contemporary meanings of nostalgia. Her essential distinction between restorative nostalgia, the politically-toxic desire to “rebuild the lost home,” and reflective nostalgia, the often-sentimental longing for shards of the personal past, endures. In these terms, nostalgia can be a poison—or a cure. My conversation with Peter Fritzsche, author of the 2004 book Stranded in the Present, revisits Boym’s wonderful work and meanders its way into topics like nostalgia as a frame for grasping Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement. Enjoy.
Veteran journalist Paul Starobin is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of The Atlantic. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>I am joined on “America and Beyond” by historian Peter Fritzsche for an appreciation of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780465007080"><em>The Future of Nostalgia</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books), the landmark book published by the late Svetlana Boym in 2001. I do not use the word “landmark” lightly. <em>The Future of Nostalgia </em>is, first, impressively prescient. Pages, as in Boym’s chapter on “Restorative Nostalgia: Conspiracies and Return to Origins,” sound eerily present day. But even more than that, Boym, who died in 2015 from cancer, at the age of 56, bequeathed a rich vocabulary for plumbing the contemporary meanings of nostalgia. Her essential distinction between restorative nostalgia, the politically-toxic desire to “rebuild the lost home,” and reflective nostalgia, the often-sentimental longing for shards of the personal past, endures. In these terms, nostalgia can be a poison—or a cure. My conversation with Peter Fritzsche, author of the 2004 book <em>Stranded in the Present,</em> revisits Boym’s wonderful work and meanders its way into topics like nostalgia as a frame for grasping Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement. Enjoy.</p><p><em>Veteran journalist </em><strong><em>Paul Starobin </em></strong><em>is a former Moscow bureau chief for Business Week and a former contributing editor of </em><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/paul-starobin/"><em>The Atlantic</em></a><em>. He has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal and many other publications. His latest book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Putins-Exiles-Their-Better-Russia/dp/B0C9K6S9DP/"><em>Putin’s Exiles: Their Fight for a Better Russia</em></a><em> (Columbia Global Reports) will be published in January.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3124</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3620090841.mp3?updated=1693158298" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Cara Fitzpatrick, "The Death of Public School: How Conservatives Won the War Over Education in America" (Basic Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>America has relied on public schools for 150 years, but the system is increasingly under attack. With declining enrollment and diminished trust in public education, policies that steer tax dollars into private schools have grown rapidly. To understand how we got here, The Death of Public School: How Conservatives Won the War Over Education in America (Basic Books, 2023) argues, we must look back at the turbulent history of school choice.
Cara Fitzpatrick uncovers the long journey of school choice, a story full of fascinating people and strange political alliances. She shows how school choice evolved from a segregationist tool in the South in the 1950s, to a policy embraced by advocates for educational equity in the North, to a conservative strategy for securing government funds for private schools in the twenty-first century. As a result, education is poised to become a private commodity rather than a universal good.
The Death of Public School presents the compelling history of the fiercest battle in the history of American education--one that already has changed the future of public schooling.
Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 23 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>211</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cara Fitzpatrick</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America has relied on public schools for 150 years, but the system is increasingly under attack. With declining enrollment and diminished trust in public education, policies that steer tax dollars into private schools have grown rapidly. To understand how we got here, The Death of Public School: How Conservatives Won the War Over Education in America (Basic Books, 2023) argues, we must look back at the turbulent history of school choice.
Cara Fitzpatrick uncovers the long journey of school choice, a story full of fascinating people and strange political alliances. She shows how school choice evolved from a segregationist tool in the South in the 1950s, to a policy embraced by advocates for educational equity in the North, to a conservative strategy for securing government funds for private schools in the twenty-first century. As a result, education is poised to become a private commodity rather than a universal good.
The Death of Public School presents the compelling history of the fiercest battle in the history of American education--one that already has changed the future of public schooling.
Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America has relied on public schools for 150 years, but the system is increasingly under attack. With declining enrollment and diminished trust in public education, policies that steer tax dollars into private schools have grown rapidly. To understand how we got here, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541646773"><em>The Death of Public School: How Conservatives Won the War Over Education in America</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2023) argues, we must look back at the turbulent history of school choice.</p><p>Cara Fitzpatrick uncovers the long journey of school choice, a story full of fascinating people and strange political alliances. She shows how school choice evolved from a segregationist tool in the South in the 1950s, to a policy embraced by advocates for educational equity in the North, to a conservative strategy for securing government funds for private schools in the twenty-first century. As a result, education is poised to become a private commodity rather than a universal good.</p><p><em>The Death of Public School </em>presents the compelling history of the fiercest battle in the history of American education--one that already has changed the future of public schooling.</p><p><a href="https://www.rhodes.edu/bio/laura-kelly"><em>Laura Beth Kelly</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1983</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Guns, Violence, and the Law: How Federal Courts are Trying to Figure Out the Second Amendment</title>
      <description>Two blockbuster cases came down in June of 2022. The Dobbs decision overturned Roe v. Wade and New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen substantially expanded Second Amendment rights and limited the power of states to regulate concealed carry of firearms. Bruen affected thousands of Americans who have had their laws overturned and radically changed the method by which federal judges evaluate firearms law. Two remarkable scholars of the Second Amendment and firearms law explain how law makers, law enforcers, and federal courts have responded. They discuss differences among the conservative justices that produced this fragile holding, the growing dependence on history but disdain for historians, how the Bruen approach hurts laws involving domestic violence or controlled substances, the problem of overreading historical silences, and the ways violence may be addressed through community violence intervention, free markets, etc. – in ways SCOTUS cannot control.
Jacob Charles is an Associate Professor of Law, Pepperdine Caruso School of Law – a constitutional law scholar focusing on the Second Amendment and firearms law. Before joining the faculty Pepperdine, he served as the inaugural executive director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. He has a terrific new piece coming out in the Duke Law Journal called “The Dead Hand of a Silent Past: Bruen, Gun Rights, and the Shackles of History.” Jake combines ambitious academic scholarship in law journals with public facing work for outlets such as the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Slate, The Hill, Bloomberg Law, and other outlets. Besides being a great friend to this podcast, he has been quoted in the New York Times, CNN, and NPR.
Dru Stevenson is the Wayne Fischer Research Professor at South Texas College of Law Houston. Professor Stevenson joined the faculty in 2003 after a law career that included practicing as a Legal Aid lawyer in Connecticut and serving as an Assistant Attorney General for the State of Connecticut. His publications cover topics ranging from criminal law to civil procedure, with an emphasis on the intersection of law with economics and linguistic theory. His articles have been cited in leading academic journals and treatises, by federal and state appellate courts, and in recent briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court. Professor Stevenson’s current research focus is firearm law and policy. His “Revisiting the Original Congressional Debates About the Second Amendment” provides a missing analyses of the debates, situating each statement in Congress within the context of the speaker’s background and political stances on issues overlapping with the right to keep and bear arms.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>20</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Jacob D. Charles and Dru Stevenson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Two blockbuster cases came down in June of 2022. The Dobbs decision overturned Roe v. Wade and New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen substantially expanded Second Amendment rights and limited the power of states to regulate concealed carry of firearms. Bruen affected thousands of Americans who have had their laws overturned and radically changed the method by which federal judges evaluate firearms law. Two remarkable scholars of the Second Amendment and firearms law explain how law makers, law enforcers, and federal courts have responded. They discuss differences among the conservative justices that produced this fragile holding, the growing dependence on history but disdain for historians, how the Bruen approach hurts laws involving domestic violence or controlled substances, the problem of overreading historical silences, and the ways violence may be addressed through community violence intervention, free markets, etc. – in ways SCOTUS cannot control.
Jacob Charles is an Associate Professor of Law, Pepperdine Caruso School of Law – a constitutional law scholar focusing on the Second Amendment and firearms law. Before joining the faculty Pepperdine, he served as the inaugural executive director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. He has a terrific new piece coming out in the Duke Law Journal called “The Dead Hand of a Silent Past: Bruen, Gun Rights, and the Shackles of History.” Jake combines ambitious academic scholarship in law journals with public facing work for outlets such as the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Slate, The Hill, Bloomberg Law, and other outlets. Besides being a great friend to this podcast, he has been quoted in the New York Times, CNN, and NPR.
Dru Stevenson is the Wayne Fischer Research Professor at South Texas College of Law Houston. Professor Stevenson joined the faculty in 2003 after a law career that included practicing as a Legal Aid lawyer in Connecticut and serving as an Assistant Attorney General for the State of Connecticut. His publications cover topics ranging from criminal law to civil procedure, with an emphasis on the intersection of law with economics and linguistic theory. His articles have been cited in leading academic journals and treatises, by federal and state appellate courts, and in recent briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court. Professor Stevenson’s current research focus is firearm law and policy. His “Revisiting the Original Congressional Debates About the Second Amendment” provides a missing analyses of the debates, situating each statement in Congress within the context of the speaker’s background and political stances on issues overlapping with the right to keep and bear arms.
Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Two blockbuster cases came down in June of 2022. The <em>Dobbs </em>decision overturned <em>Roe v. Wade </em>and <em>New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen</em> substantially expanded Second Amendment rights and limited the power of states to regulate concealed carry of firearms. <em>Bruen </em>affected thousands of Americans who have had their laws overturned and radically changed the method by which federal judges evaluate firearms law. Two remarkable scholars of the Second Amendment and firearms law explain how law makers, law enforcers, and federal courts have responded. They discuss differences among the conservative justices that produced this fragile holding, the growing dependence on history but disdain for historians, how the <em>Bruen </em>approach hurts laws involving domestic violence or controlled substances, the problem of overreading historical silences, and the ways violence may be addressed through community violence intervention, free markets, etc. – in ways SCOTUS cannot control.</p><p><a href="https://law.pepperdine.edu/faculty-research/jacob-charles/">Jacob Charles</a> is an Associate Professor of Law, Pepperdine Caruso School of Law – a constitutional law scholar focusing on the Second Amendment and firearms law. Before joining the faculty Pepperdine, he served as the inaugural executive director of the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. He has a terrific new piece coming out in the Duke Law Journal called “<a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4335545">The Dead Hand of a Silent Past: Bruen, Gun Rights, and the Shackles of History</a>.” Jake combines ambitious academic scholarship in law journals with public facing work for outlets such as the <em>Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Slate, The Hill, Bloomberg Law</em>, and other outlets. Besides being a great friend to this podcast, he has been quoted in the <em>New York Times, CNN</em>, and <em>NPR</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.stcl.edu/about-us/faculty/dru-stevenson/">Dru Stevenson</a> is the Wayne Fischer Research Professor at South Texas College of Law Houston. Professor Stevenson joined the faculty in 2003 after a law career that included practicing as a Legal Aid lawyer in Connecticut and serving as an Assistant Attorney General for the State of Connecticut. His publications cover topics ranging from criminal law to civil procedure, with an emphasis on the intersection of law with economics and linguistic theory. His articles have been cited in leading academic journals and treatises, by federal and state appellate courts, and in recent briefs to the U.S. Supreme Court. Professor Stevenson’s current research focus is firearm law and policy. His <em>“</em><a href="https://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4611&amp;context=mlr"><em>Revisiting the Original Congressional Debates About the Second Amendment</em></a><em>” </em>provides a missing analyses of the debates, situating each statement in Congress within the context of the speaker’s background and political stances on issues overlapping with the right to keep and bear arms.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2981</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[17b2c57c-3e98-11ee-8305-4b65d5872e1f]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Liran Einav and Amy Finkelstein, "We've Got You Covered: Rebooting American Health Care" (Penguin, 2023)</title>
      <description>Few of us need convincing that the American health insurance system needs reform. But many of the existing proposals focus on expanding one relatively successful piece of the system or building in piecemeal additions. These proposals miss the point.
As the Stanford health economist Liran Einav and the MIT economist and MacArthur Genius Amy Finkelstein argue, our health care system was never deliberately designed, but rather pieced together to deal with issues as they became politically relevant. The result is a sprawling yet arbitrary and inadequate mess. It has left 30 million Americans without formal insurance. Many of the rest live in constant danger of losing their coverage if they lose their job, give birth, get older, get healthier, get richer, or move.
It's time to tear it all down and rebuild, sensibly and deliberately. Marshaling original research, striking insights from American history, and comparative analysis of what works and what doesn’t from systems around the world, Einav and Finkelstein argue for automatic, basic, and free universal coverage for everyone, along with the option to buy additional, supplemental coverage. Their wholly original argument and comprehensive blueprint for an American universal health insurance system will surprise and provoke.
We've Got You Covered: Rebooting American Health Care (Penguin, 2023) is an erudite yet lively and accessible prescription we cannot afford to ignore.
John Emrich has worked for decades years in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment space called Kick the Dogma.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>159</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amy Finkelstein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Few of us need convincing that the American health insurance system needs reform. But many of the existing proposals focus on expanding one relatively successful piece of the system or building in piecemeal additions. These proposals miss the point.
As the Stanford health economist Liran Einav and the MIT economist and MacArthur Genius Amy Finkelstein argue, our health care system was never deliberately designed, but rather pieced together to deal with issues as they became politically relevant. The result is a sprawling yet arbitrary and inadequate mess. It has left 30 million Americans without formal insurance. Many of the rest live in constant danger of losing their coverage if they lose their job, give birth, get older, get healthier, get richer, or move.
It's time to tear it all down and rebuild, sensibly and deliberately. Marshaling original research, striking insights from American history, and comparative analysis of what works and what doesn’t from systems around the world, Einav and Finkelstein argue for automatic, basic, and free universal coverage for everyone, along with the option to buy additional, supplemental coverage. Their wholly original argument and comprehensive blueprint for an American universal health insurance system will surprise and provoke.
We've Got You Covered: Rebooting American Health Care (Penguin, 2023) is an erudite yet lively and accessible prescription we cannot afford to ignore.
John Emrich has worked for decades years in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment space called Kick the Dogma.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Few of us need convincing that the American health insurance system needs reform. But many of the existing proposals focus on expanding one relatively successful piece of the system or building in piecemeal additions. These proposals miss the point.</p><p>As the Stanford health economist Liran Einav and the MIT economist and MacArthur Genius Amy Finkelstein argue, our health care system was never deliberately designed, but rather pieced together to deal with issues as they became politically relevant. The result is a sprawling yet arbitrary and inadequate mess. It has left 30 million Americans without formal insurance. Many of the rest live in constant danger of losing their coverage if they lose their job, give birth, get older, get healthier, get richer, or move.</p><p>It's time to tear it all down and rebuild, sensibly and deliberately. Marshaling original research, striking insights from American history, and comparative analysis of what works and what doesn’t from systems around the world, Einav and Finkelstein argue for automatic, basic, and free universal coverage for everyone, along with the option to buy additional, supplemental coverage. Their wholly original argument and comprehensive blueprint for an American universal health insurance system will surprise and provoke.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593421239"><em>We've Got You Covered: Rebooting American Health Care</em></a> (Penguin, 2023) is an erudite yet lively and accessible prescription we cannot afford to ignore.</p><p><em>John Emrich has worked for decades years in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment space called </em><a href="https://www.ktdpod.com/podcasts"><em>Kick the Dogma</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3201</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3524671175.mp3?updated=1692545832" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Morgan L. W. Hazelton et al., "The Elevator Effect: Contact and Collegiality in the American Judiciary" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Does it matter if judges are nice to each other? The Elevator Effect: Contact and Collegiality in the American Judiciary (Oxford UP, 2023)argues that how judges interact with each other has an important effect at every stage of their judicial process. Previously, scholars have explained judicial behavior in terms of the law, the ideological attitudes of the judges, external and internal constraints, and the background characteristics of the judges, such as gender, race, or prior professional experiences. The Elevator Effect builds on previous research in political science, political psychology, and linguistics to present the first comprehensive examination of the importance of interpersonal relationships among the judges for judicial decision-making and legal development. Hazelton, Hinkle, and Nelson argue that collegiality affects nearly every aspect of judicial behavior. More frequent interpersonal contact among judges diminishes the role of ideology to the point where it is both “substantively and statistically imperceptible.” The book also shows that collegiality affects both the language judges use when they disagree with each other and the precedents that they choose to support their arguments. The podcast covers the rich findings of the book – and also provides some interesting insights for graduate students who are thinking about collaborative research

Dr. Morgan L.W. Hazelton, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.

Dr. Rachael K. Hinkle, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.


Dr. Michael J. Nelson, PhD, is a professor of Political Science at Penn State University. Michael Nelson is Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform.


Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Morgan L. W. Hazelton, Rachael K. Hinkle, and  Michael J. Nelson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Does it matter if judges are nice to each other? The Elevator Effect: Contact and Collegiality in the American Judiciary (Oxford UP, 2023)argues that how judges interact with each other has an important effect at every stage of their judicial process. Previously, scholars have explained judicial behavior in terms of the law, the ideological attitudes of the judges, external and internal constraints, and the background characteristics of the judges, such as gender, race, or prior professional experiences. The Elevator Effect builds on previous research in political science, political psychology, and linguistics to present the first comprehensive examination of the importance of interpersonal relationships among the judges for judicial decision-making and legal development. Hazelton, Hinkle, and Nelson argue that collegiality affects nearly every aspect of judicial behavior. More frequent interpersonal contact among judges diminishes the role of ideology to the point where it is both “substantively and statistically imperceptible.” The book also shows that collegiality affects both the language judges use when they disagree with each other and the precedents that they choose to support their arguments. The podcast covers the rich findings of the book – and also provides some interesting insights for graduate students who are thinking about collaborative research

Dr. Morgan L.W. Hazelton, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.

Dr. Rachael K. Hinkle, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.


Dr. Michael J. Nelson, PhD, is a professor of Political Science at Penn State University. Michael Nelson is Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform.


Susan Liebell is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Does it matter if judges are nice to each other? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197625408"><em>The Elevator Effect: Contact and Collegiality in the American Judiciary</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023)argues that <em>how</em> judges interact with each other has an important effect at every stage of their judicial process. Previously, scholars have explained judicial behavior in terms of the law, the ideological attitudes of the judges, external and internal constraints, and the background characteristics of the judges, such as gender, race, or prior professional experiences. The <em>Elevator Effect</em> builds on previous research in political science, political psychology, and linguistics to present the first comprehensive examination of the importance of interpersonal relationships among the judges for judicial decision-making and legal development. Hazelton, Hinkle, and Nelson argue that collegiality affects nearly every aspect of judicial behavior. More frequent interpersonal contact among judges diminishes the role of ideology to the point where it is both “substantively and statistically imperceptible.” The book also shows that collegiality affects both the language judges use when they disagree with each other and the precedents that they choose to support their arguments. The podcast covers the rich findings of the book – and also provides some interesting insights for graduate students who are thinking about collaborative research</p><ul>
<li>Dr. <a href="https://www.morganhazelton.org/">Morgan L.W. Hazelton</a>, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.</li>
<li>Dr. <a href="https://www.rachaelkhinkle.com/">Rachael K. Hinkle</a>, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.</li>
<li>
<a href="http://mjnelson.org/">Dr. Michael J. Nelson</a>, PhD, is a professor of Political Science at Penn State University. Michael Nelson is Professor of Political Science at Penn State University. He studies judicial politics, especially public attitudes toward law and courts, judicial behavior, and the politics of court reform.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3425</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jean M. Twenge, "Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and What They Mean for America's Future" (Atria, 2023)</title>
      <description>The United States is currently home to six generations of people:

-the Silents, born 1925-1945

-Baby Boomers, born 1946-1964

-Gen X, born 1965-1979

-Millennials, born 1980-1994

-Gen Z, born 1995-2012

-and the still-to-be-named cohorts born after 2012.


They have had vastly different life experiences and thus, one assumes, they must have vastly diverging beliefs and behaviors. But what are those differences, what causes them, and how deep do they actually run?
Professor of psychology and "reigning expert on generational change" (Lisa Wade, PhD, author of American Hookup), Jean Twenge does a deep dive into a treasure trove of long-running, government-funded surveys and databases to answer these questions. Are we truly defined by major historical events, such as the Great Depression for the Silents and September 11 for Millennials? Or, as Twenge argues, is it the rapid evolution of technology that differentiates the generations?
With her clear-eyed and insightful voice, Twenge explores what the Silents and Boomers want out of the rest of their lives; how Gen X-ers are facing middle age; the ideals of Millennials as parents and in the workplace; and how Gen Z has been changed by COVID, among other fascinating topics.
Surprising, engaging, and informative, Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and What They Mean for America's Future (Atria, 2023) will forever change the way you view your parents, peers, coworkers, and children, no matter which generation you call your own.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>304</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jean M. Twenge</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States is currently home to six generations of people:

-the Silents, born 1925-1945

-Baby Boomers, born 1946-1964

-Gen X, born 1965-1979

-Millennials, born 1980-1994

-Gen Z, born 1995-2012

-and the still-to-be-named cohorts born after 2012.


They have had vastly different life experiences and thus, one assumes, they must have vastly diverging beliefs and behaviors. But what are those differences, what causes them, and how deep do they actually run?
Professor of psychology and "reigning expert on generational change" (Lisa Wade, PhD, author of American Hookup), Jean Twenge does a deep dive into a treasure trove of long-running, government-funded surveys and databases to answer these questions. Are we truly defined by major historical events, such as the Great Depression for the Silents and September 11 for Millennials? Or, as Twenge argues, is it the rapid evolution of technology that differentiates the generations?
With her clear-eyed and insightful voice, Twenge explores what the Silents and Boomers want out of the rest of their lives; how Gen X-ers are facing middle age; the ideals of Millennials as parents and in the workplace; and how Gen Z has been changed by COVID, among other fascinating topics.
Surprising, engaging, and informative, Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and What They Mean for America's Future (Atria, 2023) will forever change the way you view your parents, peers, coworkers, and children, no matter which generation you call your own.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States is currently home to six generations of people:</p><ul>
<li>-the Silents, born 1925-1945</li>
<li>-Baby Boomers, born 1946-1964</li>
<li>-Gen X, born 1965-1979</li>
<li>-Millennials, born 1980-1994</li>
<li>-Gen Z, born 1995-2012</li>
<li>-and the still-to-be-named cohorts born after 2012.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>They have had vastly different life experiences and thus, one assumes, they must have vastly diverging beliefs and behaviors. But what are those differences, what causes them, and how deep do they actually run?</p><p>Professor of psychology and "reigning expert on generational change" (Lisa Wade, PhD, author of <em>American Hookup</em>), Jean Twenge does a deep dive into a treasure trove of long-running, government-funded surveys and databases to answer these questions. Are we truly defined by major historical events, such as the Great Depression for the Silents and September 11 for Millennials? Or, as Twenge argues, is it the rapid evolution of technology that differentiates the generations?</p><p>With her clear-eyed and insightful voice, Twenge explores what the Silents and Boomers want out of the rest of their lives; how Gen X-ers are facing middle age; the ideals of Millennials as parents and in the workplace; and how Gen Z has been changed by COVID, among other fascinating topics.</p><p>Surprising, engaging, and informative, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982181611"><em>Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—and What They Mean for America's Future</em></a><em> </em>(Atria, 2023) will forever change the way you view your parents, peers, coworkers, and children, no matter which generation you call your own.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3585</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ab85c048-3e06-11ee-966b-63be121aaa98]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Moore, "Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness: Britain and the American Dream (1740–1776)" ( FSG, 2023)</title>
      <description>The most famous phrase in American history once looked quite different. "The preservation of life, &amp; liberty, &amp; the pursuit of happiness" was how Thomas Jefferson put it in the first draft of the Declaration, before the first ampersand was scratched out, along with "the preservation of." In a statement as pithy--and contested--as this, a small deletion matters. And indeed, that final, iconizing revision was the last in a long chain of revisions stretching across the Atlantic and back. The precise contours of these three rights have never been pinned down--and yet in making these words into rights, Jefferson reified the hopes (and debates) not only of a group of rebel-statesmen but also of an earlier generation of British thinkers who could barely imagine a country like the United States of America.
Peter Moore's Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness: Britain and the American Dream (1740–1776) (FSG, 2023) tells the true story of what may be the most successful import in US history: the "American dream." Centered on the friendship between Benjamin Franklin and the British publisher William Strahan, and featuring figures including the cultural giant Samuel Johnson, the ground-breaking historian Catharine Macaulay, the firebrand politician John Wilkes, and revolutionary activist Thomas Paine, this book looks at the generation that preceded the Declaration in 1776. Everyone, it seemed, had "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" on their minds; Moore shows why, and reveals how these still-nascent ideals made their way across an ocean and started a revolution.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1346</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter Moore</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The most famous phrase in American history once looked quite different. "The preservation of life, &amp; liberty, &amp; the pursuit of happiness" was how Thomas Jefferson put it in the first draft of the Declaration, before the first ampersand was scratched out, along with "the preservation of." In a statement as pithy--and contested--as this, a small deletion matters. And indeed, that final, iconizing revision was the last in a long chain of revisions stretching across the Atlantic and back. The precise contours of these three rights have never been pinned down--and yet in making these words into rights, Jefferson reified the hopes (and debates) not only of a group of rebel-statesmen but also of an earlier generation of British thinkers who could barely imagine a country like the United States of America.
Peter Moore's Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness: Britain and the American Dream (1740–1776) (FSG, 2023) tells the true story of what may be the most successful import in US history: the "American dream." Centered on the friendship between Benjamin Franklin and the British publisher William Strahan, and featuring figures including the cultural giant Samuel Johnson, the ground-breaking historian Catharine Macaulay, the firebrand politician John Wilkes, and revolutionary activist Thomas Paine, this book looks at the generation that preceded the Declaration in 1776. Everyone, it seemed, had "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" on their minds; Moore shows why, and reveals how these still-nascent ideals made their way across an ocean and started a revolution.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The most famous phrase in American history once looked quite different. "The preservation of life, &amp; liberty, &amp; the pursuit of happiness" was how Thomas Jefferson put it in the first draft of the Declaration, before the first ampersand was scratched out, along with "the preservation of." In a statement as pithy--and contested--as this, a small deletion matters. And indeed, that final, iconizing revision was the last in a long chain of revisions stretching across the Atlantic and back. The precise contours of these three rights have never been pinned down--and yet in making these words into rights, Jefferson reified the hopes (and debates) not only of a group of rebel-statesmen but also of an earlier generation of British thinkers who could barely imagine a country like the United States of America.</p><p>Peter Moore's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374600594"><em>Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness: Britain and the American Dream (1740–1776)</em></a> (FSG, 2023) tells the true story of what may be the most successful <em>import </em>in US history: the "American dream." Centered on the friendship between Benjamin Franklin and the British publisher William Strahan, and featuring figures including the cultural giant Samuel Johnson, the ground-breaking historian Catharine Macaulay, the firebrand politician John Wilkes, and revolutionary activist Thomas Paine, this book looks at the generation that preceded the Declaration in 1776. Everyone, it seemed, had "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" on their minds; Moore shows why, and reveals how these still-nascent ideals made their way across an ocean and started a revolution.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4226</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Becoming Justice Thomas</title>
      <description>On today’s podcast, we are changing things up a bit. Instead of interviewing the author of a recent book, I am interviewing another podcaster about their recent narrative podcast season. So, today, I’m interviewing Joel Anderson, staff writer at Slate, co-host of Hang Up and Listen, and the host of Seasons 3, 6, and, most recently, 8 of Slow Burn. On this episode, I chop it up with Joel about Season 8 of Slow Burn, titled, Becoming Justice Thomas. 
﻿Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 20 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>393</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Joel Anderson of Slate, Hang Up and Listen, and Slow Burn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On today’s podcast, we are changing things up a bit. Instead of interviewing the author of a recent book, I am interviewing another podcaster about their recent narrative podcast season. So, today, I’m interviewing Joel Anderson, staff writer at Slate, co-host of Hang Up and Listen, and the host of Seasons 3, 6, and, most recently, 8 of Slow Burn. On this episode, I chop it up with Joel about Season 8 of Slow Burn, titled, Becoming Justice Thomas. 
﻿Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On today’s podcast, we are changing things up a bit. Instead of interviewing the author of a recent book, I am interviewing another podcaster about their recent narrative podcast season. So, today, I’m interviewing <a href="https://slate.com/author/joel-anderson">Joel Anderson</a>, staff writer at Slate, co-host of <a href="https://slate.com/podcasts/hang-up-and-listen">Hang Up and Listen</a>, and the host of Seasons 3, 6, and, most recently, 8 of Slow Burn. On this episode, I chop it up with Joel about Season 8 of Slow Burn, titled, <a href="https://slate.com/podcasts/slow-burn/s8/becoming-justice-thomas">Becoming Justice Thomas</a>. </p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://history.rutgers.edu/people/graduate-students/grad-student/1155-mcneil-adam"><em>Adam McNeil</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3250</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[11d6541c-3e9c-11ee-b76c-173b78060432]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2559997112.mp3?updated=1692456610" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Samuel Moyn, "Liberalism Against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>By the middle of the twentieth century, many liberals looked glumly at the world modernity had brought about, with its devastating wars, rising totalitarianism, and permanent nuclear terror. They concluded that, far from offering a solution to these problems, the ideals of the Enlightenment, including emancipation and equality, had instead created them. The historian of political thought Samuel Moyn argues that the liberal intellectuals of the Cold War era--among them Isaiah Berlin, Gertrude Himmelfarb, Karl Popper, Hannah Arendt, Judith Shklar, and Lionel Trilling--transformed liberalism but left a disastrous legacy for our time.
In Liberalism Against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times (Yale University Press, 2023), Moyn outlines how Cold War liberals redefined the ideals of their movement and renounced the moral core of the Enlightenment for a more dangerous philosophy: preserving individual liberty at all costs. In denouncing this stance, as well as the recent nostalgia for Cold War liberalism as a means to counter illiberal values, Moyn presents a timely call for a new emancipatory and egalitarian liberal philosophy--a path to undoing the damage of the Cold War and to ensuring the survival of liberalism.
Samuel Moyn is Chancellor Kent Professor of Law and History at Yale University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 19 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>192</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel Moyn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>By the middle of the twentieth century, many liberals looked glumly at the world modernity had brought about, with its devastating wars, rising totalitarianism, and permanent nuclear terror. They concluded that, far from offering a solution to these problems, the ideals of the Enlightenment, including emancipation and equality, had instead created them. The historian of political thought Samuel Moyn argues that the liberal intellectuals of the Cold War era--among them Isaiah Berlin, Gertrude Himmelfarb, Karl Popper, Hannah Arendt, Judith Shklar, and Lionel Trilling--transformed liberalism but left a disastrous legacy for our time.
In Liberalism Against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times (Yale University Press, 2023), Moyn outlines how Cold War liberals redefined the ideals of their movement and renounced the moral core of the Enlightenment for a more dangerous philosophy: preserving individual liberty at all costs. In denouncing this stance, as well as the recent nostalgia for Cold War liberalism as a means to counter illiberal values, Moyn presents a timely call for a new emancipatory and egalitarian liberal philosophy--a path to undoing the damage of the Cold War and to ensuring the survival of liberalism.
Samuel Moyn is Chancellor Kent Professor of Law and History at Yale University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>By the middle of the twentieth century, many liberals looked glumly at the world modernity had brought about, with its devastating wars, rising totalitarianism, and permanent nuclear terror. They concluded that, far from offering a solution to these problems, the ideals of the Enlightenment, including emancipation and equality, had instead created them. The historian of political thought Samuel Moyn argues that the liberal intellectuals of the Cold War era--among them Isaiah Berlin, Gertrude Himmelfarb, Karl Popper, Hannah Arendt, Judith Shklar, and Lionel Trilling--transformed liberalism but left a disastrous legacy for our time.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300266214"><em>Liberalism Against Itself: Cold War Intellectuals and the Making of Our Times</em></a><em> </em>(Yale University Press, 2023), Moyn outlines how Cold War liberals redefined the ideals of their movement and renounced the moral core of the Enlightenment for a more dangerous philosophy: preserving individual liberty at all costs. In denouncing this stance, as well as the recent nostalgia for Cold War liberalism as a means to counter illiberal values, Moyn presents a timely call for a new emancipatory and egalitarian liberal philosophy--a path to undoing the damage of the Cold War and to ensuring the survival of liberalism.</p><p>Samuel Moyn is Chancellor Kent Professor of Law and History at Yale University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2995</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of Traditionalism: A Discussion with Mark J. Sedgwick</title>
      <description>Twenty years ago, it seemed Traditionalism was an esoteric and irrelevant set of beliefs. Since then, powerful people sympathetic to its ideas have overturned that perception. In the US, Russia, and Brazil powerful presidential advisers have drawn on traditionalism to disastrous effect – the Trump presidency and the war in Ukraine both owe something to traditionalism. Mark Sedgwick has written Traditionalism: The Radical Project for Restoring Sacred Order (Oxford UP, 2023) and he has been thinking where Traditionalism – or post Traditionalism - goes now. Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 18 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Twenty years ago, it seemed Traditionalism was an esoteric and irrelevant set of beliefs. Since then, powerful people sympathetic to its ideas have overturned that perception. In the US, Russia, and Brazil powerful presidential advisers have drawn on traditionalism to disastrous effect – the Trump presidency and the war in Ukraine both owe something to traditionalism. Mark Sedgwick has written Traditionalism: The Radical Project for Restoring Sacred Order (Oxford UP, 2023) and he has been thinking where Traditionalism – or post Traditionalism - goes now. Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Twenty years ago, it seemed Traditionalism was an esoteric and irrelevant set of beliefs. Since then, powerful people sympathetic to its ideas have overturned that perception. In the US, Russia, and Brazil powerful presidential advisers have drawn on traditionalism to disastrous effect – the Trump presidency and the war in Ukraine both owe something to traditionalism. Mark Sedgwick has written <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197683767"><em>Traditionalism: The Radical Project for Restoring Sacred Order</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023) and he has been thinking where Traditionalism – or post Traditionalism - goes now. Listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2785</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bobby J. Smith II, "Food Power Politics: The Food Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Bobby J. Smith II's book Food Power Politics: The Food Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement (UNC Press, 2023 )unearths a food story buried deep within the soil of American civil rights history. Drawing on archival research, interviews, and oral histories, Smith re-examines the Mississippi civil rights movement as a period when activists expanded the meaning of civil rights to address food as integral to sociopolitical and economic conditions. For decades, white economic and political actors used food as a weapon against Black sharecropping communities in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, but members of these communities collaborated with activists to transform food into a tool of resistance. Today, Black youth are building a food justice movement in the Delta to continue this story, grappling with inequalities that continue to shape their lives. 
Drawing on multiple disciplines including critical food studies, Black studies, history, sociology, and southern studies, Smith makes critical connections between civil rights activism and present-day food justice activism in Black communities, revealing how power struggles over food empower them to envision Black food futures in which communities have the full autonomy and capacity to imagine, design, create, and sustain a self-sufficient local food system.
﻿Kelly Spivey is a writer and documentarian.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>127</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bobby J. Smith II</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bobby J. Smith II's book Food Power Politics: The Food Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement (UNC Press, 2023 )unearths a food story buried deep within the soil of American civil rights history. Drawing on archival research, interviews, and oral histories, Smith re-examines the Mississippi civil rights movement as a period when activists expanded the meaning of civil rights to address food as integral to sociopolitical and economic conditions. For decades, white economic and political actors used food as a weapon against Black sharecropping communities in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, but members of these communities collaborated with activists to transform food into a tool of resistance. Today, Black youth are building a food justice movement in the Delta to continue this story, grappling with inequalities that continue to shape their lives. 
Drawing on multiple disciplines including critical food studies, Black studies, history, sociology, and southern studies, Smith makes critical connections between civil rights activism and present-day food justice activism in Black communities, revealing how power struggles over food empower them to envision Black food futures in which communities have the full autonomy and capacity to imagine, design, create, and sustain a self-sufficient local food system.
﻿Kelly Spivey is a writer and documentarian.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bobby J. Smith II's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469675077"><em>Food Power Politics: The Food Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement</em></a> (UNC Press, 2023 )unearths a food story buried deep within the soil of American civil rights history. Drawing on archival research, interviews, and oral histories, Smith re-examines the Mississippi civil rights movement as a period when activists expanded the meaning of civil rights to address food as integral to sociopolitical and economic conditions. For decades, white economic and political actors used food as a weapon against Black sharecropping communities in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, but members of these communities collaborated with activists to transform food into a tool of resistance. Today, Black youth are building a food justice movement in the Delta to continue this story, grappling with inequalities that continue to shape their lives. </p><p>Drawing on multiple disciplines including critical food studies, Black studies, history, sociology, and southern studies, Smith makes critical connections between civil rights activism and present-day food justice activism in Black communities, revealing how power struggles over food empower them to envision Black food futures in which communities have the full autonomy and capacity to imagine, design, create, and sustain a self-sufficient local food system.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://kellyespivey.com/"><em>Kelly Spivey</em></a><em> is a writer and documentarian.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4707</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3006df92-3ba4-11ee-a2ca-d776cb27a243]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin Y. Fong, "Quick Fixes: Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge" (Verso, 2023)</title>
      <description>Benjamin Y. Fong is author of the new book Quick Fixes: Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge, which was just released in July, 2023 by Verso Books. Ben is an honors faculty fellow and associate director of the Center for Work &amp; Democracy at Arizona State University, and his work has appeared in Jacobin, Catalyst, and the New York Times. Previously, Ben’s work focused on the (usually negative) effects of neoliberal capitalism, writing about NGOs, labor leaders, and health care. Quick Fixes expands this examination into the world of drugs, examining nine different kinds of intoxicants, and five “orienting claims” that place their use within in larger capitalist histories.
A bit about the book...
Americans are in the midst of a world-historic drug binge. Opiates, amphetamines, benzodiazepines, marijuana, antidepressants, antipsychotics--across the board, consumption has shot up in the 21st century. At the same time, the United States is home to the largest prison system in the world, justified in part by a now zombified "war" on drugs. How did we get here?
Quick Fixes is a look at American society through the lens of its pharmacological crutches. Though particularly acute in recent decades, the contradiction between America's passionate love and intense hatred for drugs has been one of its defining characteristics for over a century.
Through nine chapters, each devoted to the modern history of a drug or class of drugs, Fong examines Americans' fraught relationship with psychoactive substances. As society changes it produces different forms of stress, isolation, and alienation. These changes, in turn, shape the sorts of drugs society chooses.
By laying out the histories, functions, and experiences of our chemical comforts, the hope is to help answer that ever perplexing question: what does it mean to be an American?
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>56</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin Y. Fong</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Benjamin Y. Fong is author of the new book Quick Fixes: Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge, which was just released in July, 2023 by Verso Books. Ben is an honors faculty fellow and associate director of the Center for Work &amp; Democracy at Arizona State University, and his work has appeared in Jacobin, Catalyst, and the New York Times. Previously, Ben’s work focused on the (usually negative) effects of neoliberal capitalism, writing about NGOs, labor leaders, and health care. Quick Fixes expands this examination into the world of drugs, examining nine different kinds of intoxicants, and five “orienting claims” that place their use within in larger capitalist histories.
A bit about the book...
Americans are in the midst of a world-historic drug binge. Opiates, amphetamines, benzodiazepines, marijuana, antidepressants, antipsychotics--across the board, consumption has shot up in the 21st century. At the same time, the United States is home to the largest prison system in the world, justified in part by a now zombified "war" on drugs. How did we get here?
Quick Fixes is a look at American society through the lens of its pharmacological crutches. Though particularly acute in recent decades, the contradiction between America's passionate love and intense hatred for drugs has been one of its defining characteristics for over a century.
Through nine chapters, each devoted to the modern history of a drug or class of drugs, Fong examines Americans' fraught relationship with psychoactive substances. As society changes it produces different forms of stress, isolation, and alienation. These changes, in turn, shape the sorts of drugs society chooses.
By laying out the histories, functions, and experiences of our chemical comforts, the hope is to help answer that ever perplexing question: what does it mean to be an American?
Emily Dufton is the author of Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Benjamin Y. Fong is author of the new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781804290170"><em>Quick Fixes: Drugs in America from Prohibition to the 21st Century Binge</em></a>, which was just released in July, 2023 by Verso Books. Ben is an honors faculty fellow and associate director of the Center for Work &amp; Democracy at Arizona State University, and his work has appeared in <em>Jacobin, Catalyst, </em>and the<em> New York Times</em>. Previously, Ben’s work focused on the (usually negative) effects of neoliberal capitalism, writing about <a href="https://catalyst-journal.com/2021/05/ngoism-the-politics-of-the-third-sector">NGOs</a>, <a href="https://jacobin.com/2023/03/john-brophy-cio-john-lewis-labor-leader-history-socialism">labor leaders</a>, and <a href="https://jacobin.com/2020/04/economic-recovery-coronavirus-crisis-health-care">health care</a>. <em>Quick Fixes</em> expands this examination into the world of drugs, examining nine different kinds of intoxicants, and five “orienting claims” that place their use within in larger capitalist histories.</p><p>A bit about the book...</p><p>Americans are in the midst of a world-historic drug binge. Opiates, amphetamines, benzodiazepines, marijuana, antidepressants, antipsychotics--across the board, consumption has shot up in the 21st century. At the same time, the United States is home to the largest prison system in the world, justified in part by a now zombified "war" on drugs. How did we get here?</p><p><em>Quick Fixes </em>is a look at American society through the lens of its pharmacological crutches. Though particularly acute in recent decades, the contradiction between America's passionate love and intense hatred for drugs has been one of its defining characteristics for over a century.</p><p>Through nine chapters, each devoted to the modern history of a drug or class of drugs, Fong examines Americans' fraught relationship with psychoactive substances. As society changes it produces different forms of stress, isolation, and alienation. These changes, in turn, shape the sorts of drugs society chooses.</p><p>By laying out the histories, functions, and experiences of our chemical comforts, the hope is to help answer that ever perplexing question: what does it mean to be an American?</p><p><a href="http://www.emilydufton.com/"><em>Emily Dufton</em></a><em> is the author of </em><a href="https://www.basicbooks.com/titles/emily-dufton/grass-roots/9780465096169/"><em>Grass Roots: The Rise and Fall and Rise of Marijuana in America</em></a><em> (Basic Books, 2017). A drug historian and writer, her second book, on the development of the opioid addiction medication industry, is under contract with the University of Chicago Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2708</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Take Back the Center: Progressive Taxation for a New Progressive Agenda</title>
      <description>Midcentury America was governed from the center, a bipartisan consensus of politicians and public opinion that supported government spending on education, the construction of a vast network of interstate highways, healthcare for senior citizens, and environmental protection. These projects were paid for by a steeply progressive tax code, with a top tax rate at one point during the Republican Eisenhower administration of 91 percent. Today, a similar agenda of government action (and progressive taxation) would be portrayed as dangerously left wing. At the same time, radically anti-government and anti-tax opinions (with no evidence to support them) are considered part of the mainstream. In Take Back the Center, Peter Wenz makes the case for a sane, reality-based politics that reclaims the center for progressive policies. The key, he argues, is taxing the wealthy at higher rates. The tax rate for the wealthiest Americans has declined from the mid-twentieth-century high of 91 percent to a twenty-first-century low of 36 percent—even as social programs are gutted and the gap between rich and poor widens dramatically.
Ever since Ronald Reagan famously declared that government was the problem and not the solution, conservatives have had an all-purpose answer to any question: smaller government and lower taxes. Wenz offers an impassioned counterargument. He explains the justice of raising the top tax rates significantly, making a case for less income inequality (and countering society's worship of the wealthy), and he offers suggestions for how to spend the increased tax revenues: K-12 education, tuition relief, transportation and energy infrastructure, and universal health care. Armed with Wenz's evidence-driven arguments, progressives can position themselves where they belong: in the mainstream of American politics and at the center of American political conversations, helping their country address a precipitous decline in equality and quality of life.
Peter S. Wenz is Emeritus Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois at Springfield and University Scholar at the University of Illinois. He is the author of Beyond Red and Blue: How Twelve Political Philosophies Shape American Debates (MIT Press) and other books.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>138</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter S. Wenz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Midcentury America was governed from the center, a bipartisan consensus of politicians and public opinion that supported government spending on education, the construction of a vast network of interstate highways, healthcare for senior citizens, and environmental protection. These projects were paid for by a steeply progressive tax code, with a top tax rate at one point during the Republican Eisenhower administration of 91 percent. Today, a similar agenda of government action (and progressive taxation) would be portrayed as dangerously left wing. At the same time, radically anti-government and anti-tax opinions (with no evidence to support them) are considered part of the mainstream. In Take Back the Center, Peter Wenz makes the case for a sane, reality-based politics that reclaims the center for progressive policies. The key, he argues, is taxing the wealthy at higher rates. The tax rate for the wealthiest Americans has declined from the mid-twentieth-century high of 91 percent to a twenty-first-century low of 36 percent—even as social programs are gutted and the gap between rich and poor widens dramatically.
Ever since Ronald Reagan famously declared that government was the problem and not the solution, conservatives have had an all-purpose answer to any question: smaller government and lower taxes. Wenz offers an impassioned counterargument. He explains the justice of raising the top tax rates significantly, making a case for less income inequality (and countering society's worship of the wealthy), and he offers suggestions for how to spend the increased tax revenues: K-12 education, tuition relief, transportation and energy infrastructure, and universal health care. Armed with Wenz's evidence-driven arguments, progressives can position themselves where they belong: in the mainstream of American politics and at the center of American political conversations, helping their country address a precipitous decline in equality and quality of life.
Peter S. Wenz is Emeritus Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois at Springfield and University Scholar at the University of Illinois. He is the author of Beyond Red and Blue: How Twelve Political Philosophies Shape American Debates (MIT Press) and other books.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Midcentury America was governed from the center, a bipartisan consensus of politicians and public opinion that supported government spending on education, the construction of a vast network of interstate highways, healthcare for senior citizens, and environmental protection. These projects were paid for by a steeply progressive tax code, with a top tax rate at one point during the Republican Eisenhower administration of 91 percent. Today, a similar agenda of government action (and progressive taxation) would be portrayed as dangerously left wing. At the same time, radically anti-government and anti-tax opinions (with no evidence to support them) are considered part of the mainstream. In <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262017886/take-back-the-center/">Take Back the Center</a>, Peter Wenz makes the case for a sane, reality-based politics that reclaims the center for progressive policies. The key, he argues, is taxing the wealthy at higher rates. The tax rate for the wealthiest Americans has declined from the mid-twentieth-century high of 91 percent to a twenty-first-century low of 36 percent—even as social programs are gutted and the gap between rich and poor widens dramatically.</p><p>Ever since Ronald Reagan famously declared that government was the problem and not the solution, conservatives have had an all-purpose answer to any question: smaller government and lower taxes. Wenz offers an impassioned counterargument. He explains the justice of raising the top tax rates significantly, making a case for less income inequality (and countering society's worship of the wealthy), and he offers suggestions for how to spend the increased tax revenues: K-12 education, tuition relief, transportation and energy infrastructure, and universal health care. Armed with Wenz's evidence-driven arguments, progressives can position themselves where they belong: in the mainstream of American politics and at the center of American political conversations, helping their country address a precipitous decline in equality and quality of life.</p><p>Peter S. Wenz is Emeritus Professor of Philosophy at the University of Illinois at Springfield and University Scholar at the University of Illinois. He is the author of Beyond Red and Blue: How Twelve Political Philosophies Shape American Debates (MIT Press) and other books.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1103</itunes:duration>
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      <title>How Uber Disrupted Washington, D.C.: A Conversation with Katie Wells and Kafui Attoh</title>
      <description>Katie Wells, a Postdoctoral Fritz Fellow with Georgetown University's Tech and Society Initiative, and Kafui Attoh, Associate Professor of Urban Studies in the CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies, talk about their new book, Disrupting D.C.: The Rise of Uber and the Fall of a City (co-authored with Declan Cullen) (Princeton UP, 2023), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. Disrupting D.C. examines how various actors took on a "let Uber deal with it" mindset about social problems, not so much because they had great faith in Uber but because they have profound distrust in city government.
﻿Lee Vinsel is an associate professor in the Department of Science, Technology and Society at Virginia Tech. He studies human life with technology, with particular focus on the relationship between government, business, and technological change. His first book, Moving Violations: Automobiles, Experts, and Regulations in the United States, was published by Johns Hopkins University Press in July 2019.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>56</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Katie Wells, a Postdoctoral Fritz Fellow with Georgetown University's Tech and Society Initiative, and Kafui Attoh, Associate Professor of Urban Studies in the CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies, talk about their new book, Disrupting D.C.: The Rise of Uber and the Fall of a City (co-authored with Declan Cullen) (Princeton UP, 2023), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. Disrupting D.C. examines how various actors took on a "let Uber deal with it" mindset about social problems, not so much because they had great faith in Uber but because they have profound distrust in city government.
﻿Lee Vinsel is an associate professor in the Department of Science, Technology and Society at Virginia Tech. He studies human life with technology, with particular focus on the relationship between government, business, and technological change. His first book, Moving Violations: Automobiles, Experts, and Regulations in the United States, was published by Johns Hopkins University Press in July 2019.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Katie Wells, a Postdoctoral Fritz Fellow with Georgetown University's Tech and Society Initiative, and Kafui Attoh, Associate Professor of Urban Studies in the CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies, talk about their new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691249759"><em>Disrupting D.C.: The Rise of Uber and the Fall of a City</em></a> (co-authored with Declan Cullen) (Princeton UP, 2023), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. <em>Disrupting D.C.</em> examines how various actors took on a "let Uber deal with it" mindset about social problems, not so much because they had great faith in Uber but because they have profound distrust in city government.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://liberalarts.vt.edu/departments-and-schools/department-of-science-technology-and-society/faculty/lee-vinsel.html"><em>Lee Vinsel</em></a><em> is an associate professor in the Department of Science, Technology and Society at Virginia Tech. He studies human life with technology, with particular focus on the relationship between government, business, and technological change. His first book, </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421429656"><em>Moving Violations: Automobiles, Experts, and Regulations in the United States</em></a><em>, was published by Johns Hopkins University Press in July 2019.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4804</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Nicholas Tochka, "Rocking in the Free World: Popular Music and the Politics of Freedom in Postwar America" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Progressive and libertarian, anti-Communist and revolutionary, Democratic and Republican, quintessentially American but simultaneously universal. By the late 1980s, rock music had acquired a dizzying array of political labels. These claims about its political significance shared one common thread: that the music could set you free.
Rocking in the Free World: Popular Music and the Politics of Freedom in Postwar America (Oxford UP, 2023) explains how Americans came to believe they had learned the truth about rock 'n' roll, a truth shaped by the Cold War anxieties of the Fifties, the countercultural revolutions (and counter-revolutions) of the Sixties and Seventies, and the end-of-history triumphalism of the Eighties. How did rock 'n' roll become enmeshed with so many different competing ideas about freedom? And what does that story reveal about the promise-and the limits-of rock music as a political force in postwar America?
Nicholas Tochka writes about the politics of postwar music-making in Eastern Europe and the Americas. In 2016, Oxford University Press published his first book, Audible States: Socialist Politics and Popular Music in Socialist Albania. He is currently completing one project on citizenship in postsocialist Europe, and another about the invention of the Sixties in the United States. He works at the Conservatorium of Music, the University of Melbourne in Australia, and plays both bass and guitar.
Nicholas on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Aug 2023 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nicholas Tochka</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Progressive and libertarian, anti-Communist and revolutionary, Democratic and Republican, quintessentially American but simultaneously universal. By the late 1980s, rock music had acquired a dizzying array of political labels. These claims about its political significance shared one common thread: that the music could set you free.
Rocking in the Free World: Popular Music and the Politics of Freedom in Postwar America (Oxford UP, 2023) explains how Americans came to believe they had learned the truth about rock 'n' roll, a truth shaped by the Cold War anxieties of the Fifties, the countercultural revolutions (and counter-revolutions) of the Sixties and Seventies, and the end-of-history triumphalism of the Eighties. How did rock 'n' roll become enmeshed with so many different competing ideas about freedom? And what does that story reveal about the promise-and the limits-of rock music as a political force in postwar America?
Nicholas Tochka writes about the politics of postwar music-making in Eastern Europe and the Americas. In 2016, Oxford University Press published his first book, Audible States: Socialist Politics and Popular Music in Socialist Albania. He is currently completing one project on citizenship in postsocialist Europe, and another about the invention of the Sixties in the United States. He works at the Conservatorium of Music, the University of Melbourne in Australia, and plays both bass and guitar.
Nicholas on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Progressive and libertarian, anti-Communist and revolutionary, Democratic and Republican, quintessentially American but simultaneously universal. By the late 1980s, rock music had acquired a dizzying array of political labels. These claims about its political significance shared one common thread: that the music could set you free.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197566510"><em>Rocking in the Free World: Popular Music and the Politics of Freedom in Postwar America</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023) explains how Americans came to believe they had learned the truth about rock 'n' roll, a truth shaped by the Cold War anxieties of the Fifties, the countercultural revolutions (and counter-revolutions) of the Sixties and Seventies, and the end-of-history triumphalism of the Eighties. How did rock 'n' roll become enmeshed with so many different competing ideas about freedom? And what does that story reveal about the promise-and the limits-of rock music as a political force in postwar America?</p><p>Nicholas Tochka writes about the politics of postwar music-making in Eastern Europe and the Americas. In 2016, Oxford University Press published his first book, <em>Audible States: Socialist Politics and Popular Music in Socialist Albania</em>. He is currently completing one project on citizenship in postsocialist Europe, and another about the invention of the Sixties in the United States. He works at the Conservatorium of Music, the University of Melbourne in Australia, and plays both bass and guitar.</p><p>Nicholas on <a href="https://twitter.com/NickTochka">Twitter</a>.</p><p><a href="https://www.bradley-morgan.com/"><em>Bradley Morgan</em></a><em> is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493061174"><em>U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America</em></a><em>. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bradleysmorgan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3171</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Ashley Robertson Preston, "Mary Mcleod Bethune the Pan-Africanist" (UP of Florida, 2023)</title>
      <description>This book examines the Pan-Africanism of Mary McLeod Bethune through her work, which internationalized the scope of Black women's organizations to create solidarity among Africans throughout the diaspora. Broadening the familiar view of Bethune as an advocate for racial and gender equality within the United States, Ashley Preston argues that Bethune consistently sought to unify African descendants around the world with her writings, through travel, and as an advisor.
Preston shows how Bethune's early involvement with Black women's organizations created personal connections across Cuba, Haiti, India, and Africa and shaped her global vision. Bethune founded and led the National Council of Negro Women, which strengthened coalitions with women across the diaspora to address issues in their local communities. Bethune served as director of the Division of Negro Affairs for the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration and later as associate consultant for the United Nations alongside W.E.B. DuBois and Walter White, using her influence to address diversity in the military, decolonization, suffrage, and imperialism. 
Ashley Robertson Preston's book Mary Mcleod Bethune the Pan-Africanist (UP of Florida, 2023) provides a fuller, more accurate understanding of Bethune's work, illustrating the perspective and activism behind Bethune's much-quoted words: "For I am my mother's daughter, and the drums of Africa still beat in my heart." Publication of this work made possible by a Sustaining the Humanities through the American Rescue Plan grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.
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      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>62</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ashley Robertson Preston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This book examines the Pan-Africanism of Mary McLeod Bethune through her work, which internationalized the scope of Black women's organizations to create solidarity among Africans throughout the diaspora. Broadening the familiar view of Bethune as an advocate for racial and gender equality within the United States, Ashley Preston argues that Bethune consistently sought to unify African descendants around the world with her writings, through travel, and as an advisor.
Preston shows how Bethune's early involvement with Black women's organizations created personal connections across Cuba, Haiti, India, and Africa and shaped her global vision. Bethune founded and led the National Council of Negro Women, which strengthened coalitions with women across the diaspora to address issues in their local communities. Bethune served as director of the Division of Negro Affairs for the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration and later as associate consultant for the United Nations alongside W.E.B. DuBois and Walter White, using her influence to address diversity in the military, decolonization, suffrage, and imperialism. 
Ashley Robertson Preston's book Mary Mcleod Bethune the Pan-Africanist (UP of Florida, 2023) provides a fuller, more accurate understanding of Bethune's work, illustrating the perspective and activism behind Bethune's much-quoted words: "For I am my mother's daughter, and the drums of Africa still beat in my heart." Publication of this work made possible by a Sustaining the Humanities through the American Rescue Plan grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This book examines the Pan-Africanism of Mary McLeod Bethune through her work, which internationalized the scope of Black women's organizations to create solidarity among Africans throughout the diaspora. Broadening the familiar view of Bethune as an advocate for racial and gender equality within the United States, Ashley Preston argues that Bethune consistently sought to unify African descendants around the world with her writings, through travel, and as an advisor.</p><p>Preston shows how Bethune's early involvement with Black women's organizations created personal connections across Cuba, Haiti, India, and Africa and shaped her global vision. Bethune founded and led the National Council of Negro Women, which strengthened coalitions with women across the diaspora to address issues in their local communities. Bethune served as director of the Division of Negro Affairs for the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration and later as associate consultant for the United Nations alongside W.E.B. DuBois and Walter White, using her influence to address diversity in the military, decolonization, suffrage, and imperialism. </p><p>Ashley Robertson Preston's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813068923"><em>Mary Mcleod Bethune the Pan-Africanist</em></a><em> </em>(UP of Florida, 2023) provides a fuller, more accurate understanding of Bethune's work, illustrating the perspective and activism behind Bethune's much-quoted words: "For I am my mother's daughter, and the drums of Africa still beat in my heart." Publication of this work made possible by a Sustaining the Humanities through the American Rescue Plan grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1707</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Sophie Bjork-James, "The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism's Politics of the Family" (Rutgers UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism's Politics of the Family (Rutgers University Press, 2021) provides an account of how a theology of the family came to dominate a white evangelical tradition in the post-civil rights movement United States, providing a theological corollary to Religious Right politics. This tradition inherently enforces racial inequality in that it draws moral, religious, and political attention away from problems of racial and economic structural oppression, explaining all social problems as a failure of the individual to achieve the strong gender and sexual identities that ground the nuclear family. The consequences of this theology are both personal suffering for individuals who cannot measure up to prescribed gender and sexual roles, and political support for conservative government policies. Exposure to experiences that undermine the idea that an emphasis on the family is the solution to all social problems is causing a younger generation of white evangelicals to shift away from this narrow theological emphasis and toward a more social justice-oriented theology. The material and political effects of this shift remain to be seen.
Sophie Bjork-James is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt University. She has over ten years of experience researching both the US based Religious Right and the white nationalist movements.
She is the author of The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism’s Politics of the Family (Rutgers 2021, winner of the the Anne Bolin &amp; Gil Herdt Book Prize from the Human Sexuality and Anthropology Interest Group (HSAIG)) and the co-editor of Beyond Populism: Angry Politics and the Twilight of Neoliberalism (2020). Her work has appeared recently in American Anthropologist, Oxford Bibliographies, the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Feminist Anthropology, and Transforming Anthropology. She has been interviewed on the NBC Nightly News, NPR’s All Things Considered, BBC Radio 4’s Today, and in the New York Times. She has published op-eds in the LA Times, Religious Dispatches, and the Conversation among others. She is a senior fellow with the Centre for the Analysis of the Radical Right and a fellow with the Institute for Research on Male Supremacism and a board member for the Society for the Anthropology of Religion.

Joseph Gaines can be reached at jgaines1091@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>247</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sophie Bjork-James</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism's Politics of the Family (Rutgers University Press, 2021) provides an account of how a theology of the family came to dominate a white evangelical tradition in the post-civil rights movement United States, providing a theological corollary to Religious Right politics. This tradition inherently enforces racial inequality in that it draws moral, religious, and political attention away from problems of racial and economic structural oppression, explaining all social problems as a failure of the individual to achieve the strong gender and sexual identities that ground the nuclear family. The consequences of this theology are both personal suffering for individuals who cannot measure up to prescribed gender and sexual roles, and political support for conservative government policies. Exposure to experiences that undermine the idea that an emphasis on the family is the solution to all social problems is causing a younger generation of white evangelicals to shift away from this narrow theological emphasis and toward a more social justice-oriented theology. The material and political effects of this shift remain to be seen.
Sophie Bjork-James is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt University. She has over ten years of experience researching both the US based Religious Right and the white nationalist movements.
She is the author of The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism’s Politics of the Family (Rutgers 2021, winner of the the Anne Bolin &amp; Gil Herdt Book Prize from the Human Sexuality and Anthropology Interest Group (HSAIG)) and the co-editor of Beyond Populism: Angry Politics and the Twilight of Neoliberalism (2020). Her work has appeared recently in American Anthropologist, Oxford Bibliographies, the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Feminist Anthropology, and Transforming Anthropology. She has been interviewed on the NBC Nightly News, NPR’s All Things Considered, BBC Radio 4’s Today, and in the New York Times. She has published op-eds in the LA Times, Religious Dispatches, and the Conversation among others. She is a senior fellow with the Centre for the Analysis of the Radical Right and a fellow with the Institute for Research on Male Supremacism and a board member for the Society for the Anthropology of Religion.

Joseph Gaines can be reached at jgaines1091@gmail.com
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978821859"><em>The Divine Institution: White Evangelicalism's Politics of the Family</em> </a>(Rutgers University Press, 2021) provides an account of how a theology of the family came to dominate a white evangelical tradition in the post-civil rights movement United States, providing a theological corollary to Religious Right politics. This tradition inherently enforces racial inequality in that it draws moral, religious, and political attention away from problems of racial and economic structural oppression, explaining all social problems as a failure of the individual to achieve the strong gender and sexual identities that ground the nuclear family. The consequences of this theology are both personal suffering for individuals who cannot measure up to prescribed gender and sexual roles, and political support for conservative government policies. Exposure to experiences that undermine the idea that an emphasis on the family is the solution to all social problems is causing a younger generation of white evangelicals to shift away from this narrow theological emphasis and toward a more social justice-oriented theology. The material and political effects of this shift remain to be seen.</p><p>Sophie Bjork-James is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology at Vanderbilt University. She has over ten years of experience researching both the US based Religious Right and the white nationalist movements.</p><p>She is the author of <em>The Divine Institution:</em> <em>White Evangelicalism’s Politics of the Family </em>(Rutgers 2021, winner of the the Anne Bolin &amp; Gil Herdt Book Prize from the Human Sexuality and Anthropology Interest Group (HSAIG)) and the co-editor of <em>Beyond Populism: Angry Politics and the Twilight of Neoliberalism </em>(2020). Her work has appeared recently in <em>American Anthropologist, Oxford Bibliographies, </em>the <em>Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Feminist Anthropology, </em>and <em>Transforming Anthropology. </em>She has been interviewed on the NBC <em>Nightly News,</em> NPR’s <em>All Things Considered, </em>BBC Radio 4’s <em>Today, </em>and in the <em>New York Times</em>. She has published op-eds in the <em>LA Times, Religious Dispatches, </em>and the <em>Conversation </em>among others<em>. </em>She is a senior fellow with the Centre for the Analysis of the Radical Right and a fellow with the Institute for Research on Male Supremacism and a board member for the Society for the Anthropology of Religion.</p><p><br></p><p>Joseph Gaines can be reached at jgaines1091@gmail.com</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3163</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael J. Diamond, "Ruptures in the American Psyche: Containing Destructive Populism in Perilous Times" (Phoenix Publishing, 2022)</title>
      <description>Michael J. Diamond's book Ruptures in the American Psyche: Containing Destructive Populism in Perilous Times (Phoenix Publishing, 2022) describes Trumpism: the strong allegiance to former President Donald Trump that is in evidence among a sizable portion of the US population. How did Trump come to be elected in 2016, and who supported him during his presidential tenure - and why? How is it that he continues to hold cult-like status, exerting a strong influence not only on many individuals but also on numerous elected officials, despite his defeat in 2020? Why does his character continue to be an object of fascination even among anti-Trumpists, and why will Trumpism continue to play a major role in the American sociopolitical landscape even now he has left the presidential stage? 
Diamond ponders these questions through the lenses of American history and culture, political theory, social phenomena, group dynamics, and psychoanalysis. In exploring the relationship between large-group regression, cultism, destructive populism, delusional thinking, conspiratorial beliefs, authoritarianism, and leadership characterised by narcissism and paranoia, psychoanalytic ideas pertaining to group dynamics, malignant regression, and leadership are brought into play. Prominent psychoanalytic thinkers who have addressed these topics and whose work usefully contributes to the discussion include Bion, Freud, Fromm, Bollas, Kernberg, Lifton, Rosenfeld, and Volkan, as well as Bleger, Jaques, and several more recent Kleinian/Bionian-influenced analysts.
Most important, the book makes use of these understandings to reestablish a sufficiently containing frame that strengthens the body politics' nonpathological elements in order to come to grips with these disturbing factors. Whatever their political beliefs, psychoanalysts in the US and worldwide will find much to think about in reading this book's application of their discipline to today's sociopolitical environment. In addition, the book's insights extend beyond arguments targeting a strictly psychoanalytic audience in order to reach social and political thinkers, as well as activists, who are deeply concerned about dangers threatening the very foundations of democracy in the US and worldwide. And finally, the thoughtful lay person will appreciate the accessibility to all these fields that the book provides, and will come away with a much deeper understanding of just what motivates us to take a stand for or against a given political figure. In short, conceptual tools are provided that lead to greater understanding as well as effective strategies and tactics for containment of destructive forces - largely unconscious ones - that imperil our society.
﻿Karyne Messina is a licensed psychologist and psychoanalyst at the Washington Baltimore Center for Psychoanalysis and am on the medical staff of Suburban Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland. She is the author of Resurgence of Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy (Routledge, 2022).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>214</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael J. Diamond</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael J. Diamond's book Ruptures in the American Psyche: Containing Destructive Populism in Perilous Times (Phoenix Publishing, 2022) describes Trumpism: the strong allegiance to former President Donald Trump that is in evidence among a sizable portion of the US population. How did Trump come to be elected in 2016, and who supported him during his presidential tenure - and why? How is it that he continues to hold cult-like status, exerting a strong influence not only on many individuals but also on numerous elected officials, despite his defeat in 2020? Why does his character continue to be an object of fascination even among anti-Trumpists, and why will Trumpism continue to play a major role in the American sociopolitical landscape even now he has left the presidential stage? 
Diamond ponders these questions through the lenses of American history and culture, political theory, social phenomena, group dynamics, and psychoanalysis. In exploring the relationship between large-group regression, cultism, destructive populism, delusional thinking, conspiratorial beliefs, authoritarianism, and leadership characterised by narcissism and paranoia, psychoanalytic ideas pertaining to group dynamics, malignant regression, and leadership are brought into play. Prominent psychoanalytic thinkers who have addressed these topics and whose work usefully contributes to the discussion include Bion, Freud, Fromm, Bollas, Kernberg, Lifton, Rosenfeld, and Volkan, as well as Bleger, Jaques, and several more recent Kleinian/Bionian-influenced analysts.
Most important, the book makes use of these understandings to reestablish a sufficiently containing frame that strengthens the body politics' nonpathological elements in order to come to grips with these disturbing factors. Whatever their political beliefs, psychoanalysts in the US and worldwide will find much to think about in reading this book's application of their discipline to today's sociopolitical environment. In addition, the book's insights extend beyond arguments targeting a strictly psychoanalytic audience in order to reach social and political thinkers, as well as activists, who are deeply concerned about dangers threatening the very foundations of democracy in the US and worldwide. And finally, the thoughtful lay person will appreciate the accessibility to all these fields that the book provides, and will come away with a much deeper understanding of just what motivates us to take a stand for or against a given political figure. In short, conceptual tools are provided that lead to greater understanding as well as effective strategies and tactics for containment of destructive forces - largely unconscious ones - that imperil our society.
﻿Karyne Messina is a licensed psychologist and psychoanalyst at the Washington Baltimore Center for Psychoanalysis and am on the medical staff of Suburban Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland. She is the author of Resurgence of Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy (Routledge, 2022).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Michael J. Diamond's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781800131279"><em>Ruptures in the American Psyche: Containing Destructive Populism in Perilous Times</em></a><em> </em>(Phoenix Publishing, 2022) describes Trumpism: the strong allegiance to former President Donald Trump that is in evidence among a sizable portion of the US population. How did Trump come to be elected in 2016, and who supported him during his presidential tenure - and why? How is it that he continues to hold cult-like status, exerting a strong influence not only on many individuals but also on numerous elected officials, despite his defeat in 2020? Why does his character continue to be an object of fascination even among anti-Trumpists, and why will Trumpism continue to play a major role in the American sociopolitical landscape even now he has left the presidential stage? </p><p>Diamond ponders these questions through the lenses of American history and culture, political theory, social phenomena, group dynamics, and psychoanalysis. In exploring the relationship between large-group regression, cultism, destructive populism, delusional thinking, conspiratorial beliefs, authoritarianism, and leadership characterised by narcissism and paranoia, psychoanalytic ideas pertaining to group dynamics, malignant regression, and leadership are brought into play. Prominent psychoanalytic thinkers who have addressed these topics and whose work usefully contributes to the discussion include Bion, Freud, Fromm, Bollas, Kernberg, Lifton, Rosenfeld, and Volkan, as well as Bleger, Jaques, and several more recent Kleinian/Bionian-influenced analysts.</p><p>Most important, the book makes use of these understandings to reestablish a sufficiently containing frame that strengthens the body politics' nonpathological elements in order to come to grips with these disturbing factors. Whatever their political beliefs, psychoanalysts in the US and worldwide will find much to think about in reading this book's application of their discipline to today's sociopolitical environment. In addition, the book's insights extend beyond arguments targeting a strictly psychoanalytic audience in order to reach social and political thinkers, as well as activists, who are deeply concerned about dangers threatening the very foundations of democracy in the US and worldwide. And finally, the thoughtful lay person will appreciate the accessibility to all these fields that the book provides, and will come away with a much deeper understanding of just what motivates us to take a stand for or against a given political figure. In short, conceptual tools are provided that lead to greater understanding as well as effective strategies and tactics for containment of destructive forces - largely unconscious ones - that imperil our society.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://karyne-messina.com/"><em>Karyne Messina</em></a><em> is a licensed psychologist and psychoanalyst at the Washington Baltimore Center for Psychoanalysis and am on the medical staff of Suburban Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland. She is the author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032064512"><em>Resurgence of Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2022).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4118</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Len Niehoff and Thomas Sullivan, "Free Speech: From Core Values to Current Debates" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Why do we protect free speech? What values does it serve? How has the Supreme Court interpreted the First Amendment? What has the Court gotten right and wrong? Why are current debates over free expression often so divisive? How can we do better? In this succinct but comprehensive and scholarly book, authors Len Niehoff and Thomas Sullivan tackle these pressing questions. Free Speech: From Core Values to Current Debates (Cambridge UP, 2022) traces the development and evolution of the free speech doctrine in the Supreme Court and explores how the Court - with varying levels of success - has applied that doctrinal framework to “hard cases” and current controversies, such as those involving hate speech, speech on the internet, speech on campus, and campaign finance regulation. This is the perfect volume for anyone - student, general reader, or scholar - looking for an accessible overview of this critical topic.
Len Niehoff is a professor from practice at University of Michigan
Thomas Sullivan President Emeritus and Professor of Political Science at Vermont University
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>194</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Len Niehoff and Thomas Sullivan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why do we protect free speech? What values does it serve? How has the Supreme Court interpreted the First Amendment? What has the Court gotten right and wrong? Why are current debates over free expression often so divisive? How can we do better? In this succinct but comprehensive and scholarly book, authors Len Niehoff and Thomas Sullivan tackle these pressing questions. Free Speech: From Core Values to Current Debates (Cambridge UP, 2022) traces the development and evolution of the free speech doctrine in the Supreme Court and explores how the Court - with varying levels of success - has applied that doctrinal framework to “hard cases” and current controversies, such as those involving hate speech, speech on the internet, speech on campus, and campaign finance regulation. This is the perfect volume for anyone - student, general reader, or scholar - looking for an accessible overview of this critical topic.
Len Niehoff is a professor from practice at University of Michigan
Thomas Sullivan President Emeritus and Professor of Political Science at Vermont University
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why do we protect free speech? What values does it serve? How has the Supreme Court interpreted the First Amendment? What has the Court gotten right and wrong? Why are current debates over free expression often so divisive? How can we do better? In this succinct but comprehensive and scholarly book, authors Len Niehoff and Thomas Sullivan tackle these pressing questions. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108822138"><em>Free Speech: From Core Values to Current Debates</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) traces the development and evolution of the free speech doctrine in the Supreme Court and explores how the Court - with varying levels of success - has applied that doctrinal framework to “hard cases” and current controversies, such as those involving hate speech, speech on the internet, speech on campus, and campaign finance regulation. This is the perfect volume for anyone - student, general reader, or scholar - looking for an accessible overview of this critical topic.</p><p>Len Niehoff is a professor from practice at University of Michigan</p><p>Thomas Sullivan President Emeritus and Professor of Political Science at Vermont University</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4170</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR9152368532.mp3?updated=1691518672" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Protecting the Public? Guns, Intimate Partner Violence, and the US Supreme Court</title>
      <description>Postscript invites scholars to react to contemporary political events and today’s podcast welcomes an expert on domestic violence and firearms law to analyze a controversial Second Amendment case that the United States Supreme Court will hear this Fall, United States v. Rahimi. Kelly Roskam, JD is the Director of Law and Policy at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Prevention and Policy. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She has been writing about the practical implications of the Rahimi case since it came up through the 5th circuit (for example, “The Fifth Circuit’s Rahimi decision protects abusers’ access to guns. The Supreme Court must act to protect survivors of domestic violence” and “A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers” (co-authored with Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi).
In the podcast, we discuss the specifics of this strange case (a man who assaulted a woman, shot in the air, and later threatened to kill her claims that his constitutional rights have been violated – and the 5th circuit agrees that Congress is the threat to liberty). Ms. Roskam explains how the legal regime Congress created in 1994 to protect survivors of intimate violence also protects the safety of the public at large. She presents some of the data (e.g., that the presence of a firearm increases the likelihood that domestic violence will escalate into a homicide). She explains what is at stake, the possible ways the Supreme Court might approach the case, and ways to combat firearm violence beyond the courts.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>19</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Kelly Roskam</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Postscript invites scholars to react to contemporary political events and today’s podcast welcomes an expert on domestic violence and firearms law to analyze a controversial Second Amendment case that the United States Supreme Court will hear this Fall, United States v. Rahimi. Kelly Roskam, JD is the Director of Law and Policy at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Prevention and Policy. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She has been writing about the practical implications of the Rahimi case since it came up through the 5th circuit (for example, “The Fifth Circuit’s Rahimi decision protects abusers’ access to guns. The Supreme Court must act to protect survivors of domestic violence” and “A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers” (co-authored with Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi).
In the podcast, we discuss the specifics of this strange case (a man who assaulted a woman, shot in the air, and later threatened to kill her claims that his constitutional rights have been violated – and the 5th circuit agrees that Congress is the threat to liberty). Ms. Roskam explains how the legal regime Congress created in 1994 to protect survivors of intimate violence also protects the safety of the public at large. She presents some of the data (e.g., that the presence of a firearm increases the likelihood that domestic violence will escalate into a homicide). She explains what is at stake, the possible ways the Supreme Court might approach the case, and ways to combat firearm violence beyond the courts.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>Postscript</em> invites scholars to react to contemporary political events and today’s podcast welcomes an expert on domestic violence and firearms law to analyze a controversial Second Amendment case that the United States Supreme Court will hear this Fall, <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/united-states-v-rahimi/"><em>United States v. Rahimi</em></a>. Kelly Roskam, JD is the Director of Law and Policy at the <a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/departments/health-policy-and-management/research-and-practice/center-for-gun-violence-solutions">Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Prevention and Policy</a>. She studies the constitutional implications of, advocates for, and works to improve the implementation of firearms laws. She has been writing about the practical implications of the <em>Rahimi</em> case since it came up through the 5th circuit (for example, “<a href="https://publichealth.jhu.edu/2023/opinion-the-fifth-circuits-rahimi-decision-protects-abusers-access-to-guns-the-supreme-court-must-act-to-protect-survivors-of-domestic-violence">The Fifth Circuit’s Rahimi decision protects abusers’ access to guns. The Supreme Court must act to protect survivors of domestic violence</a>” and <a href="https://www.law.com/nationallawjournal/2022/11/17/a-texas-judge-is-using-originalism-to-justify-arming-domestic-abusers/?slreturn=20230626115236">“A Texas Judge Is Using Originalism to Justify Arming Domestic Abusers</a>” (co-authored with Spencer Cantrell and Natalie Nanasi).</p><p>In the podcast, we discuss the specifics of this strange case (a man who assaulted a woman, shot in the air, and later threatened to kill her claims that <em>his</em> constitutional rights have been violated – and the 5th circuit agrees that <em>Congress</em> is the threat to liberty). Ms. Roskam explains how the legal regime Congress created in 1994 to protect survivors of intimate violence also protects the safety of the public at large. She presents some of the data (e.g., that the presence of a firearm increases the likelihood that domestic violence will <a href="https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.93.7.1089">escalate into a homicide</a>). She explains what is at stake, the possible ways the Supreme Court might approach the case, and ways to combat firearm violence beyond the courts.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2767</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Wendell Nii Laryea Adjetey, "Cross-Border Cosmopolitans: The Making of a Pan-African North America" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Twentieth-century African American history cannot be told without accounting for the significant influence of Pan-African thought, just as the story of U.S. policy from 1900 to 2000 cannot be told without accounting for fears of an African World. In the early 1900s, Marcus Garvey and his followers perceived the North American mainland, particularly Canada following U.S. authorities' deportation of Garvey to Jamaica, as a forward-operating base from which to liberate the Black masses. After World War II, Vietnam War resisters, Black Panthers, and Caribbean students joined the throngs of cross-border migrants. In time, as urban uprisings proliferated in northern U.S. cities, the prospect of coalitions among the Black Power, Red Power, and Quebecois Power movements inspired U.S. and Canadian intelligence services to collaborate, infiltrate, and sabotage Black organizations across North America. Assassinations of "Black messiahs" further radicalized revolutionaries, rekindling the dream for an African World from Washington, D.C., to Toronto to San Francisco to Antigua to Grenada and back to Africa. Alarmed, Washington's national security elites invoked the Cold War as the reason to counter the triangulation of Black Power in the Atlantic World, funneling arms clandestinely from the United States and Canada to the Caribbean and then to its proxies in southern Africa. 
By contending that twentieth-century global Black liberation movements began within the U.S.-Canadian borderlands as cross-border, continental struggles, Cross-Border Cosmopolitans: The Making of a Pan-African North America (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) reveals the revolutionary legacies of the Underground Railroad and America's Great Migration and the hemispheric and transatlantic dimensions of this history.
Wendell Nii Laryea Adjetey is assistant professor of post-Reconstruction U.S. and African Diaspora history at McGill University, where he holds the William Dawson Chair. He also goes by Nii Laryea Osabu I, Oblantai Mantse of Atrekor We.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>190</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Wendell Nii Laryea Adjetey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Twentieth-century African American history cannot be told without accounting for the significant influence of Pan-African thought, just as the story of U.S. policy from 1900 to 2000 cannot be told without accounting for fears of an African World. In the early 1900s, Marcus Garvey and his followers perceived the North American mainland, particularly Canada following U.S. authorities' deportation of Garvey to Jamaica, as a forward-operating base from which to liberate the Black masses. After World War II, Vietnam War resisters, Black Panthers, and Caribbean students joined the throngs of cross-border migrants. In time, as urban uprisings proliferated in northern U.S. cities, the prospect of coalitions among the Black Power, Red Power, and Quebecois Power movements inspired U.S. and Canadian intelligence services to collaborate, infiltrate, and sabotage Black organizations across North America. Assassinations of "Black messiahs" further radicalized revolutionaries, rekindling the dream for an African World from Washington, D.C., to Toronto to San Francisco to Antigua to Grenada and back to Africa. Alarmed, Washington's national security elites invoked the Cold War as the reason to counter the triangulation of Black Power in the Atlantic World, funneling arms clandestinely from the United States and Canada to the Caribbean and then to its proxies in southern Africa. 
By contending that twentieth-century global Black liberation movements began within the U.S.-Canadian borderlands as cross-border, continental struggles, Cross-Border Cosmopolitans: The Making of a Pan-African North America (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) reveals the revolutionary legacies of the Underground Railroad and America's Great Migration and the hemispheric and transatlantic dimensions of this history.
Wendell Nii Laryea Adjetey is assistant professor of post-Reconstruction U.S. and African Diaspora history at McGill University, where he holds the William Dawson Chair. He also goes by Nii Laryea Osabu I, Oblantai Mantse of Atrekor We.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Twentieth-century African American history cannot be told without accounting for the significant influence of Pan-African thought, just as the story of U.S. policy from 1900 to 2000 cannot be told without accounting for fears of an African World. In the early 1900s, Marcus Garvey and his followers perceived the North American mainland, particularly Canada following U.S. authorities' deportation of Garvey to Jamaica, as a forward-operating base from which to liberate the Black masses. After World War II, Vietnam War resisters, Black Panthers, and Caribbean students joined the throngs of cross-border migrants. In time, as urban uprisings proliferated in northern U.S. cities, the prospect of coalitions among the Black Power, Red Power, and Quebecois Power movements inspired U.S. and Canadian intelligence services to collaborate, infiltrate, and sabotage Black organizations across North America. Assassinations of "Black messiahs" further radicalized revolutionaries, rekindling the dream for an African World from Washington, D.C., to Toronto to San Francisco to Antigua to Grenada and back to Africa. Alarmed, Washington's national security elites invoked the Cold War as the reason to counter the triangulation of Black Power in the Atlantic World, funneling arms clandestinely from the United States and Canada to the Caribbean and then to its proxies in southern Africa. </p><p>By contending that twentieth-century global Black liberation movements began within the U.S.-Canadian borderlands as cross-border, continental struggles, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469669922"><em>Cross-Border Cosmopolitans: The Making of a Pan-African North America</em></a><em> </em>(University of North Carolina Press, 2023) reveals the revolutionary legacies of the Underground Railroad and America's Great Migration and the hemispheric and transatlantic dimensions of this history.</p><p>Wendell Nii Laryea Adjetey is assistant professor of post-Reconstruction U.S. and African Diaspora history at McGill University, where he holds the William Dawson Chair. He also goes by Nii Laryea Osabu I, Oblantai Mantse of Atrekor We.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3266</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Olivier Burtin, "A Nation of Veterans: War, Citizenship, and the Welfare State in Modern America" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In examining how the veterans' movement inscribed martial citizenship onto American law, politics, and culture, A Nation of Veterans: War, Citizenship, and the Welfare State in Modern America (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022) offers a new history of the U.S. welfare state that highlights its longstanding connection with warfare. It shows how a predominantly white and male group such as military veterans was at the center of social policy debates in the interwar and postwar period and how women and veterans of color were often discriminated against or denied access to their benefits. It moves beyond the traditional focus on the 1944 G.I. Bill to examine other important benefits like pensions, civil service preference, and hospitals. The book also examines multiple generations of veterans, by shedding light on how former service members from both World Wars as well as Korea and the Cold War interacted with each other.
Olivier Burtin is Associate Professor of U.S. History and Civilization at the University of Amiens, France.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>230</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Olivier Burtin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In examining how the veterans' movement inscribed martial citizenship onto American law, politics, and culture, A Nation of Veterans: War, Citizenship, and the Welfare State in Modern America (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022) offers a new history of the U.S. welfare state that highlights its longstanding connection with warfare. It shows how a predominantly white and male group such as military veterans was at the center of social policy debates in the interwar and postwar period and how women and veterans of color were often discriminated against or denied access to their benefits. It moves beyond the traditional focus on the 1944 G.I. Bill to examine other important benefits like pensions, civil service preference, and hospitals. The book also examines multiple generations of veterans, by shedding light on how former service members from both World Wars as well as Korea and the Cold War interacted with each other.
Olivier Burtin is Associate Professor of U.S. History and Civilization at the University of Amiens, France.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In examining how the veterans' movement inscribed martial citizenship onto American law, politics, and culture, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512823141"><em>A Nation of Veterans: War, Citizenship, and the Welfare State in Modern America</em></a><em> </em>(University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022) offers a new history of the U.S. welfare state that highlights its longstanding connection with warfare. It shows how a predominantly white and male group such as military veterans was at the center of social policy debates in the interwar and postwar period and how women and veterans of color were often discriminated against or denied access to their benefits. It moves beyond the traditional focus on the 1944 G.I. Bill to examine other important benefits like pensions, civil service preference, and hospitals. The book also examines multiple generations of veterans, by shedding light on how former service members from both World Wars as well as Korea and the Cold War interacted with each other.</p><p>Olivier Burtin is Associate Professor of U.S. History and Civilization at the University of Amiens, France.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2415</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Colleen M. Grogan, "Grow and Hide: The History of America's Health Care State" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>A sweeping history of the American health care state that reveals the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US government has always invested federal, state and local dollars in public health protection and prevention. Despite this public funding, however, Americans typically believe the current system is predominantly comprised of private actors with little government interference. 
In Grow and Hide: The History of America's Health Care State (Oxford UP, 2023), Colleen M. Grogan details the history of the American health care state and argues that the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US created a publicly financed system while framing it as the opposite in what Grogan terms the "grow-and-hide regime." Today, the state's role is larger than ever, yet it remains largely hidden because stakeholders-namely, private actors and their allies in government-have repeatedly, and successfully, presented the illusion of minimal government involvement. The consequences of this narrative are scarce accountability and a highly unequal distribution of benefits. In the wake of a pandemic that has killed over one million Americans--with the highest death rates among minorities and lower-income people--the time has come for an honest discussion about the health care system. As Grogan reveals, America has never had a system that resembles a competitive, free-market model. Given how much the government already invests in the health care system, means how these funds are distributed and administered are fundamental political questions for the American public, not questions that should be decided by the private sector. If we want to fix care in America, we need to reimagine the way it is organized, prioritized, funded, and, perhaps most importantly, discussed. Grow &amp; Hide is an important contribution to this reimagining.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>155</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Colleen M. Grogan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sweeping history of the American health care state that reveals the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US government has always invested federal, state and local dollars in public health protection and prevention. Despite this public funding, however, Americans typically believe the current system is predominantly comprised of private actors with little government interference. 
In Grow and Hide: The History of America's Health Care State (Oxford UP, 2023), Colleen M. Grogan details the history of the American health care state and argues that the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US created a publicly financed system while framing it as the opposite in what Grogan terms the "grow-and-hide regime." Today, the state's role is larger than ever, yet it remains largely hidden because stakeholders-namely, private actors and their allies in government-have repeatedly, and successfully, presented the illusion of minimal government involvement. The consequences of this narrative are scarce accountability and a highly unequal distribution of benefits. In the wake of a pandemic that has killed over one million Americans--with the highest death rates among minorities and lower-income people--the time has come for an honest discussion about the health care system. As Grogan reveals, America has never had a system that resembles a competitive, free-market model. Given how much the government already invests in the health care system, means how these funds are distributed and administered are fundamental political questions for the American public, not questions that should be decided by the private sector. If we want to fix care in America, we need to reimagine the way it is organized, prioritized, funded, and, perhaps most importantly, discussed. Grow &amp; Hide is an important contribution to this reimagining.
Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sweeping history of the American health care state that reveals the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US government has always invested federal, state and local dollars in public health protection and prevention. Despite this public funding, however, Americans typically believe the current system is predominantly comprised of private actors with little government interference. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780199812233"><em>Grow and Hide: The History of America's Health Care State</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), Colleen M. Grogan details the history of the American health care state and argues that the public has been intentionally misled about the true role of government. The US created a publicly financed system while framing it as the opposite in what Grogan terms the "grow-and-hide regime." Today, the state's role is larger than ever, yet it remains largely hidden because stakeholders-namely, private actors and their allies in government-have repeatedly, and successfully, presented the illusion of minimal government involvement. The consequences of this narrative are scarce accountability and a highly unequal distribution of benefits. In the wake of a pandemic that has killed over one million Americans--with the highest death rates among minorities and lower-income people--the time has come for an honest discussion about the health care system. As Grogan reveals, America has never had a system that resembles a competitive, free-market model. Given how much the government already invests in the health care system, means how these funds are distributed and administered are fundamental political questions for the American public, not questions that should be decided by the private sector. If we want to fix care in America, we need to reimagine the way it is organized, prioritized, funded, and, perhaps most importantly, discussed. Grow &amp; Hide is an important contribution to this reimagining.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2249</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Talking Clarence Thomas: A Conversation with Amul Thapar</title>
      <description>As the last few months of landmark Supreme Court decisions have showcased, Clarence Thomas is one of the most important men in America. To wrap up our Summer of Law series, Judge Amul Thapar discusses his recent book, The People's Justice: Clarence Thomas and the Constitutional Stories that Define Him (﻿Regnery Publishing, 2023), digging into Justice Thomas's judicial legacy and some of his most interesting, influential, and surprising decisions.
Amul Thapar is serves as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. He became the first South Asian Article III judge in American history when President George W. Bush nominate him to serve on the Eastern District of Kentucky, where he then also served as the United States Attorney. In 2017, he became President Donald J. Trump’s first appellate court nominee.
If you enjoyed this episode, you may also enjoy his most recent speech at the Madison Program.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>81</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the last few months of landmark Supreme Court decisions have showcased, Clarence Thomas is one of the most important men in America. To wrap up our Summer of Law series, Judge Amul Thapar discusses his recent book, The People's Justice: Clarence Thomas and the Constitutional Stories that Define Him (﻿Regnery Publishing, 2023), digging into Justice Thomas's judicial legacy and some of his most interesting, influential, and surprising decisions.
Amul Thapar is serves as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. He became the first South Asian Article III judge in American history when President George W. Bush nominate him to serve on the Eastern District of Kentucky, where he then also served as the United States Attorney. In 2017, he became President Donald J. Trump’s first appellate court nominee.
If you enjoyed this episode, you may also enjoy his most recent speech at the Madison Program.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the last few months of landmark Supreme Court decisions have showcased, Clarence Thomas is one of the most important men in America. To wrap up our Summer of Law series, <a href="https://fedsoc.org/contributors/amul-thapar">Judge Amul Thapar</a> discusses his recent book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684514526"><em>The People's Justice: Clarence Thomas and the Constitutional Stories that Define Him</em></a> (﻿Regnery Publishing, 2023), digging into Justice Thomas's judicial legacy and some of his most interesting, influential, and surprising decisions.</p><p>Amul Thapar is serves as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit. He became the first South Asian Article III judge in American history when President George W. Bush nominate him to serve on the Eastern District of Kentucky, where he then also served as the United States Attorney. In 2017, he became President Donald J. Trump’s first appellate court nominee.</p><p>If you enjoyed this episode, you may also enjoy <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/events/2022/antonin-scalia-constitution-day-lecture-judge-amul-thapar-originalism-theory-and">his most recent speech at the Madison Program</a>.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2547</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Nick Bunker, "In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World In 1950" (Basic Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>Halfway through the twentieth century, the United States towered over the world in industrial might. After winning the 1948 election, Harry Truman hoped to use this economic strength to build on FDR's achievements with new liberal reforms. But then, in just ten months between September 1949 and June 1950, the president's ambitions were overtaken by events that left the country gripped by rage and fear. The Soviets tested an atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and at home Truman faced labor unrest and a Republican Party desperate for power.
In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World In 1950 (Basic Books, 2023) is an innovative and gripping history of this pivotal moment. Recounting the launch of Senator Joe McCarthy's anti-communist crusade, the defeat of Truman's liberal program, and the start of the Korean War, prizewinning historian Nick Bunker shows us a polarized nation facing crises at home and abroad--a story with deep resonances today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nick Bunker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Halfway through the twentieth century, the United States towered over the world in industrial might. After winning the 1948 election, Harry Truman hoped to use this economic strength to build on FDR's achievements with new liberal reforms. But then, in just ten months between September 1949 and June 1950, the president's ambitions were overtaken by events that left the country gripped by rage and fear. The Soviets tested an atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and at home Truman faced labor unrest and a Republican Party desperate for power.
In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World In 1950 (Basic Books, 2023) is an innovative and gripping history of this pivotal moment. Recounting the launch of Senator Joe McCarthy's anti-communist crusade, the defeat of Truman's liberal program, and the start of the Korean War, prizewinning historian Nick Bunker shows us a polarized nation facing crises at home and abroad--a story with deep resonances today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Halfway through the twentieth century, the United States towered over the world in industrial might. After winning the 1948 election, Harry Truman hoped to use this economic strength to build on FDR's achievements with new liberal reforms. But then, in just ten months between September 1949 and June 1950, the president's ambitions were overtaken by events that left the country gripped by rage and fear. The Soviets tested an atomic bomb, Mao's army swept through China, and at home Truman faced labor unrest and a Republican Party desperate for power.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541675544"><em>In the Shadow of Fear: America and the World In 1950</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2023) is an innovative and gripping history of this pivotal moment. Recounting the launch of Senator Joe McCarthy's anti-communist crusade, the defeat of Truman's liberal program, and the start of the Korean War, prizewinning historian Nick Bunker shows us a polarized nation facing crises at home and abroad--a story with deep resonances today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3529</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Kathryn Cramer Brownell, "24/7 Politics: Cable Television and the Fragmenting of America from Watergate to Fox News" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>As television began to overtake the political landscape in the 1960s, network broadcast companies, bolstered by powerful lobbying interests, dominated screens across the nation. Yet over the next three decades, the expansion of a different technology, cable, changed all of this. 24/7 Politics: Cable Television and the Fragmenting of America from Watergate to Fox News (Princeton UP, 2023) tells the story of how the cable industry worked with political leaders to create an entirely new approach to television, one that tethered politics to profits and divided and distracted Americans by feeding their appetite for entertainment--frequently at the expense of fostering responsible citizenship.
In this timely and provocative book, Kathryn Cramer Brownell argues that cable television itself is not to blame for today's rampant polarization and scandal politics--the intentional restructuring of television as a political institution is. She describes how cable innovations--from C-SPAN coverage of congressional debates in the 1980s to MTV's foray into presidential politics in the 1990s--took on network broadcasting using market forces, giving rise to a more decentralized media world. Brownell shows how cable became an unstoppable medium for political communication that prioritized cult followings and loyalty to individual brands, fundamentally reshaped party politics, and, in the process, sowed the seeds of democratic upheaval.
24/7 Politics reveals how cable TV created new possibilities for antiestablishment voices and opened a pathway to political prominence for seemingly unlikely figures like Donald Trump by playing to narrow audiences and cultivating division instead of common ground.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Aug 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kathryn Cramer Brownell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As television began to overtake the political landscape in the 1960s, network broadcast companies, bolstered by powerful lobbying interests, dominated screens across the nation. Yet over the next three decades, the expansion of a different technology, cable, changed all of this. 24/7 Politics: Cable Television and the Fragmenting of America from Watergate to Fox News (Princeton UP, 2023) tells the story of how the cable industry worked with political leaders to create an entirely new approach to television, one that tethered politics to profits and divided and distracted Americans by feeding their appetite for entertainment--frequently at the expense of fostering responsible citizenship.
In this timely and provocative book, Kathryn Cramer Brownell argues that cable television itself is not to blame for today's rampant polarization and scandal politics--the intentional restructuring of television as a political institution is. She describes how cable innovations--from C-SPAN coverage of congressional debates in the 1980s to MTV's foray into presidential politics in the 1990s--took on network broadcasting using market forces, giving rise to a more decentralized media world. Brownell shows how cable became an unstoppable medium for political communication that prioritized cult followings and loyalty to individual brands, fundamentally reshaped party politics, and, in the process, sowed the seeds of democratic upheaval.
24/7 Politics reveals how cable TV created new possibilities for antiestablishment voices and opened a pathway to political prominence for seemingly unlikely figures like Donald Trump by playing to narrow audiences and cultivating division instead of common ground.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As television began to overtake the political landscape in the 1960s, network broadcast companies, bolstered by powerful lobbying interests, dominated screens across the nation. Yet over the next three decades, the expansion of a different technology, cable, changed all of this. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691246666"><em>24/7 Politics: Cable Television and the Fragmenting of America from Watergate to Fox News</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2023) tells the story of how the cable industry worked with political leaders to create an entirely new approach to television, one that tethered politics to profits and divided and distracted Americans by feeding their appetite for entertainment--frequently at the expense of fostering responsible citizenship.</p><p>In this timely and provocative book, Kathryn Cramer Brownell argues that cable television itself is not to blame for today's rampant polarization and scandal politics--the intentional restructuring of television as a political institution is. She describes how cable innovations--from C-SPAN coverage of congressional debates in the 1980s to MTV's foray into presidential politics in the 1990s--took on network broadcasting using market forces, giving rise to a more decentralized media world. Brownell shows how cable became an unstoppable medium for political communication that prioritized cult followings and loyalty to individual brands, fundamentally reshaped party politics, and, in the process, sowed the seeds of democratic upheaval.</p><p><em>24/7 Politics</em> reveals how cable TV created new possibilities for antiestablishment voices and opened a pathway to political prominence for seemingly unlikely figures like Donald Trump by playing to narrow audiences and cultivating division instead of common ground.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1918</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Blair Kelley, "Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class" (LIveright, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the white working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. 
In Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class (LIveright, 2023), Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.
Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.
Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, Black Folk celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” Black Folk looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.
Dr. Blair LM Kelley is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson from the University of North Carolina Press.
Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War, Duke University’s Behind the Veil oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 31 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>666</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Blair Kelley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the white working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. 
In Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class (LIveright, 2023), Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.
Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.
Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, Black Folk celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” Black Folk looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.
Dr. Blair LM Kelley is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson from the University of North Carolina Press.
Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War, Duke University’s Behind the Veil oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, the stoicism and importance of the “working class” is part of the national myth. The term is often used to conjure the contributions and challenges of the <em>white </em>working class – and this obscures the ways in which Black workers built institutions like the railroads and universities – but also how they transformed unions, changed public policy, and established community. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781631496554"><em>Black Folk: The Roots of the Black Working Class</em> </a>(LIveright, 2023<em>), </em>Dr. Blair LM Kelley restores the Black working class to the center of the American story by interrogating the lives of laundresses, Pullman porters, domestic maids, and postal workers. The book is both a personal journey and a history of Black labor in the United States from enslavement to the present day with a focus on a critical era: after Southern Emancipation to the early 20th century, when the first generations of Black working people carved out a world for themselves.</p><p>Dr. Kelley captures the character of the lives of Black workers not only as laborers, activists, or members of a class but as individuals whose daily experiences mattered – to themselves, to their communities, and to “the nation at large, even as it denied their importance.” As she weaves together rich oral histories, memoirs, photographs, and secondary sources, she shows how Black workers of all genders were “intertwined with the future of Black freedom, Black citizenship, and the establishment of civil rights for Black Americans.” She demonstrates how her own family’s experiences mirrors this wider history of the Black working class – sometimes in ways that she herself did not realize before writing the book.</p><p>Even as the book confronts violence, poor working conditions, and a government that often legislated to protect the interests of white workers and consumers, <em>Black Folk</em> celebrates the ways in which Black people “built and rebuilt vital spaces of resistance, grounded in the secrets that they knew about themselves, about their community, their dignity, and their survival.” <em>Black Folk</em> looks back but also forward. In examining the labor and challenges of individuals, Dr. Kelley sheds light on reparations and suggests that Amazon package processing centers, supermarkets, and nursing homes can be spaces of resistance and labor activism in the 21st century.</p><p><a href="https://www.profblmkelley.com/">Dr. Blair LM Kelley</a> is the Joel R. Williamson Distinguished Professor of Southern Studies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and incoming director of the Center for the Study of the American South, the first Black woman to serve in that role in the center’s thirty-year history. She is also the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/right-to-ride-streetcar-boycotts-and-african-american-citizenship-in-the-era-of-plessy-v-ferguson-blair-l-m-kelley/10090103"><em>Right to Ride: Streetcar Boycotts and African American Citizenship in the Era of Plessy v. Ferguson</em></a> from the University of North Carolina Press.</p><p>Dr. Kelley mentions Dr. Tera W. Hunter’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/to-joy-my-freedom-southern-black-women-s-lives-and-labors-after-the-civil-war-tera-w-hunter/6726921?gclid=Cj0KCQjwwvilBhCFARIsADvYi7KdjrVy3RX86sASEF8xzlk8qYccLxCHgFIeAXN7FgDdJ_kt_oemwTkaAil4EALw_wcB"><em>To ‘Joy My Freedom: Southern Black Women’s Lives and Labors After the Civil War</em></a>, Duke University’s <a href="https://repository.duke.edu/dc/behindtheveil"><em>Behind the Veil</em></a> oral history project, and Philip R. Rubio’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/there-s-always-work-at-the-post-office-african-american-postal-workers-and-the-fight-for-jobs-justice-and-equality-philip-f-rubio/10083852"><em>There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2701</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Phil Klay, "Uncertain Ground: Citizenship in an Age of Endless, Invisible War" (Penguin, 2022)</title>
      <description>When Phil Klay left the Marines a decade ago after serving as an officer in Iraq, he found himself a part of the community of veterans who have no choice but to grapple with the meaning of their wartime experiences--for themselves and for the country. American identity has always been bound up in war--from the revolutionary war of our founding, to the civil war that ended slavery, to the two world wars that launched America as a superpower. What did the current wars say about who we are as a country, and how should we respond as citizens?
Unlike in previous eras of war, relatively few Americans have had to do any real grappling with the endless, invisible conflicts of the post-9/11 world; in fact, increasingly few people are even aware they are still going on. It is as if these wars are a dark star with a strong gravitational force that draws a relatively small number of soldiers and their families into its orbit while remaining inconspicuous to most other Americans. In the meantime, the consequences of American military action abroad may be out of sight and out of mind, but they are very real indeed.
This chasm between the military and the civilian in American life, and the moral blind spot it has created, is one of the great themes of Uncertain Ground: Citizenship in an Age of Endless, Invisible War (Penguin, 2022), Phil Klay's powerful series of reckonings with some of our country's thorniest concerns, written in essay form over the past ten years. In the name of what do we ask young Americans to kill, and to die? In the name of what does this country hang together? As we see at every turn in these pages, those two questions have a great deal to do with each another, and how we answer them will go a long way toward deciding where our troubled country goes from here.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>183</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Phil Klay</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Phil Klay left the Marines a decade ago after serving as an officer in Iraq, he found himself a part of the community of veterans who have no choice but to grapple with the meaning of their wartime experiences--for themselves and for the country. American identity has always been bound up in war--from the revolutionary war of our founding, to the civil war that ended slavery, to the two world wars that launched America as a superpower. What did the current wars say about who we are as a country, and how should we respond as citizens?
Unlike in previous eras of war, relatively few Americans have had to do any real grappling with the endless, invisible conflicts of the post-9/11 world; in fact, increasingly few people are even aware they are still going on. It is as if these wars are a dark star with a strong gravitational force that draws a relatively small number of soldiers and their families into its orbit while remaining inconspicuous to most other Americans. In the meantime, the consequences of American military action abroad may be out of sight and out of mind, but they are very real indeed.
This chasm between the military and the civilian in American life, and the moral blind spot it has created, is one of the great themes of Uncertain Ground: Citizenship in an Age of Endless, Invisible War (Penguin, 2022), Phil Klay's powerful series of reckonings with some of our country's thorniest concerns, written in essay form over the past ten years. In the name of what do we ask young Americans to kill, and to die? In the name of what does this country hang together? As we see at every turn in these pages, those two questions have a great deal to do with each another, and how we answer them will go a long way toward deciding where our troubled country goes from here.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Phil Klay left the Marines a decade ago after serving as an officer in Iraq, he found himself a part of the community of veterans who have no choice but to grapple with the meaning of their wartime experiences--for themselves and for the country. American identity has always been bound up in war--from the revolutionary war of our founding, to the civil war that ended slavery, to the two world wars that launched America as a superpower. What did the current wars say about who we are as a country, and how should we respond as citizens?</p><p>Unlike in previous eras of war, relatively few Americans have had to do any real grappling with the endless, invisible conflicts of the post-9/11 world; in fact, increasingly few people are even aware they are still going on. It is as if these wars are a dark star with a strong gravitational force that draws a relatively small number of soldiers and their families into its orbit while remaining inconspicuous to most other Americans. In the meantime, the consequences of American military action abroad may be out of sight and out of mind, but they are very real indeed.</p><p>This chasm between the military and the civilian in American life, and the moral blind spot it has created, is one of the great themes of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593299241"><em>Uncertain Ground: Citizenship in an Age of Endless, Invisible War</em></a><em> </em>(Penguin, 2022), Phil Klay's powerful series of reckonings with some of our country's thorniest concerns, written in essay form over the past ten years. In the name of what do we ask young Americans to kill, and to die? In the name of what does this country hang together? As we see at every turn in these pages, those two questions have a great deal to do with each another, and how we answer them will go a long way toward deciding where our troubled country goes from here.</p><p><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/"><em>AJ Woodhams</em></a><em> hosts the "</em><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>War Books</em></a><em>" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple </em><a href="http://bit.ly/3ZCL0du"><em>here</em></a><em> and on Spotify </em><a href="https://spoti.fi/3kP9scZ"><em>here</em></a><em>. War Books is on </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@warbookspodcast/"><em>YouTube</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.facebook.com/warbookspodcast"><em>Facebook</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4104</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Manfred B. Steger and Ravi K. Roy, "Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Anchored in the principles of free-market economics, neoliberalism emerged in the 1990s as the world's most dominant economic paradigm. It has been associated with political leaders from Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Bill Clinton, to Tony Blair, Barack Obama, and Manmohan Singh. Neoliberalism even penetrated deeply into communist China's powerful economic system. However, the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the related European Sovereign Debt Crisis triggered a decade of economic volatility and insecurity that boosted the fortunes of the 1 per cent while saddling the 99 per cent with stagnant wages and precarious work. As a result of this Great Recession, neoliberalism fortunes have waned considerably. This downward trend further accelerated with the recent surge of national populism around the world that brought to power outspoken critics of neoliberalism like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Jair Bolsonaro, and Narendra Modi. Is neoliberalism doomed or will it regain its former glory? And what are the major types of neoliberalism, and how did they evolve over the decades? 
Responding to these crucial questions, Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford UP, 2021) explores the considerable variations of neoliberalism around the world, and discusses the origins, evolution, and core ideas of neoliberalism. This new edition brings the story of neoliberalism up to date, and asks whether new versions of neoliberalism might succeed in drowning out the rising tide of national populism and its nostalgic longing for a return to territorial sovereignty and national greatness. 
Manfred B. Steger is a professor at the University of Hawaii at Manoa.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>402</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Manfred B. Steger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Anchored in the principles of free-market economics, neoliberalism emerged in the 1990s as the world's most dominant economic paradigm. It has been associated with political leaders from Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Bill Clinton, to Tony Blair, Barack Obama, and Manmohan Singh. Neoliberalism even penetrated deeply into communist China's powerful economic system. However, the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the related European Sovereign Debt Crisis triggered a decade of economic volatility and insecurity that boosted the fortunes of the 1 per cent while saddling the 99 per cent with stagnant wages and precarious work. As a result of this Great Recession, neoliberalism fortunes have waned considerably. This downward trend further accelerated with the recent surge of national populism around the world that brought to power outspoken critics of neoliberalism like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Jair Bolsonaro, and Narendra Modi. Is neoliberalism doomed or will it regain its former glory? And what are the major types of neoliberalism, and how did they evolve over the decades? 
Responding to these crucial questions, Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford UP, 2021) explores the considerable variations of neoliberalism around the world, and discusses the origins, evolution, and core ideas of neoliberalism. This new edition brings the story of neoliberalism up to date, and asks whether new versions of neoliberalism might succeed in drowning out the rising tide of national populism and its nostalgic longing for a return to territorial sovereignty and national greatness. 
Manfred B. Steger is a professor at the University of Hawaii at Manoa.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Anchored in the principles of free-market economics, neoliberalism emerged in the 1990s as the world's most dominant economic paradigm. It has been associated with political leaders from Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Bill Clinton, to Tony Blair, Barack Obama, and Manmohan Singh. Neoliberalism even penetrated deeply into communist China's powerful economic system. However, the 2008 Global Financial Crisis and the related European Sovereign Debt Crisis triggered a decade of economic volatility and insecurity that boosted the fortunes of the 1 per cent while saddling the 99 per cent with stagnant wages and precarious work. As a result of this Great Recession, neoliberalism fortunes have waned considerably. This downward trend further accelerated with the recent surge of national populism around the world that brought to power outspoken critics of neoliberalism like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Jair Bolsonaro, and Narendra Modi. Is neoliberalism doomed or will it regain its former glory? And what are the major types of neoliberalism, and how did they evolve over the decades? </p><p>Responding to these crucial questions, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780198849674"><em>Neoliberalism: A Very Short Introduction</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021) explores the considerable variations of neoliberalism around the world, and discusses the origins, evolution, and core ideas of neoliberalism. This new edition brings the story of neoliberalism up to date, and asks whether new versions of neoliberalism might succeed in drowning out the rising tide of national populism and its nostalgic longing for a return to territorial sovereignty and national greatness. </p><p>Manfred B. Steger is a professor at the University of Hawaii at Manoa.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4009</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Adom Getachew and Jennifer Pitts eds. "W. E. B. Du Bois: International Thought" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>W. E. B. Du Bois was one of the most significant American political thinkers of the twentieth century. This volume collects 24 of his essays and speeches on international themes, spanning the years 1900-1956. These key texts reveal Du Bois's distinctive approach to the problem of empire and demonstrate his continued importance in our current global context. The volume charts the development of Du Bois's anti-imperial thought, drawing attention to his persistent concern with the relationship between democracy and empire and illustrating the divergent inflections of this theme in the context of a shifting geopolitical terrain; unprecedented political crises, especially during the two world wars; and new opportunities for transnational solidarity. With a critical introduction and extensive editorial notes, W.E.B. Du Bois: International Thought (Cambridge University Press, 2022) conveys both the coherence and continuity of Du Bois's international thought across his long life and the tremendous range and variety of his preoccupations, intellectual sources, and interlocutors.
Adom Getachew is Neubauer Family Assistant Professor of Political Science and the College at the University of Chicago.
Jennifer Pitts is Professor of Political Science and in the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 30 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>189</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adom Getachew and Jennifer Pitts</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>W. E. B. Du Bois was one of the most significant American political thinkers of the twentieth century. This volume collects 24 of his essays and speeches on international themes, spanning the years 1900-1956. These key texts reveal Du Bois's distinctive approach to the problem of empire and demonstrate his continued importance in our current global context. The volume charts the development of Du Bois's anti-imperial thought, drawing attention to his persistent concern with the relationship between democracy and empire and illustrating the divergent inflections of this theme in the context of a shifting geopolitical terrain; unprecedented political crises, especially during the two world wars; and new opportunities for transnational solidarity. With a critical introduction and extensive editorial notes, W.E.B. Du Bois: International Thought (Cambridge University Press, 2022) conveys both the coherence and continuity of Du Bois's international thought across his long life and the tremendous range and variety of his preoccupations, intellectual sources, and interlocutors.
Adom Getachew is Neubauer Family Assistant Professor of Political Science and the College at the University of Chicago.
Jennifer Pitts is Professor of Political Science and in the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>W. E. B. Du Bois was one of the most significant American political thinkers of the twentieth century. This volume collects 24 of his essays and speeches on international themes, spanning the years 1900-1956. These key texts reveal Du Bois's distinctive approach to the problem of empire and demonstrate his continued importance in our current global context. The volume charts the development of Du Bois's anti-imperial thought, drawing attention to his persistent concern with the relationship between democracy and empire and illustrating the divergent inflections of this theme in the context of a shifting geopolitical terrain; unprecedented political crises, especially during the two world wars; and new opportunities for transnational solidarity. With a critical introduction and extensive editorial notes, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108798778"><em>W.E.B. Du Bois: International Thought</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2022) conveys both the coherence and continuity of Du Bois's international thought across his long life and the tremendous range and variety of his preoccupations, intellectual sources, and interlocutors.</p><p>Adom Getachew is Neubauer Family Assistant Professor of Political Science and the College at the University of Chicago.</p><p>Jennifer Pitts is Professor of Political Science and in the Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2361</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Margaret M. Power, "Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism" (UNC Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. 
Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence.
Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 29 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>109</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Margaret M. Power</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. 
Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism (University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence.
Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout its quest for freedom from colonial rule, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party (PNPR) created strategy through a solidarity that moved far beyond the archipelago. It invested significant energy, members, and resources in attending regional conferences, distributing its literature throughout the hemisphere, creating solidarity committees, presenting its case to elected officials and the general public, and promoting the causes of oppressed peoples. The hemispheric connections between supporters of Puerto Rican independence have been obscured by larger, later liberation movements as well as the island's ultimate failure in its quest for independence, but they were nonetheless at the vanguard of the postcolonial revolutions that swept the world after the Cuban revolution. </p><p>Margaret M. Power's new history of the PNPR, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469674056"><em>Solidarity Across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism</em></a><em> </em>(University of North Carolina Press, 2023) focuses on how it built a broad movement with active networks in virtually all of Latin America, much of the Caribbean, and New York City. This hemispheric view introduces a sprawling transnational network, nurtured by the PNPR from its founding in 1922 to its dissolution in 1965, that included individuals, parties, organizations, and governments throughout the Americas, and it resituates the Puerto Rican nationalist movement as a transnational revolutionary influence.</p><p>Margaret M. Power is professor emerita of history at Illinois Institute of Technology.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3347</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7344884294.mp3?updated=1690490689" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Benjamin Studebaker, "The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy: The Way Is Shut" (Palgrave MacMillan, 2023)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Benjamin Studebaker about his new book The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy: The Way Is Shut (Palgrave MacMillan, 2023)
American democracy is in crisis. The economic system is slowly subjecting Americans of nearly all income levels and backgrounds to enormous amounts of stress. The United States lacks the state capacity required to alleviate this stress, and politicians increasingly find that if they promise to solve economic problems, they are likely to disappoint voters. Instead, they encourage voters to blame each other.
The crisis cannot be solved, the economy cannot be set right, and democracy cannot be saved. But American democracy cannot be killed, either. Americans can’t imagine any compelling alternative political systems. And so, American democracy continues on, in a deeply unsatisfying way. Americans invent ever-more elaborate coping mechanisms in a desperate bid to go on. But it becomes increasingly clear that the way is shut. The American political system was made by those who are dead, and the dead keep it.
Benjamin Studebaker speaks to Pierre d’Alancaisez about the runaway effects of globalisation, the false hope industry, cultural non-politics, and the very unlikely get-out scenarios.
Benjamin Studebaker is a political theorist whose work focuses on notions of legitimacy. He hosts the podcasts Political Theory 101.

The equality/equity meme

The 1619 Project


No Labels, the ‘commonsense majority’ party


Pierre d’Alancaisez is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>401</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin Studebaker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Benjamin Studebaker about his new book The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy: The Way Is Shut (Palgrave MacMillan, 2023)
American democracy is in crisis. The economic system is slowly subjecting Americans of nearly all income levels and backgrounds to enormous amounts of stress. The United States lacks the state capacity required to alleviate this stress, and politicians increasingly find that if they promise to solve economic problems, they are likely to disappoint voters. Instead, they encourage voters to blame each other.
The crisis cannot be solved, the economy cannot be set right, and democracy cannot be saved. But American democracy cannot be killed, either. Americans can’t imagine any compelling alternative political systems. And so, American democracy continues on, in a deeply unsatisfying way. Americans invent ever-more elaborate coping mechanisms in a desperate bid to go on. But it becomes increasingly clear that the way is shut. The American political system was made by those who are dead, and the dead keep it.
Benjamin Studebaker speaks to Pierre d’Alancaisez about the runaway effects of globalisation, the false hope industry, cultural non-politics, and the very unlikely get-out scenarios.
Benjamin Studebaker is a political theorist whose work focuses on notions of legitimacy. He hosts the podcasts Political Theory 101.

The equality/equity meme

The 1619 Project


No Labels, the ‘commonsense majority’ party


Pierre d’Alancaisez is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Benjamin Studebaker about his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031282126"><em>The Chronic Crisis of American Democracy: The Way Is Shut</em></a> (Palgrave MacMillan, 2023)</p><p>American democracy is in crisis. The economic system is slowly subjecting Americans of nearly all income levels and backgrounds to enormous amounts of stress. The United States lacks the state capacity required to alleviate this stress, and politicians increasingly find that if they promise to solve economic problems, they are likely to disappoint voters. Instead, they encourage voters to blame each other.</p><p>The crisis cannot be solved, the economy cannot be set right, and democracy cannot be saved. But American democracy cannot be killed, either. Americans can’t imagine any compelling alternative political systems. And so, American democracy continues on, in a deeply unsatisfying way. Americans invent ever-more elaborate coping mechanisms in a desperate bid to go on. But it becomes increasingly clear that the way is shut. The American political system was made by those who are dead, and the dead keep it.</p><p>Benjamin Studebaker speaks to Pierre d’Alancaisez about the runaway effects of globalisation, the false hope industry, cultural non-politics, and the very unlikely get-out scenarios.</p><p><a href="https://benjaminstudebaker.com/">Benjamin Studebaker</a> is a political theorist whose work focuses on notions of legitimacy. He hosts the podcasts <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/gb/podcast/political-theory-101/id1499271317">Political Theory 101</a>.</p><ul>
<li><a href="https://www.nzdoctor.co.nz/sites/default/files/styles/free_crop_body_with_image/public/2020-02/Equality%20Equity%20CR%20Interaction%20Institute%20for%20Social%20Change.%20Artist%20Angus%20Maguire.jpg?h=e5766404&amp;itok=WJmy_k-i">The equality/equity meme</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/1619-america-slavery.html">The 1619 Project</a></li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.nolabels.org/"><em>No Labels</em></a>, the ‘commonsense majority’ party</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://petitpoi.net/"><em>Pierre d’Alancaisez</em></a><em> is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4042</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Penelope Ingram, "Imperiled Whiteness: How Hollywood and Media Make Race in 'Postracial' America" (UP of Mississippi, 2023)</title>
      <description>In Imperiled Whiteness: How Hollywood and Media Make Race in "Postracial" America (University Press of Mississippi, 2023), Penelope Ingram examines the role played by media in the resurgence of white nationalism and neo-Nazi movements in the Obama-to-Trump era. As politicians on the right stoked anxieties about whites “losing ground” and “being left behind,” media platforms turned whiteness into a commodity that was packaged and disseminated to a white populace. Reading popular film and television franchises (Planet of the Apes, Star Trek, and The Walking Dead) through political flashpoints, such as debates over immigration reform, gun control, and Black Lives Matter protests, Ingram reveals how media cultivated feelings of white vulnerability and loss among white consumers. By exploring the convergence of entertainment, news, and social media in a digital networked environment, Ingram demonstrates how media’s renewed attention to “imperiled whiteness” enabled and sanctioned the return of overt white supremacy exhibited by alt-right groups in the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville in 2017 and the Capitol riots in 2021.
Anna E. Lindner received her doctorate in Communication from Wayne State University. On Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>400</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Penelope Ingram</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Imperiled Whiteness: How Hollywood and Media Make Race in "Postracial" America (University Press of Mississippi, 2023), Penelope Ingram examines the role played by media in the resurgence of white nationalism and neo-Nazi movements in the Obama-to-Trump era. As politicians on the right stoked anxieties about whites “losing ground” and “being left behind,” media platforms turned whiteness into a commodity that was packaged and disseminated to a white populace. Reading popular film and television franchises (Planet of the Apes, Star Trek, and The Walking Dead) through political flashpoints, such as debates over immigration reform, gun control, and Black Lives Matter protests, Ingram reveals how media cultivated feelings of white vulnerability and loss among white consumers. By exploring the convergence of entertainment, news, and social media in a digital networked environment, Ingram demonstrates how media’s renewed attention to “imperiled whiteness” enabled and sanctioned the return of overt white supremacy exhibited by alt-right groups in the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville in 2017 and the Capitol riots in 2021.
Anna E. Lindner received her doctorate in Communication from Wayne State University. On Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496845504"><em>Imperiled Whiteness: How Hollywood and Media Make Race in "Postracial" America</em></a> (University Press of Mississippi, 2023), Penelope Ingram examines the role played by media in the resurgence of white nationalism and neo-Nazi movements in the Obama-to-Trump era. As politicians on the right stoked anxieties about whites “losing ground” and “being left behind,” media platforms turned whiteness into a commodity that was packaged and disseminated to a white populace. Reading popular film and television franchises (<em>Planet of the Apes</em>, <em>Star Trek</em>, and <em>The Walking Dead</em>) through political flashpoints, such as debates over immigration reform, gun control, and Black Lives Matter protests, Ingram reveals how media cultivated feelings of white vulnerability and loss among white consumers. By exploring the convergence of entertainment, news, and social media in a digital networked environment, Ingram demonstrates how media’s renewed attention to “imperiled whiteness” enabled and sanctioned the return of overt white supremacy exhibited by alt-right groups in the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville in 2017 and the Capitol riots in 2021.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/anna-lindner-b86a16a6/"><em>Anna E. Lindner</em></a><em> received her doctorate in Communication from Wayne State University. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/annaeliselin"><em>On Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3356</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5719771674.mp3?updated=1690301903" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Is Democracy in Trouble?</title>
      <description>How much do we need to worry about the global state of democracy? And what do we need to do to better understand what is happening in different parts of the world? Join Petra Alderman and Nic Cheeseman in this opening episode of the People, Power, Politics podcast to learn more about these questions and the newly established Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) at the University of Birmingham.
Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
If you would like to learn more about the issues discussed by Nic and Petra in this episode, please read our CEDAR blog post.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Nic Cheeseman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How much do we need to worry about the global state of democracy? And what do we need to do to better understand what is happening in different parts of the world? Join Petra Alderman and Nic Cheeseman in this opening episode of the People, Power, Politics podcast to learn more about these questions and the newly established Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) at the University of Birmingham.
Nic Cheeseman is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.
Petra Alderman is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.
If you would like to learn more about the issues discussed by Nic and Petra in this episode, please read our CEDAR blog post.
The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How much do we need to worry about the global state of democracy? And what do we need to do to better understand what is happening in different parts of the world? Join Petra Alderman and Nic Cheeseman in this opening episode of the People, Power, Politics podcast to learn more about these questions and the newly established Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR) at the University of Birmingham.</p><p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/cheeseman-nic.aspx">Nic Cheeseman</a> is the Professor of Democracy and International Development at the University of Birmingham and Founding Director of CEDAR.</p><p><a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/staff/profiles/gov/alderman-petra.aspx">Petra Alderman</a> is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Leadership for Inclusive and Democratic Politics at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow at CEDAR.</p><p>If you would like to learn more about the issues discussed by Nic and Petra in this episode, please read our CEDAR <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/news/2023/how-the-global-rise-of-authoritarianism-is-misunderstood-and-why-it-matters">blog post</a>.</p><p>The People, Power, Politics podcast brings you the latest insights into the factors that are shaping and re-shaping our political world. It is brought to you by <a href="https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/university/colleges/socsci/cedar/index.aspx">the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation</a> (CEDAR) based at the University of Birmingham, United Kingdom. Join us to better understand the factors that promote and undermine democratic government around the world and follow us on Twitter at @CEDAR_Bham!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1122</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f553e712-2a2f-11ee-b27d-27b74c8b363b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR8308973450.mp3?updated=1690209812" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nicole Evelina, "America's Forgotten Suffragists: Virginia and Francis Minor" (Two Dot Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>After being forgotten for nearly 130 years, the “Mother of Suffrage in Missouri” and her husband are finally taking their rightful place in history.
St. Louisans Virginia and Francis Minor forever changed the direction of women’s rights by taking the issue to the Supreme Court for the first and only time in 1875, a feat never eclipsed even by their better-known peers Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
Yet despite a myriad of accomplishments and gaining notoriety in their own time, the Minors’ names have largely faded from memory. In 1867, Virginia founded the nation’s first organization solely dedicated to women’s suffrage—two years before Anthony formed the National Woman’s Suffrage Association (NWSA). Virginia and Francis were also the brains behind the groundbreaking idea that women were given the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment, a philosophy the NWSA adopted for nearly a decade.
And their story doesn’t end there. After the court case, Francis went on to become a prolific writer on women’s rights and one of the first and strongest male allies of the suffrage movement. Virginia instigated tax revolts across the country and campaigned side-by-side with Anthony for women’s rights in Missouri, Kansas, and Nebraska.
America's Forgotten Suffragists: Virginia and Francis Minor (Two Dot Books, 2023) is the first biography of these suffrage celebrities who were unique for their time in being jointly dedicated to the cause of female enfranchisement. This book follows their lives from slave-holding Virginians through their highly-lauded civilian work during the Civil War, and into the height of the early suffrage movement to show how two ordinary people of like mind, dedicated to a cause, can change the course of history.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Jul 2023 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>60</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nicole Evelina</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After being forgotten for nearly 130 years, the “Mother of Suffrage in Missouri” and her husband are finally taking their rightful place in history.
St. Louisans Virginia and Francis Minor forever changed the direction of women’s rights by taking the issue to the Supreme Court for the first and only time in 1875, a feat never eclipsed even by their better-known peers Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton.
Yet despite a myriad of accomplishments and gaining notoriety in their own time, the Minors’ names have largely faded from memory. In 1867, Virginia founded the nation’s first organization solely dedicated to women’s suffrage—two years before Anthony formed the National Woman’s Suffrage Association (NWSA). Virginia and Francis were also the brains behind the groundbreaking idea that women were given the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment, a philosophy the NWSA adopted for nearly a decade.
And their story doesn’t end there. After the court case, Francis went on to become a prolific writer on women’s rights and one of the first and strongest male allies of the suffrage movement. Virginia instigated tax revolts across the country and campaigned side-by-side with Anthony for women’s rights in Missouri, Kansas, and Nebraska.
America's Forgotten Suffragists: Virginia and Francis Minor (Two Dot Books, 2023) is the first biography of these suffrage celebrities who were unique for their time in being jointly dedicated to the cause of female enfranchisement. This book follows their lives from slave-holding Virginians through their highly-lauded civilian work during the Civil War, and into the height of the early suffrage movement to show how two ordinary people of like mind, dedicated to a cause, can change the course of history.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After being forgotten for nearly 130 years, the “Mother of Suffrage in Missouri” and her husband are finally taking their rightful place in history.</p><p>St. Louisans Virginia and Francis Minor forever changed the direction of women’s rights by taking the issue to the Supreme Court for the first and only time in 1875, a feat never eclipsed even by their better-known peers Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton.</p><p>Yet despite a myriad of accomplishments and gaining notoriety in their own time, the Minors’ names have largely faded from memory. In 1867, Virginia founded the nation’s first organization solely dedicated to women’s suffrage—two years before Anthony formed the National Woman’s Suffrage Association (NWSA). Virginia and Francis were also the brains behind the groundbreaking idea that women were given the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment, a philosophy the NWSA adopted for nearly a decade.</p><p>And their story doesn’t end there. After the court case, Francis went on to become a prolific writer on women’s rights and one of the first and strongest male allies of the suffrage movement. Virginia instigated tax revolts across the country and campaigned side-by-side with Anthony for women’s rights in Missouri, Kansas, and Nebraska.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493067756"><em>America's Forgotten Suffragists: Virginia and Francis Minor</em></a> (Two Dot Books, 2023) is the first biography of these suffrage celebrities who were unique for their time in being jointly dedicated to the cause of female enfranchisement. This book follows their lives from slave-holding Virginians through their highly-lauded civilian work during the Civil War, and into the height of the early suffrage movement to show how two ordinary people of like mind, <em>dedicated to a cause, can change the course of history.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.janescimeca.com/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2743</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Is it Unconstitutional to Take Guns Away from Domestic Abusers?</title>
      <description>The Supreme Court recently wrapped up their term – and announced that they will hear a very controversial case about domestic abuse, the power of Congress, and the right to keep and bear arms called United States v. Rahimi. The Court will decide whether a Texas man who assaulted his girlfriend in a parking lot and threatened to shoot her if she told anyone has been deprived of his Second Amendment rights. When the assaulted woman later obtained a restraining order against Mr. Zackey Rahimi, federal law made illegal for him to possess a firearm or ammunition while under that order.
In 2019, Mr. Zackey Rahimi had an argument with his girlfriend in a parking lot. Mr. Rahimi knocked the woman to the ground. As he dragged her back to his car, she hit her head on the car’s dashboard. Later, in a telephone call. Mr. Rahimi threatened the woman that he would shoot her if she told anyone about the assault. Later, a Texas state court entered a domestic violence restraining order against Rahimi. The order also barred Rahimi from possessing a gun based on a part of a federal statute: the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. Mr. Rahimi claims that the statute violates his Second Amendment rights.
Postscript invites authors to react to contemporary events that engage their scholarship and we have two experts on the Second Amendment to unpack the case. Joseph Blocher, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and has a forthcoming article in the Yale Law Review (co-authored with Eric Ruben) entitled Originalism-by-Analogy and Second Amendment Adjudication. In addition to his numerous influential law review articles and nuanced public facing scholarship in print, radio, and tv, he was one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in Heller and he contributed an important brief to New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen.
 Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Joseph Blocher and Andrew Willinger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Supreme Court recently wrapped up their term – and announced that they will hear a very controversial case about domestic abuse, the power of Congress, and the right to keep and bear arms called United States v. Rahimi. The Court will decide whether a Texas man who assaulted his girlfriend in a parking lot and threatened to shoot her if she told anyone has been deprived of his Second Amendment rights. When the assaulted woman later obtained a restraining order against Mr. Zackey Rahimi, federal law made illegal for him to possess a firearm or ammunition while under that order.
In 2019, Mr. Zackey Rahimi had an argument with his girlfriend in a parking lot. Mr. Rahimi knocked the woman to the ground. As he dragged her back to his car, she hit her head on the car’s dashboard. Later, in a telephone call. Mr. Rahimi threatened the woman that he would shoot her if she told anyone about the assault. Later, a Texas state court entered a domestic violence restraining order against Rahimi. The order also barred Rahimi from possessing a gun based on a part of a federal statute: the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. Mr. Rahimi claims that the statute violates his Second Amendment rights.
Postscript invites authors to react to contemporary events that engage their scholarship and we have two experts on the Second Amendment to unpack the case. Joseph Blocher, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and has a forthcoming article in the Yale Law Review (co-authored with Eric Ruben) entitled Originalism-by-Analogy and Second Amendment Adjudication. In addition to his numerous influential law review articles and nuanced public facing scholarship in print, radio, and tv, he was one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in Heller and he contributed an important brief to New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen.
 Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Supreme Court recently wrapped up their term – and announced that they will hear a very controversial case about domestic abuse, the power of Congress, and the right to keep and bear arms called <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/united-states-v-rahimi/"><em>United States v. Rahimi</em></a>. The Court will decide whether a Texas man who assaulted his girlfriend in a parking lot and threatened to shoot her if she told anyone has been deprived of his Second Amendment rights. When the assaulted woman later obtained a restraining order against Mr. Zackey Rahimi, federal law made illegal for him to possess a firearm or ammunition while under that order.</p><p>In 2019, Mr. Zackey Rahimi had an argument with his girlfriend in a parking lot. Mr. Rahimi knocked the woman to the ground. As he dragged her back to his car, she hit her head on the car’s dashboard. Later, in a telephone call. Mr. Rahimi threatened the woman that he would shoot her if she told anyone about the assault. Later, a Texas state court entered a domestic violence restraining order against Rahimi. The order also barred Rahimi from possessing a gun based on a part of a federal statute: the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994. Mr. Rahimi claims that the statute violates his Second Amendment rights.</p><p><em>Postscript </em>invites authors to react to contemporary events that engage their scholarship and we have two experts on the Second Amendment to unpack the case. <a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/blocher">Joseph Blocher</a>, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law co-authored <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-positive-second-amendment-rights-regulation-and-the-future-of-heller/9781316611289"><em>The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and has a forthcoming article in the Yale Law Review (co-authored with Eric Ruben) entitled <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4408228"><em>Originalism-by-Analogy and Second Amendment Adjudication</em></a>. In addition to his numerous influential law review articles and nuanced public facing scholarship in print, radio, and tv, he was one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in <em>Heller</em> and he contributed an important brief to <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/20-843#:~:text=Held%3A%20New%20York%27s%20proper%2Dcause,in%20public%20for%20self%2Ddefense."><em>New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><em> </em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3274</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Quilty, "August in Kabul: America's Last Days in Afghanistan" (Bloomsbury, 2023)</title>
      <description>Told through the eyes of witnesses to the fall of Kabul, Walkley award-winning journalist Andrew Quilty's debut publication offers a remarkable record of this historic moment. August in Kabul: America's Last Days in Afghanistan (Bloomsbury, 2023) is the story of how America's longest mission came to an abrupt and humiliating end, told through the eyes of Afghans whose lives have been turned upside down: a young woman who harbors dreams of a university education; a presidential staffer who works desperately to hold things together as the government collapses around him; a prisoner in the notorious Bagram Prison who suddenly finds himself free when prison guards abandon their post. Andrew Quilty was one of a handful of Western journalists who stayed in Kabul as the city fell. This is his first-hand account of those dramatic final days.
Andrew Quilty’s photography career began in Sydney, in the year 2000, on the day his application to a university photo elective was rejected. He quit, and set off around Australia with a surfboard and a Nikon F3 that his uncle—also a photographer—had passed down. His work in Afghanistan has been published worldwide and garnered accolades including, in 2019, a World Press Photo, a Picture of the Year International award of excellence in the category of Photographer of the Year (POYI), and prior to that, a George Polk Award, three POYI awards, a Sony World Photography award and six Walkley Awards, including the Gold Walkley, the highest honor in Australian journalism. In 2016, a selection of his work from Afghanistan was exhibited at the Visa pour L'Image Festival of Photojournalism in Perpignan, France. He has travelled to two thirds of Afghanistan's 34 provinces and continues to document the country through pictures and, increasingly, the written word.
Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. His work focuses on the reintegration process of veterans of the military and non-state armed groups in contexts spanning the US, Colombia, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, and beyond. He is a staff writer for the Chicago Policy Review, director of projects and programs at Corioli Institute, and a contributing researcher at Trust After Betrayal. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on LinkedIn or at his email, ctchristensen@uchicago.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>181</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Quilty</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Told through the eyes of witnesses to the fall of Kabul, Walkley award-winning journalist Andrew Quilty's debut publication offers a remarkable record of this historic moment. August in Kabul: America's Last Days in Afghanistan (Bloomsbury, 2023) is the story of how America's longest mission came to an abrupt and humiliating end, told through the eyes of Afghans whose lives have been turned upside down: a young woman who harbors dreams of a university education; a presidential staffer who works desperately to hold things together as the government collapses around him; a prisoner in the notorious Bagram Prison who suddenly finds himself free when prison guards abandon their post. Andrew Quilty was one of a handful of Western journalists who stayed in Kabul as the city fell. This is his first-hand account of those dramatic final days.
Andrew Quilty’s photography career began in Sydney, in the year 2000, on the day his application to a university photo elective was rejected. He quit, and set off around Australia with a surfboard and a Nikon F3 that his uncle—also a photographer—had passed down. His work in Afghanistan has been published worldwide and garnered accolades including, in 2019, a World Press Photo, a Picture of the Year International award of excellence in the category of Photographer of the Year (POYI), and prior to that, a George Polk Award, three POYI awards, a Sony World Photography award and six Walkley Awards, including the Gold Walkley, the highest honor in Australian journalism. In 2016, a selection of his work from Afghanistan was exhibited at the Visa pour L'Image Festival of Photojournalism in Perpignan, France. He has travelled to two thirds of Afghanistan's 34 provinces and continues to document the country through pictures and, increasingly, the written word.
Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. His work focuses on the reintegration process of veterans of the military and non-state armed groups in contexts spanning the US, Colombia, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, and beyond. He is a staff writer for the Chicago Policy Review, director of projects and programs at Corioli Institute, and a contributing researcher at Trust After Betrayal. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on LinkedIn or at his email, ctchristensen@uchicago.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Told through the eyes of witnesses to the fall of Kabul, Walkley award-winning journalist <a href="https://www.andrewquilty.com/about">Andrew Quilty</a>'s debut publication offers a remarkable record of this historic moment. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781350370319"><em>August in Kabul: America's Last Days in Afghanistan</em></a> (Bloomsbury, 2023) is the story of how America's longest mission came to an abrupt and humiliating end, told through the eyes of Afghans whose lives have been turned upside down: a young woman who harbors dreams of a university education; a presidential staffer who works desperately to hold things together as the government collapses around him; a prisoner in the notorious Bagram Prison who suddenly finds himself free when prison guards abandon their post. Andrew Quilty was one of a handful of Western journalists who stayed in Kabul as the city fell. This is his first-hand account of those dramatic final days.</p><p>Andrew Quilty’s photography career began in Sydney, in the year 2000, on the day his application to a university photo elective was rejected. He quit, and set off around Australia with a surfboard and a Nikon F3 that his uncle—also a photographer—had passed down. His work in Afghanistan has been published worldwide and garnered accolades including, in 2019, a World Press Photo, a Picture of the Year International award of excellence in the category of Photographer of the Year (POYI), and prior to that, a George Polk Award, three POYI awards, a Sony World Photography award and six Walkley Awards, including the Gold Walkley, the highest honor in Australian journalism. In 2016, a selection of his work from Afghanistan was exhibited at the Visa pour L'Image Festival of Photojournalism in Perpignan, France. He has travelled to two thirds of Afghanistan's 34 provinces and continues to document the country through pictures and, increasingly, the written word.</p><p><em>Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. His work focuses on the reintegration process of veterans of the military and non-state armed groups in contexts spanning the US, Colombia, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone, and beyond. He is a staff writer for the </em><a href="https://chicagopolicyreview.org/author/connor-christensen/"><em>Chicago Policy Review</em></a><em>, director of projects and programs at </em><a href="https://www.corioli.org/"><em>Corioli Institute</em></a><em>, and a contributing researcher at </em><a href="https://www.trustafterbetrayal.org/"><em>Trust After Betrayal</em></a><em>. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/connor-christensen-99354a1a1/"><em>LinkedIn</em></a><em> or at his email, ctchristensen@uchicago.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2296</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Penny M. Von Eschen, "Paradoxes of Nostalgia: Cold War Triumphalism and Global Disorder Since 1989" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Paradoxes of Nostalgia: Cold War Triumphalism and Global Disorder since 1989 (Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Penny M. Von Eschen offers a sweeping examination of the cold war’s afterlife and the lingering shadows it casts over geopolitics, journalism, and popular culture. She shows how myriad forms of nostalgia across the globe—from those that posit a mythic national past to those critical of neoliberalism that remember a time when people believed in the possibility of a collective good—indelibly shape the post-cold war era.
When Western triumphalism moved into the global South and former Eastern bloc spaces, many articulated a powerful sense of loss and a longing for stability. Innovatively bringing together diplomatic archives, museums, films, and video games, Dr. Von Eschen shows that as the United States continuously sought new enemies for its unipolar world, cold war triumphalism fueled the ascendancy of xenophobic right-wing nationalism and the embrace of authoritarian sensibilities in the United States and beyond. Ultimately, she demonstrates that triumphalist claims that capitalism and military might won the cold war distort the past and disfigure the present, undermining democratic values and institutions.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>73</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Penny M. Von Eschen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Paradoxes of Nostalgia: Cold War Triumphalism and Global Disorder since 1989 (Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Penny M. Von Eschen offers a sweeping examination of the cold war’s afterlife and the lingering shadows it casts over geopolitics, journalism, and popular culture. She shows how myriad forms of nostalgia across the globe—from those that posit a mythic national past to those critical of neoliberalism that remember a time when people believed in the possibility of a collective good—indelibly shape the post-cold war era.
When Western triumphalism moved into the global South and former Eastern bloc spaces, many articulated a powerful sense of loss and a longing for stability. Innovatively bringing together diplomatic archives, museums, films, and video games, Dr. Von Eschen shows that as the United States continuously sought new enemies for its unipolar world, cold war triumphalism fueled the ascendancy of xenophobic right-wing nationalism and the embrace of authoritarian sensibilities in the United States and beyond. Ultimately, she demonstrates that triumphalist claims that capitalism and military might won the cold war distort the past and disfigure the present, undermining democratic values and institutions.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478015604"><em>Paradoxes of Nostalgia: Cold War Triumphalism and Global Disorder since 1989</em></a> (Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Penny M. Von Eschen offers a sweeping examination of the cold war’s afterlife and the lingering shadows it casts over geopolitics, journalism, and popular culture. She shows how myriad forms of nostalgia across the globe—from those that posit a mythic national past to those critical of neoliberalism that remember a time when people believed in the possibility of a collective good—indelibly shape the post-cold war era.</p><p>When Western triumphalism moved into the global South and former Eastern bloc spaces, many articulated a powerful sense of loss and a longing for stability. Innovatively bringing together diplomatic archives, museums, films, and video games, Dr. Von Eschen shows that as the United States continuously sought new enemies for its unipolar world, cold war triumphalism fueled the ascendancy of xenophobic right-wing nationalism and the embrace of authoritarian sensibilities in the United States and beyond. Ultimately, she demonstrates that triumphalist claims that capitalism and military might won the cold war distort the past and disfigure the present, undermining democratic values and institutions.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5246</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Anne Phillips, "Unconditional Equals" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>For centuries, ringing declarations about all men being created equal appealed to a shared human nature as the reason to consider ourselves equals. But appeals to natural equality invited gradations of natural difference, and the ambiguity at the heart of “nature” enabled generations to write of people as equal by nature while barely noticing the exclusion of those marked as inferior by their gender, race, or class. Despite what we commonly tell ourselves, these exclusions and gradations continue today. In Unconditional Equals (Princeton UP, 2021), political philosopher Anne Phillips challenges attempts to justify equality by reference to a shared human nature, arguing that justification turns into conditions and ends up as exclusion. Rejecting the logic of justification, she calls instead for a genuinely unconditional equality.
Drawing on political, feminist, and postcolonial theory, Unconditional Equals argues that we should understand equality not as something grounded in shared characteristics but as something people enact when they refuse to be considered inferiors. At a time when the supposedly shared belief in human equality is so patently not shared, the book makes a powerful case for seeing equality as a commitment we make to ourselves and others, and a claim we make on others when they deny us our status as equals.
Anne Phillips is the Graham Wallas Professor of Political Science at the London School of Economics, where she previously directed the LSE Gender Institute. Her books include Engendering Democracy; The Politics of Presence; Which Equalities Matter?; Multiculturalism without Culture (Princeton); Our Body, Whose Property? (Princeton); and The Politics of the Human.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>396</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Anne Phillips</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For centuries, ringing declarations about all men being created equal appealed to a shared human nature as the reason to consider ourselves equals. But appeals to natural equality invited gradations of natural difference, and the ambiguity at the heart of “nature” enabled generations to write of people as equal by nature while barely noticing the exclusion of those marked as inferior by their gender, race, or class. Despite what we commonly tell ourselves, these exclusions and gradations continue today. In Unconditional Equals (Princeton UP, 2021), political philosopher Anne Phillips challenges attempts to justify equality by reference to a shared human nature, arguing that justification turns into conditions and ends up as exclusion. Rejecting the logic of justification, she calls instead for a genuinely unconditional equality.
Drawing on political, feminist, and postcolonial theory, Unconditional Equals argues that we should understand equality not as something grounded in shared characteristics but as something people enact when they refuse to be considered inferiors. At a time when the supposedly shared belief in human equality is so patently not shared, the book makes a powerful case for seeing equality as a commitment we make to ourselves and others, and a claim we make on others when they deny us our status as equals.
Anne Phillips is the Graham Wallas Professor of Political Science at the London School of Economics, where she previously directed the LSE Gender Institute. Her books include Engendering Democracy; The Politics of Presence; Which Equalities Matter?; Multiculturalism without Culture (Princeton); Our Body, Whose Property? (Princeton); and The Politics of the Human.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For centuries, ringing declarations about all men being created equal appealed to a shared human nature as the reason to consider ourselves equals. But appeals to natural equality invited gradations of natural difference, and the ambiguity at the heart of “nature” enabled generations to write of people as equal by nature while barely noticing the exclusion of those marked as inferior by their gender, race, or class. Despite what we commonly tell ourselves, these exclusions and gradations continue today. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691226163"><em>Unconditional Equals</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2021), political philosopher Anne Phillips challenges attempts to justify equality by reference to a shared human nature, arguing that justification turns into conditions and ends up as exclusion. Rejecting the logic of justification, she calls instead for a genuinely unconditional equality.</p><p>Drawing on political, feminist, and postcolonial theory, <em>Unconditional Equals</em> argues that we should understand equality not as something grounded in shared characteristics but as something people enact when they refuse to be considered inferiors. At a time when the supposedly shared belief in human equality is so patently not shared, the book makes a powerful case for seeing equality as a commitment we make to ourselves and others, and a claim we make on others when they deny us our status as equals.</p><p>Anne Phillips is the Graham Wallas Professor of Political Science at the London School of Economics, where she previously directed the LSE Gender Institute. Her books include Engendering Democracy; The Politics of Presence; Which Equalities Matter?; Multiculturalism without Culture (Princeton); Our Body, Whose Property? (Princeton); and The Politics of the Human.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3494</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Mere Natural Law: A Conversation with Hadley Arkes</title>
      <description>What is natural law, and what does it have to do with originalism? Why does the Right defend religion yet so often struggle to define it? Next up in our "Summer of Law" series, Hadley Arkes, the Edward Ney Professor Emeritus of Jurisprudence Emeritus at Amherst College and the Founder and Director of the James Wilson Institute sits down to chat about his recent book, Mere Natural Law: Originalism and the Anchoring Truths of the Constitution (Regnery Publishing, 2023).

More on Prof. Arkes is available here.

About the The James Wilson Institute, here.

The Stanford Review's "religion," referenced during the podcast is here.


Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes. She graduated from Stanford University in 2021, where she studied Classics and Linguistics. She was also Editor-in-Chief of the Stanford Review and a member of the varsity fencing team. Previously, she was a Research Assistant in Education Policy at the American Enterprise Institute.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>80</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is natural law, and what does it have to do with originalism? Why does the Right defend religion yet so often struggle to define it? Next up in our "Summer of Law" series, Hadley Arkes, the Edward Ney Professor Emeritus of Jurisprudence Emeritus at Amherst College and the Founder and Director of the James Wilson Institute sits down to chat about his recent book, Mere Natural Law: Originalism and the Anchoring Truths of the Constitution (Regnery Publishing, 2023).

More on Prof. Arkes is available here.

About the The James Wilson Institute, here.

The Stanford Review's "religion," referenced during the podcast is here.


Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes. She graduated from Stanford University in 2021, where she studied Classics and Linguistics. She was also Editor-in-Chief of the Stanford Review and a member of the varsity fencing team. Previously, she was a Research Assistant in Education Policy at the American Enterprise Institute.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is natural law, and what does it have to do with originalism? Why does the Right defend religion yet so often struggle to define it? Next up in our "Summer of Law" series, Hadley Arkes, the Edward Ney Professor Emeritus of Jurisprudence Emeritus at Amherst College and the Founder and Director of the James Wilson Institute sits down to chat about his recent book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684513017"><em>Mere Natural Law: Originalism and the Anchoring Truths of the Constitution</em></a><em> </em>(Regnery Publishing, 2023).</p><ul>
<li>More on Prof. Arkes is available <a href="https://jameswilsoninstitute.org/about/about-page-3">here</a>.</li>
<li>About the The James Wilson Institute, <a href="https://jameswilsoninstitute.org/">here</a>.</li>
<li>The Stanford Review's "religion," referenced during the podcast is <a href="https://stanfordreview.org/hate-the-meal-plan-we-founded/">here</a>.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>. She graduated from Stanford University in 2021, where she studied Classics and Linguistics. She was also Editor-in-Chief of the Stanford Review and a member of the varsity fencing team. Previously, she was a Research Assistant in Education Policy at the American Enterprise Institute.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3892</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia, "Violent America: The Dynamics of Identity Politics in a Multiracial Society" (Cornell UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In Violent America: The Dynamics of Identity Politics in a Multiracial Society (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia counterintuitively analyses why and how various ethnoracial groups proactively and instrumentally use different forms of violence to achieve their goals. Combining a historical analysis spanning the centuries with an examination of contemporary problems, she considers how and why ethnoracial groups can be both perpetrators and victims of violence, why some minority groups react differently to violence in comparable situations, and what the consequences are today for politics in both America and Europe.
Violent America thus explores the effects of physical and discursive violence on the ways in which ethnoracial groups define themselves. Dr. Chebel d'Appollonia argues that the use of ethnoracial violence has been and remains an effective identity strategy by which all ethnoracial groups are able to integrate themselves into the mainstream of American society. She provides an alternative way of understanding the complex relationship between migrant phobia, multiethnic grievances, and intergroup conflicts in America.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>300</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Violent America: The Dynamics of Identity Politics in a Multiracial Society (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia counterintuitively analyses why and how various ethnoracial groups proactively and instrumentally use different forms of violence to achieve their goals. Combining a historical analysis spanning the centuries with an examination of contemporary problems, she considers how and why ethnoracial groups can be both perpetrators and victims of violence, why some minority groups react differently to violence in comparable situations, and what the consequences are today for politics in both America and Europe.
Violent America thus explores the effects of physical and discursive violence on the ways in which ethnoracial groups define themselves. Dr. Chebel d'Appollonia argues that the use of ethnoracial violence has been and remains an effective identity strategy by which all ethnoracial groups are able to integrate themselves into the mainstream of American society. She provides an alternative way of understanding the complex relationship between migrant phobia, multiethnic grievances, and intergroup conflicts in America.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501767555"><em>Violent America: The Dynamics of Identity Politics in a Multiracial Society</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2023), Dr. Ariane Chebel d'Appollonia counterintuitively analyses why and how various ethnoracial groups proactively and instrumentally use different forms of violence to achieve their goals. Combining a historical analysis spanning the centuries with an examination of contemporary problems, she considers how and why ethnoracial groups can be both perpetrators and victims of violence, why some minority groups react differently to violence in comparable situations, and what the consequences are today for politics in both America and Europe.</p><p><em>Violent America</em> thus explores the effects of physical and discursive violence on the ways in which ethnoracial groups define themselves. Dr. Chebel d'Appollonia argues that the use of ethnoracial violence has been and remains an effective identity strategy by which all ethnoracial groups are able to integrate themselves into the mainstream of American society. She provides an alternative way of understanding the complex relationship between migrant phobia, multiethnic grievances, and intergroup conflicts in America.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3995</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brendan O'Brien, "Homesick: Why Housing Is Unaffordable and How We Can Change It" (Chicago Review Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Nobody who sits in traffic on Sedona, Arizona's main stretch or stands shoulder-to-shoulder in its many souvenir shops would call it a ghost town. Neither would anyone renting a room for $2,000 a month or buying a house for a half-million dollars. And yet, the people who built the small town and made it a community are being pushed further and further out. Their home is being sold out from under their feet. 
In studying the impact of short-term rentals, Brendan O'Brien saw something similar happening in places ranging from Bend, Oregon, to Bar Harbor, Maine. But it isn't just short-term rentals, and it's not just tourism towns. Neighborhoods in Austin and Atlanta have become rows of investment properties. Longtime residents in Spokane and Boston have been replaced by new, high-salaried remote workers. Across the country, a level of unaffordable housing which once seemed unique to global cities like New York and San Francisco has become the norm, with nearly a third of all US households considered housing cost-burdened. This situation has been aided by the direct actions of developers, politicians, and existing homeowners who have sought to drive up the cost of housing. But it's mostly happened due to a societal-wide refusal to see housing as anything more than real estate, another product available to the highest bidder. This trend of putting local housing on a global market has worsened in recent years but is nothing new. Housing in the United States has always been marred by racial and income inequality that mocks the country's highest ideals. Deeply researched and deeply felt, Homesick: Why Housing Is Unaffordable and How We Can Change It (Chicago Review Press, 2023) argues that we can be so much better. And we can start where we live.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>154</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brendan O'Brien</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nobody who sits in traffic on Sedona, Arizona's main stretch or stands shoulder-to-shoulder in its many souvenir shops would call it a ghost town. Neither would anyone renting a room for $2,000 a month or buying a house for a half-million dollars. And yet, the people who built the small town and made it a community are being pushed further and further out. Their home is being sold out from under their feet. 
In studying the impact of short-term rentals, Brendan O'Brien saw something similar happening in places ranging from Bend, Oregon, to Bar Harbor, Maine. But it isn't just short-term rentals, and it's not just tourism towns. Neighborhoods in Austin and Atlanta have become rows of investment properties. Longtime residents in Spokane and Boston have been replaced by new, high-salaried remote workers. Across the country, a level of unaffordable housing which once seemed unique to global cities like New York and San Francisco has become the norm, with nearly a third of all US households considered housing cost-burdened. This situation has been aided by the direct actions of developers, politicians, and existing homeowners who have sought to drive up the cost of housing. But it's mostly happened due to a societal-wide refusal to see housing as anything more than real estate, another product available to the highest bidder. This trend of putting local housing on a global market has worsened in recent years but is nothing new. Housing in the United States has always been marred by racial and income inequality that mocks the country's highest ideals. Deeply researched and deeply felt, Homesick: Why Housing Is Unaffordable and How We Can Change It (Chicago Review Press, 2023) argues that we can be so much better. And we can start where we live.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nobody who sits in traffic on Sedona, Arizona's main stretch or stands shoulder-to-shoulder in its many souvenir shops would call it a ghost town. Neither would anyone renting a room for $2,000 a month or buying a house for a half-million dollars. And yet, the people who built the small town and made it a community are being pushed further and further out. Their home is being sold out from under their feet. </p><p>In studying the impact of short-term rentals, Brendan O'Brien saw something similar happening in places ranging from Bend, Oregon, to Bar Harbor, Maine. But it isn't just short-term rentals, and it's not just tourism towns. Neighborhoods in Austin and Atlanta have become rows of investment properties. Longtime residents in Spokane and Boston have been replaced by new, high-salaried remote workers. Across the country, a level of unaffordable housing which once seemed unique to global cities like New York and San Francisco has become the norm, with nearly a third of all US households considered housing cost-burdened. This situation has been aided by the direct actions of developers, politicians, and existing homeowners who have sought to drive up the cost of housing. But it's mostly happened due to a societal-wide refusal to see housing as anything more than real estate, another product available to the highest bidder. This trend of putting local housing on a global market has worsened in recent years but is nothing new. Housing in the United States has always been marred by racial and income inequality that mocks the country's highest ideals. Deeply researched and deeply felt, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641609692"><em>Homesick: Why Housing Is Unaffordable and How We Can Change It </em></a>(Chicago Review Press, 2023) argues that we can be so much better. And we can start where we live.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is a Senior Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2071</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Samuel Issacharoff, "Democracy Unmoored: Populism and the Corruption of Popular Sovereignty" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The 2016 election of Donald Trump focused people's minds on populism, and most of the attention paid to the subject since has been on the threat it poses to wealthy democracies. In Democracy Unmoored, Samuel Issacharoff takes a far wider-angle view of the phenomenon, covering countries from across the globe: Brazil, Poland, Argentina, Turkey, India, Hungary, Venezuela, and more. Just as importantly, he focuses on populism's attack on the institutions of governance. 
Democracy requires two critical features: first, a commitment to repeat play such that political actors understand that what goes around comes around; and, second, institutional constraints so that the majority can prevail, albeit not by too much. Democracies must avoid the doomsday scenario in which the contending parties see the next election as the final choice between salvation and perdition. Issacharoff shows how populist governance undermines each of these two critical underpinnings of stable democracy, first by compressing the time horizon to the immediate, and second by eroding institutional constraints on strongman rule. At the same time, Issacharoff highlights the fact that ascendent populists were pushing in an open door as they found democracies in states of disrepair in the post-2008 world. Electorates around the world had come to see institutional democratic party systems as cabals of elites working against "the people," which anti-institutionalist populists took advantage of in country after country. Global in coverage and featuring a powerful explanation of the true threat populism represents to democracy, this book will be essential reading for anyone who cares about the survival of democratic institutions.
Samuel Issacharoff is the Reiss Professor of Constitutional Law at New York University School of Law. He is a leading figure in the study of democracy, constitutions, and the courts, and the author of Fragile Democracies: Contested Power in the Era of Constitutional Courts. He is a leading figure in the law of democracy in the U.S. and has written scores of articles on democratic challenges around the world. He served as a senior legal advisor to the presidential campaigns of Barack Obama and is long experienced as an appellate advocate in American courts. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>394</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel Issacharoff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 2016 election of Donald Trump focused people's minds on populism, and most of the attention paid to the subject since has been on the threat it poses to wealthy democracies. In Democracy Unmoored, Samuel Issacharoff takes a far wider-angle view of the phenomenon, covering countries from across the globe: Brazil, Poland, Argentina, Turkey, India, Hungary, Venezuela, and more. Just as importantly, he focuses on populism's attack on the institutions of governance. 
Democracy requires two critical features: first, a commitment to repeat play such that political actors understand that what goes around comes around; and, second, institutional constraints so that the majority can prevail, albeit not by too much. Democracies must avoid the doomsday scenario in which the contending parties see the next election as the final choice between salvation and perdition. Issacharoff shows how populist governance undermines each of these two critical underpinnings of stable democracy, first by compressing the time horizon to the immediate, and second by eroding institutional constraints on strongman rule. At the same time, Issacharoff highlights the fact that ascendent populists were pushing in an open door as they found democracies in states of disrepair in the post-2008 world. Electorates around the world had come to see institutional democratic party systems as cabals of elites working against "the people," which anti-institutionalist populists took advantage of in country after country. Global in coverage and featuring a powerful explanation of the true threat populism represents to democracy, this book will be essential reading for anyone who cares about the survival of democratic institutions.
Samuel Issacharoff is the Reiss Professor of Constitutional Law at New York University School of Law. He is a leading figure in the study of democracy, constitutions, and the courts, and the author of Fragile Democracies: Contested Power in the Era of Constitutional Courts. He is a leading figure in the law of democracy in the U.S. and has written scores of articles on democratic challenges around the world. He served as a senior legal advisor to the presidential campaigns of Barack Obama and is long experienced as an appellate advocate in American courts. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 2016 election of Donald Trump focused people's minds on populism, and most of the attention paid to the subject since has been on the threat it poses to wealthy democracies. In Democracy Unmoored, Samuel Issacharoff takes a far wider-angle view of the phenomenon, covering countries from across the globe: Brazil, Poland, Argentina, Turkey, India, Hungary, Venezuela, and more. Just as importantly, he focuses on populism's attack on the institutions of governance. </p><p>Democracy requires two critical features: first, a commitment to repeat play such that political actors understand that what goes around comes around; and, second, institutional constraints so that the majority can prevail, albeit not by too much. Democracies must avoid the doomsday scenario in which the contending parties see the next election as the final choice between salvation and perdition. Issacharoff shows how populist governance undermines each of these two critical underpinnings of stable democracy, first by compressing the time horizon to the immediate, and second by eroding institutional constraints on strongman rule. At the same time, Issacharoff highlights the fact that ascendent populists were pushing in an open door as they found democracies in states of disrepair in the post-2008 world. Electorates around the world had come to see institutional democratic party systems as cabals of elites working against "the people," which anti-institutionalist populists took advantage of in country after country. Global in coverage and featuring a powerful explanation of the true threat populism represents to democracy, this book will be essential reading for anyone who cares about the survival of democratic institutions.</p><p>Samuel Issacharoff is the Reiss Professor of Constitutional Law at New York University School of Law. He is a leading figure in the study of democracy, constitutions, and the courts, and the author of <em>Fragile Democracies: Contested Power in the Era of Constitutional Courts</em>. He is a leading figure in the law of democracy in the U.S. and has written scores of articles on democratic challenges around the world. He served as a senior legal advisor to the presidential campaigns of Barack Obama and is long experienced as an appellate advocate in American courts. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.</p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>Morteza Hajizadeh</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3348</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Nour Halabi, "Radical Hospitality: American Policy, Media, and Immigration" (Rutgers UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>How should we understand contemporary migration policy? In Radical Hospitality: American Policy, Media, and Immigration (Rutgers UP, 2022), Nour Halabi, an Interdisciplinary Fellow at the University of Aberdeen, explores this question by blending history, media studies, and a range of critical theory to introduce the idea of radical hospitality. Using detailed historical and contemporary case studies- from the 1880s and the Chinese Exclusion Act, through the 1920s and the National Origins Act, up to the 2000s and the Muslim travel ban- the book offers both a rethink of the history of immigration as well as a radical call for a new approach. Rich in detail and broad in scope, the book is essential reading for anyone wishing to see a better world for migrants everywhere.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>393</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nour Halabi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How should we understand contemporary migration policy? In Radical Hospitality: American Policy, Media, and Immigration (Rutgers UP, 2022), Nour Halabi, an Interdisciplinary Fellow at the University of Aberdeen, explores this question by blending history, media studies, and a range of critical theory to introduce the idea of radical hospitality. Using detailed historical and contemporary case studies- from the 1880s and the Chinese Exclusion Act, through the 1920s and the National Origins Act, up to the 2000s and the Muslim travel ban- the book offers both a rethink of the history of immigration as well as a radical call for a new approach. Rich in detail and broad in scope, the book is essential reading for anyone wishing to see a better world for migrants everywhere.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How should we understand contemporary migration policy? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978827721"><em>Radical Hospitality: American Policy, Media, and Immigration</em></a><em> </em>(Rutgers UP, 2022),<em> </em><a href="https://twitter.com/noor_halabi">Nour Halabi,</a> <a href="https://abdn.pure.elsevier.com/en/persons/nour-halabi">an Interdisciplinary Fellow at the University of Aberdeen</a>, explores this question by blending history, media studies, and a range of critical theory to introduce the idea of radical hospitality. Using detailed historical and contemporary case studies- from the 1880s and the Chinese Exclusion Act, through the 1920s and the National Origins Act, up to the 2000s and the Muslim travel ban- the book offers both a rethink of the history of immigration as well as a radical call for a new approach. Rich in detail and broad in scope, the book is essential reading for anyone wishing to see a better world for migrants everywhere.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2341</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Morgan L. W. Hazelton and Rachael K. Hinkle, "Persuading the Supreme Court: The Significance of Briefs in Judicial Decision-Making" (UP Kansas, 2022)</title>
      <description>Each June in the United States, scholars, journalists, law makers, law enforcers, lawyers, and members of the public wait for the announcement of major decisions from the Supreme Court. Justices often read a summary of their decision from the bench dressed in their robes. Paper copies are available in a special office – and more recently on the Supreme Court website. This year, the Supreme Court opinions have shaped policy on affirmative action, public accommodation for LGBTQ+ people, voting rights, student loans, and the power of states to control election procedure. Before these cases are decided, the parties, outside individuals, and interest groups invest an estimated $25 to $50 million dollars a year to produce roughly one thousand amicus briefs. These briefs strategically provide information to the justices to convince them to vote in a particular way. How are these briefs produced? Who pays for their research and writing? What impact do they have on the ultimate decisions of the Supreme Court?
In Persuading the Supreme Court: The Significance of Briefs in Judicial Decision-Making (UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle draw on political science research on the effects of information on policy making, their original dataset of more than 25,000 party and amicus briefs ﬁled between 1984 and 2015, their interviews with former Supreme Court clerks and attorneys, and the text of the related court opinions to argue that the briefs matter – and they matter more when parties hire experienced attorneys known to the justices to craft excellent information-rich briefs. Hazelton and Hinkle interrogate both the causes and the consequences of providing that information to the justices. They demonstrate how that information operates differently in terms of influencing who wins and what policy is announced.
Dr. Rachael K. Hinkle, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.
Dr. Morgan L.W. Hazelton, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.
In the podcast, Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle mention their piece in their Monkey Cage on predicting the outcome in the 2023 Voting Rights Case and their new collaboration with Dr. Michael J. Nelson, The Elevator Effect. Their data set is available to the public and can be found on either of their websites (linked above).
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>665</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Morgan L. W. Hazelton and Rachael K. Hinkle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Each June in the United States, scholars, journalists, law makers, law enforcers, lawyers, and members of the public wait for the announcement of major decisions from the Supreme Court. Justices often read a summary of their decision from the bench dressed in their robes. Paper copies are available in a special office – and more recently on the Supreme Court website. This year, the Supreme Court opinions have shaped policy on affirmative action, public accommodation for LGBTQ+ people, voting rights, student loans, and the power of states to control election procedure. Before these cases are decided, the parties, outside individuals, and interest groups invest an estimated $25 to $50 million dollars a year to produce roughly one thousand amicus briefs. These briefs strategically provide information to the justices to convince them to vote in a particular way. How are these briefs produced? Who pays for their research and writing? What impact do they have on the ultimate decisions of the Supreme Court?
In Persuading the Supreme Court: The Significance of Briefs in Judicial Decision-Making (UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle draw on political science research on the effects of information on policy making, their original dataset of more than 25,000 party and amicus briefs ﬁled between 1984 and 2015, their interviews with former Supreme Court clerks and attorneys, and the text of the related court opinions to argue that the briefs matter – and they matter more when parties hire experienced attorneys known to the justices to craft excellent information-rich briefs. Hazelton and Hinkle interrogate both the causes and the consequences of providing that information to the justices. They demonstrate how that information operates differently in terms of influencing who wins and what policy is announced.
Dr. Rachael K. Hinkle, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.
Dr. Morgan L.W. Hazelton, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.
In the podcast, Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle mention their piece in their Monkey Cage on predicting the outcome in the 2023 Voting Rights Case and their new collaboration with Dr. Michael J. Nelson, The Elevator Effect. Their data set is available to the public and can be found on either of their websites (linked above).
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Each June in the United States, scholars, journalists, law makers, law enforcers, lawyers, and members of the public wait for the announcement of major decisions from the Supreme Court. Justices often read a summary of their decision from the bench dressed in their robes. Paper copies are available in a special office – and more recently on the Supreme Court website. This year, the Supreme Court opinions have shaped policy on affirmative action, public accommodation for LGBTQ+ people, voting rights, student loans, and the power of states to control election procedure. Before these cases are decided, the parties, outside individuals, and interest groups invest an estimated $25 to $50 million dollars a year to produce roughly one thousand amicus briefs. These briefs strategically provide information to the justices to convince them to vote in a particular way. How are these briefs produced? Who pays for their research and writing? What impact do they have on the ultimate decisions of the Supreme Court?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700633630"><em>Persuading the Supreme Court: The Significance of Briefs in Judicial Decision-Making</em></a><em> </em>(UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle draw on political science research on the effects of information on policy making, their original dataset of more than 25,000 party and amicus briefs ﬁled between 1984 and 2015, their interviews with former Supreme Court clerks and attorneys, and the text of the related court opinions to argue that the briefs matter – and they matter more when parties hire experienced attorneys known to the justices to craft excellent information-rich briefs. Hazelton and Hinkle interrogate both the causes and the consequences of providing that information to the justices. They demonstrate how that information operates differently in terms of influencing who wins and what policy is announced.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.rachaelkhinkle.com/">Rachael K. Hinkle</a>, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at the University at Buffalo. Her research agenda focuses on judicial politics with particular attention to gleaning insights into legal development from the content of judicial opinions through the use of computational text analytic techniques.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.morganhazelton.org/">Morgan L.W. Hazelton</a>, J.D. and Ph.D., is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science and School of Law (by courtesy) at Saint Louis University. She studies how features of court systems influence the decisions that both litigants and judges make.</p><p>In the podcast, Drs. Hazelton and Hinkle mention their piece in their <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/10/03/supreme-court-term-rulings-amici/">Monkey Cage on predicting the outcome in the 2023 Voting Rights Case</a> and their new collaboration with Dr. Michael J. Nelson, <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-elevator-effect-9780197625408?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>The Elevator Effect</em></a>. Their data set is available to the public and can be found on either of their websites (linked above).</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3310</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Brent Cebul, "Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Today, the word "neoliberal" is used to describe an epochal shift toward market-oriented governance begun in the 1970s. Yet the roots of many of neoliberalism's policy tools can be traced to the ideas and practices of mid-twentieth-century liberalism. In Illusions of Progress, Brent Cebul chronicles the rise of what he terms "supply-side liberalism," a powerful and enduring orientation toward politics and the economy, race and poverty, that united local chambers of commerce, liberal policymakers and economists, and urban and rural economic planners. Beginning in the late 1930s, New Dealers tied expansive aspirations for social and, later, racial progress to a variety of economic development initiatives. In communities across the country, otherwise conservative business elites administered liberal public works, urban redevelopment, and housing programs. But by binding national visions of progress to the local interests of capital, liberals often entrenched the very inequalities of power and opportunity they imagined their programs solving. 
When President Lyndon Johnson launched the War on Poverty--which prioritized direct partnerships with poor and racially marginalized citizens--businesspeople, Republicans, and soon, a rising generation of New Democrats sought to rein in its seeming excesses by reinventing and redeploying many of the policy tools and commitments pioneered on liberalism's supply side: public-private partnerships, market-oriented solutions, fiscal "realism," and, above all, subsidies for business-led growth now promised to blunt, and perhaps ultimately replace, programs for poor and marginalized Americans. In this wide-ranging book, Brent Cebul illuminates the often-overlooked structures of governance, markets, and public debt through which America's warring political ideologies have been expressed and transformed. From Washington, D.C. to the declining Rustbelt and emerging Sunbelt and back again, Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023) reveals the centrality of public and private forms of profit that have defined the enduring boundaries of American politics, opportunity, and inequality-- in an era of liberal ascendence and an age of neoliberal retrenchment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 09 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1336</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brent Cebul</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today, the word "neoliberal" is used to describe an epochal shift toward market-oriented governance begun in the 1970s. Yet the roots of many of neoliberalism's policy tools can be traced to the ideas and practices of mid-twentieth-century liberalism. In Illusions of Progress, Brent Cebul chronicles the rise of what he terms "supply-side liberalism," a powerful and enduring orientation toward politics and the economy, race and poverty, that united local chambers of commerce, liberal policymakers and economists, and urban and rural economic planners. Beginning in the late 1930s, New Dealers tied expansive aspirations for social and, later, racial progress to a variety of economic development initiatives. In communities across the country, otherwise conservative business elites administered liberal public works, urban redevelopment, and housing programs. But by binding national visions of progress to the local interests of capital, liberals often entrenched the very inequalities of power and opportunity they imagined their programs solving. 
When President Lyndon Johnson launched the War on Poverty--which prioritized direct partnerships with poor and racially marginalized citizens--businesspeople, Republicans, and soon, a rising generation of New Democrats sought to rein in its seeming excesses by reinventing and redeploying many of the policy tools and commitments pioneered on liberalism's supply side: public-private partnerships, market-oriented solutions, fiscal "realism," and, above all, subsidies for business-led growth now promised to blunt, and perhaps ultimately replace, programs for poor and marginalized Americans. In this wide-ranging book, Brent Cebul illuminates the often-overlooked structures of governance, markets, and public debt through which America's warring political ideologies have been expressed and transformed. From Washington, D.C. to the declining Rustbelt and emerging Sunbelt and back again, Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023) reveals the centrality of public and private forms of profit that have defined the enduring boundaries of American politics, opportunity, and inequality-- in an era of liberal ascendence and an age of neoliberal retrenchment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today, the word "neoliberal" is used to describe an epochal shift toward market-oriented governance begun in the 1970s. Yet the roots of many of neoliberalism's policy tools can be traced to the ideas and practices of mid-twentieth-century liberalism. In Illusions of Progress, Brent Cebul chronicles the rise of what he terms "supply-side liberalism," a powerful and enduring orientation toward politics and the economy, race and poverty, that united local chambers of commerce, liberal policymakers and economists, and urban and rural economic planners. Beginning in the late 1930s, New Dealers tied expansive aspirations for social and, later, racial progress to a variety of economic development initiatives. In communities across the country, otherwise conservative business elites administered liberal public works, urban redevelopment, and housing programs. But by binding national visions of progress to the local interests of capital, liberals often entrenched the very inequalities of power and opportunity they imagined their programs solving. </p><p>When President Lyndon Johnson launched the War on Poverty--which prioritized direct partnerships with poor and racially marginalized citizens--businesspeople, Republicans, and soon, a rising generation of New Democrats sought to rein in its seeming excesses by reinventing and redeploying many of the policy tools and commitments pioneered on liberalism's supply side: public-private partnerships, market-oriented solutions, fiscal "realism," and, above all, subsidies for business-led growth now promised to blunt, and perhaps ultimately replace, programs for poor and marginalized Americans. In this wide-ranging book, Brent Cebul illuminates the often-overlooked structures of governance, markets, and public debt through which America's warring political ideologies have been expressed and transformed. From Washington, D.C. to the declining Rustbelt and emerging Sunbelt and back again, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512823813"><em>Illusions of Progress: Business, Poverty, and Liberalism in the American Century</em></a> (U Pennsylvania Press, 2023) reveals the centrality of public and private forms of profit that have defined the enduring boundaries of American politics, opportunity, and inequality-- in an era of liberal ascendence and an age of neoliberal retrenchment.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Kristina Horn Sheeler and Karrin Vasby Anderson, "Woman President: Confronting Postfeminist Political Culture" (Texas A&amp;M Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>Kristina Horn Sheeler and Karrin Vasby Anderson have each worked on and researched questions of gender, leadership, executive positions, and popular culture. In Woman President: Confronting Postfeminist Political Culture, Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson examine the experiences of Hillary Rodham Clinton and Sarah Palin as both women ran for office in 2008, at the presidential and vice-presidential level respectively. Woman President digs into the question of gendered presidentiality, and how this contributes to voters’ expectations and to the double bind that most female candidates face, especially those running for executive positions. The requirement that women must demonstrate capacity and capability and ambition, but at the same time not appear to be threatening, overly ambitious, or unfeminine is particularly complicated for presidential or vice-presidential candidates in the United States. Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson dive into the issue of feminism as it has swirled around politics for decades, but particularly in the ways that feminism and postfeminism framed the 2008 election cycle and has come to frame and contribute to more discussions of gender and politics in subsequent election cycles. They also integrate popular culture narratives around women and the presidency and explore the interaction between imaginary narratives and real life and how each influences the other, while providing a space for citizens and voters to see non-white/male/Christian/straight individuals occupying the Oval Office.
In Women, Feminism, and Pop Politics, Vasby Anderson brings together a diversity of voices and scholars to explore the connection between popular culture narratives, women, and feminism, particularly as seen within the context of American politics. This edited volume integrates analysis of a variety of sites where politics, gender, and popular culture interact. The first section of the book explores iconic embodiments of real women and feminism, and how these embodiments communicate ideas about women, and questions of gender equality. The second section of the book interrogates parody and satire in the late-night television zone, where different shows and different comedic formats present differing views of feminism, gender, and politics. Finally, the last section of the book explores the scripted narratives of dramas and comedies (The Good Wife, Madam Secretary, Scandal, Veep, and Parks and Rec) and what these imaginaries provide for audiences as we consider both fictional and real women in power.
Both books are important explorations of the complexities of women, gender, and power within the U.S. political system, with particular attention to the issues that surround the American presidency and the idea of presidentiality.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>664</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kristina Horn Sheeler and Karrin Vasby Anderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kristina Horn Sheeler and Karrin Vasby Anderson have each worked on and researched questions of gender, leadership, executive positions, and popular culture. In Woman President: Confronting Postfeminist Political Culture, Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson examine the experiences of Hillary Rodham Clinton and Sarah Palin as both women ran for office in 2008, at the presidential and vice-presidential level respectively. Woman President digs into the question of gendered presidentiality, and how this contributes to voters’ expectations and to the double bind that most female candidates face, especially those running for executive positions. The requirement that women must demonstrate capacity and capability and ambition, but at the same time not appear to be threatening, overly ambitious, or unfeminine is particularly complicated for presidential or vice-presidential candidates in the United States. Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson dive into the issue of feminism as it has swirled around politics for decades, but particularly in the ways that feminism and postfeminism framed the 2008 election cycle and has come to frame and contribute to more discussions of gender and politics in subsequent election cycles. They also integrate popular culture narratives around women and the presidency and explore the interaction between imaginary narratives and real life and how each influences the other, while providing a space for citizens and voters to see non-white/male/Christian/straight individuals occupying the Oval Office.
In Women, Feminism, and Pop Politics, Vasby Anderson brings together a diversity of voices and scholars to explore the connection between popular culture narratives, women, and feminism, particularly as seen within the context of American politics. This edited volume integrates analysis of a variety of sites where politics, gender, and popular culture interact. The first section of the book explores iconic embodiments of real women and feminism, and how these embodiments communicate ideas about women, and questions of gender equality. The second section of the book interrogates parody and satire in the late-night television zone, where different shows and different comedic formats present differing views of feminism, gender, and politics. Finally, the last section of the book explores the scripted narratives of dramas and comedies (The Good Wife, Madam Secretary, Scandal, Veep, and Parks and Rec) and what these imaginaries provide for audiences as we consider both fictional and real women in power.
Both books are important explorations of the complexities of women, gender, and power within the U.S. political system, with particular attention to the issues that surround the American presidency and the idea of presidentiality.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Kristina Horn Sheeler and Karrin Vasby Anderson have each worked on and researched questions of gender, leadership, executive positions, and popular culture. In <a href="https://www.tamupress.com/book/9781623495558/woman-president/"><em>Woman President: Confronting Postfeminist Political Culture</em></a><em>, </em>Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson examine the experiences of Hillary Rodham Clinton and Sarah Palin as both women ran for office in 2008, at the presidential and vice-presidential level respectively. <a href="https://www.tamupress.com/book/9781623495558/woman-president/"><em>Woman President</em></a> digs into the question of gendered presidentiality, and how this contributes to voters’ expectations and to the double bind that most female candidates face, especially those running for executive positions. The requirement that women must demonstrate capacity and capability and ambition, but at the same time not appear to be threatening, overly ambitious, or unfeminine is particularly complicated for presidential or vice-presidential candidates in the United States. Horn Sheeler and Vasby Anderson dive into the issue of feminism as it has swirled around politics for decades, but particularly in the ways that feminism and postfeminism framed the 2008 election cycle and has come to frame and contribute to more discussions of gender and politics in subsequent election cycles. They also integrate popular culture narratives around women and the presidency and explore the interaction between imaginary narratives and real life and how each influences the other, while providing a space for citizens and voters to see non-white/male/Christian/straight individuals occupying the Oval Office.</p><p>In <a href="https://www.peterlang.com/document/1056671"><em>Women, Feminism, and Pop Politics</em></a>, Vasby Anderson brings together a diversity of voices and scholars to explore the connection between popular culture narratives, women, and feminism, particularly as seen within the context of American politics. This edited volume integrates analysis of a variety of sites where politics, gender, and popular culture interact. The first section of the book explores iconic embodiments of real women and feminism, and how these embodiments communicate ideas about women, and questions of gender equality. The second section of the book interrogates parody and satire in the late-night television zone, where different shows and different comedic formats present differing views of feminism, gender, and politics. Finally, the last section of the book explores the scripted narratives of dramas and comedies (<em>The Good Wife</em>, <em>Madam Secretary</em>, <em>Scandal</em>, <em>Veep</em>, and <em>Parks and Rec</em>) and what these imaginaries provide for audiences as we consider both fictional and real women in power.</p><p>Both books are important explorations of the complexities of women, gender, and power within the U.S. political system, with particular attention to the issues that surround the American presidency and the idea of presidentiality.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3702</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Studying the Pipeline to Politics for Women</title>
      <description>When we teach about how women go into politics, how are we looking for the places and ways that women get involved? Are we giving enough consideration to small towns, and to grassroots work? Heather Lende joins us to share what it was like to run for office in her Alaskan town.
This episode considers:

How she ended up in Alaska.

What led her to run for office.

Why she was subjected to a recall.

How she rebuilt relationships with neighbors who voted against her, and what happened when she couldn’t.

A discussion of the book Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics.


Today’s book is: Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics, by Heather Lende. Lende was one of the thousands of women inspired to take a more active role in politics during the past few years. But tiny, breathtakingly beautiful Haines—a place accessible from the nearest city, Juneau, only by boat or plane—isn’t the sleepy town that it appears to be. From a bitter debate about the expansion of the fishing boat harbor, to the matter of how to stop bears from rifling through garbage on Main Street, to the recall campaign that targeted three assembly members, Lende’s book reveals that small town politics aren’t so small. In her book, we witness up close the nitty-gritty of passing legislation, trying to uphold the lofty ideals of our republic, and just how the polarizing national politics of our era played out in one small town. Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small-Town Politics considers what living in a community really means, and what we owe one another.
Our guest is: Heather Lende , who has contributed essays and commentary to NPR, the New York Times, and National Geographic Traveler, among other newspapers and magazines, and is a former contributing editor at Woman’s Day. A columnist for the Alaska Dispatch News, she is the obituary writer for the Chilkat Valley News in Haines and the recipient of the Suzan Nightingale McKay Best Columnist Award from the Alaska Press Club. Her previous bestselling books include Find the Good; Take Good Care of the Garden and the Dogs; and If You Lived Here, I'd Know Your Name. Her website is heatherlende.com.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who holds a PhD in American history. She has served as content director and producer of the Academic Life since she launched it in 2020. The Academic Life is proud to be an academic partner of the New Books Network.
Listeners to this episode may also be interested in:

This episode on feminist communication strategies

This episode on overcoming public-speaking anxieties

This episode on belonging and the science of bridging divides

This episode on dealing with rejections

This episode on the fight to save the town

This episode discussing the anniversary of the 19th amendment with two curators from the Smithsonian


Welcome to the Academic Life! Join us here each week to learn from experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world, and embrace the broad definition of what it truly means to live an academic life. Missed any of the 150+ Academic Life episodes? You can find them all archived here. And check back soon: we’re busy in the studio preparing new episodes for your academic journey—and beyond!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>167</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Heather Lende</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When we teach about how women go into politics, how are we looking for the places and ways that women get involved? Are we giving enough consideration to small towns, and to grassroots work? Heather Lende joins us to share what it was like to run for office in her Alaskan town.
This episode considers:

How she ended up in Alaska.

What led her to run for office.

Why she was subjected to a recall.

How she rebuilt relationships with neighbors who voted against her, and what happened when she couldn’t.

A discussion of the book Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics.


Today’s book is: Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics, by Heather Lende. Lende was one of the thousands of women inspired to take a more active role in politics during the past few years. But tiny, breathtakingly beautiful Haines—a place accessible from the nearest city, Juneau, only by boat or plane—isn’t the sleepy town that it appears to be. From a bitter debate about the expansion of the fishing boat harbor, to the matter of how to stop bears from rifling through garbage on Main Street, to the recall campaign that targeted three assembly members, Lende’s book reveals that small town politics aren’t so small. In her book, we witness up close the nitty-gritty of passing legislation, trying to uphold the lofty ideals of our republic, and just how the polarizing national politics of our era played out in one small town. Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small-Town Politics considers what living in a community really means, and what we owe one another.
Our guest is: Heather Lende , who has contributed essays and commentary to NPR, the New York Times, and National Geographic Traveler, among other newspapers and magazines, and is a former contributing editor at Woman’s Day. A columnist for the Alaska Dispatch News, she is the obituary writer for the Chilkat Valley News in Haines and the recipient of the Suzan Nightingale McKay Best Columnist Award from the Alaska Press Club. Her previous bestselling books include Find the Good; Take Good Care of the Garden and the Dogs; and If You Lived Here, I'd Know Your Name. Her website is heatherlende.com.
Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who holds a PhD in American history. She has served as content director and producer of the Academic Life since she launched it in 2020. The Academic Life is proud to be an academic partner of the New Books Network.
Listeners to this episode may also be interested in:

This episode on feminist communication strategies

This episode on overcoming public-speaking anxieties

This episode on belonging and the science of bridging divides

This episode on dealing with rejections

This episode on the fight to save the town

This episode discussing the anniversary of the 19th amendment with two curators from the Smithsonian


Welcome to the Academic Life! Join us here each week to learn from experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world, and embrace the broad definition of what it truly means to live an academic life. Missed any of the 150+ Academic Life episodes? You can find them all archived here. And check back soon: we’re busy in the studio preparing new episodes for your academic journey—and beyond!
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When we teach about how women go into politics, how are we looking for the places and ways that women get involved? Are we giving enough consideration to small towns, and to grassroots work? Heather Lende joins us to share what it was like to run for office in her Alaskan town.</p><p>This episode considers:</p><ul>
<li>How she ended up in Alaska.</li>
<li>What led her to run for office.</li>
<li>Why she was subjected to a recall.</li>
<li>How she rebuilt relationships with neighbors who voted against her, and what happened when she couldn’t.</li>
<li>A discussion of the book <em>Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics</em>.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Today’s book is: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643751405"><em>Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small Town Politics</em></a>, by Heather Lende. Lende was one of the thousands of women inspired to take a more active role in politics during the past few years. But tiny, breathtakingly beautiful Haines—a place accessible from the nearest city, Juneau, only by boat or plane—isn’t the sleepy town that it appears to be. From a bitter debate about the expansion of the fishing boat harbor, to the matter of how to stop bears from rifling through garbage on Main Street, to the recall campaign that targeted three assembly members, Lende’s book reveals that small town politics aren’t so small. In her book, we witness up close the nitty-gritty of passing legislation, trying to uphold the lofty ideals of our republic, and just how the polarizing national politics of our era played out in one small town. <em>Of Bears and Ballots: An Alaskan Adventure in Small-Town Politics</em> considers what living in a community really means, and what we owe one another.</p><p>Our guest is: Heather Lende , who has contributed essays and commentary to NPR, the <em>New York Times</em>, and <em>National Geographic Traveler</em>, among other newspapers and magazines, and is a former contributing editor at <em>Woman’s Day</em>. A columnist for the <em>Alaska Dispatch News</em>, she is the obituary writer for the Chilkat Valley News in Haines and the recipient of the Suzan Nightingale McKay Best Columnist Award from the Alaska Press Club. Her previous bestselling books include <em>Find the Good; Take Good Care of the Garden and the Dogs</em>; and <em>If You Lived Here, I'd Know Your Name.</em> Her website is heatherlende.com.</p><p>Our host is: <a href="https://christinagessler.com/">Dr. Christina Gessler</a>, who holds a PhD in American history. She has served as content director and producer of the Academic Life since she launched it in 2020. The Academic Life is proud to be an academic partner of the New Books Network.</p><p>Listeners to this episode may also be interested in:</p><ul>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/ketchum#entry:197914@1:url">This episode on feminist communication strategies</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-lang#entry:199595@1:url">This episode on overcoming public-speaking anxieties</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/belonging-the-science-of-creating-connection-and-bridging-divides#entry:186456@1:url">This episode on belonging and the science of bridging divides</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/dealing-with-rejection#entry:119431@1:url">This episode on dealing with rejections</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/the-fight-to-save-the-town#entry:167629@1:url">This episode on the fight to save the town</a></li>
<li><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/considering-museum-work-a-conversation-with-curators-from-the-smithsonian#entry:140933@1:url">This episode discussing the anniversary of the 19th amendment with two curators from the Smithsonian</a></li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Welcome to the Academic Life! Join us here each week to learn from experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world, and embrace the broad definition of what it truly means to live an academic life. Missed any of the 150+ Academic Life episodes? You can find them all archived <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/academic-partners/academic-life">here.</a> And check back soon: we’re busy in the studio preparing new episodes for your academic journey—and beyond!</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3737</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Greg Berman and Aubrey Fox, "Gradual: The Case for Incremental Change in a Radical Age" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Many experts believe that we are at a fulcrum moment in history, a time that demands radical shifts in thinking and policymaking. Calls for bold change are everywhere these days, particularly on social media, but is this actually the best way to make the world a better place?
In Gradual: The Case for Incremental Change in a Radical Age (Oxford UP, 2023), Greg Berman and Aubrey Fox argue that, contrary to the aspirations of activists on both the right and the left, incremental reform is the best path forward. They begin by emphasizing that the very structure of American government explicitly and implicitly favors incrementalism. Particularly in a time of intense polarization, any effort to advance radical change will inevitably engender significant backlash. As Berman and Fox make clear, polling shows little public support for bold change. The public is, however, willing to endorse a broad range of incremental reforms that, if implemented, would reduce suffering and improve fairness. To illustrate how incremental changes can add up to significant change over time, Berman and Fox provide portraits of "heroic incrementalists" who have produced meaningful reforms in a variety of areas, from the expansion of Social Security to more recent efforts to reduce crime and incarceration.
Gradual is a bracing call for a "radical realism" that prioritizes honesty, humility, nuance, and respect in an effort to transcend political polarization and reduce the conflict produced by social media.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>174</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Greg Berman and Aubrey Fox</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many experts believe that we are at a fulcrum moment in history, a time that demands radical shifts in thinking and policymaking. Calls for bold change are everywhere these days, particularly on social media, but is this actually the best way to make the world a better place?
In Gradual: The Case for Incremental Change in a Radical Age (Oxford UP, 2023), Greg Berman and Aubrey Fox argue that, contrary to the aspirations of activists on both the right and the left, incremental reform is the best path forward. They begin by emphasizing that the very structure of American government explicitly and implicitly favors incrementalism. Particularly in a time of intense polarization, any effort to advance radical change will inevitably engender significant backlash. As Berman and Fox make clear, polling shows little public support for bold change. The public is, however, willing to endorse a broad range of incremental reforms that, if implemented, would reduce suffering and improve fairness. To illustrate how incremental changes can add up to significant change over time, Berman and Fox provide portraits of "heroic incrementalists" who have produced meaningful reforms in a variety of areas, from the expansion of Social Security to more recent efforts to reduce crime and incarceration.
Gradual is a bracing call for a "radical realism" that prioritizes honesty, humility, nuance, and respect in an effort to transcend political polarization and reduce the conflict produced by social media.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many experts believe that we are at a fulcrum moment in history, a time that demands radical shifts in thinking and policymaking. Calls for bold change are everywhere these days, particularly on social media, but is this actually the best way to make the world a better place?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197637043"><em>Gradual: The Case for Incremental Change in a Radical Age</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023), Greg Berman and Aubrey Fox argue that, contrary to the aspirations of activists on both the right and the left, incremental reform is the best path forward. They begin by emphasizing that the very structure of American government explicitly and implicitly favors incrementalism. Particularly in a time of intense polarization, any effort to advance radical change will inevitably engender significant backlash. As Berman and Fox make clear, polling shows little public support for bold change. The public is, however, willing to endorse a broad range of incremental reforms that, if implemented, would reduce suffering and improve fairness. To illustrate how incremental changes can add up to significant change over time, Berman and Fox provide portraits of "heroic incrementalists" who have produced meaningful reforms in a variety of areas, from the expansion of Social Security to more recent efforts to reduce crime and incarceration.</p><p><em>Gradual</em> is a bracing call for a "radical realism" that prioritizes honesty, humility, nuance, and respect in an effort to transcend political polarization and reduce the conflict produced by social media.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3086</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9bbce7f8-1a99-11ee-95d8-87ed8224ac9c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2278166758.mp3?updated=1688495943" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ben Terris, "The Big Break: The Gamblers, Party Animals, and True Believers Trying to Win in Washington While America Loses Its Mind" (Twelve, 2023)</title>
      <description>The Big Break: The Gamblers, Party Animals, and True Believers Trying to Win in Washington While America Loses Its Mind (Twelve, 2023) investigates how Washington works, and how different kinds of people try to make it work for them. Ben Terris presents an inside history of this crucial moment in Washington, reporting from exclusive parties, poker nights, fundraisers, secluded farms outside town, and the halls of Congress; among the oddballs and opportunists and true believers. This book is about the people who see the current interlude as an opportunity to build something -- for their country, for themselves -- amid the wreckage.
Ben Terris is a writer in The Washington Post's Style section with a focus on national politics.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>227</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ben Terris</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Big Break: The Gamblers, Party Animals, and True Believers Trying to Win in Washington While America Loses Its Mind (Twelve, 2023) investigates how Washington works, and how different kinds of people try to make it work for them. Ben Terris presents an inside history of this crucial moment in Washington, reporting from exclusive parties, poker nights, fundraisers, secluded farms outside town, and the halls of Congress; among the oddballs and opportunists and true believers. This book is about the people who see the current interlude as an opportunity to build something -- for their country, for themselves -- amid the wreckage.
Ben Terris is a writer in The Washington Post's Style section with a focus on national politics.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538708057"><em>The Big Break: The Gamblers, Party Animals, and True Believers Trying to Win in Washington While America Loses Its Mind </em></a>(Twelve, 2023) investigates how Washington works, and how different kinds of people try to make it work for them. Ben Terris presents an inside history of this crucial moment in Washington, reporting from exclusive parties, poker nights, fundraisers, secluded farms outside town, and the halls of Congress; among the oddballs and opportunists and true believers. This book is about the people who see the current interlude as an opportunity to build something -- for their country, for themselves -- amid the wreckage.</p><p>Ben Terris is a writer <em>in The Washington Post's</em> Style section with a focus on national politics.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1784</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2fe94008-1a94-11ee-83a6-5be60b233f0e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5236907328.mp3?updated=1688493854" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Supreme Court's Past, Present, and Future: A Conversation with John Yoo</title>
      <description>It has been a momentous few weeks for the Supreme Court. What better time to discuss the Court's history and future? We are therefore launching our "Summer of Law" series to shed light on the legal world .
Kicking the series off is John Yoo, the Heller Professor of Law at the University of California at Berkeley. He is also a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and a Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has written 8 books and over 100 academic articles, and is a regular contributor at a wide variety of publications including the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and National Review.
This episode discusses his latest book, The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Supreme Court (Regnery Publishing, 2023). Along the way, it unpacks legal thought on issues such as affirmative action, abortion, court-packing, the administrative state, and the unique position of the Supreme Court as an unelected institution.
We have not forgotten, however, that tomorrow is our nation's birthday. At the end of the discussion, our Thomas W. Smith Distinguished Research Scholar Allen Guelzo will recite Patrick Henry's famous speech "Give Me Liberty."
While this episode covers the court more broadly, here are some of Prof. Yoo's recent writings and appearances on these hot-button issues:

Newsweek, "Biden's Student Loan Forgiveness Was Always a Sham"

National Review, "The Supreme Court Corrects a Grievous Error"

His interview on Fox News, "Supreme Court says Congress, not the president, controls power of the purse"

His interview on Fox Business, "Employers should rethink race-based hiring, programs after SCOTUS affirmative action decision"

His interview on Fox News, "The Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution is colorblind"

Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>79</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It has been a momentous few weeks for the Supreme Court. What better time to discuss the Court's history and future? We are therefore launching our "Summer of Law" series to shed light on the legal world .
Kicking the series off is John Yoo, the Heller Professor of Law at the University of California at Berkeley. He is also a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and a Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has written 8 books and over 100 academic articles, and is a regular contributor at a wide variety of publications including the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and National Review.
This episode discusses his latest book, The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Supreme Court (Regnery Publishing, 2023). Along the way, it unpacks legal thought on issues such as affirmative action, abortion, court-packing, the administrative state, and the unique position of the Supreme Court as an unelected institution.
We have not forgotten, however, that tomorrow is our nation's birthday. At the end of the discussion, our Thomas W. Smith Distinguished Research Scholar Allen Guelzo will recite Patrick Henry's famous speech "Give Me Liberty."
While this episode covers the court more broadly, here are some of Prof. Yoo's recent writings and appearances on these hot-button issues:

Newsweek, "Biden's Student Loan Forgiveness Was Always a Sham"

National Review, "The Supreme Court Corrects a Grievous Error"

His interview on Fox News, "Supreme Court says Congress, not the president, controls power of the purse"

His interview on Fox Business, "Employers should rethink race-based hiring, programs after SCOTUS affirmative action decision"

His interview on Fox News, "The Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution is colorblind"

Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It has been a momentous few weeks for the Supreme Court. What better time to discuss the Court's history and future? We are therefore launching our "Summer of Law" series to shed light on the legal world .</p><p>Kicking the series off is <a href="https://fedsoc.org/contributors/john-yoo">John Yoo</a>, the Heller Professor of Law at the University of California at Berkeley. He is also a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and a Visiting Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He has written 8 books and over 100 academic articles, and is a regular contributor at a wide variety of publications including the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and National Review.</p><p>This episode discusses his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684513550"><em>The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Supreme Court</em></a><em> </em>(Regnery Publishing, 2023). Along the way, it unpacks legal thought on issues such as affirmative action, abortion, court-packing, the administrative state, and the unique position of the Supreme Court as an unelected institution.</p><p>We have not forgotten, however, that tomorrow is our nation's birthday. At the end of the discussion, our Thomas W. Smith Distinguished Research Scholar Allen Guelzo will recite Patrick Henry's famous speech "Give Me Liberty."</p><p>While this episode covers the court more broadly, here are some of Prof. Yoo's recent writings and appearances on these hot-button issues:</p><ul>
<li>Newsweek, "<a href="https://www.newsweek.com/bidens-student-loan-forgiveness-was-always-sham-opinion-1810253">Biden's Student Loan Forgiveness Was Always a Sham</a>"</li>
<li>National Review, "<a href="https://www.nationalreview.com/2023/06/the-supreme-court-corrects-a-grievous-error/">The Supreme Court Corrects a Grievous Error</a>"</li>
<li>His interview on Fox News, "<a href="https://www.foxnews.com/video/6330428536112">Supreme Court says Congress, not the president, controls power of the purse</a>"</li>
<li>His interview on Fox Business, "<a href="https://www.foxbusiness.com/video/6330305364112">Employers should rethink race-based hiring, programs after SCOTUS affirmative action decision</a>"</li>
<li>His interview on Fox News, "<a href="https://www.foxnews.com/video/6330337211112">The Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution is colorblind</a>"</li>
</ul><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3199</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b9ece6e8-18fe-11ee-9742-ab4e0683354e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR9965952461.mp3?updated=1724699344" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>G. Edward White, "Law in American History, Volume III: 1930-2000" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>For nearly two decades the renowned legal historian G. Edward White has been writing a multi-volume history of law in America. In his third and concluding volume, Law in American History, Volume III: 1930-2000 (Oxford University Press, 2019), he surveys the many developments in American law from the middle of the 20th century to the case of Bush v. Gore. One of the most important of these developments was the emergence of American jurisprudence, a philosophy of how judges should apply the law. 
As White demonstrates, this new interpretation of judges as individual actors in the shaping of legal interpretation emerged while federal agencies moved toward agency governance, which was underpinned by the notion of a factual, scientific basis towards decision-making. At the same time, lawmakers pursued what White terms the “statutorification” of common law, while all branches wrestled with the need to establish the legal framework for the developments in mass communications that characterized the era. Throughout all of this the Supreme Court played a dominant role in shaping American law and White analyzes their decisions in a half-dozen fields, including the often controversial rulings dealing with the nation’s political process, culminating with their decisive intervention in the presidential election of 2000.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 02 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>191</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with G. Edward White</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For nearly two decades the renowned legal historian G. Edward White has been writing a multi-volume history of law in America. In his third and concluding volume, Law in American History, Volume III: 1930-2000 (Oxford University Press, 2019), he surveys the many developments in American law from the middle of the 20th century to the case of Bush v. Gore. One of the most important of these developments was the emergence of American jurisprudence, a philosophy of how judges should apply the law. 
As White demonstrates, this new interpretation of judges as individual actors in the shaping of legal interpretation emerged while federal agencies moved toward agency governance, which was underpinned by the notion of a factual, scientific basis towards decision-making. At the same time, lawmakers pursued what White terms the “statutorification” of common law, while all branches wrestled with the need to establish the legal framework for the developments in mass communications that characterized the era. Throughout all of this the Supreme Court played a dominant role in shaping American law and White analyzes their decisions in a half-dozen fields, including the often controversial rulings dealing with the nation’s political process, culminating with their decisive intervention in the presidential election of 2000.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For nearly two decades the renowned legal historian <a href="https://www.law.virginia.edu/faculty/profile/gew/1220397">G. Edward White</a> has been writing a multi-volume history of law in America. In his third and concluding volume, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190634944/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Law in American History, Volume III: 1930-2000</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2019), he surveys the many developments in American law from the middle of the 20th century to the case of <em>Bush v. Gore</em>. One of the most important of these developments was the emergence of American jurisprudence, a philosophy of how judges should apply the law. </p><p>As White demonstrates, this new interpretation of judges as individual actors in the shaping of legal interpretation emerged while federal agencies moved toward agency governance, which was underpinned by the notion of a factual, scientific basis towards decision-making. At the same time, lawmakers pursued what White terms the “statutorification” of common law, while all branches wrestled with the need to establish the legal framework for the developments in mass communications that characterized the era. Throughout all of this the Supreme Court played a dominant role in shaping American law and White analyzes their decisions in a half-dozen fields, including the often controversial rulings dealing with the nation’s political process, culminating with their decisive intervention in the presidential election of 2000.</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4373</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5421508364.mp3?updated=1688220016" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin J. Elliott, "Democracy for Busy People" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>John Dewey and Jane Addams are both credited with the claim that the cure for democracy’s ills is more democracy. The sentiment is popular to this day among democratic theorists and practitioners. The thought is that a democratic deficit lies at the root of any political and social problem that a democracy might confront. Accordingly, a good deal of work in democratic theory aims at designing new practices and institutions that can erase the deficit. But this raises a problem: The civic task of democratic citizenship must be manageable for ordinary citizens. And ordinary citizens are differentially busy with other pursuits, many of which are independently valuable and socially beneficial. Thus, proposals for “more democracy” tend to be exclusionary.
In Democracy for Busy People (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Kevin J. Elliott addresses this difficulty head on. He devises a conception of the civic responsibilities of citizenship that is authentically democratic without being overly demanding.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>318</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin J. Elliott</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John Dewey and Jane Addams are both credited with the claim that the cure for democracy’s ills is more democracy. The sentiment is popular to this day among democratic theorists and practitioners. The thought is that a democratic deficit lies at the root of any political and social problem that a democracy might confront. Accordingly, a good deal of work in democratic theory aims at designing new practices and institutions that can erase the deficit. But this raises a problem: The civic task of democratic citizenship must be manageable for ordinary citizens. And ordinary citizens are differentially busy with other pursuits, many of which are independently valuable and socially beneficial. Thus, proposals for “more democracy” tend to be exclusionary.
In Democracy for Busy People (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Kevin J. Elliott addresses this difficulty head on. He devises a conception of the civic responsibilities of citizenship that is authentically democratic without being overly demanding.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>John Dewey and Jane Addams are both credited with the claim that the cure for democracy’s ills is <em>more democracy</em>. The sentiment is popular to this day among democratic theorists and practitioners. The thought is that a <em>democratic deficit</em> lies at the root of any political and social problem that a democracy might confront. Accordingly, a good deal of work in democratic theory aims at designing new practices and institutions that can erase the deficit. But this raises a problem: The civic task of democratic citizenship must be <em>manageable </em>for ordinary citizens. And ordinary citizens are differentially <em>busy</em> with other pursuits, many of which are independently valuable and socially beneficial. Thus, proposals for “more democracy” tend to be exclusionary.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226826325"><em>Democracy for Busy People</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2023), <a href="https://kevinjelliott.net/">Kevin J. Elliott</a> addresses this difficulty head on. He devises a conception of the civic responsibilities of citizenship that is authentically democratic without being overly demanding.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4003</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a5f8e258-1517-11ee-a212-cbd22d557200]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2577853362.mp3?updated=1687890679" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael O'Hanlon, "Military History for the Modern Strategist: America's Major Wars Since 1861" (Brookings, 2023)</title>
      <description>The recent conclusion to the war in Afghanistan — America’s longest and one of its most frustrating — serves as a vivid reminder of the unpredictability and tragedy of war.
In Military History for the Modern Strategist: America's Major Wars Since 1861 (Brookings, 2023), esteemed military expert Michael O’Hanlon examines America’s major conflicts since the mid-1800s: the Civil War, the two World Wars, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. O’Hanlon addresses profound questions. How successful has the United States been when it waged these wars? Were the wars avoidable? Did America’s leaders know what they were getting into when they committed to war? And what lessons does history offer for future leaders contemplating war?—including the prospects for avoiding war in the first place. Certainly, Vladimir Putin should have thought harder about some of these questions before invading Ukraine.
O’Hanlon looks for overarching trends and themes, along with the lessons for the military strategists and political leaders of today and tomorrow. His main lessons include the observations that war is usually far more difficult than expected, and that its outcomes are rarely predictable.
O’Hanlon’s unique book — combining brevity and clarity with a broad conceptual approach —is an important for students of security studies at universities and war colleges as well as generalists.
Michael E. O’Hanlon is a senior fellow and director of research in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution, where he specializes in U.S. defense strategy, the use of military force, and American national security policy. He directs the Strobe Talbott Center on Security, Strategy and Technology, as well as the Defense Industrial Base working group, and is the inaugural holder of the Philip H. Knight Chair in Defense and Strategy. He co-directs the Africa Security Initiative as well. He is an adjunct professor at Columbia, Georgetown, and George Washington universities, and a member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He also serves as a member of the Defense Policy Board at the U.S. Department of Defense.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. He previously served on active-duty as both an Infantry and Military Intelligence officer, and as a civil-servant at the White House. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 01 Jul 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>177</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael O'Hanlon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The recent conclusion to the war in Afghanistan — America’s longest and one of its most frustrating — serves as a vivid reminder of the unpredictability and tragedy of war.
In Military History for the Modern Strategist: America's Major Wars Since 1861 (Brookings, 2023), esteemed military expert Michael O’Hanlon examines America’s major conflicts since the mid-1800s: the Civil War, the two World Wars, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. O’Hanlon addresses profound questions. How successful has the United States been when it waged these wars? Were the wars avoidable? Did America’s leaders know what they were getting into when they committed to war? And what lessons does history offer for future leaders contemplating war?—including the prospects for avoiding war in the first place. Certainly, Vladimir Putin should have thought harder about some of these questions before invading Ukraine.
O’Hanlon looks for overarching trends and themes, along with the lessons for the military strategists and political leaders of today and tomorrow. His main lessons include the observations that war is usually far more difficult than expected, and that its outcomes are rarely predictable.
O’Hanlon’s unique book — combining brevity and clarity with a broad conceptual approach —is an important for students of security studies at universities and war colleges as well as generalists.
Michael E. O’Hanlon is a senior fellow and director of research in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution, where he specializes in U.S. defense strategy, the use of military force, and American national security policy. He directs the Strobe Talbott Center on Security, Strategy and Technology, as well as the Defense Industrial Base working group, and is the inaugural holder of the Philip H. Knight Chair in Defense and Strategy. He co-directs the Africa Security Initiative as well. He is an adjunct professor at Columbia, Georgetown, and George Washington universities, and a member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He also serves as a member of the Defense Policy Board at the U.S. Department of Defense.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. He previously served on active-duty as both an Infantry and Military Intelligence officer, and as a civil-servant at the White House. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The recent conclusion to the war in Afghanistan — America’s longest and one of its most frustrating — serves as a vivid reminder of the unpredictability and tragedy of war.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780815739838"><em>Military History for the Modern Strategist: America's Major Wars Since 1861</em></a><em> </em>(Brookings, 2023), esteemed military expert Michael O’Hanlon examines America’s major conflicts since the mid-1800s: the Civil War, the two World Wars, Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. O’Hanlon addresses profound questions. How successful has the United States been when it waged these wars? Were the wars avoidable? Did America’s leaders know what they were getting into when they committed to war? And what lessons does history offer for future leaders contemplating war?—including the prospects for avoiding war in the first place. Certainly, Vladimir Putin should have thought harder about some of these questions before invading Ukraine.</p><p>O’Hanlon looks for overarching trends and themes, along with the lessons for the military strategists and political leaders of today and tomorrow. His main lessons include the observations that war is usually far more difficult than expected, and that its outcomes are rarely predictable.</p><p>O’Hanlon’s unique book — combining brevity and clarity with a broad conceptual approach —is an important for students of security studies at universities and war colleges as well as generalists.</p><p>Michael E. O’Hanlon is a senior fellow and director of research in Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution, where he specializes in U.S. defense strategy, the use of military force, and American national security policy. He directs the Strobe Talbott Center on Security, Strategy and Technology, as well as the Defense Industrial Base working group, and is the inaugural holder of the Philip H. Knight Chair in Defense and Strategy. He co-directs the Africa Security Initiative as well. He is an adjunct professor at Columbia, Georgetown, and George Washington universities, and a member of the International Institute for Strategic Studies. He also serves as a member of the Defense Policy Board at the U.S. Department of Defense.</p><p><em>Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate in Politics and International Relations, and Army Reserve intelligence officer. He previously served on active-duty as both an Infantry and Military Intelligence officer, and as a civil-servant at the White House. His views are his own and do not reflect any institution, organization, or entity with which he is affiliated.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2129</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Danielle Allen, "Justice by Means of Democracy" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Danielle Allen, the James Bryant Conant University Professor and the Director of the Edmond and Lily Safra Center for Ethics at Harvard University, has a new book, Justice by Means of Democracy, that explores the foundational understanding of how humans best flourish, in particular in regard to the governmental system under which they live. Allen, author of many books that focus on questions of democracy and justice, also works on democratic reform and renovation at Partners in Democracy. Thus, Dr. Allen integrates both scholarship and democratic activism into her work as an academic and as an activist. Justice by Means of Democracy examines these different threads as well; what is justice, and how does democracy work towards achieving justice? And what is the role of the citizen in these pursuits?
Allen opens up her discussion weaving together a number of threads, since politics, economics, civic engagement, and citizenship are all part of the whole when we consider both justice and democracy. Growing out of the ideal that democracy is a very good system for individuals to move forward together, and to achieve their full flourishing, complexities arise from issues like inequality, inequity, and how liberty is structured within the governmental system. Part of Allen’s framing comes from John Rawl’s Theory of Justice and his connection of justice and democracy—but she is pushing further in terms of the role of power and thinking about power and power sharing within democracies and democratic institutions. Justice by Means of Democracy also wrestles with the abstract ideas of negative and positive liberty, and what this actually means in practice, particularly in the United States. In fact, the book thinks about what it means to be a citizen in a democracy, and what that requires from each individual. Allen explained in our conversation that while we often discuss “work/life balance” in terms of our personal and professional lives, what we should be discussing and focusing on is our “work-life civic balance” – since being civically involved takes time, takes effort, but is required for democracy to function and to remain intact. We are living through some of the breakages within our democratic systems of government, not just in the United States, but in other democracies as well. And part of the reason for these breakages is the failure of democratic practice by the people themselves. Allen’s own activism is focused on restoring and reinvigorating democratic practice, so that citizens become more used to the “habit” of democracy and civic engagement.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>663</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Danielle Allen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Danielle Allen, the James Bryant Conant University Professor and the Director of the Edmond and Lily Safra Center for Ethics at Harvard University, has a new book, Justice by Means of Democracy, that explores the foundational understanding of how humans best flourish, in particular in regard to the governmental system under which they live. Allen, author of many books that focus on questions of democracy and justice, also works on democratic reform and renovation at Partners in Democracy. Thus, Dr. Allen integrates both scholarship and democratic activism into her work as an academic and as an activist. Justice by Means of Democracy examines these different threads as well; what is justice, and how does democracy work towards achieving justice? And what is the role of the citizen in these pursuits?
Allen opens up her discussion weaving together a number of threads, since politics, economics, civic engagement, and citizenship are all part of the whole when we consider both justice and democracy. Growing out of the ideal that democracy is a very good system for individuals to move forward together, and to achieve their full flourishing, complexities arise from issues like inequality, inequity, and how liberty is structured within the governmental system. Part of Allen’s framing comes from John Rawl’s Theory of Justice and his connection of justice and democracy—but she is pushing further in terms of the role of power and thinking about power and power sharing within democracies and democratic institutions. Justice by Means of Democracy also wrestles with the abstract ideas of negative and positive liberty, and what this actually means in practice, particularly in the United States. In fact, the book thinks about what it means to be a citizen in a democracy, and what that requires from each individual. Allen explained in our conversation that while we often discuss “work/life balance” in terms of our personal and professional lives, what we should be discussing and focusing on is our “work-life civic balance” – since being civically involved takes time, takes effort, but is required for democracy to function and to remain intact. We are living through some of the breakages within our democratic systems of government, not just in the United States, but in other democracies as well. And part of the reason for these breakages is the failure of democratic practice by the people themselves. Allen’s own activism is focused on restoring and reinvigorating democratic practice, so that citizens become more used to the “habit” of democracy and civic engagement.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Danielle Allen, the James Bryant Conant University Professor and the Director of the Edmond and Lily Safra Center for Ethics at Harvard University, has a new book, <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/J/bo192735333.html"><em>Justice by Means of Democracy</em></a>, that explores the foundational understanding of how humans best flourish, in particular in regard to the governmental system under which they live. Allen, author of many books that focus on questions of democracy and justice, also works on democratic reform and renovation at <a href="https://partnersindemocracy.us/">Partners in Democracy</a>. Thus, Dr. Allen integrates both scholarship and democratic activism into her work as an academic and as an activist. <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/J/bo192735333.html"><em>Justice by Means of Democracy</em></a> examines these different threads as well; what is justice, and how does democracy work towards achieving justice? And what is the role of the citizen in these pursuits?</p><p>Allen opens up her discussion weaving together a number of threads, since politics, economics, civic engagement, and citizenship are all part of the whole when we consider both justice and democracy. Growing out of the ideal that democracy is a very good system for individuals to move forward together, and to achieve their full flourishing, complexities arise from issues like inequality, inequity, and how liberty is structured within the governmental system. Part of Allen’s framing comes from John Rawl’s <em>Theory of Justice</em> and his connection of justice and democracy—but she is pushing further in terms of the role of power and thinking about power and power sharing within democracies and democratic institutions. <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/J/bo192735333.html"><em>Justice by Means of Democracy</em></a> also wrestles with the abstract ideas of negative and positive liberty, and what this actually means in practice, particularly in the United States. In fact, the book thinks about what it means to be a citizen in a democracy, and what that requires from each individual. Allen explained in our conversation that while we often discuss “work/life balance” in terms of our personal and professional lives, what we should be discussing and focusing on is our “work-life civic balance” – since being civically involved takes time, takes effort, but is required for democracy to function and to remain intact. We are living through some of the breakages within our democratic systems of government, not just in the United States, but in other democracies as well. And part of the reason for these breakages is the failure of democratic practice by the people themselves. Allen’s own activism is focused on restoring and reinvigorating democratic practice, so that citizens become more used to the “habit” of democracy and civic engagement.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3344</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Eileen V. Wallis, "California and the Politics of Disability, 1850–1970" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023)</title>
      <description>Eileen V. Wallis' book California and the Politics of Disability, 1850–1970 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) explores the political, legal, medical, and social battles that led to the widespread institutionalization of Californians with disabilities from the gold rush to the 1970s. By the early twentieth century, most American states had specialized facilities dedicated to both the care and the control of individuals with disabilities. Institutions reflect the lived historical experience of many Americans with disabilities in this era. Yet we know relatively little about how such state institutions fit into specific regional, state, or local contexts west of the Mississippi River; how those contexts shaped how institutions evolved over time; or how regional institutions fit into the USA's contentious history of care and control of Americans with mental and developmental disabilities. 
This book examines how medical, social, and political arguments that individuals with disabilities needed to be institutionalized became enshrined in state law in California through the creation of a "bureaucracy of disability." Using Los Angeles County as a case study, the book also considers how the friction between state and county policy in turn influenced the treatment of individuals within such facilities. Furthermore, the book tracks how the mission and methods of such institutions evolved over time, culminating in the 1960s with the birth of the disability rights movement and the complete rewriting of California's laws on the treatment and rights of Californians with disabilities. This book is a must-read for those interested in the history of California and the American West and for anyone interested in how the intersections of disability, politics, and activism shaped our historical understanding of life for Americans with disabilities.
Shu Wan is currently matriculated as a doctoral student in history at the University at Buffalo. As a digital and disability historian, he serves in the editorial team of Digital Humanities Quarterly and Nursing Clio. On Twitter: @slissw.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eileen V. Wallis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eileen V. Wallis' book California and the Politics of Disability, 1850–1970 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) explores the political, legal, medical, and social battles that led to the widespread institutionalization of Californians with disabilities from the gold rush to the 1970s. By the early twentieth century, most American states had specialized facilities dedicated to both the care and the control of individuals with disabilities. Institutions reflect the lived historical experience of many Americans with disabilities in this era. Yet we know relatively little about how such state institutions fit into specific regional, state, or local contexts west of the Mississippi River; how those contexts shaped how institutions evolved over time; or how regional institutions fit into the USA's contentious history of care and control of Americans with mental and developmental disabilities. 
This book examines how medical, social, and political arguments that individuals with disabilities needed to be institutionalized became enshrined in state law in California through the creation of a "bureaucracy of disability." Using Los Angeles County as a case study, the book also considers how the friction between state and county policy in turn influenced the treatment of individuals within such facilities. Furthermore, the book tracks how the mission and methods of such institutions evolved over time, culminating in the 1960s with the birth of the disability rights movement and the complete rewriting of California's laws on the treatment and rights of Californians with disabilities. This book is a must-read for those interested in the history of California and the American West and for anyone interested in how the intersections of disability, politics, and activism shaped our historical understanding of life for Americans with disabilities.
Shu Wan is currently matriculated as a doctoral student in history at the University at Buffalo. As a digital and disability historian, he serves in the editorial team of Digital Humanities Quarterly and Nursing Clio. On Twitter: @slissw.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Eileen V. Wallis' book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031217135"><em>California and the Politics of Disability, 1850–1970</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2023) explores the political, legal, medical, and social battles that led to the widespread institutionalization of Californians with disabilities from the gold rush to the 1970s. By the early twentieth century, most American states had specialized facilities dedicated to both the care and the control of individuals with disabilities. Institutions reflect the lived historical experience of many Americans with disabilities in this era. Yet we know relatively little about how such state institutions fit into specific regional, state, or local contexts west of the Mississippi River; how those contexts shaped how institutions evolved over time; or how regional institutions fit into the USA's contentious history of care and control of Americans with mental and developmental disabilities. </p><p>This book examines how medical, social, and political arguments that individuals with disabilities needed to be institutionalized became enshrined in state law in California through the creation of a "bureaucracy of disability." Using Los Angeles County as a case study, the book also considers how the friction between state and county policy in turn influenced the treatment of individuals within such facilities. Furthermore, the book tracks how the mission and methods of such institutions evolved over time, culminating in the 1960s with the birth of the disability rights movement and the complete rewriting of California's laws on the treatment and rights of Californians with disabilities. This book is a must-read for those interested in the history of California and the American West and for anyone interested in how the intersections of disability, politics, and activism shaped our historical understanding of life for Americans with disabilities.</p><p><a href="https://arts-sciences.buffalo.edu/history/graduate/GraduateHistoryAssociation/GradStudentProfiles/ShuWan.html"><em>Shu Wan</em></a><em> is currently matriculated as a doctoral student in history at the University at Buffalo. As a digital and disability historian, he serves in the editorial team of Digital Humanities Quarterly and Nursing Clio. On Twitter: @slissw.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3427</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jack Schneider and Jennifer Berkshire, "A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door: The Dismantling of Public Education and the Future of School" (The New Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Across the U.S., state legislatures-often under the cover of darkness, and usually in spite of public opposition-are passing bills that channel public dollars to private schools. These voucher schemes promise to transfer billions from state treasuries to upper-income families. But that's just the start. Opponents of public schools want to dismantle the public education system entirely. Outrageous and unfounded attacks on the schools-about Critical Race Theory, "gender ideology," and "grooming"-are all part of a broader strategy to sow doubt and distrust. This is the end game.
Education historian Jack Schneider and journalist Jennifer Berkshire trace the war on public education to its origins, offering the deep backstory necessary to understand the threat presently posed to America's schools. The book also looks forward to imagine how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake America's future. 
A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door: The Dismantling of Public Education and the Future of School (The New Press, 2023) offers readers a lively, accessible, yet scholarly view of a decades-long conservative cause: unmaking the system that serves over 90% of students in the U.S. Presenting a clear view of the ideology motivating this assault, the book also maps the future-outlining how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake American democracy.
﻿Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>201</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jack Schneider and Jennifer Berkshire</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Across the U.S., state legislatures-often under the cover of darkness, and usually in spite of public opposition-are passing bills that channel public dollars to private schools. These voucher schemes promise to transfer billions from state treasuries to upper-income families. But that's just the start. Opponents of public schools want to dismantle the public education system entirely. Outrageous and unfounded attacks on the schools-about Critical Race Theory, "gender ideology," and "grooming"-are all part of a broader strategy to sow doubt and distrust. This is the end game.
Education historian Jack Schneider and journalist Jennifer Berkshire trace the war on public education to its origins, offering the deep backstory necessary to understand the threat presently posed to America's schools. The book also looks forward to imagine how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake America's future. 
A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door: The Dismantling of Public Education and the Future of School (The New Press, 2023) offers readers a lively, accessible, yet scholarly view of a decades-long conservative cause: unmaking the system that serves over 90% of students in the U.S. Presenting a clear view of the ideology motivating this assault, the book also maps the future-outlining how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake American democracy.
﻿Laura Beth Kelly is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Across the U.S., state legislatures-often under the cover of darkness, and usually in spite of public opposition-are passing bills that channel public dollars to private schools. These voucher schemes promise to transfer billions from state treasuries to upper-income families. But that's just the start. Opponents of public schools want to dismantle the public education system entirely. Outrageous and unfounded attacks on the schools-about Critical Race Theory, "gender ideology," and "grooming"-are all part of a broader strategy to sow doubt and distrust. This is the end game.</p><p>Education historian Jack Schneider and journalist Jennifer Berkshire trace the war on public education to its origins, offering the deep backstory necessary to understand the threat presently posed to America's schools. The book also looks forward to imagine how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake America's future. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620974940"><em>A Wolf at the Schoolhouse Door: The Dismantling of Public Education and the Future of School </em></a>(The New Press, 2023)<em> </em>offers readers a lively, accessible, yet scholarly view of a decades-long conservative cause: unmaking the system that serves over 90% of students in the U.S. Presenting a clear view of the ideology motivating this assault, the book also maps the future-outlining how current policy efforts will reshape the educational landscape and remake American democracy.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.rhodes.edu/bio/laura-kelly"><em>Laura Beth Kelly</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of Educational Studies at Rhodes College in Memphis, Tennessee.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2526</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Philip A. Wallach, "Why Congress" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. Why Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. 
The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.
Philip A. Wallach is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>662</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Philip A. Wallach</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. Why Congress (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. 
The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.
Philip A. Wallach is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>To achieve legitimate self-government in America's extended Republic, the U.S. Constitution depends on Congress harmonizing the country's factions through a process of conflict and accommodation. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197657874"><em>Why Congress</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2023) demonstrates the value of this activity by showing the legislature's distinctive contributions in two crucial moments in the mid-twentieth century: during World War II, when congressional deliberation contributed to national cohesion by balancing interests and ensuring fairness, and during the push to end racial segregation, when a prolonged debate in Congress focused the nation's attention and delivered a decisive victory for the broad coalition united around civil rights. </p><p>The second part of the book traces the evolution of Congress, which first experimented with radical decentralization in the 1970s and then, beginning in the 1980s, embraced powerful leadership and ideological caucuses that prioritized partisan unity and electoral confrontation. This transformed institution has been unable to work through the country's deep divisions on contemporary issues like immigration or the COVID-19 pandemic. Contemporary policymaking often circumvents Congress entirely. In other instances, Congress is engaged, but it proceeds without any bipartisan cooperation or through leader-broken compromises generated by crises. Each of these patterns creates serious difficulties for legitimating American policy. The book concludes with three scenarios for Congress's future. Without significant change, the institution will sink into decrepitude. But it could still be transformed, either by progressive constitutional reform empowering the president at the legislature's expense, or by a revival of meaningful deliberation and debate facilitated by the renewal of the committee system.</p><p><strong>Philip A. Wallach</strong> is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he studies America's separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2977</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Sara Salman, "The Shaming State: How the U.S. Treats Citizens in Need" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The Shaming State: How the U.S. Treats Citizens in Need (NYU Press, 2023) argues that Americans have been abandoned by a government that has relinquished its duties of care toward its citizens. Sara Salman describes a government that withholds care in times of need and instead shames the very citizens it claims to serve, both poor and middle class. She argues that the state does so by emphasizing personal responsibility, thus tacitly blaming the needy for relying on state programs. This blame is pervasive in the American cultural imagination, existing in political discourse and internalized by Americans. This book explores how shaming is exhibited by state and political institutions by showing the ways in which the state withholds care, and how people who need that care are humiliated for failing to be self-sufficient.
The Shaming State investigates the vanishing horizon of social rights in the United States and the dwindling of government support to both lower- and middle-class people. Focusing on Iraqi refugees and white home-owning New Yorkers, Salman demonstrates how both groups were faced with immense difficulty and humiliation when searching for access to assistance programs maintained by the government. Looking at the long-range trends, she argues that the last forty years have made the United States a market fundamentalist country, where the government does not offer unified aid and increasingly asks citizens to assume personal responsibility in the face of uncontrollable disasters. Whether it was Hurricane Katrina almost two decades ago or the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the indifferent and stagnant response by the American government not only amplified the consequences of these disasters but also increased hostility towards the vulnerable groups who needed help. Ultimately, The Shaming State tells stories of abandonment, loss, shame, and rage experienced by Americans and how the government has let them down time and time again.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>153</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Salman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Shaming State: How the U.S. Treats Citizens in Need (NYU Press, 2023) argues that Americans have been abandoned by a government that has relinquished its duties of care toward its citizens. Sara Salman describes a government that withholds care in times of need and instead shames the very citizens it claims to serve, both poor and middle class. She argues that the state does so by emphasizing personal responsibility, thus tacitly blaming the needy for relying on state programs. This blame is pervasive in the American cultural imagination, existing in political discourse and internalized by Americans. This book explores how shaming is exhibited by state and political institutions by showing the ways in which the state withholds care, and how people who need that care are humiliated for failing to be self-sufficient.
The Shaming State investigates the vanishing horizon of social rights in the United States and the dwindling of government support to both lower- and middle-class people. Focusing on Iraqi refugees and white home-owning New Yorkers, Salman demonstrates how both groups were faced with immense difficulty and humiliation when searching for access to assistance programs maintained by the government. Looking at the long-range trends, she argues that the last forty years have made the United States a market fundamentalist country, where the government does not offer unified aid and increasingly asks citizens to assume personal responsibility in the face of uncontrollable disasters. Whether it was Hurricane Katrina almost two decades ago or the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the indifferent and stagnant response by the American government not only amplified the consequences of these disasters but also increased hostility towards the vulnerable groups who needed help. Ultimately, The Shaming State tells stories of abandonment, loss, shame, and rage experienced by Americans and how the government has let them down time and time again.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479814541"><em>The Shaming State: How the U.S. Treats Citizens in Need</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023) argues that Americans have been abandoned by a government that has relinquished its duties of care toward its citizens. Sara Salman describes a government that withholds care in times of need and instead shames the very citizens it claims to serve, both poor and middle class. She argues that the state does so by emphasizing personal responsibility, thus tacitly blaming the needy for relying on state programs. This blame is pervasive in the American cultural imagination, existing in political discourse and internalized by Americans. This book explores how shaming is exhibited by state and political institutions by showing the ways in which the state withholds care, and how people who need that care are humiliated for failing to be self-sufficient.</p><p><em>The Shaming State</em> investigates the vanishing horizon of social rights in the United States and the dwindling of government support to both lower- and middle-class people. Focusing on Iraqi refugees and white home-owning New Yorkers, Salman demonstrates how both groups were faced with immense difficulty and humiliation when searching for access to assistance programs maintained by the government. Looking at the long-range trends, she argues that the last forty years have made the United States a market fundamentalist country, where the government does not offer unified aid and increasingly asks citizens to assume personal responsibility in the face of uncontrollable disasters. Whether it was Hurricane Katrina almost two decades ago or the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the indifferent and stagnant response by the American government not only amplified the consequences of these disasters but also increased hostility towards the vulnerable groups who needed help. Ultimately, <em>The Shaming State</em> tells stories of abandonment, loss, shame, and rage experienced by Americans and how the government has let them down time and time again.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3258</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5676c39e-1445-11ee-93b1-17968e149e25]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR7671353145.mp3?updated=1687800319" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Dagen Bloom, "The Great American Transit Disaster: A Century of Austerity, Auto-Centric Planning, and White Flight" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Many a scholar and policy analyst has lamented American dependence on cars and the corresponding lack of federal investment in public transportation throughout the latter decades of the twentieth century. But as Nicholas Dagen Bloom shows in The Great American Transit Disaster: A Century of Austerity, Auto-Centric Planning, and White Flight (U Chicago Press, 2023), our transit networks are so bad for a very simple reason: we wanted it this way.
Focusing on Baltimore, Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Boston, and San Francisco, Bloom provides overwhelming evidence that transit disinvestment was a choice rather than destiny. He pinpoints three major factors that led to the decline of public transit in the United States: municipal austerity policies that denied most transit agencies the funding to sustain high-quality service; the encouragement of auto-centric planning; and white flight from dense city centers to far-flung suburbs. As Bloom makes clear, these local public policy decisions were not the product of a nefarious auto industry or any other grand conspiracy--all were widely supported by voters, who effectively shut out options for transit-friendly futures. With this book, Bloom seeks not only to dispel our accepted transit myths but hopefully to lay new tracks for today's conversations about public transportation funding.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nicholas Dagen Bloom</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many a scholar and policy analyst has lamented American dependence on cars and the corresponding lack of federal investment in public transportation throughout the latter decades of the twentieth century. But as Nicholas Dagen Bloom shows in The Great American Transit Disaster: A Century of Austerity, Auto-Centric Planning, and White Flight (U Chicago Press, 2023), our transit networks are so bad for a very simple reason: we wanted it this way.
Focusing on Baltimore, Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Boston, and San Francisco, Bloom provides overwhelming evidence that transit disinvestment was a choice rather than destiny. He pinpoints three major factors that led to the decline of public transit in the United States: municipal austerity policies that denied most transit agencies the funding to sustain high-quality service; the encouragement of auto-centric planning; and white flight from dense city centers to far-flung suburbs. As Bloom makes clear, these local public policy decisions were not the product of a nefarious auto industry or any other grand conspiracy--all were widely supported by voters, who effectively shut out options for transit-friendly futures. With this book, Bloom seeks not only to dispel our accepted transit myths but hopefully to lay new tracks for today's conversations about public transportation funding.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many a scholar and policy analyst has lamented American dependence on cars and the corresponding lack of federal investment in public transportation throughout the latter decades of the twentieth century. But as Nicholas Dagen Bloom shows in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226824406"><em>The Great American Transit Disaster: A Century of Austerity, Auto-Centric Planning, and White Flight </em></a>(U Chicago Press, 2023), our transit networks are so bad for a very simple reason: we wanted it this way.</p><p>Focusing on Baltimore, Atlanta, Chicago, Detroit, Boston, and San Francisco, Bloom provides overwhelming evidence that transit disinvestment was a choice rather than destiny. He pinpoints three major factors that led to the decline of public transit in the United States: municipal austerity policies that denied most transit agencies the funding to sustain high-quality service; the encouragement of auto-centric planning; and white flight from dense city centers to far-flung suburbs. As Bloom makes clear, these local public policy decisions were not the product of a nefarious auto industry or any other grand conspiracy--all were widely supported by voters, who effectively shut out options for transit-friendly futures. With this book, Bloom seeks not only to dispel our accepted transit myths but hopefully to lay new tracks for today's conversations about public transportation funding.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2035</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d9e2824a-1382-11ee-8ec3-9be11af0a2b4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2976159861.mp3?updated=1687716777" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Josh Shepperd, "Shadow of the New Deal: The Victory of Public Broadcasting" (U Illinois Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Despite uncertain beginnings, public broadcasting emerged as a noncommercial media industry that transformed American culture. In Shadow of the New Deal: The Victory of Public Broadcasting (U Illinois Press, 2023), Josh Shepperd looks at the people, institutions, and influences behind the media reform movement and clearinghouse the National Association of Educational Broadcasters (NAEB) in the drive to create what became the Public Broadcasting Service and National Public Radio.
Founded in 1934, the NAEB began as a disorganized collection of undersupported university broadcasters. Shepperd traces the setbacks, small victories, and trial-and-error experiments that took place as thousands of advocates built a media coalition premised on the belief that technology could ease social inequality through equal access to education and information. The bottom-up, decentralized network they created implemented a different economy of scale and a vision of a mass media divorced from commercial concerns. At the same time, they transformed advice, criticism, and methods adopted from other sectors into an infrastructure that supported public broadcasting in the 1960s and beyond.
Connor Kenaston is an Assistant Professor of History and Ainsworth Scholar in American Culture at Randolph College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1331</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Josh Shepperd</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Despite uncertain beginnings, public broadcasting emerged as a noncommercial media industry that transformed American culture. In Shadow of the New Deal: The Victory of Public Broadcasting (U Illinois Press, 2023), Josh Shepperd looks at the people, institutions, and influences behind the media reform movement and clearinghouse the National Association of Educational Broadcasters (NAEB) in the drive to create what became the Public Broadcasting Service and National Public Radio.
Founded in 1934, the NAEB began as a disorganized collection of undersupported university broadcasters. Shepperd traces the setbacks, small victories, and trial-and-error experiments that took place as thousands of advocates built a media coalition premised on the belief that technology could ease social inequality through equal access to education and information. The bottom-up, decentralized network they created implemented a different economy of scale and a vision of a mass media divorced from commercial concerns. At the same time, they transformed advice, criticism, and methods adopted from other sectors into an infrastructure that supported public broadcasting in the 1960s and beyond.
Connor Kenaston is an Assistant Professor of History and Ainsworth Scholar in American Culture at Randolph College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Despite uncertain beginnings, public broadcasting emerged as a noncommercial media industry that transformed American culture. In <a href="https://www.press.uillinois.edu/books/?id=p087257"><em>Shadow of the New Deal: The Victory of Public Broadcasting</em></a><em> </em>(U Illinois Press, 2023), Josh Shepperd looks at the people, institutions, and influences behind the media reform movement and clearinghouse the National Association of Educational Broadcasters (NAEB) in the drive to create what became the Public Broadcasting Service and National Public Radio.</p><p>Founded in 1934, the NAEB began as a disorganized collection of undersupported university broadcasters. Shepperd traces the setbacks, small victories, and trial-and-error experiments that took place as thousands of advocates built a media coalition premised on the belief that technology could ease social inequality through equal access to education and information. The bottom-up, decentralized network they created implemented a different economy of scale and a vision of a mass media divorced from commercial concerns. At the same time, they transformed advice, criticism, and methods adopted from other sectors into an infrastructure that supported public broadcasting in the 1960s and beyond.</p><p><a href="https://connorskenaston.com/"><em>Connor Kenaston</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of History and Ainsworth Scholar in American Culture at Randolph College.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3916</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0dc306aa-1362-11ee-8b6c-73ce2d654dcd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3762533296.mp3?updated=1687702708" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stephen Vladeck, "The Shadow Docket: How the Supreme Court Uses Stealth Rulings to Amass Power and Undermine the Republic" (Basic Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>Many people are familiar with the United States Supreme Court’s merit docket. Each case follows detailed and professional proceedings that include formal written and oral arguments. The justices’ decisions provide lengthy arguments and citations. They are freely available to the public, press, policy-makers, law makers, judges, and scholars. When the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, they ruled publicly – and the press covered it extensively. 
But Professor Stephen Vladeck’s new book, The Shadow Docket: How the Supreme Court Uses Stealth Rulings to Amass Power and Undermine the Republic (Basic Books, 2023), highlights that 99% of the Court’s decisions are “unseen, unsigned, and almost always unexplained” on the “shadow docket.” State and federal policies – and constitutional rights – are affected by decisions that the Supreme Court makes behind closed doors. There are no opinions, no citations, and often observers have little idea which justices supported the action. The term ‘shadow docket’ was coined by law professor William Baude in 2015 – and Professor Vladeck sees a recent, radical, and concerning shift in how the shadow docket has been deployed in recent years. His remarkable book traces the shadow docket’s longer history to explain what is the shadow docket, where did it come from, and how the Court has radically departed from past practice to decide more and more cases out of the public eye. Professor Vladeck argues that the shadow docket has become a norm rather than an exception – and that procedural change impacts constitutional rights and public policy on a large scale including asylum eligibility, abortion, marriage equality, voting rights, and building a border wall. Professor Vladeck insists that, regardless of your individual political leanings, the Court’s increasing manipulation of the shadow docket threatens our shared constitutional system, and should alarm any American who believes in the value of the Supreme Court as an independent and legitimate institution.
Professor Vladeck’s impressively researched (and remarkably accessible) book employs historical analysis and case studies in clear and precise prose. This is a book for scholars, students, – and anyone interested in policy and politics. The podcast ends with Professor Vladeck’s suggestions for how we can all change how we talk about the Court and how Congress can make the Court more accountable.
Professor Stephen Vladeck holds the Charles Alan Wright Chair at the University of Texas School of Law. In addition to his extensive legal scholarship, Vladeck, has argued three cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, co-hosts the National Security Law Podcast, and is editor and author of “One First,” a popular weekly Substack newsletter about the Supreme Court.
John Sebastiani served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>661</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephen Vladeck</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many people are familiar with the United States Supreme Court’s merit docket. Each case follows detailed and professional proceedings that include formal written and oral arguments. The justices’ decisions provide lengthy arguments and citations. They are freely available to the public, press, policy-makers, law makers, judges, and scholars. When the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, they ruled publicly – and the press covered it extensively. 
But Professor Stephen Vladeck’s new book, The Shadow Docket: How the Supreme Court Uses Stealth Rulings to Amass Power and Undermine the Republic (Basic Books, 2023), highlights that 99% of the Court’s decisions are “unseen, unsigned, and almost always unexplained” on the “shadow docket.” State and federal policies – and constitutional rights – are affected by decisions that the Supreme Court makes behind closed doors. There are no opinions, no citations, and often observers have little idea which justices supported the action. The term ‘shadow docket’ was coined by law professor William Baude in 2015 – and Professor Vladeck sees a recent, radical, and concerning shift in how the shadow docket has been deployed in recent years. His remarkable book traces the shadow docket’s longer history to explain what is the shadow docket, where did it come from, and how the Court has radically departed from past practice to decide more and more cases out of the public eye. Professor Vladeck argues that the shadow docket has become a norm rather than an exception – and that procedural change impacts constitutional rights and public policy on a large scale including asylum eligibility, abortion, marriage equality, voting rights, and building a border wall. Professor Vladeck insists that, regardless of your individual political leanings, the Court’s increasing manipulation of the shadow docket threatens our shared constitutional system, and should alarm any American who believes in the value of the Supreme Court as an independent and legitimate institution.
Professor Vladeck’s impressively researched (and remarkably accessible) book employs historical analysis and case studies in clear and precise prose. This is a book for scholars, students, – and anyone interested in policy and politics. The podcast ends with Professor Vladeck’s suggestions for how we can all change how we talk about the Court and how Congress can make the Court more accountable.
Professor Stephen Vladeck holds the Charles Alan Wright Chair at the University of Texas School of Law. In addition to his extensive legal scholarship, Vladeck, has argued three cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, co-hosts the National Security Law Podcast, and is editor and author of “One First,” a popular weekly Substack newsletter about the Supreme Court.
John Sebastiani served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many people are familiar with the United States Supreme Court’s merit docket. Each case follows detailed and professional proceedings that include formal written and oral arguments. The justices’ decisions provide lengthy arguments and citations. They are freely available to the public, press, policy-makers, law makers, judges, and scholars. When the Supreme Court overturned <em>Roe v. Wade</em> in 2022, they ruled publicly – and the press covered it extensively. </p><p>But Professor Stephen Vladeck’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541602632"><em>The Shadow Docket: How the Supreme Court Uses Stealth Rulings to Amass Power and Undermine the Republic</em></a> (Basic Books, 2023), highlights that 99% of the Court’s decisions are “unseen, unsigned, and almost always unexplained” on the “shadow docket.” State and federal policies – and constitutional rights – are affected by decisions that the Supreme Court makes behind closed doors. There are no opinions, no citations, and often observers have little idea which justices supported the action. The term ‘shadow docket’ was coined by law professor William Baude in 2015 – and Professor Vladeck sees a recent, radical, and concerning shift in how the shadow docket has been deployed in recent years. His remarkable book traces the shadow docket’s longer history to explain what is the shadow docket, where did it come from, and how the Court has radically departed from past practice to decide more and more cases out of the public eye. Professor Vladeck argues that the shadow docket has become a norm rather than an exception – and that procedural change impacts constitutional rights and public policy on a large scale including asylum eligibility, abortion, marriage equality, voting rights, and building a border wall. Professor Vladeck insists that, regardless of your individual political leanings, the Court’s increasing manipulation of the shadow docket threatens our shared constitutional system, and should alarm any American who believes in the value of the Supreme Court as an independent and legitimate institution.</p><p>Professor Vladeck’s impressively researched (and remarkably accessible) book employs historical analysis and case studies in clear and precise prose. This is a book for scholars, students, – and <em>anyone </em>interested in policy and politics. The podcast ends with Professor Vladeck’s suggestions for how we can all change how we <em>talk</em> about the Court and how Congress can make the Court more accountable.</p><p><a href="https://law.utexas.edu/faculty/stephen-i-vladeck">Professor Stephen Vladeck</a> holds the Charles Alan Wright Chair at the University of Texas School of Law. In addition to his extensive legal scholarship, Vladeck, has argued three cases before the U.S. Supreme Court, co-hosts the National Security Law Podcast, and is editor and author of “One First,” a popular weekly Substack newsletter about the Supreme Court.</p><p>John Sebastiani served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3779</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3058f0f8-0de0-11ee-98ea-4719ad85b675]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR9622802208.mp3?updated=1687096841" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bradley C. S. Watson, "Progressivism: The Strange History of a Radical Idea" (U Notre Dame Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>“Only recently have scholars outside the historical profession identified progressivism for what it was and continues to be: a fundamental rupture with the roots of American order.”
So writes the political scientist and theorist Bradley C. S. Watson in his 2020 book Progressivism: The Strange History of a Radical Idea (U Notre Dame Press). 
Watson provides an intellectual history of how historians such as Richard Hofstadter tended to underplay what a radical break the Progressive Movement was from American constitutionalism. The book shows that only in recent decades have political theorists entered the fray and rendered clear how dire the ramifications for American society and culture the views on the Constitution of such figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were and what a massive break they were from the legacy of the founders and such advocates of natural rights as Abraham Lincoln.
Anyone interested in how American political history was written in the period of roughly 1940-1980 should read this book. So should anyone interested in the differences between the views of historians and political scientists on the same developments.
And this is not just a matter of the mindsets of various fields of scholarship. These debates shaped public policy and affected a host of issues such as the rise of the administrative state and the role of expertise in governance, the place of religion (Christianity first and foremost) in American life and the ideology-dependent staffing of the ranks of college social science departments, government entities and other key institutions. All of these developments filtered out to the rest of society.
Watson helps us understand what the Progressives (including politicians, academics and theologians such as Walter Rauschenbusch) of the period of roughly 1900-1930 actually said and wrote versus what historians in the decades shortly thereafter said they said.
Let’s hear from Professor Watson himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>186</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bradley C. S. Watson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Only recently have scholars outside the historical profession identified progressivism for what it was and continues to be: a fundamental rupture with the roots of American order.”
So writes the political scientist and theorist Bradley C. S. Watson in his 2020 book Progressivism: The Strange History of a Radical Idea (U Notre Dame Press). 
Watson provides an intellectual history of how historians such as Richard Hofstadter tended to underplay what a radical break the Progressive Movement was from American constitutionalism. The book shows that only in recent decades have political theorists entered the fray and rendered clear how dire the ramifications for American society and culture the views on the Constitution of such figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were and what a massive break they were from the legacy of the founders and such advocates of natural rights as Abraham Lincoln.
Anyone interested in how American political history was written in the period of roughly 1940-1980 should read this book. So should anyone interested in the differences between the views of historians and political scientists on the same developments.
And this is not just a matter of the mindsets of various fields of scholarship. These debates shaped public policy and affected a host of issues such as the rise of the administrative state and the role of expertise in governance, the place of religion (Christianity first and foremost) in American life and the ideology-dependent staffing of the ranks of college social science departments, government entities and other key institutions. All of these developments filtered out to the rest of society.
Watson helps us understand what the Progressives (including politicians, academics and theologians such as Walter Rauschenbusch) of the period of roughly 1900-1930 actually said and wrote versus what historians in the decades shortly thereafter said they said.
Let’s hear from Professor Watson himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Only recently have scholars outside the historical profession identified progressivism for what it was and continues to be: a fundamental rupture with the roots of American order.”</p><p>So writes the political scientist and theorist Bradley C. S. Watson in his 2020 book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780268106973"><em>Progressivism: The Strange History of a Radical Idea</em></a> (U Notre Dame Press). </p><p>Watson provides an intellectual history of how historians such as Richard Hofstadter tended to underplay what a radical break the Progressive Movement was from American constitutionalism. The book shows that only in recent decades have political theorists entered the fray and rendered clear how dire the ramifications for American society and culture the views on the Constitution of such figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were and what a massive break they were from the legacy of the founders and such advocates of natural rights as Abraham Lincoln.</p><p>Anyone interested in how American political history was written in the period of roughly 1940-1980 should read this book. So should anyone interested in the differences between the views of historians and political scientists on the same developments.</p><p>And this is not just a matter of the mindsets of various fields of scholarship. These debates shaped public policy and affected a host of issues such as the rise of the administrative state and the role of expertise in governance, the place of religion (Christianity first and foremost) in American life and the ideology-dependent staffing of the ranks of college social science departments, government entities and other key institutions. All of these developments filtered out to the rest of society.</p><p>Watson helps us understand what the Progressives (including politicians, academics and theologians such as Walter Rauschenbusch) of the period of roughly 1900-1930 actually said and wrote versus what historians in the decades shortly thereafter said they said.</p><p>Let’s hear from Professor Watson himself.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4938</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[de41afba-12af-11ee-ab25-1f38a2c432a0]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Craig Nelson, "V Is For Victory: Franklin Roosevelt's American Revolution and the Triumph of World War II" (Scribner, 2023)</title>
      <description>As Nazi Germany began to conquer Europe, America’s military was unprepared, too small, and poorly supplied. The Nazis were supported by robust German factories that created a seemingly endless flow of arms, trucks, tanks, airplanes, and submarines. The United States, emerging from the Great Depression, was skeptical of American involvement in Europe and not ready to wage war. Hardened isolationists predicted disaster if the country went to war.
In V Is For Victory: Franklin Roosevelt's American Revolution and the Triumph of World War II (Scribner, 2023), Craig Nelson traces how Franklin D. Roosevelt steadily and sometimes secretively put America on a war footing by convincing America’s top industrialists such as Henry Ford Jr. to retool their factories, by diverting the country’s supplies of raw materials to the war effort, and above all by convincing the American people to endure shortages, to work in wartime factories, and to send their sons into harm’s way. Within a few years, the nation’s workers were producing thousands of airplanes and tanks, hundreds of warships and submarines. Under FDR’s resolute leadership, victory at land and sea and air across the globe began at home in America—a powerful and essential narrative largely overlooked in conventional histories of the war but which, in Nelson’s skilled, authoritative hands, becomes an illuminating and important work destined to become an American history classic.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>175</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Craig Nelson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As Nazi Germany began to conquer Europe, America’s military was unprepared, too small, and poorly supplied. The Nazis were supported by robust German factories that created a seemingly endless flow of arms, trucks, tanks, airplanes, and submarines. The United States, emerging from the Great Depression, was skeptical of American involvement in Europe and not ready to wage war. Hardened isolationists predicted disaster if the country went to war.
In V Is For Victory: Franklin Roosevelt's American Revolution and the Triumph of World War II (Scribner, 2023), Craig Nelson traces how Franklin D. Roosevelt steadily and sometimes secretively put America on a war footing by convincing America’s top industrialists such as Henry Ford Jr. to retool their factories, by diverting the country’s supplies of raw materials to the war effort, and above all by convincing the American people to endure shortages, to work in wartime factories, and to send their sons into harm’s way. Within a few years, the nation’s workers were producing thousands of airplanes and tanks, hundreds of warships and submarines. Under FDR’s resolute leadership, victory at land and sea and air across the globe began at home in America—a powerful and essential narrative largely overlooked in conventional histories of the war but which, in Nelson’s skilled, authoritative hands, becomes an illuminating and important work destined to become an American history classic.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As Nazi Germany began to conquer Europe, America’s military was unprepared, too small, and poorly supplied. The Nazis were supported by robust German factories that created a seemingly endless flow of arms, trucks, tanks, airplanes, and submarines. The United States, emerging from the Great Depression, was skeptical of American involvement in Europe and not ready to wage war. Hardened isolationists predicted disaster if the country went to war.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982122911"><em>V Is For Victory: Franklin Roosevelt's American Revolution and the Triumph of World War II</em></a> (Scribner, 2023), Craig Nelson traces how Franklin D. Roosevelt steadily and sometimes secretively put America on a war footing by convincing America’s top industrialists such as Henry Ford Jr. to retool their factories, by diverting the country’s supplies of raw materials to the war effort, and above all by convincing the American people to endure shortages, to work in wartime factories, and to send their sons into harm’s way. Within a few years, the nation’s workers were producing thousands of airplanes and tanks, hundreds of warships and submarines. Under FDR’s resolute leadership, victory at land and sea and air across the globe began at home in America—a powerful and essential narrative largely overlooked in conventional histories of the war but which, in Nelson’s skilled, authoritative hands, becomes an illuminating and important work destined to become an American history classic.</p><p><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/"><em>AJ Woodhams</em></a><em> hosts the "</em><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>War Books</em></a><em>" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple </em><a href="http://bit.ly/3ZCL0du"><em>here</em></a><em> and on Spotify </em><a href="https://spoti.fi/3kP9scZ"><em>here</em></a><em>. War Books is on </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@warbookspodcast/"><em>YouTube</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.facebook.com/warbookspodcast"><em>Facebook</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3537</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Leadership: A Discussion with Amanda Goodall</title>
      <description>Do experts perform better than generalists? In the midst of the fraught 2016 Brexit campaign one of the most British senior British politicians arguing that the UK should leave the EU said “I think the people in this country have had enough of experts “– and was widely derided for doing so. Amanda Goodall thinks he was wrong, as she explains to Owen Bennett-Jones. Goodall is the author of Credible: The Power of Expert Leaders (PublicAffairs, 2023).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>67</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Do experts perform better than generalists? In the midst of the fraught 2016 Brexit campaign one of the most British senior British politicians arguing that the UK should leave the EU said “I think the people in this country have had enough of experts “– and was widely derided for doing so. Amanda Goodall thinks he was wrong, as she explains to Owen Bennett-Jones. Goodall is the author of Credible: The Power of Expert Leaders (PublicAffairs, 2023).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Do experts perform better than generalists? In the midst of the fraught 2016 Brexit campaign one of the most British senior British politicians arguing that the UK should leave the EU said “I think the people in this country have had enough of experts “– and was widely derided for doing so. Amanda Goodall thinks he was wrong, as she explains to Owen Bennett-Jones. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541702509"><em>Goodall is the author of Credible: The Power of Expert Leaders</em></a> (PublicAffairs, 2023).</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2369</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Erik Kojola, "Mining the Heartland: Nature, Place, and Populism on the Iron Range" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>On an unseasonably warm October afternoon in Saint Paul, hundreds of people gathered to protest the construction of a proposed copper-nickel mine in the rural northern part of their state. The crowd eagerly listened to speeches on how the project would bring long-term risks and potentially pollute the drinking water for current and future generations. A year later, another proposed mining project became the subject of a public hearing in a small town near the proposed site. But this time, local politicians and union leaders praised the mine proposal as an asset that would strengthen working-class communities in Minnesota.
In many rural American communities, there is profound tension around the preservation and protection of wilderness and the need to promote and profit from natural resources. In Mining the Heartland: Nature, Place, and Populism on the Iron Range (NYU Press, 2023), Erik Kojola looks at both sides of these populist movements and presents a thoughtful account of how such political struggles play out. Drawing on over a hundred ethnographic interviews with people of the region, from members of labor unions to local residents to scientists, Kojola is able to bring this complex struggle over mining to life. Focusing on both pro- and anti-mining groups, he expands upon what this conflict reveals about the way whiteness and masculinity operate among urban and rural residents, and the different ways in which class, race, and gender shape how people relate to the land. Mining the Heartland shows the negotiation and conflict between two central aspects of the state's culture and economy: outdoor recreation in the Land of Ten Thousand Lakes and the lucrative mining of the Iron Range.
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of The Social Construction of a Cultural Spectacle: Floatzilla (Lexington Books, 2023) and Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is about the construction of place in tourist cities and about the people who reside there. He is currently conducting research for his next project on the social construction of tourist cities. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his website, Google Scholar, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>298</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erik Kojola</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On an unseasonably warm October afternoon in Saint Paul, hundreds of people gathered to protest the construction of a proposed copper-nickel mine in the rural northern part of their state. The crowd eagerly listened to speeches on how the project would bring long-term risks and potentially pollute the drinking water for current and future generations. A year later, another proposed mining project became the subject of a public hearing in a small town near the proposed site. But this time, local politicians and union leaders praised the mine proposal as an asset that would strengthen working-class communities in Minnesota.
In many rural American communities, there is profound tension around the preservation and protection of wilderness and the need to promote and profit from natural resources. In Mining the Heartland: Nature, Place, and Populism on the Iron Range (NYU Press, 2023), Erik Kojola looks at both sides of these populist movements and presents a thoughtful account of how such political struggles play out. Drawing on over a hundred ethnographic interviews with people of the region, from members of labor unions to local residents to scientists, Kojola is able to bring this complex struggle over mining to life. Focusing on both pro- and anti-mining groups, he expands upon what this conflict reveals about the way whiteness and masculinity operate among urban and rural residents, and the different ways in which class, race, and gender shape how people relate to the land. Mining the Heartland shows the negotiation and conflict between two central aspects of the state's culture and economy: outdoor recreation in the Land of Ten Thousand Lakes and the lucrative mining of the Iron Range.
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of The Social Construction of a Cultural Spectacle: Floatzilla (Lexington Books, 2023) and Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is about the construction of place in tourist cities and about the people who reside there. He is currently conducting research for his next project on the social construction of tourist cities. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his website, Google Scholar, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On an unseasonably warm October afternoon in Saint Paul, hundreds of people gathered to protest the construction of a proposed copper-nickel mine in the rural northern part of their state. The crowd eagerly listened to speeches on how the project would bring long-term risks and potentially pollute the drinking water for current and future generations. A year later, another proposed mining project became the subject of a public hearing in a small town near the proposed site. But this time, local politicians and union leaders praised the mine proposal as an asset that would strengthen working-class communities in Minnesota.</p><p>In many rural American communities, there is profound tension around the preservation and protection of wilderness and the need to promote and profit from natural resources. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479815197"><em>Mining the Heartland: Nature, Place, and Populism on the Iron Range</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023), <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/erik-kojola-68579919">Erik Kojola</a> looks at both sides of these populist movements and presents a thoughtful account of how such political struggles play out. Drawing on over a hundred ethnographic interviews with people of the region, from members of labor unions to local residents to scientists, Kojola is able to bring this complex struggle over mining to life. Focusing on both pro- and anti-mining groups, he expands upon what this conflict reveals about the way whiteness and masculinity operate among urban and rural residents, and the different ways in which class, race, and gender shape how people relate to the land.<em> Mining the Heartland </em>shows the negotiation and conflict between two central aspects of the state's culture and economy: outdoor recreation in the Land of Ten Thousand Lakes and the lucrative mining of the Iron Range.</p><p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/af43960f-eb1c-452b-a784-ba3dae90949f"><em>Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D.</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of The Social Construction of a Cultural Spectacle: Floatzilla (Lexington Books, 2023) and Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is about the construction of place in tourist cities and about the people who reside there. He is currently conducting research for his next project on the social construction of tourist cities. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his </em><a href="https://profjohnston.weebly.com/"><em>website</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=2RfJ6FMAAAAJ&amp;hl=en"><em>Google Scholar</em></a><em>, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>1708</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Politics, Identity, and the US Supreme Court</title>
      <description>Postscript invites authors to react to contemporary political events that engage their scholarship. Since the Supreme Court is wrapping up their term, three political scientists and one law professor joined Susan to talk about the power of the Federalist Society in shaping the courts (and how lawyers might strategically use political science research to get more progressive outcomes), how race, ethnicity, and gender issues have affected the construction of the U.S. Supreme Court over time, and a very lively discussion of this term’s Supreme Court decisions – and also actions outside the Court like Chief Justice Roberts refusing to appear before Congress.


Dr. Christine C. Bird, JD, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Oklahoma State University and the Director of the Bird Law and Public Policy Lab (LAPP). Her research examines elite interests' influence on public policymaking in the judicial system. 


Dr. Zachary McGee, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Kenyon College focusing on American political institutions with an emphasis on Congress, political parties, interest groups, and the policy process. Christine and Zach recently co-wrote “Looking Forward: Interest Group Legal Strategy and Federalist Society Affiliation in the United States Circuit Courts of Appeal,” for Polity’s symposium on the Supreme Court as well as “Going Nuclear: Federalist Society Affiliated Judicial Nominees’ Prospects and a New Era of Confirmation Politics” for American Politics Research (2023). 


Dr. Paul Collins, PhD is Professor of Legal Studies and Political Science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His research focuses on understanding bias and inequality in the legal system, the selection and work of judges, and social movement litigation. 


Dr. Lori A. Ringhand is the J. Alton Hosch Professor of Law at the University of Georgia College of Law. Her work on the confirmation process has been cited in major national and international media outlets.


Paul and Lori previously published Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change (Cambridge University Press) and they also contributed an article to the Polity Symposium entitled “Constructing the Supreme Court: How Race, Ethnicity, and Gender Have Affected Presidential Selection and Senate Confirmation Hearings.” Their co-authors Christina L. Boyd and Karson A. Pennington were unable to join us.
Zac mentions Susan’s article in the Polity symposium, The Politics of Law: Capricious Originalism and the Future of the Supreme Court.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Christine C. Bird, Paul Collins, Zachary McGee, and Lori Ringhand</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Postscript invites authors to react to contemporary political events that engage their scholarship. Since the Supreme Court is wrapping up their term, three political scientists and one law professor joined Susan to talk about the power of the Federalist Society in shaping the courts (and how lawyers might strategically use political science research to get more progressive outcomes), how race, ethnicity, and gender issues have affected the construction of the U.S. Supreme Court over time, and a very lively discussion of this term’s Supreme Court decisions – and also actions outside the Court like Chief Justice Roberts refusing to appear before Congress.


Dr. Christine C. Bird, JD, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Oklahoma State University and the Director of the Bird Law and Public Policy Lab (LAPP). Her research examines elite interests' influence on public policymaking in the judicial system. 


Dr. Zachary McGee, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Kenyon College focusing on American political institutions with an emphasis on Congress, political parties, interest groups, and the policy process. Christine and Zach recently co-wrote “Looking Forward: Interest Group Legal Strategy and Federalist Society Affiliation in the United States Circuit Courts of Appeal,” for Polity’s symposium on the Supreme Court as well as “Going Nuclear: Federalist Society Affiliated Judicial Nominees’ Prospects and a New Era of Confirmation Politics” for American Politics Research (2023). 


Dr. Paul Collins, PhD is Professor of Legal Studies and Political Science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His research focuses on understanding bias and inequality in the legal system, the selection and work of judges, and social movement litigation. 


Dr. Lori A. Ringhand is the J. Alton Hosch Professor of Law at the University of Georgia College of Law. Her work on the confirmation process has been cited in major national and international media outlets.


Paul and Lori previously published Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change (Cambridge University Press) and they also contributed an article to the Polity Symposium entitled “Constructing the Supreme Court: How Race, Ethnicity, and Gender Have Affected Presidential Selection and Senate Confirmation Hearings.” Their co-authors Christina L. Boyd and Karson A. Pennington were unable to join us.
Zac mentions Susan’s article in the Polity symposium, The Politics of Law: Capricious Originalism and the Future of the Supreme Court.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Postscript invites authors to react to contemporary political events that engage their scholarship. Since the Supreme Court is wrapping up their term, three political scientists and one law professor joined Susan to talk about the power of the Federalist Society in shaping the courts (and how lawyers might strategically use political science research to get more progressive outcomes), how race, ethnicity, and gender issues have affected the construction of the U.S. Supreme Court over time, and a very lively discussion of this term’s Supreme Court decisions – and also actions outside the Court like Chief Justice Roberts refusing to appear before Congress.</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="http://www.christinecbird.com/">Dr. Christine C. Bird</a>, JD, PhD is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Oklahoma State University and the Director of the Bird Law and Public Policy Lab (LAPP). Her research examines elite interests' influence on public policymaking in the judicial system. </li>
<li>
<a href="http://www.zacharymcgee.net/">Dr. Zachary McGee, PhD</a> is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Kenyon College focusing on American political institutions with an emphasis on Congress, political parties, interest groups, and the policy process. Christine and Zach recently co-wrote “<a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/724189">Looking Forward: Interest Group Legal Strategy and Federalist Society Affiliation in the United States Circuit Courts of Appeal</a>,” for <em>Polity’s </em>symposium on the Supreme Court as well as “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X221109534">Going Nuclear: Federalist Society Affiliated Judicial Nominees’ Prospects and a New Era of Confirmation Politics</a>” for <em>American Politics Research </em>(2023). </li>
<li>
<a href="http://blogs.umass.edu/pmcollins/">Dr. Paul Collins</a>, PhD is Professor of Legal Studies and Political Science at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His research focuses on understanding bias and inequality in the legal system, the selection and work of judges, and social movement litigation. </li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.law.uga.edu/profile/lori-ringhand">Dr. Lori A. Ringhand</a> is the J. Alton Hosch Professor of Law at the University of Georgia College of Law. Her work on the confirmation process has been cited in major national and international media outlets.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Paul and Lori previously published <em>Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings and Constitutional Change</em> (Cambridge University Press) and they also contributed an article to the Polity Symposium entitled “<a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/724163">Constructing the Supreme Court: How Race, Ethnicity, and Gender Have Affected Presidential Selection and Senate Confirmation Hearings</a>.” Their co-authors Christina L. Boyd and Karson A. Pennington were unable to join us.</p><p>Zac mentions Susan’s article in the Polity symposium, <a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/724164">The Politics of Law: Capricious Originalism and the Future of the Supreme Court</a>.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Samuel G. Freedman, "Into the Bright Sunshine: Young Hubert Humphrey and the Fight for Civil Rights" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>From one of the country's most distinguished journalists, a revisionist and riveting look at the American politician whom history has judged a loser, yet who played a key part in the greatest social movement of the 20th century.
During one sweltering week in July 1948, the Democratic Party gathered in Philadelphia for its national convention. The most pressing and controversial issue facing the delegates was not whom to nominate for president -the incumbent, Harry Truman, was the presumptive candidate -but whether the Democrats would finally embrace the cause of civil rights and embed it in their official platform. Even under Franklin Roosevelt, the party had dodged the issue in order to keep a bloc of Southern segregationists-the so-called Dixiecrats-in the New Deal coalition.
On the convention's final day, Hubert Humphrey, just 37 and the relatively obscure mayor of the midsized city of Minneapolis, ascended the podium. Defying Truman's own desire to occupy the middle ground, Humphrey urged the delegates to "get out of the shadow of state's rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights." Humphrey's speech put everything on the line, rhetorically and politically, to move the party, and the country, forward.
To the surprise of many, including Humphrey himself, the delegates voted to adopt a meaningful civil-rights plank. With no choice but to run on it, Truman seized the opportunity it offered, desegregating the armed forces and in November upsetting the frontrunner Thomas Dewey, a victory due in part to an unprecedented surge of Black voters.
The outcome of that week in July 1948-which marks its 75th anniversary as this book is published-shapes American politics to this day. And it was in turned shaped by Humphrey. His journey to that pivotal speech runs from a remote, all-white hamlet in South Dakota to the mayoralty of Minneapolis as he tackles its notorious racism and anti-Semitism to his role as a national champion of multiracial democracy. His allies in that struggle include a Black newspaper publisher, a Jewish attorney, and a professor who had fled Nazi Germany. And his adversaries are the white supremacists, Christian Nationalists, and America Firsters of mid-century America - one of whom tries to assassinate him.
Into the Bright Sunshine: Young Hubert Humphrey and the Fight for Civil Rights (Oxford UP, 2023) is a book that celebrates one of the overlooked landmarks of civil rights history, and illuminates the early life and enduring legacy of the man who helped bring it about.
Samuel G. Freedman is an award-winning professor, columnist, and author of nine acclaimed books. Freedman was a staff reporter for The New York Times from 1981 through 1987. From 2004 through 2008, he wrote the paper's "On Education" column, winning first prize in the Education Writers Association's annual competition in 2005. From 2006 through 2016, Freedman wrote the "On Religion" column, receiving the Goldziher Prize for Journalists in 2017 for a series of columns about Muslim-Americans that had been published over the preceding six years. As a professor of journalism at Columbia University, Freedman has been named the nation's outstanding journalism educator by the Society of Professional Journalists and received Columbia's coveted Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching.
Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on LinkedIn or at his email, ctchristensen@uchicago.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel G. Freedman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From one of the country's most distinguished journalists, a revisionist and riveting look at the American politician whom history has judged a loser, yet who played a key part in the greatest social movement of the 20th century.
During one sweltering week in July 1948, the Democratic Party gathered in Philadelphia for its national convention. The most pressing and controversial issue facing the delegates was not whom to nominate for president -the incumbent, Harry Truman, was the presumptive candidate -but whether the Democrats would finally embrace the cause of civil rights and embed it in their official platform. Even under Franklin Roosevelt, the party had dodged the issue in order to keep a bloc of Southern segregationists-the so-called Dixiecrats-in the New Deal coalition.
On the convention's final day, Hubert Humphrey, just 37 and the relatively obscure mayor of the midsized city of Minneapolis, ascended the podium. Defying Truman's own desire to occupy the middle ground, Humphrey urged the delegates to "get out of the shadow of state's rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights." Humphrey's speech put everything on the line, rhetorically and politically, to move the party, and the country, forward.
To the surprise of many, including Humphrey himself, the delegates voted to adopt a meaningful civil-rights plank. With no choice but to run on it, Truman seized the opportunity it offered, desegregating the armed forces and in November upsetting the frontrunner Thomas Dewey, a victory due in part to an unprecedented surge of Black voters.
The outcome of that week in July 1948-which marks its 75th anniversary as this book is published-shapes American politics to this day. And it was in turned shaped by Humphrey. His journey to that pivotal speech runs from a remote, all-white hamlet in South Dakota to the mayoralty of Minneapolis as he tackles its notorious racism and anti-Semitism to his role as a national champion of multiracial democracy. His allies in that struggle include a Black newspaper publisher, a Jewish attorney, and a professor who had fled Nazi Germany. And his adversaries are the white supremacists, Christian Nationalists, and America Firsters of mid-century America - one of whom tries to assassinate him.
Into the Bright Sunshine: Young Hubert Humphrey and the Fight for Civil Rights (Oxford UP, 2023) is a book that celebrates one of the overlooked landmarks of civil rights history, and illuminates the early life and enduring legacy of the man who helped bring it about.
Samuel G. Freedman is an award-winning professor, columnist, and author of nine acclaimed books. Freedman was a staff reporter for The New York Times from 1981 through 1987. From 2004 through 2008, he wrote the paper's "On Education" column, winning first prize in the Education Writers Association's annual competition in 2005. From 2006 through 2016, Freedman wrote the "On Religion" column, receiving the Goldziher Prize for Journalists in 2017 for a series of columns about Muslim-Americans that had been published over the preceding six years. As a professor of journalism at Columbia University, Freedman has been named the nation's outstanding journalism educator by the Society of Professional Journalists and received Columbia's coveted Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching.
Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on LinkedIn or at his email, ctchristensen@uchicago.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From one of the country's most distinguished journalists, a revisionist and riveting look at the American politician whom history has judged a loser, yet who played a key part in the greatest social movement of the 20th century.</p><p>During one sweltering week in July 1948, the Democratic Party gathered in Philadelphia for its national convention. The most pressing and controversial issue facing the delegates was not whom to nominate for president -the incumbent, Harry Truman, was the presumptive candidate -but whether the Democrats would finally embrace the cause of civil rights and embed it in their official platform. Even under Franklin Roosevelt, the party had dodged the issue in order to keep a bloc of Southern segregationists-the so-called Dixiecrats-in the New Deal coalition.</p><p>On the convention's final day, Hubert Humphrey, just 37 and the relatively obscure mayor of the midsized city of Minneapolis, ascended the podium. Defying Truman's own desire to occupy the middle ground, Humphrey urged the delegates to "get out of the shadow of state's rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights." Humphrey's speech put everything on the line, rhetorically and politically, to move the party, and the country, forward.</p><p>To the surprise of many, including Humphrey himself, the delegates voted to adopt a meaningful civil-rights plank. With no choice but to run on it, Truman seized the opportunity it offered, desegregating the armed forces and in November upsetting the frontrunner Thomas Dewey, a victory due in part to an unprecedented surge of Black voters.</p><p>The outcome of that week in July 1948-which marks its 75th anniversary as this book is published-shapes American politics to this day. And it was in turned shaped by Humphrey. His journey to that pivotal speech runs from a remote, all-white hamlet in South Dakota to the mayoralty of Minneapolis as he tackles its notorious racism and anti-Semitism to his role as a national champion of multiracial democracy. His allies in that struggle include a Black newspaper publisher, a Jewish attorney, and a professor who had fled Nazi Germany. And his adversaries are the white supremacists, Christian Nationalists, and America Firsters of mid-century America - one of whom tries to assassinate him.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197535196"><em>Into the Bright Sunshine: Young Hubert Humphrey and the Fight for Civil Rights</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023) is a book that celebrates one of the overlooked landmarks of civil rights history, and illuminates the early life and enduring legacy of the man who helped bring it about.</p><p>Samuel G. Freedman is an award-winning professor, columnist, and author of nine acclaimed books. Freedman was a staff reporter for <em>The New York Times</em> from 1981 through 1987. From 2004 through 2008, he wrote the paper's "On Education" column, winning first prize in the Education Writers Association's annual competition in 2005. From 2006 through 2016, Freedman wrote the "On Religion" column, receiving the Goldziher Prize for Journalists in 2017 for a series of columns about Muslim-Americans that had been published over the preceding six years. As a professor of journalism at Columbia University, Freedman has been named the nation's outstanding journalism educator by the Society of Professional Journalists and received Columbia's coveted Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching.</p><p><em>Connor Christensen is a graduate student at the University of Chicago, pursuing both an MPP at the Harris School of Public Policy and an MA at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies. He welcomes collaboration, so feel free to reach out on </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/connor-christensen-99354a1a1/"><em>LinkedIn</em></a><em> or at his email, </em><a href="mailto:ctchristensen@uchicago.edu"><em>ctchristensen@uchicago.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3212</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Giulia Pecorella, "The United States of America and the Crime of Aggression" (Routledge, 2021)</title>
      <description>Giulia Pecorella's The United States of America and the Crime of Aggression (Routledge, 2021) traces the position of the United States of America on aggression, beginning with the Declaration of Independence up to 2020, covering the four years of the Trump Administration. The decision of the Assembly of States Parties to the International Criminal Court to activate the Court's jurisdiction over the crime of aggression in 2018 has added further value to a book concerning the position and practice of one of the most influential states, a global military power and permanent member of the UN Security Council.
Organized along chronological lines, the work examines whether, or to what extent, the US position has evolved over time. The book explores how the definition of the crime can impact upon the US, notwithstanding its failure to ratify the Rome Statute. It also shows that the US practice and opinio iuris about the law applicable to the use of force might influence, as it has done in the past, the law itself.
The work will be a valuable guide for students, academics and professionals with an interest in International Criminal Law.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>189</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Giulia Pecorella</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Giulia Pecorella's The United States of America and the Crime of Aggression (Routledge, 2021) traces the position of the United States of America on aggression, beginning with the Declaration of Independence up to 2020, covering the four years of the Trump Administration. The decision of the Assembly of States Parties to the International Criminal Court to activate the Court's jurisdiction over the crime of aggression in 2018 has added further value to a book concerning the position and practice of one of the most influential states, a global military power and permanent member of the UN Security Council.
Organized along chronological lines, the work examines whether, or to what extent, the US position has evolved over time. The book explores how the definition of the crime can impact upon the US, notwithstanding its failure to ratify the Rome Statute. It also shows that the US practice and opinio iuris about the law applicable to the use of force might influence, as it has done in the past, the law itself.
The work will be a valuable guide for students, academics and professionals with an interest in International Criminal Law.
﻿Jeff Bachman is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Giulia Pecorella's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032005058"><em>The United States of America and the Crime of Aggression</em></a> (Routledge, 2021) traces the position of the United States of America on aggression, beginning with the Declaration of Independence up to 2020, covering the four years of the Trump Administration. The decision of the Assembly of States Parties to the International Criminal Court to activate the Court's jurisdiction over the crime of aggression in 2018 has added further value to a book concerning the position and practice of one of the most influential states, a global military power and permanent member of the UN Security Council.</p><p>Organized along chronological lines, the work examines whether, or to what extent, the US position has evolved over time. The book explores how the definition of the crime can impact upon the US, notwithstanding its failure to ratify the Rome Statute. It also shows that the US practice and opinio iuris about the law applicable to the use of force might influence, as it has done in the past, the law itself.</p><p>The work will be a valuable guide for students, academics and professionals with an interest in International Criminal Law.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.american.edu/sis/faculty/bachman.cfm"><em>Jeff Bachman</em></a><em> is an associate professor at American University’s School of International Service in Washington, DC.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3575</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>The Ascendance of Social Conservatism in the Public Square</title>
      <description>Within political discussions on the Right, social conservatism is on the rise. Why did the Right have a libertarian phase, and why is it leaving it behind? What does social conservatism look like in the world of practical public policy, and what is its future? How do religious citizens fit within the conservative movement?
Ryan Anderson '04, is the director of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, a thinktank at the forefront of just such questions. After graduating from Princeton, Dr. Anderson pursued his PhD in Political Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame. He is the co-author of five books, most recently Tearing Us Apart: How Abortion Harms Everything and Solves Nothing (Regnery, 2022). His research has been cited by two U.S. Supreme Court justices, Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas, in two Supreme Court cases. In addition to leading the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Anderson serves as the John Paul II Teaching Fellow in Social Thought at the University of Dallas, and the Founding Editor of Public Discourse, the online journal of the Witherspoon Institute.
During the interview, Dr. Anderson references a scatterplot showing that there were more social conservatives than libertarian voters in the 2016 election, which you can find here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>78</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Ryan T. Anderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Within political discussions on the Right, social conservatism is on the rise. Why did the Right have a libertarian phase, and why is it leaving it behind? What does social conservatism look like in the world of practical public policy, and what is its future? How do religious citizens fit within the conservative movement?
Ryan Anderson '04, is the director of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, a thinktank at the forefront of just such questions. After graduating from Princeton, Dr. Anderson pursued his PhD in Political Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame. He is the co-author of five books, most recently Tearing Us Apart: How Abortion Harms Everything and Solves Nothing (Regnery, 2022). His research has been cited by two U.S. Supreme Court justices, Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas, in two Supreme Court cases. In addition to leading the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Anderson serves as the John Paul II Teaching Fellow in Social Thought at the University of Dallas, and the Founding Editor of Public Discourse, the online journal of the Witherspoon Institute.
During the interview, Dr. Anderson references a scatterplot showing that there were more social conservatives than libertarian voters in the 2016 election, which you can find here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Within political discussions on the Right, social conservatism is on the rise. Why did the Right have a libertarian phase, and why is it leaving it behind? What does social conservatism look like in the world of practical public policy, and what is its future? How do religious citizens fit within the conservative movement?</p><p><a href="https://eppc.org/author/ryan_anderson/">Ryan Anderson</a> '04, is the director of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, a thinktank at the forefront of just such questions. After graduating from Princeton, Dr. Anderson pursued his PhD in Political Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame. He is the co-author of five books, most recently <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684513505"><em>Tearing Us Apart: How Abortion Harms Everything and Solves Nothing</em></a><em> </em>(Regnery, 2022). His research has been cited by two U.S. Supreme Court justices, Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas, in two Supreme Court cases. In addition to leading the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Anderson serves as the John Paul II Teaching Fellow in Social Thought at the University of Dallas, and the Founding Editor of <a href="https://www.thepublicdiscourse.com/"><em>Public Discourse</em></a>, the online journal of the Witherspoon Institute.</p><p>During the interview, Dr. Anderson references a scatterplot showing that there were more social conservatives than libertarian voters in the 2016 election, which you can find <a href="https://www.voterstudygroup.org/publication/political-divisions-in-2016-and-beyond">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3300</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>M. Todd Bennett, "Neither Confirm Nor Deny: How the Glomar Mission Shielded the CIA from Transparency" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>When the Soviet K-129 submarine sank in the Pacific Ocean in 1968, the CIA saw a possible treasure trove of intelligence information on Soviet military codes. The race was on to devise how exactly to retrieve this potential information from the bottom of the ocean. After years of careful planning, the result was one of the most audacious espionage missions of the Cold War. The wreck of the K-129 would be recovered intact under the cover of a deep-sea mining operation, funded by business tycoon Howard Hughes. Unfortunately for the CIA, the winds of public opinion about its secret operations were changing in wake of the Watergate scandals that helped expose the operation to a wider audience. Out of the attempt to maintain secrecy that the so-called "Glomar response" of "neither confirm nor deny" was used for the first time in a legal setting. 
This story and its Cold War context is the subject of M. Todd Bennett's Neither Confirm Nor Deny: How the Glomar Mission Shielded the CIA from Transparency (Columbia University Press, 2023).
M. Todd Bennett is associate professor of history at East Carolina University. He is the author of One World, Big Screen: Hollywood, the Allies, and World War II (2012). Bennett was formerly a historian at the U.S. Department of State; there, he edited the Foreign Relations of the United States volume that includes declassified records documenting the Glomar incident.
Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar whose research areas are related to Civilizational Analysis, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, military history, War studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, as well as Russian and East European history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>109</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with M. Todd Bennett</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When the Soviet K-129 submarine sank in the Pacific Ocean in 1968, the CIA saw a possible treasure trove of intelligence information on Soviet military codes. The race was on to devise how exactly to retrieve this potential information from the bottom of the ocean. After years of careful planning, the result was one of the most audacious espionage missions of the Cold War. The wreck of the K-129 would be recovered intact under the cover of a deep-sea mining operation, funded by business tycoon Howard Hughes. Unfortunately for the CIA, the winds of public opinion about its secret operations were changing in wake of the Watergate scandals that helped expose the operation to a wider audience. Out of the attempt to maintain secrecy that the so-called "Glomar response" of "neither confirm nor deny" was used for the first time in a legal setting. 
This story and its Cold War context is the subject of M. Todd Bennett's Neither Confirm Nor Deny: How the Glomar Mission Shielded the CIA from Transparency (Columbia University Press, 2023).
M. Todd Bennett is associate professor of history at East Carolina University. He is the author of One World, Big Screen: Hollywood, the Allies, and World War II (2012). Bennett was formerly a historian at the U.S. Department of State; there, he edited the Foreign Relations of the United States volume that includes declassified records documenting the Glomar incident.
Stephen Satkiewicz is an independent scholar whose research areas are related to Civilizational Analysis, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, military history, War studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, as well as Russian and East European history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When the Soviet K-129 submarine sank in the Pacific Ocean in 1968, the CIA saw a possible treasure trove of intelligence information on Soviet military codes. The race was on to devise how exactly to retrieve this potential information from the bottom of the ocean. After years of careful planning, the result was one of the most audacious espionage missions of the Cold War. The wreck of the K-129 would be recovered intact under the cover of a deep-sea mining operation, funded by business tycoon Howard Hughes. Unfortunately for the CIA, the winds of public opinion about its secret operations were changing in wake of the Watergate scandals that helped expose the operation to a wider audience. Out of the attempt to maintain secrecy that the so-called "Glomar response" of <em>"neither confirm nor deny" </em>was used for the first time in a legal setting. </p><p>This story and its Cold War context is the subject of M. Todd Bennett's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231193474"><em>Neither Confirm Nor Deny: How the Glomar Mission Shielded the CIA from Transparency</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia University Press, 2023).</p><p><a href="https://history.ecu.edu/m-todd-bennett/">M. Todd Bennett</a> is associate professor of history at East Carolina University. He is the author of <em>One World, Big Screen: Hollywood, the Allies, and World War II</em> (2012). Bennett was formerly a historian at the U.S. Department of State; there, he edited the <em>Foreign Relations of the United States</em> volume that includes declassified records documenting the Glomar incident.</p><p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/hosts/profile/80a6e543-4bd9-4fcc-bd76-5fb2e0083ef0"><em>Stephen Satkiewicz</em></a><em> is an independent scholar whose research areas are related to Civilizational Analysis, Social Complexity, Big History, Historical Sociology, military history, War studies, International Relations, Geopolitics, as well as Russian and East European history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4970</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Frank Costigliola, "Kennan: A Life Between Worlds" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The diplomat and historian George F. Kennan (1904-2005) ranks as one of the most important figures in American foreign policy--and one of its most complex. Drawing on many previously untapped sources, Frank Costigliola's authoritative biography offers a new picture of a man of extraordinary ability and ambition whose idea of containing the Soviet Union helped ignite the Cold War but who spent the next half century trying to extinguish it. Always prescient, Kennan in the 1990s warned that the eastward expansion of NATO would spur a new cold war with Russia.
Even as Kennan championed rational realism in foreign policy, his personal and professional lives were marked by turmoil. And though he was widely respected and honored by presidents and the public, he judged his career a failure because he had been dropped as a pilot of U.S. foreign policy. Impossible to classify, Kennan was a sui generis thinker, a trenchant critic of both communism and capitalism, and a pioneering environmentalist. Living between Russia and the United States, he witnessed firsthand Stalin's tightening grip on the Soviet Union, the collapse of Europe during World War II, and the nuclear arms race of the Cold War.
An absorbing portrait of an eloquent, insightful, and sometimes blinkered iconoclast whose ideas are still powerfully relevant, Kennan: A Life Between Worlds (Princeton UP, 2023) invites us to imagine a world that Kennan fought for but was unable to bring about--one not of confrontations and crises but of dialogue and diplomacy.
Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1329</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Frank Costigliola</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The diplomat and historian George F. Kennan (1904-2005) ranks as one of the most important figures in American foreign policy--and one of its most complex. Drawing on many previously untapped sources, Frank Costigliola's authoritative biography offers a new picture of a man of extraordinary ability and ambition whose idea of containing the Soviet Union helped ignite the Cold War but who spent the next half century trying to extinguish it. Always prescient, Kennan in the 1990s warned that the eastward expansion of NATO would spur a new cold war with Russia.
Even as Kennan championed rational realism in foreign policy, his personal and professional lives were marked by turmoil. And though he was widely respected and honored by presidents and the public, he judged his career a failure because he had been dropped as a pilot of U.S. foreign policy. Impossible to classify, Kennan was a sui generis thinker, a trenchant critic of both communism and capitalism, and a pioneering environmentalist. Living between Russia and the United States, he witnessed firsthand Stalin's tightening grip on the Soviet Union, the collapse of Europe during World War II, and the nuclear arms race of the Cold War.
An absorbing portrait of an eloquent, insightful, and sometimes blinkered iconoclast whose ideas are still powerfully relevant, Kennan: A Life Between Worlds (Princeton UP, 2023) invites us to imagine a world that Kennan fought for but was unable to bring about--one not of confrontations and crises but of dialogue and diplomacy.
Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The diplomat and historian George F. Kennan (1904-2005) ranks as one of the most important figures in American foreign policy--and one of its most complex. Drawing on many previously untapped sources, Frank Costigliola's authoritative biography offers a new picture of a man of extraordinary ability and ambition whose idea of containing the Soviet Union helped ignite the Cold War but who spent the next half century trying to extinguish it. Always prescient, Kennan in the 1990s warned that the eastward expansion of NATO would spur a new cold war with Russia.</p><p>Even as Kennan championed rational realism in foreign policy, his personal and professional lives were marked by turmoil. And though he was widely respected and honored by presidents and the public, he judged his career a failure because he had been dropped as a pilot of U.S. foreign policy. Impossible to classify, Kennan was a sui generis thinker, a trenchant critic of both communism and capitalism, and a pioneering environmentalist. Living between Russia and the United States, he witnessed firsthand Stalin's tightening grip on the Soviet Union, the collapse of Europe during World War II, and the nuclear arms race of the Cold War.</p><p>An absorbing portrait of an eloquent, insightful, and sometimes blinkered iconoclast whose ideas are still powerfully relevant, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691165400"><em>Kennan: A Life Between Worlds</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2023) invites us to imagine a world that Kennan fought for but was unable to bring about--one not of confrontations and crises but of dialogue and diplomacy.</p><p><em>Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3782</itunes:duration>
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      <title>The Future of Politicized Narratives: A Discussion with Andreas Krieg</title>
      <description>The word "narrative" is now so frequently heard that some think it over used. Perhaps its ubiquity results from it being so relevant – what used to be thought of as the mundane area of misinformation has become one of the most powerful elements of political practice. Andreas Krieg discusses the latest trends in the world of story-telling with Owen Bennett-Jones. Krieg is the author of Subversion: The Strategic Weaponization of Narratives (Georgetown UP, 2023).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The word "narrative" is now so frequently heard that some think it over used. Perhaps its ubiquity results from it being so relevant – what used to be thought of as the mundane area of misinformation has become one of the most powerful elements of political practice. Andreas Krieg discusses the latest trends in the world of story-telling with Owen Bennett-Jones. Krieg is the author of Subversion: The Strategic Weaponization of Narratives (Georgetown UP, 2023).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The word "narrative" is now so frequently heard that some think it over used. Perhaps its ubiquity results from it being so relevant – what used to be thought of as the mundane area of misinformation has become one of the most powerful elements of political practice. Andreas Krieg discusses the latest trends in the world of story-telling with Owen Bennett-Jones. Krieg is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781647123369"><em>Subversion: The Strategic Weaponization of Narratives</em></a> (Georgetown UP, 2023).</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3170</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Rhetoric of Decline</title>
      <description>In this episode of High Theory, Jed Esty talks about the Rhetoric of Decline. Declinism names the contradictory political narrative that America will always be the greatest country in the world, yet is in constant danger of losing its place in the global pecking order. Studying this rhetorical log-jam reveals its prominence on both the left and the right, and its toxic effects on our national discourse. But comparing the end of America’s empire to Britain's imperial decline in the twentieth century can help us muddle out of this mess.
The basis of our conversation is Jed’s recent book The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits (Stanford UP, 2022). It’s a cool short book with an x-ray spaceman on the cover. You should read it, even if this isn’t usually your cup of tea.
Jed Esty is the Vartan Gregorian Professor of English at the University of Pennsylvania, where he teaches and writes about Anglophone literature after 1850, with special interests in modernism, critical theory, history and theory of the novel, colonial and postcolonial studies, the Victorian novel, and post-45 U.S. culture. He is the author of Unseasonable Youth: Modernism, Colonialism, and the Fiction of Development (Oxford 2012) and A Shrinking Island: Modernism and National Culture in England (Princeton 2004).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Jed Esty</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of High Theory, Jed Esty talks about the Rhetoric of Decline. Declinism names the contradictory political narrative that America will always be the greatest country in the world, yet is in constant danger of losing its place in the global pecking order. Studying this rhetorical log-jam reveals its prominence on both the left and the right, and its toxic effects on our national discourse. But comparing the end of America’s empire to Britain's imperial decline in the twentieth century can help us muddle out of this mess.
The basis of our conversation is Jed’s recent book The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits (Stanford UP, 2022). It’s a cool short book with an x-ray spaceman on the cover. You should read it, even if this isn’t usually your cup of tea.
Jed Esty is the Vartan Gregorian Professor of English at the University of Pennsylvania, where he teaches and writes about Anglophone literature after 1850, with special interests in modernism, critical theory, history and theory of the novel, colonial and postcolonial studies, the Victorian novel, and post-45 U.S. culture. He is the author of Unseasonable Youth: Modernism, Colonialism, and the Fiction of Development (Oxford 2012) and A Shrinking Island: Modernism and National Culture in England (Princeton 2004).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of High Theory, Jed Esty talks about the Rhetoric of Decline. Declinism names the contradictory political narrative that America will always be the greatest country in the world, yet is in constant danger of losing its place in the global pecking order. Studying this rhetorical log-jam reveals its prominence on both the left and the right, and its toxic effects on our national discourse. But comparing the end of America’s empire to Britain's imperial decline in the twentieth century can help us muddle out of this mess.</p><p>The basis of our conversation is Jed’s recent book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503633315"><em>The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits</em></a> (Stanford UP, 2022). It’s a cool short book with an x-ray spaceman on the cover. You should read it, even if this isn’t usually your cup of tea.</p><p>Jed Esty is the Vartan Gregorian Professor of English at the <a href="https://www.english.upenn.edu/people/jed-esty">University of Pennsylvania</a>, where he teaches and writes about Anglophone literature after 1850, with special interests in modernism, critical theory, history and theory of the novel, colonial and postcolonial studies, the Victorian novel, and post-45 U.S. culture. He is the author of <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/unseasonable-youth-9780199307234?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>Unseasonable Youth: Modernism, Colonialism, and the Fiction of Development</em></a> (Oxford 2012) and <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691115498/a-shrinking-island"><em>A Shrinking Island: Modernism and National Culture in England</em></a> (Princeton 2004).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1159</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5107193304.mp3?updated=1686595004" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Patrick J. Charles, "Vote Gun: How Gun Rights Became Politicized in the United States" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Today, gun control is one of the most polarizing topics in American politics. However, before the 1960s, positions on firearms rights did not necessarily map onto partisan affiliation. What explains this drastic shift? Patrick J. Charles charts the rise of gun rights activism from the early twentieth century through the 1980 presidential election, pinpointing the role of the 1968 Gun Control Act. Gun rights advocates including the National Rifle Association had lobbied legislators for decades, but they had cast firearms control as a local issue. After the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 spurred congressional proposals to regulate firearms, gun rights advocates found common cause with states' rights proponents opposed to civil rights legislation. Following the enactment of the Gun Control Act, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle began to stake out firm positions. Politicians including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan recognized the potential of gun control as a wedge issue, and gun rights became increasingly tied to the Republican Party. Drawing on a vast range of archival evidence, Charles offers new insight into the evolution of the gun rights movement and how politicians responded to anti-gun control hardliners. He examines in detail how the National Rifle Association reinvented itself as well as how other advocacy groups challenged the NRA's political monopoly. 
Offering a deep dive into the politicization of gun rights, Vote Gun: How Gun Rights Became Politicized in the United States (Columbia University Press, 2023) reveals the origins of the acrimonious divisions that persist to this day.
Patrick J. Charles is senior historian and archivist for the United States Air Force.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>225</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Patrick J. Charles</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today, gun control is one of the most polarizing topics in American politics. However, before the 1960s, positions on firearms rights did not necessarily map onto partisan affiliation. What explains this drastic shift? Patrick J. Charles charts the rise of gun rights activism from the early twentieth century through the 1980 presidential election, pinpointing the role of the 1968 Gun Control Act. Gun rights advocates including the National Rifle Association had lobbied legislators for decades, but they had cast firearms control as a local issue. After the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 spurred congressional proposals to regulate firearms, gun rights advocates found common cause with states' rights proponents opposed to civil rights legislation. Following the enactment of the Gun Control Act, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle began to stake out firm positions. Politicians including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan recognized the potential of gun control as a wedge issue, and gun rights became increasingly tied to the Republican Party. Drawing on a vast range of archival evidence, Charles offers new insight into the evolution of the gun rights movement and how politicians responded to anti-gun control hardliners. He examines in detail how the National Rifle Association reinvented itself as well as how other advocacy groups challenged the NRA's political monopoly. 
Offering a deep dive into the politicization of gun rights, Vote Gun: How Gun Rights Became Politicized in the United States (Columbia University Press, 2023) reveals the origins of the acrimonious divisions that persist to this day.
Patrick J. Charles is senior historian and archivist for the United States Air Force.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today, gun control is one of the most polarizing topics in American politics. However, before the 1960s, positions on firearms rights did not necessarily map onto partisan affiliation. What explains this drastic shift? Patrick J. Charles charts the rise of gun rights activism from the early twentieth century through the 1980 presidential election, pinpointing the role of the 1968 Gun Control Act. Gun rights advocates including the National Rifle Association had lobbied legislators for decades, but they had cast firearms control as a local issue. After the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 spurred congressional proposals to regulate firearms, gun rights advocates found common cause with states' rights proponents opposed to civil rights legislation. Following the enactment of the Gun Control Act, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle began to stake out firm positions. Politicians including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan recognized the potential of gun control as a wedge issue, and gun rights became increasingly tied to the Republican Party. Drawing on a vast range of archival evidence, Charles offers new insight into the evolution of the gun rights movement and how politicians responded to anti-gun control hardliners. He examines in detail how the National Rifle Association reinvented itself as well as how other advocacy groups challenged the NRA's political monopoly. </p><p>Offering a deep dive into the politicization of gun rights, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231208840"><em>Vote Gun: How Gun Rights Became Politicized in the United States</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2023) reveals the origins of the acrimonious divisions that persist to this day.</p><p>Patrick J. Charles is senior historian and archivist for the United States Air Force.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2410</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR5258801854.mp3?updated=1685998756" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Erik J. Dahl, "The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure: Why Warning Was Not Enough" (Georgetown UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Epidemiologists and national security agencies warned for years about the potential for a deadly pandemic, but in the end global surveillance and warning systems were not enough to avert the COVID-19 disaster. In The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure: Why Warning Was Not Enough (Georgetown UP, 2023), Erik J. Dahl demonstrates that understanding how intelligence warnings work--and how they fail--shows why the years of predictions were not enough.
In the first in-depth analysis of the topic, Dahl examines the roles that both traditional intelligence services and medical intelligence and surveillance systems play in providing advance warning against public health threats--and how these systems must be improved for the future. For intelligence to effectively mitigate threats, specific, tactical-level warnings must be collected and shared in real time with receptive decision makers who will take appropriate action. Dahl shows how a combination of late and insufficient warnings about COVID-19, the Trump administration's political aversion to scientific advice, and decentralized public health systems all exacerbated the pandemic in the United States. Dahl's analysis draws parallels to other warning failures that preceded major catastrophes from Pearl Harbor to 9/11, placing current events in context.
The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure is a wake-up call for the United States and the international community to improve their national security, medical, and public health intelligence systems and capabilities.
Beth Windisch is a national security practitioner.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>108</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erik J. Dahl</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Epidemiologists and national security agencies warned for years about the potential for a deadly pandemic, but in the end global surveillance and warning systems were not enough to avert the COVID-19 disaster. In The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure: Why Warning Was Not Enough (Georgetown UP, 2023), Erik J. Dahl demonstrates that understanding how intelligence warnings work--and how they fail--shows why the years of predictions were not enough.
In the first in-depth analysis of the topic, Dahl examines the roles that both traditional intelligence services and medical intelligence and surveillance systems play in providing advance warning against public health threats--and how these systems must be improved for the future. For intelligence to effectively mitigate threats, specific, tactical-level warnings must be collected and shared in real time with receptive decision makers who will take appropriate action. Dahl shows how a combination of late and insufficient warnings about COVID-19, the Trump administration's political aversion to scientific advice, and decentralized public health systems all exacerbated the pandemic in the United States. Dahl's analysis draws parallels to other warning failures that preceded major catastrophes from Pearl Harbor to 9/11, placing current events in context.
The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure is a wake-up call for the United States and the international community to improve their national security, medical, and public health intelligence systems and capabilities.
Beth Windisch is a national security practitioner.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Epidemiologists and national security agencies warned for years about the potential for a deadly pandemic, but in the end global surveillance and warning systems were not enough to avert the COVID-19 disaster. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781647123062"><em>The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure: Why Warning Was Not Enough</em></a><em> </em>(Georgetown UP, 2023), Erik J. Dahl demonstrates that understanding how intelligence warnings work--and how they fail--shows why the years of predictions were not enough.</p><p>In the first in-depth analysis of the topic, Dahl examines the roles that both traditional intelligence services and medical intelligence and surveillance systems play in providing advance warning against public health threats--and how these systems must be improved for the future. For intelligence to effectively mitigate threats, specific, tactical-level warnings must be collected and shared in real time with receptive decision makers who will take appropriate action. Dahl shows how a combination of late and insufficient warnings about COVID-19, the Trump administration's political aversion to scientific advice, and decentralized public health systems all exacerbated the pandemic in the United States. Dahl's analysis draws parallels to other warning failures that preceded major catastrophes from Pearl Harbor to 9/11, placing current events in context.</p><p><em>The COVID-19 Intelligence Failure</em> is a wake-up call for the United States and the international community to improve their national security, medical, and public health intelligence systems and capabilities.</p><p><a href="https://www.bethwindisch.com/"><em>Beth Windisch</em></a><em> is a national security practitioner.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3499</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Feminism Against Progress: A Conversation with Mary Harrington</title>
      <description>Is feminism compatible with progress? Reactionary feminist Mary Harrington thinks not. In this interview, she discusses the history of feminism, her own journey from proponent to radical opponent of progress, the impact of technology on women and society, and, of course, her new book, Feminism Against Progress (Regnery, 2023).
Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd and widely-published essayist. You can her book, Feminism Against Progress here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>77</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is feminism compatible with progress? Reactionary feminist Mary Harrington thinks not. In this interview, she discusses the history of feminism, her own journey from proponent to radical opponent of progress, the impact of technology on women and society, and, of course, her new book, Feminism Against Progress (Regnery, 2023).
Mary Harrington is a contributing editor at UnHerd and widely-published essayist. You can her book, Feminism Against Progress here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is feminism compatible with progress? Reactionary feminist Mary Harrington thinks not. In this interview, she discusses the history of feminism, her own journey from proponent to radical opponent of progress, the impact of technology on women and society, and, of course, her new book, <em>Feminism Against Progress</em> (Regnery, 2023).</p><p><a href="https://reactionaryfeminist.com/about/">Mary Harrington</a> is a contributing editor at <a href="https://unherd.com/author/mary-harrington/">UnHerd</a> and widely-published essayist. You can her book, <em>Feminism Against Progress </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/feminism-against-progress-mary-harrington/19664311?ean=9781684514878">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3054</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[aec752d4-0478-11ee-b4ea-97f6ef244a02]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR6864975743.mp3?updated=1724699413" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lorenzo Costaguta, "Workers of All Colors Unite: Race and the Origins of American Socialism" (U Illinois Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>As the United States transformed into an industrial superpower, American socialists faced the vexing question of how to approach race. Lorenzo Costaguta balances intellectual and institutional history to illuminate the clash between two major points of view. On one side, some believed labor should accept and apply the ascendant tenets of scientific theories of race. But others stood with International Workingmen's Association leaders J. P. McDonnell and F. A. Sorge in rejecting the idea that racial and ethnic division influenced worker-employer relations, arguing instead that class played the preeminent role.
In Workers of All Colors Unite: Race and the Origins of American Socialism (U Illinois Press, 2023), Costaguta charts the socialist movement's journey through the conflict and down a path that ultimately abandoned scientific racism in favor of an internationalist class-focused American socialism. As he shows, the shift had a paradoxical effect: while distancing American socialism from the most hideous forms of white supremacism, it made the movement blind to the racist nature of American capitalism. The position that emerged out of the Gilded Age became American socialism's most common approach to race in the twentieth century and beyond.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a History educator and independent scholar based in Southern California. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 03 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>386</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lorenzo Costaguta</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the United States transformed into an industrial superpower, American socialists faced the vexing question of how to approach race. Lorenzo Costaguta balances intellectual and institutional history to illuminate the clash between two major points of view. On one side, some believed labor should accept and apply the ascendant tenets of scientific theories of race. But others stood with International Workingmen's Association leaders J. P. McDonnell and F. A. Sorge in rejecting the idea that racial and ethnic division influenced worker-employer relations, arguing instead that class played the preeminent role.
In Workers of All Colors Unite: Race and the Origins of American Socialism (U Illinois Press, 2023), Costaguta charts the socialist movement's journey through the conflict and down a path that ultimately abandoned scientific racism in favor of an internationalist class-focused American socialism. As he shows, the shift had a paradoxical effect: while distancing American socialism from the most hideous forms of white supremacism, it made the movement blind to the racist nature of American capitalism. The position that emerged out of the Gilded Age became American socialism's most common approach to race in the twentieth century and beyond.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a History educator and independent scholar based in Southern California. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the United States transformed into an industrial superpower, American socialists faced the vexing question of how to approach race. Lorenzo Costaguta balances intellectual and institutional history to illuminate the clash between two major points of view. On one side, some believed labor should accept and apply the ascendant tenets of scientific theories of race. But others stood with International Workingmen's Association leaders J. P. McDonnell and F. A. Sorge in rejecting the idea that racial and ethnic division influenced worker-employer relations, arguing instead that class played the preeminent role.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252044922"><em>Workers of All Colors Unite: Race and the Origins of American Socialism</em></a> (U Illinois Press, 2023), Costaguta charts the socialist movement's journey through the conflict and down a path that ultimately abandoned scientific racism in favor of an internationalist class-focused American socialism. As he shows, the shift had a paradoxical effect: while distancing American socialism from the most hideous forms of white supremacism, it made the movement blind to the racist nature of American capitalism. The position that emerged out of the Gilded Age became American socialism's most common approach to race in the twentieth century and beyond.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a History educator and independent scholar based in Southern California. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3003</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2f7f323e-ff24-11ed-b5fa-e33fd73f7a52]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5844811149.mp3?updated=1685477097" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>You Are Here: A Field Guide for Navigating Polarized Speech, Conspiracy Theories, and Our Polluted Media Landscape</title>
      <description>Writer and educator Marcus Gilroy-Ware (After the Fact?, Filling the Void) speaks with Whitney Phillips and Ryan M. Milner about their new book You Are Here.
Our media environment is in crisis. Polarization is rampant. Polluted information floods social media. Even our best efforts to help clean up can backfire, sending toxins roaring across the landscape. In You Are Here, Whitney Phillips and Ryan Milner offer strategies for navigating increasingly treacherous information flows. Using ecological metaphors, they emphasize how our individual me is entwined within a much larger we, and how everyone fits within an ever-shifting network map.
Phillips and Milner describe how our poisoned media landscape came into being, beginning with the Satanic Panics of the 1980s and 1990s—which, they say, exemplify “network climate change”—and proceeding through the emergence of trolling culture and the rise of the reactionary far right (as well as its amplification by journalists) during and after the 2016 election. They explore the history of conspiracy theories in the United States, focusing on those concerning the Deep State; explain why old media literacy solutions fail to solve new media literacy problems; and suggest how we can navigate the network crisis more thoughtfully, effectively, and ethically. We need a network ethics that looks beyond the messages and the messengers to investigate toxic information's downstream effects.
Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>96</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/771bdca6-0153-11ee-a7e2-7becbb06b150/image/MITPpodcastrepeaterphillipsbou8h.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Whitney Phillips and Ryan M. Milner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Writer and educator Marcus Gilroy-Ware (After the Fact?, Filling the Void) speaks with Whitney Phillips and Ryan M. Milner about their new book You Are Here.
Our media environment is in crisis. Polarization is rampant. Polluted information floods social media. Even our best efforts to help clean up can backfire, sending toxins roaring across the landscape. In You Are Here, Whitney Phillips and Ryan Milner offer strategies for navigating increasingly treacherous information flows. Using ecological metaphors, they emphasize how our individual me is entwined within a much larger we, and how everyone fits within an ever-shifting network map.
Phillips and Milner describe how our poisoned media landscape came into being, beginning with the Satanic Panics of the 1980s and 1990s—which, they say, exemplify “network climate change”—and proceeding through the emergence of trolling culture and the rise of the reactionary far right (as well as its amplification by journalists) during and after the 2016 election. They explore the history of conspiracy theories in the United States, focusing on those concerning the Deep State; explain why old media literacy solutions fail to solve new media literacy problems; and suggest how we can navigate the network crisis more thoughtfully, effectively, and ethically. We need a network ethics that looks beyond the messages and the messengers to investigate toxic information's downstream effects.
Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Writer and educator Marcus Gilroy-Ware (<a href="https://repeaterbooks.com/product/after-the-fact-the-truth-about-fake-news/">After the Fact?</a>, <a href="https://repeaterbooks.com/product/filling-the-void-emotion-capitalism-and-social-media/">Filling the Void</a>) speaks with <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/contributors/whitney-phillips">Whitney Phillips</a> and <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/contributors/ryan-m-milner">Ryan M. Milner</a> about their new book <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/you-are-here">You Are Here</a>.</p><p>Our media environment is in crisis. Polarization is rampant. Polluted information floods social media. Even our best efforts to help clean up can backfire, sending toxins roaring across the landscape. In <em>You Are Here</em>, Whitney Phillips and Ryan Milner offer strategies for navigating increasingly treacherous information flows. Using ecological metaphors, they emphasize how our individual <em>me</em> is entwined within a much larger <em>we</em>, and how everyone fits within an ever-shifting network map.</p><p>Phillips and Milner describe how our poisoned media landscape came into being, beginning with the Satanic Panics of the 1980s and 1990s—which, they say, exemplify “network climate change”—and proceeding through the emergence of trolling culture and the rise of the reactionary far right (as well as its amplification by journalists) during and after the 2016 election. They explore the history of conspiracy theories in the United States, focusing on those concerning the Deep State; explain why old media literacy solutions fail to solve new media literacy problems; and suggest how we can navigate the network crisis more thoughtfully, effectively, and ethically. We need a network ethics that looks beyond the messages and the messengers to investigate toxic information's downstream effects.</p><p>Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[mitpress.podbean.com/9acd2581-4427-368d-8416-6dc55b6b6bfc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR3753925648.mp3?updated=1677014780" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mapping the American Right: A Conversation with the American Enterprise Institute’s Robert Doar</title>
      <description>Annika sits down with Robert Doar, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.
Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Jun 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>70</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/603218da-0152-11ee-b1a1-1f410ea3c30a/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Annika sits down with Robert Doar, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.
Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Annika sits down with <a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/robert-doar/%20">Robert Doar</a>, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.</p><p>Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is <a href="https://www.aei.org/tag/aei-banter/%20">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2863</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/9d7cd9a2-de32-322d-ac8e-b91cd74a9d97]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR4032253965.mp3?updated=1724699707" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Assessing Affirmative Action: A Conversation with Jason Riley</title>
      <description>With the Supreme Court poised to potentially outlaw race-conscious admissions, Affirmative Action may soon be on the chopping block.
What will be the legacy of this half-century-old policy? Jason Riley, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and columnist at the Wall Street Journal, discusses affirmative action's impact both on the black community and the broader American education system. Riley is the author of Maverick: A Biography of Thomas Sowell and Please Stop Helping Us: How Liberals Make It Harder for Blacks to Succeed.
Riley's piece "Racial Preferences Harm Their Beneficiaries, Too" is here.
Riley's article "The College Board's Racial Pandering" is here.
Statistical evidence of the impact of racial preferences in college admissions, mentioned in the discussion is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>66</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/5d24e12e-fe12-11ed-9aa0-3b20fc07c882/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the Supreme Court poised to potentially outlaw race-conscious admissions, Affirmative Action may soon be on the chopping block.
What will be the legacy of this half-century-old policy? Jason Riley, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and columnist at the Wall Street Journal, discusses affirmative action's impact both on the black community and the broader American education system. Riley is the author of Maverick: A Biography of Thomas Sowell and Please Stop Helping Us: How Liberals Make It Harder for Blacks to Succeed.
Riley's piece "Racial Preferences Harm Their Beneficiaries, Too" is here.
Riley's article "The College Board's Racial Pandering" is here.
Statistical evidence of the impact of racial preferences in college admissions, mentioned in the discussion is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the Supreme Court poised to potentially outlaw race-conscious admissions, Affirmative Action may soon be on the chopping block.</p><p>What will be the legacy of this half-century-old policy? <a href="https://www.manhattan-institute.org/expert/jason-l-riley%20">Jason Riley</a>, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute and columnist at the Wall Street Journal, discusses affirmative action's impact both on the black community and the broader American education system. Riley is the author of Maverick: A Biography of Thomas Sowell and <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781594038419">Please Stop Helping Us: How Liberals Make It Harder for Blacks to Succeed</a>.</p><p>Riley's piece "Racial Preferences Harm Their Beneficiaries, Too" is <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/college-racial-preferences-harm-beneficiaries-harvard-unc-supreme-court-higher-education-college-students-affirmative-action-11664917859">here</a>.</p><p>Riley's article "The College Board's Racial Pandering" is <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-college-boards-racial-pandering-education-k-12-schooling-ap-courses-exams-testing-high-schools-math-reading-propaganda-11664309793">here</a>.</p><p>Statistical evidence of the impact of racial preferences in college admissions, mentioned in the discussion is <a href="https://www.dukechronicle.com/article/2022/01/harvard-unc-affirmative-action-case-race-admissions-peter-arcidiacano-david-card-expert-witness-duke-university%20">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2520</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/d8c8088c-5382-3b8c-805e-b7f79c8ee632]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6212410220.mp3?updated=1724699833" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Hundred Year War for the American Right: A Conversation with Matthew Continetti</title>
      <description>What is the American Right, where does it come from, and how has it changed over time? Journalist and author Matthew Continetti discusses his recent book: The Right: The Hundred Year War for American Conservatism.
Continetti is Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and was formerly the founding editor and the editor-in-chief of the Washington Free Beacon. Previously, he was opinion editor at the Weekly Standard. He is also a contributing editor at National Review and a columnist for Commentary magazine
Data on the shifting demographics of wealthiest Americans, discussed during this episode, is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>62</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/86a3abe4-fb05-11ed-8468-13707e34316f/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the American Right, where does it come from, and how has it changed over time? Journalist and author Matthew Continetti discusses his recent book: The Right: The Hundred Year War for American Conservatism.
Continetti is Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and was formerly the founding editor and the editor-in-chief of the Washington Free Beacon. Previously, he was opinion editor at the Weekly Standard. He is also a contributing editor at National Review and a columnist for Commentary magazine
Data on the shifting demographics of wealthiest Americans, discussed during this episode, is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the American Right, where does it come from, and how has it changed over time? Journalist and author <a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/matthew-continetti/">Matthew Continetti</a> discusses his recent book: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541600508"><em>The Right: The Hundred Year War for American Conservatism</em></a>.</p><p>Continetti is Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and was formerly the founding editor and the editor-in-chief of the Washington Free Beacon. Previously, he was opinion editor at the <em>Weekly Standard</em>. He is also a contributing editor at <em>National Review</em> and a columnist for <em>Commentary </em>magazine</p><p>Data on the shifting demographics of wealthiest Americans, discussed during this episode, is <a href="https://news.bloombergtax.com/daily-tax-report/democrats-tax-hike-bet-relies-on-their-new-500-000-plus-voters?utm_source=twitter&amp;utm_medium=taxdesk&amp;utm_campaign=5B08EF5E-A165-11EB-8C78-8C0750017A06%20%20">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2642</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/6f47f19b-ef11-36e5-b062-0c63f62757de]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6909955304.mp3?updated=1724699966" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reclaiming a Lost Vision of Feminism: A Conversation with Erika Bachiochi</title>
      <description>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision.
Articles referenced during the show:
"Pursuing the Unification of Work and Home," American Compass.
"Why the Dobbs Decision Won't Imperil Pregnancy-Related Medical Care," SCOTUSblog.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>55</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d8c7f0ac-f5af-11ed-9bba-fb6ad89692d1/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision.
Articles referenced during the show:
"Pursuing the Unification of Work and Home," American Compass.
"Why the Dobbs Decision Won't Imperil Pregnancy-Related Medical Care," SCOTUSblog.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780268200824"><em>The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision</em></a>.</p><p>Articles referenced during the show:</p><p>"<a href="https://americancompass.org/essays/pursuing-the-reuinification-of-home-and-work/">Pursuing the Unification of Work and Home</a>," American Compass.</p><p>"<a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/2022/07/why-the-dobbs-decision-wont-imperil-pregnancy-related-medical-care/">Why the Dobbs Decision Won't Imperil Pregnancy-Related Medical Care</a>," SCOTUSblog.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3288</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/68241510-7495-3aeb-b5e5-23ce09d89758]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7868872742.mp3?updated=1724700243" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rebecca Brückmann, "Massive Resistance and Southern Womanhood: White Women, Class, and Segregation" (U Georgia Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Massive Resistance and Southern Womanhood: White Women, Class, and Segregation (U Georgia Press, 2021) offers a comparative sociocultural and spatial history of white supremacist women involved in massive resistance. The book focuses on segregationist grassroots activism in Little Rock, Arkansas, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Charleston, South Carolina from the late 1940s to the late 1960s. Dr. Rebecca Brückmann combines theory and detailed case studies to interrogate the “roles, actions, self-understandings, and media representations” of these segregationist women.
Dr. Brückmann argues that these women – motivated by an everyday culture of white supremacy – created performative spaces for their segregationist agitation in the public sphere to legitimize their actions. Unlike other studies of mass resistance that have focused on maternalism, Dr. Brückmann argues that women’s invocation of motherhood was varied and primarily served as a tactical tool to continuously expand these women’s spaces. Her book carefully differentiates the circumstances, tactics, and representations used in the creation of performative spaces by working-class, middle-class, and elite women engaged in massive resistance. Brückmann contrasts the transgressive “street politics” of working-class female activists in Little Rock and New Orleans with the more traditional political actions of segregationist, middle-class, and elite women in Charleston. While these women aligned white supremacist agitation with long-standing experience in conservative women’s clubs (e.g., United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Daughters of the American Revolution), working-class women’s groups (who lacked the economic, cultural, and social capital) chose consciously transgressive strategies, including violence, to elicit shock value and create states of emergency to further legitimize their actions and push for white supremacy. Dr. Brückmann’s nuanced work of history uses scholarship from sociology, political science, law, and other relevant disciplines to demonstrate how “interactions between class and status concerns, race, space, and gender shaped these women’s views and actions.”
Dr. Rebecca Brückmann is an Associate Professor of History at Carleton College. Her research and teachings interrogate African American history, the transnational history of the Black Diaspora, Southern US history, White Supremacy, and gender.
Daniela Lavergne assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>657</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rebecca Brückmann</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Massive Resistance and Southern Womanhood: White Women, Class, and Segregation (U Georgia Press, 2021) offers a comparative sociocultural and spatial history of white supremacist women involved in massive resistance. The book focuses on segregationist grassroots activism in Little Rock, Arkansas, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Charleston, South Carolina from the late 1940s to the late 1960s. Dr. Rebecca Brückmann combines theory and detailed case studies to interrogate the “roles, actions, self-understandings, and media representations” of these segregationist women.
Dr. Brückmann argues that these women – motivated by an everyday culture of white supremacy – created performative spaces for their segregationist agitation in the public sphere to legitimize their actions. Unlike other studies of mass resistance that have focused on maternalism, Dr. Brückmann argues that women’s invocation of motherhood was varied and primarily served as a tactical tool to continuously expand these women’s spaces. Her book carefully differentiates the circumstances, tactics, and representations used in the creation of performative spaces by working-class, middle-class, and elite women engaged in massive resistance. Brückmann contrasts the transgressive “street politics” of working-class female activists in Little Rock and New Orleans with the more traditional political actions of segregationist, middle-class, and elite women in Charleston. While these women aligned white supremacist agitation with long-standing experience in conservative women’s clubs (e.g., United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Daughters of the American Revolution), working-class women’s groups (who lacked the economic, cultural, and social capital) chose consciously transgressive strategies, including violence, to elicit shock value and create states of emergency to further legitimize their actions and push for white supremacy. Dr. Brückmann’s nuanced work of history uses scholarship from sociology, political science, law, and other relevant disciplines to demonstrate how “interactions between class and status concerns, race, space, and gender shaped these women’s views and actions.”
Dr. Rebecca Brückmann is an Associate Professor of History at Carleton College. Her research and teachings interrogate African American history, the transnational history of the Black Diaspora, Southern US history, White Supremacy, and gender.
Daniela Lavergne assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820358628"><em>Massive Resistance and Southern Womanhood: White Women, Class, and Segregation</em></a> (U Georgia Press, 2021) offers a comparative sociocultural and spatial history of white supremacist women involved in massive resistance. The book focuses on segregationist grassroots activism in Little Rock, Arkansas, New Orleans, Louisiana, and Charleston, South Carolina from the late 1940s to the late 1960s. Dr. Rebecca Brückmann combines theory and detailed case studies to interrogate the “roles, actions, self-understandings, and media representations” of these segregationist women.</p><p>Dr. Brückmann argues that these women – motivated by an everyday culture of white supremacy – created performative spaces for their segregationist agitation in the public sphere to legitimize their actions. Unlike other studies of mass resistance that have focused on maternalism, Dr. Brückmann argues that women’s invocation of motherhood was varied and primarily served as a tactical tool to continuously expand these women’s spaces. Her book carefully differentiates the circumstances, tactics, and representations used in the creation of performative spaces by working-class, middle-class, and elite women engaged in massive resistance. Brückmann contrasts the transgressive “street politics” of working-class female activists in Little Rock and New Orleans with the more traditional political actions of segregationist, middle-class, and elite women in Charleston. While these women aligned white supremacist agitation with long-standing experience in conservative women’s clubs (e.g., United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Daughters of the American Revolution), working-class women’s groups (who lacked the economic, cultural, and social capital) chose consciously transgressive strategies, including violence, to elicit shock value and create states of emergency to further legitimize their actions and push for white supremacy. Dr. Brückmann’s nuanced work of history uses scholarship from sociology, political science, law, and other relevant disciplines to demonstrate how “interactions between class and status concerns, race, space, and gender shaped these women’s views and actions.”</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.carleton.edu/directory/rbrueckmann/">Rebecca Brückmann</a> is an Associate Professor of History at Carleton College. Her research and teachings interrogate African American history, the transnational history of the Black Diaspora, Southern US history, White Supremacy, and gender.</p><p>Daniela Lavergne assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b5ca474e-f276-11ed-94e9-171f4c9296db]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6303318456.mp3?updated=1684083254" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Truth, Fiction, and Student Loan Forgiveness: A Conversation with Beth Akers</title>
      <description>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve. 
You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>59</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/4bb3eaa8-f89e-11ed-b7cd-9f75de234267/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve. 
You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve. </p><p>You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances <a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/beth-akers/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2458</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/8266935d-e996-35f2-8249-b362d5fa18b3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7972076315.mp3?updated=1724700080" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher H. Evans, "Do Everything: The Biography of Frances Willard" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Frances Willard (1839-1898) was one of the most prominent American social reformers of the late nineteenth century. As the long-time president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), Willard built a national and international movement of women that campaigned for prohibition, women's rights, economic justice, and numerous other social justice issues during the Gilded Age. Emphasizing what she called "Do Everything" reform, Willard became a central figure in international movements in support of prohibition, women's suffrage, and Christian socialism. A devout Methodist, Willard helped to shape predominant religious currents of the late nineteenth century and was an important figure in the rise of the social gospel movement in American Protestantism.
The first biography of Frances Willard to be published in over thirty-five years, Do Everything: The Biography of Frances Willard (Oxford UP, 2022) explores Willard's life, her contributions as a reformer, and her broader legacy as a women's rights activist in the United States. In addition to chronicling Willard's life, historian Christopher H. Evans examines how Willard crafted a distinctive culture of women's leadership, emphasizing the importance of religious faith for understanding Willard's successes as a social reformer. Despite her enormous fame during her lifetime, Evans investigates the reasons why Willard's legacy has been eclipsed by subsequent generations of feminist reformers and assesses her importance for our time. 
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 21 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>55</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher H. Evans</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Frances Willard (1839-1898) was one of the most prominent American social reformers of the late nineteenth century. As the long-time president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), Willard built a national and international movement of women that campaigned for prohibition, women's rights, economic justice, and numerous other social justice issues during the Gilded Age. Emphasizing what she called "Do Everything" reform, Willard became a central figure in international movements in support of prohibition, women's suffrage, and Christian socialism. A devout Methodist, Willard helped to shape predominant religious currents of the late nineteenth century and was an important figure in the rise of the social gospel movement in American Protestantism.
The first biography of Frances Willard to be published in over thirty-five years, Do Everything: The Biography of Frances Willard (Oxford UP, 2022) explores Willard's life, her contributions as a reformer, and her broader legacy as a women's rights activist in the United States. In addition to chronicling Willard's life, historian Christopher H. Evans examines how Willard crafted a distinctive culture of women's leadership, emphasizing the importance of religious faith for understanding Willard's successes as a social reformer. Despite her enormous fame during her lifetime, Evans investigates the reasons why Willard's legacy has been eclipsed by subsequent generations of feminist reformers and assesses her importance for our time. 
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Frances Willard (1839-1898) was one of the most prominent American social reformers of the late nineteenth century. As the long-time president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), Willard built a national and international movement of women that campaigned for prohibition, women's rights, economic justice, and numerous other social justice issues during the Gilded Age. Emphasizing what she called "Do Everything" reform, Willard became a central figure in international movements in support of prohibition, women's suffrage, and Christian socialism. A devout Methodist, Willard helped to shape predominant religious currents of the late nineteenth century and was an important figure in the rise of the social gospel movement in American Protestantism.</p><p>The first biography of Frances Willard to be published in over thirty-five years, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190914073"><em>Do Everything: The Biography of Frances Willard</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2022) explores Willard's life, her contributions as a reformer, and her broader legacy as a women's rights activist in the United States. In addition to chronicling Willard's life, historian Christopher H. Evans examines how Willard crafted a distinctive culture of women's leadership, emphasizing the importance of religious faith for understanding Willard's successes as a social reformer. Despite her enormous fame during her lifetime, Evans investigates the reasons why Willard's legacy has been eclipsed by subsequent generations of feminist reformers and assesses her importance for our time. </p><p><a href="https://www.brookdalecc.edu/academic-institutes-and-departments/business-social-sciences/history/history-faculty/jane-scimeca/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3585</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ff9bea8a-f4ba-11ed-a663-83a1d8423dbc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7779118806.mp3?updated=1684334209" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>American Conservatism, Natural Law, and the Good Life: A Conversation with Robert P. George</title>
      <description>What are American conservatives trying to conserve? What is Natural Law, and how can we know it? Is there a single "good life"? Robert P. George, Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions, joins the show to answer these questions and others in the Season One finale. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 20 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>52</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/01b7d2a8-f447-11ed-a466-2f39f12d7ead/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What are American conservatives trying to conserve? What is Natural Law, and how can we know it? Is there a single "good life"? Robert P. George, Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions, joins the show to answer these questions and others in the Season One finale. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What are American conservatives trying to conserve? What is Natural Law, and how can we know it? Is there a single "good life"? <a href="https://robertpgeorge.com/%20%20">Robert P. George</a>, Director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions, joins the show to answer these questions and others in the Season One finale. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3989</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/620dae13-0afb-39f6-9c39-7466aaab20ad]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6253354296.mp3?updated=1724700925" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Where Did Conservatism Go? A Conversation with Yoram Hazony</title>
      <description>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony ('86) discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book: Conservatism: A Rediscovery, and Conservatism's past and future.
Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 20 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>57</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d1646350-f711-11ed-8de2-73b11797a11c/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony ('86) discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book: Conservatism: A Rediscovery, and Conservatism's past and future.
Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony ('86) discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book: <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684511099"><em>Conservatism: A Rediscovery</em></a><em>, </em>and Conservatism's past and future.</p><p>Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3828</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/8ca6232f-ed16-3adb-bf88-f0848b82ccf9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9392950456.mp3?updated=1724700150" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>America &amp; Democracy Ep. 5: Brandon Terry on MLK</title>
      <description>In the final episode of this series, Brandon Terry, political theorist and African American Studies scholar at Harvard discusses the life and work of Martin Luther King Jr.
Terry is the editor of Fifty Years Since MLK, published in 2018 by MIT Press and Boston Review and co-edited To Shape a New World, alongside Tommie Shelby, which was published in 2018 by Harvard University Press.
These books explore the conscription of MLK's legacy to narratives not of his own politics, and how his work might be wrestled back and engaged with on its own radical merit.
Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>79</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/f9e84d36-f447-11ed-8023-530d0d4cf403/image/MITPpodcastamericademocracy586w56.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brandon Terry</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the final episode of this series, Brandon Terry, political theorist and African American Studies scholar at Harvard discusses the life and work of Martin Luther King Jr.
Terry is the editor of Fifty Years Since MLK, published in 2018 by MIT Press and Boston Review and co-edited To Shape a New World, alongside Tommie Shelby, which was published in 2018 by Harvard University Press.
These books explore the conscription of MLK's legacy to narratives not of his own politics, and how his work might be wrestled back and engaged with on its own radical merit.
Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the final episode of this series, <a href="https://twitter.com/brandonmterry?lang=en">Brandon Terry<em>,</em></a> political theorist and African American Studies scholar at Harvard discusses the life and work of Martin Luther King Jr.</p><p>Terry is the editor of <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/fifty-years-mlk"><em>Fifty Years Since MLK</em></a>, published in 2018 by MIT Press and Boston Review and co-edited <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674980754#:~:text=In%20To%20Shape%20a%20New,down%20by%20the%20nation"><em>To Shape a New World</em></a>, alongside Tommie Shelby, which was published in 2018 by Harvard University Press.</p><p>These books explore the conscription of MLK's legacy to narratives not of his own politics, and how his work might be wrestled back and engaged with on its own radical merit.</p><p>Produced by Sam Kelly; Mixed by Samantha Doyle; Soundtrack by Kristen Gallerneaux </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2761</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[mitpress.podbean.com/ce1681c3-bbf2-3bcc-ac5d-8262e48dc2c6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3361361979.mp3?updated=1677008450" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kathryn J. McGarr, "City of Newsmen: Public Lies and Professional Secrets in Cold War Washington" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Kathryn McGarr’s City of Newsmen: Public Lies and Professional Secrets in Cold War Washington (U Chicago Press, 2022) explores foreign policy journalism in Washington during and after World War II—a time supposedly defined by the press’s blind patriotism and groupthink. McGarr reveals, though, that D.C. reporters then were deeply cynical about government sources and their motives, but kept their doubts to themselves for professional, social, and ideological reasons. The alliance and rivalries among these reporters constituted a world of debts and loyalties: shared memories of wartime experiences, shared frustrations with government censorship and information programs, shared antagonisms, and shared mentors. 
McGarr shows how this small, tight-knit elite of white male reporters suppressed their skepticism to help the United States build a permanent national security apparatus and a shared, constructed reality on the meaning of the Cold War. Utilizing archival sources, she demonstrates how self-aware these reporters were as they negotiated for access, prominence, and, yes, the truth—even as they denied those things to their readers.
James Kates is a professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>104</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kathryn J. McGarr</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kathryn McGarr’s City of Newsmen: Public Lies and Professional Secrets in Cold War Washington (U Chicago Press, 2022) explores foreign policy journalism in Washington during and after World War II—a time supposedly defined by the press’s blind patriotism and groupthink. McGarr reveals, though, that D.C. reporters then were deeply cynical about government sources and their motives, but kept their doubts to themselves for professional, social, and ideological reasons. The alliance and rivalries among these reporters constituted a world of debts and loyalties: shared memories of wartime experiences, shared frustrations with government censorship and information programs, shared antagonisms, and shared mentors. 
McGarr shows how this small, tight-knit elite of white male reporters suppressed their skepticism to help the United States build a permanent national security apparatus and a shared, constructed reality on the meaning of the Cold War. Utilizing archival sources, she demonstrates how self-aware these reporters were as they negotiated for access, prominence, and, yes, the truth—even as they denied those things to their readers.
James Kates is a professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Kathryn McGarr’s<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226664040"><em>City of Newsmen: Public Lies and Professional Secrets in Cold War Washington </em></a>(U Chicago Press, 2022) explores foreign policy journalism in Washington during and after World War II—a time supposedly defined by the press’s blind patriotism and groupthink. McGarr reveals, though, that D.C. reporters then were deeply cynical about government sources and their motives, but kept their doubts to themselves for professional, social, and ideological reasons. The alliance and rivalries among these reporters constituted a world of debts and loyalties: shared memories of wartime experiences, shared frustrations with government censorship and information programs, shared antagonisms, and shared mentors. </p><p>McGarr shows how this small, tight-knit elite of white male reporters suppressed their skepticism to help the United States build a permanent national security apparatus and a shared, constructed reality on the meaning of the Cold War. Utilizing archival sources, she demonstrates how self-aware these reporters were as they negotiated for access, prominence, and, yes, the truth—even as they denied those things to their readers.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/james-kates-2b115b15/"><em>James Kates</em></a><em> is a professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3860</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c85c633a-f283-11ed-ac51-b734f4d350de]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4850997853.mp3?updated=1684088574" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark Paul, "The Ends of Freedom: Reclaiming America's Lost Promise of Economic Rights" (U Chicago Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Since the Founding, Americans have debated the true meaning of freedom. For some, freedom meant the provision of life's necessities, those basic conditions for the "pursuit of happiness." For others, freedom meant the civil and political rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and unfettered access to the marketplace--nothing more. As Mark Paul explains, the latter interpretation--thanks in large part to a particularly influential cadre of economists--has all but won out among policymakers, with dire repercussions for American society: rampant inequality, endemic poverty, and an economy built to benefit the few at the expense of the many.
In The Ends of Freedom: Reclaiming America's Lost Promise of Economic Rights (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Paul shows how economic rights--rights to necessities like housing, employment, and health care--have been a part of the American conversation since the Revolutionary War and were a cornerstone of both the New Deal and the Civil Rights Movement. Their recuperation, he argues, would at long last make good on the promise of America's founding documents. By drawing on FDR's proposed Economic Bill of Rights, Paul outlines a comprehensive policy program to achieve a more capacious and enduring version of American freedom. Among the rights he enumerates are the right to a good job, the right to an education, the right to banking and financial services, and the right to a healthy environment.
Replete with discussions of some of today's most influential policy ideas--from Medicare for All to a federal job guarantee to the Green New Deal--The Ends of Freedom is a timely and urgent call to reclaim the idea of freedom from its captors on the political right--to ground America's next era in the country's progressive history and carve a path toward a more economically dynamic and equitable nation.
Mark Paul is an assistant professor of economics at the Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>152</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Paul</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since the Founding, Americans have debated the true meaning of freedom. For some, freedom meant the provision of life's necessities, those basic conditions for the "pursuit of happiness." For others, freedom meant the civil and political rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and unfettered access to the marketplace--nothing more. As Mark Paul explains, the latter interpretation--thanks in large part to a particularly influential cadre of economists--has all but won out among policymakers, with dire repercussions for American society: rampant inequality, endemic poverty, and an economy built to benefit the few at the expense of the many.
In The Ends of Freedom: Reclaiming America's Lost Promise of Economic Rights (University of Chicago Press, 2023), Paul shows how economic rights--rights to necessities like housing, employment, and health care--have been a part of the American conversation since the Revolutionary War and were a cornerstone of both the New Deal and the Civil Rights Movement. Their recuperation, he argues, would at long last make good on the promise of America's founding documents. By drawing on FDR's proposed Economic Bill of Rights, Paul outlines a comprehensive policy program to achieve a more capacious and enduring version of American freedom. Among the rights he enumerates are the right to a good job, the right to an education, the right to banking and financial services, and the right to a healthy environment.
Replete with discussions of some of today's most influential policy ideas--from Medicare for All to a federal job guarantee to the Green New Deal--The Ends of Freedom is a timely and urgent call to reclaim the idea of freedom from its captors on the political right--to ground America's next era in the country's progressive history and carve a path toward a more economically dynamic and equitable nation.
Mark Paul is an assistant professor of economics at the Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since the Founding, Americans have debated the true meaning of freedom. For some, freedom meant the provision of life's necessities, those basic conditions for the "pursuit of happiness." For others, freedom meant the civil and political rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights and unfettered access to the marketplace--nothing more. As Mark Paul explains, the latter interpretation--thanks in large part to a particularly influential cadre of economists--has all but won out among policymakers, with dire repercussions for American society: rampant inequality, endemic poverty, and an economy built to benefit the few at the expense of the many.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226792965"><em>The Ends of Freedom: Reclaiming America's Lost Promise of Economic Rights</em></a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2023), Paul shows how economic rights--rights to necessities like housing, employment, and health care--have been a part of the American conversation since the Revolutionary War and were a cornerstone of both the New Deal and the Civil Rights Movement. Their recuperation, he argues, would at long last make good on the promise of America's founding documents. By drawing on FDR's proposed Economic Bill of Rights, Paul outlines a comprehensive policy program to achieve a more capacious and enduring version of American freedom. Among the rights he enumerates are the right to a good job, the right to an education, the right to banking and financial services, and the right to a healthy environment.</p><p>Replete with discussions of some of today's most influential policy ideas--from Medicare for All to a federal job guarantee to the Green New Deal--<em>The Ends of Freedom </em>is a timely and urgent call to reclaim the idea of freedom from its captors on the political right--to ground America's next era in the country's progressive history and carve a path toward a more economically dynamic and equitable nation.</p><p>Mark Paul is an assistant professor of economics at the Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3052</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b1737556-f1ab-11ed-9486-8788f1cac7a7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4877628501.mp3?updated=1683996061" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ralph Nader and Bruce Fein, "The Incommunicados" (Center for Study of Responsive Law, 2023)</title>
      <description>Incommunicados is a collection of unanswered letters to public officials and other notable figures from iconoclasts Ralph Nader and Bruce Fein. The project was edited by Francesco Desantis, Outreach Coordinator at the Center for Study of Responsive Law.
This booklet and Ralph Nader’s introduction meticulously document the self-ruinous disdain by Congress and the executive branch for thoughtful citizen input into government policies and practices. Citizen petitions, letters, memoranda, and articles are routinely unacknowledged and universally categorized as unworthy of a substantive response. Even speaking to a live person in a congressional office as opposed to leaving a voice mail has become a herculean test of endurance and patience.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>172</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Francesco Desantis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Incommunicados is a collection of unanswered letters to public officials and other notable figures from iconoclasts Ralph Nader and Bruce Fein. The project was edited by Francesco Desantis, Outreach Coordinator at the Center for Study of Responsive Law.
This booklet and Ralph Nader’s introduction meticulously document the self-ruinous disdain by Congress and the executive branch for thoughtful citizen input into government policies and practices. Citizen petitions, letters, memoranda, and articles are routinely unacknowledged and universally categorized as unworthy of a substantive response. Even speaking to a live person in a congressional office as opposed to leaving a voice mail has become a herculean test of endurance and patience.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://csrl.org/incommunicados/"><em>Incommunicados</em></a> is a collection of unanswered letters to public officials and other notable figures from iconoclasts Ralph Nader and Bruce Fein. The project was edited by Francesco Desantis, Outreach Coordinator at the <a href="https://csrl.org/">Center for Study of Responsive Law</a>.</p><p>This booklet and Ralph Nader’s introduction meticulously document the self-ruinous disdain by Congress and the executive branch for thoughtful citizen input into government policies and practices. Citizen petitions, letters, memoranda, and articles are routinely unacknowledged and universally categorized as unworthy of a substantive response. Even speaking to a live person in a congressional office as opposed to leaving a voice mail has become a herculean test of endurance and patience.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1483</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2141662077.mp3?updated=1683991409" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Misinformed: The Covid Lab Leak Theory and the Politics of Misinformation</title>
      <description>The COVID-19 lab leak theory went from being dismissed as mere misinformation, to now a credible matter of debate amongst media, scientific, and intelligence organizations. What’s changed, and what does this teach us about science journalism and science communication? Is it time to let go of our obsession over “misinformation”?
First, Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic lays out the political problems with the idea of misinformation. Later, Nicole M. Krause, a PhD candidate focussing on science communication, looks at conceptual problems in the research itself. What’s “True,” and who gets to decide?
SUPPORT THE SHOW
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
ABOUT THE SHOW
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>54</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The COVID-19 lab leak theory went from being dismissed as mere misinformation, to now a credible matter of debate amongst media, scientific, and intelligence organizations. What’s changed, and what does this teach us about science journalism and science communication? Is it time to let go of our obsession over “misinformation”?
First, Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic lays out the political problems with the idea of misinformation. Later, Nicole M. Krause, a PhD candidate focussing on science communication, looks at conceptual problems in the research itself. What’s “True,” and who gets to decide?
SUPPORT THE SHOW
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
ABOUT THE SHOW
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The COVID-19 lab leak theory went from being dismissed as mere misinformation, to now a credible matter of debate amongst media, scientific, and intelligence organizations. What’s changed, and what does this teach us about science journalism and science communication? Is it time to let go of our obsession over “misinformation”?</p><p>First, Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic lays out the political problems with the idea of misinformation. Later, Nicole M. Krause, a PhD candidate focussing on science communication, looks at conceptual problems in the research itself. What’s “True,” and who gets to decide?</p><p>SUPPORT THE SHOW</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>ABOUT THE SHOW</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3839</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4addeb4a-f0e9-11ed-ae02-839228821043]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2035531471.mp3?updated=1683912616" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thom Shanker and Andrew Hoehn, "Age of Danger: Keeping America Safe in an Era of New Superpowers, New Weapons, and New Threats" (Hachette Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>Again and again, American taxpayers are asked to open their wallets and pay for a national security machine that costs $1 trillion operate. Yet time and time again, the US government gets it wrong on critical issues. So what can be done? Enter bestselling author Thom Shanker and defense expert Andrew Hoehn. With decades of national security expertise between them and access to virtually every expert, they look at what's going wrong in national security and how to make it go right.
Age of Danger: Keeping America Safe in an Era of New Superpowers, New Weapons, and New Threats (Hachette Books, 2023) looks at the major challenges facing America--from superpowers like Russia and China to emerging threats like pandemics, cybersecurity, climate change, and drones--and reimagines the national security apparatus into something that can truly keep Americans safe. Weaving together expert analysis with exclusive interviews from a new generation of national security leaders, Shanker and Hoehn argue that the United States must create an industrial-grade, life-saving machine out of a system that, for too long, was focused only on deterring adversaries and carrying out global military operations. It is a timely and crucial call to action--a call that if heeded, could save Americans lives, money, and our very future on the global stage.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Thom Shanker and Andrew Hoehn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Again and again, American taxpayers are asked to open their wallets and pay for a national security machine that costs $1 trillion operate. Yet time and time again, the US government gets it wrong on critical issues. So what can be done? Enter bestselling author Thom Shanker and defense expert Andrew Hoehn. With decades of national security expertise between them and access to virtually every expert, they look at what's going wrong in national security and how to make it go right.
Age of Danger: Keeping America Safe in an Era of New Superpowers, New Weapons, and New Threats (Hachette Books, 2023) looks at the major challenges facing America--from superpowers like Russia and China to emerging threats like pandemics, cybersecurity, climate change, and drones--and reimagines the national security apparatus into something that can truly keep Americans safe. Weaving together expert analysis with exclusive interviews from a new generation of national security leaders, Shanker and Hoehn argue that the United States must create an industrial-grade, life-saving machine out of a system that, for too long, was focused only on deterring adversaries and carrying out global military operations. It is a timely and crucial call to action--a call that if heeded, could save Americans lives, money, and our very future on the global stage.
AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Again and again, American taxpayers are asked to open their wallets and pay for a national security machine that costs $1 <em>trillion </em>operate. Yet time and time again, the US government gets it wrong on critical issues. So what can be done? Enter bestselling author Thom Shanker and defense expert Andrew Hoehn. With decades of national security expertise between them and access to virtually every expert, they look at what's going wrong in national security and how to make it go right.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780306829109"><em>Age of Danger: Keeping America Safe in an Era of New Superpowers, New Weapons, and New Threats</em></a><em> </em>(Hachette Books, 2023) looks at the major challenges facing America--from superpowers like Russia and China to emerging threats like pandemics, cybersecurity, climate change, and drones--and reimagines the national security apparatus into something that can truly keep Americans safe. Weaving together expert analysis with exclusive interviews from a new generation of national security leaders, Shanker and Hoehn argue that the United States must create an industrial-grade, life-saving machine out of a system that, for too long, was focused only on deterring adversaries and carrying out global military operations. It is a timely and crucial call to action--a call that if heeded, could save Americans lives, money, and our very future on the global stage.</p><p><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/"><em>AJ Woodhams</em></a><em> hosts the "</em><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>War Books</em></a><em>" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple </em><a href="http://bit.ly/3ZCL0du"><em>here</em></a><em> and on Spotify </em><a href="https://spoti.fi/3kP9scZ"><em>here</em></a><em>. War Books is on </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@warbookspodcast/"><em>YouTube</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.facebook.com/warbookspodcast"><em>Facebook</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3653</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>America &amp; Democracy Ep. 3: Carol A. Stabile on the Red Scare</title>
      <description>In this series of interviews from The MIT Press Podcast, we'll be drawing on the research of various authors to reflect on some of the issues shaping the American political landscape of today.
In this episode Carol A. Stabile discusses her book The Broadcast 41 (published in April of last year by Goldsmiths Press.)
In her book, Carol traces the history of forty-one women who were forced out of American television and radio in the 1950s as part of a censorship program often referred to as the Red Scare. She explains their broad and nuanced political beliefs and how an FBI-backed program of state censorship invoked the paranoia of another American revolution to try and destroy their careers.
We discuss how the cause of anti-communism, g-man masculinity and censorship destroyed a potential television landscape that reflected the reality of post-war America in favor of a white, straight, patriarchal world of white picket fences and eager beavers. We also discuss what the history of these women might tell us about current debates on free-speech and ‘cancel-culture’.
Carol is Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and Associate Dean for Strategic Initiatives for the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oregon. She’s also the author of Feminism and the Technological Fix, White Victims, Black Villains: Gender, Race, and Crime News in US Culture, among other books.
You can find more resources related to the book, including FBI files released since the book's publication, at https://broadcast41.com/
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 May 2023 23:24:26 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>77</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/ce524aa2-f440-11ed-b083-2b54d76a59b6/image/MITPpodcastamericademocracy384joo.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carol A. Stabile</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this series of interviews from The MIT Press Podcast, we'll be drawing on the research of various authors to reflect on some of the issues shaping the American political landscape of today.
In this episode Carol A. Stabile discusses her book The Broadcast 41 (published in April of last year by Goldsmiths Press.)
In her book, Carol traces the history of forty-one women who were forced out of American television and radio in the 1950s as part of a censorship program often referred to as the Red Scare. She explains their broad and nuanced political beliefs and how an FBI-backed program of state censorship invoked the paranoia of another American revolution to try and destroy their careers.
We discuss how the cause of anti-communism, g-man masculinity and censorship destroyed a potential television landscape that reflected the reality of post-war America in favor of a white, straight, patriarchal world of white picket fences and eager beavers. We also discuss what the history of these women might tell us about current debates on free-speech and ‘cancel-culture’.
Carol is Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and Associate Dean for Strategic Initiatives for the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oregon. She’s also the author of Feminism and the Technological Fix, White Victims, Black Villains: Gender, Race, and Crime News in US Culture, among other books.
You can find more resources related to the book, including FBI files released since the book's publication, at https://broadcast41.com/
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this series of interviews from <em>The MIT Press Podcast</em>, we'll be drawing on the research of various authors to reflect on some of the issues shaping the American political landscape of today.</p><p>In this episode Carol A. Stabile discusses her book <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/broadcast-41"><em>The Broadcast 41</em></a> (published in April of last year by <a href="https://mitpress.mit.edu/books/distribution/goldsmiths-press"><em>Goldsmiths Press</em></a>.)</p><p>In her book, Carol traces the history of forty-one women who were forced out of American television and radio in the 1950s as part of a censorship program often referred to as the Red Scare. She explains their broad and nuanced political beliefs and how an FBI-backed program of state censorship invoked the paranoia of another American revolution to try and destroy their careers.</p><p>We discuss how the cause of anti-communism, g-man masculinity and censorship destroyed a potential television landscape that reflected the reality of post-war America in favor of a white, straight, patriarchal world of white picket fences and eager beavers. We also discuss what the history of these women might tell us about current debates on free-speech and ‘cancel-culture’.</p><p>Carol is Professor of Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and Associate Dean for Strategic Initiatives for the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oregon. She’s also the author of <em>Feminism and the Technological Fix</em>, <em>White Victims, Black Villains: Gender, Race, and Crime News in US Culture</em>, among other books.</p><p>You can find more resources related to the book, including FBI files released since the book's publication, at <a href="https://broadcast41.com/">https://broadcast41.com/</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2551</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[mitpress.podbean.com/5f5a6963-c39a-3ec0-abd7-1f122aaaa676]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6524255188.mp3?updated=1677008073" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kody W. Cooper and Justin Buckley Dyer, "The Classical and Christian Origins of American Politics: Political Theology, Natural Law, and the American Founding" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>America’s religious and political public forum is no longer confined to debates between liberals (be they Catholics or Protestants) and socially conservative evangelicals and traditional Catholics—with atheists condemning all of the above. There is now among some Catholic intellectuals and academics a movement called integralism that calls for the United States to move towards an integration of church (the Catholic Church) and state. This movement in turn, is opposed by other conservative Catholics who regard integralism as not only unworkable but also undesirable, especially in the robustly pluralistic America of our day.
Meanwhile, on both the Woke left and the alt-right there are essentially neo-Pagan movements which reject the American founding’s identification of ethical monotheism as the foundation of fundamental rights and political and personal moral obligations.
Enter scholars with a call to rediscover and revivify the classical and Christian sources of the founding. In The Classical and Christian Origins of American Politics: Political Theology, Natural Law, and the American Founding (Cambridge UP, 2022), Justin Buckley Dyer and Kody W. Cooper argue that this political philosophy, pre-dating Aristotle and continuing through thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas to Lincoln to Martin Luther King to scholars of our own day, offers a way forward towards a just society built on a strong, rich, easily grasped moral framework.
The book we will discuss today with one of its coauthors, Professor Cooper, shows that many of the leaders of the American founding were steeped in the natural law tradition and that this tradition, while often developed and nurtured by Catholic thinkers, was also drawn upon and embodied by Protestants of the period of the American Revolution and the earliest days of the Republic such as John Jay, James Wilson, Thomas Jefferson, James Otis and John Dickinson.
The authors write that many of the founders, imbued with the tenets of classical and Christian natural law thinking, believed in, “a moralistic God of justice who favored the side of liberty such that the revolutionary actors saw themselves carrying out the divine will on the world historic stage in obedience to the dictates of right reason.” The emphasis on reason is a key component of natural law thinking of all types and Cooper and Dyer argue in their book that a reexamination of the writings and belief system of the founding generation shows that far from being religious skeptics bent on creating a new world order that discarded faith in God, many the founders were in fact motivated in their rebellion against the British by their belief that revolt was called for when their ability to move their society in a moral direction based on the idea of natural rights bestowed by God was being hampered by diktats of the British king and parliament.
Let’s hear from one of the two authors of this study, Kody W. Cooper.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>223</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kody W. Cooper</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America’s religious and political public forum is no longer confined to debates between liberals (be they Catholics or Protestants) and socially conservative evangelicals and traditional Catholics—with atheists condemning all of the above. There is now among some Catholic intellectuals and academics a movement called integralism that calls for the United States to move towards an integration of church (the Catholic Church) and state. This movement in turn, is opposed by other conservative Catholics who regard integralism as not only unworkable but also undesirable, especially in the robustly pluralistic America of our day.
Meanwhile, on both the Woke left and the alt-right there are essentially neo-Pagan movements which reject the American founding’s identification of ethical monotheism as the foundation of fundamental rights and political and personal moral obligations.
Enter scholars with a call to rediscover and revivify the classical and Christian sources of the founding. In The Classical and Christian Origins of American Politics: Political Theology, Natural Law, and the American Founding (Cambridge UP, 2022), Justin Buckley Dyer and Kody W. Cooper argue that this political philosophy, pre-dating Aristotle and continuing through thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas to Lincoln to Martin Luther King to scholars of our own day, offers a way forward towards a just society built on a strong, rich, easily grasped moral framework.
The book we will discuss today with one of its coauthors, Professor Cooper, shows that many of the leaders of the American founding were steeped in the natural law tradition and that this tradition, while often developed and nurtured by Catholic thinkers, was also drawn upon and embodied by Protestants of the period of the American Revolution and the earliest days of the Republic such as John Jay, James Wilson, Thomas Jefferson, James Otis and John Dickinson.
The authors write that many of the founders, imbued with the tenets of classical and Christian natural law thinking, believed in, “a moralistic God of justice who favored the side of liberty such that the revolutionary actors saw themselves carrying out the divine will on the world historic stage in obedience to the dictates of right reason.” The emphasis on reason is a key component of natural law thinking of all types and Cooper and Dyer argue in their book that a reexamination of the writings and belief system of the founding generation shows that far from being religious skeptics bent on creating a new world order that discarded faith in God, many the founders were in fact motivated in their rebellion against the British by their belief that revolt was called for when their ability to move their society in a moral direction based on the idea of natural rights bestowed by God was being hampered by diktats of the British king and parliament.
Let’s hear from one of the two authors of this study, Kody W. Cooper.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America’s religious and political public forum is no longer confined to debates between liberals (be they Catholics or Protestants) and socially conservative evangelicals and traditional Catholics—with atheists condemning all of the above. There is now among some Catholic intellectuals and academics a movement called integralism that calls for the United States to move towards an integration of church (the Catholic Church) and state. This movement in turn, is opposed by other conservative Catholics who regard integralism as not only unworkable but also undesirable, especially in the robustly pluralistic America of our day.</p><p>Meanwhile, on both the Woke left and the alt-right there are essentially neo-Pagan movements which reject the American founding’s identification of ethical monotheism as the foundation of fundamental rights and political and personal moral obligations.</p><p>Enter scholars with a call to rediscover and revivify the classical and Christian sources of the founding. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009107846"><em>The Classical and Christian Origins of American Politics: Political Theology, Natural Law, and the American Founding</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022), Justin Buckley Dyer and Kody W. Cooper argue that this political philosophy, pre-dating Aristotle and continuing through thinkers such as Thomas Aquinas to Lincoln to Martin Luther King to scholars of our own day, offers a way forward towards a just society built on a strong, rich, easily grasped moral framework.</p><p>The book we will discuss today with one of its coauthors, Professor Cooper, shows that many of the leaders of the American founding were steeped in the natural law tradition and that this tradition, while often developed and nurtured by Catholic thinkers, was also drawn upon and embodied by Protestants of the period of the American Revolution and the earliest days of the Republic such as John Jay, James Wilson, Thomas Jefferson, James Otis and John Dickinson.</p><p>The authors write that many of the founders, imbued with the tenets of classical and Christian natural law thinking, believed in, “a moralistic God of justice who favored the side of liberty such that the revolutionary actors saw themselves carrying out the divine will on the world historic stage in obedience to the dictates of right reason.” The emphasis on reason is a key component of natural law thinking of all types and Cooper and Dyer argue in their book that a reexamination of the writings and belief system of the founding generation shows that far from being religious skeptics bent on creating a new world order that discarded faith in God, many the founders were in fact motivated in their rebellion against the British by their belief that revolt was called for when their ability to move their society in a moral direction based on the idea of natural rights bestowed by God was being hampered by diktats of the British king and parliament.</p><p>Let’s hear from one of the two authors of this study, Kody W. Cooper.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4668</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[93458826-f034-11ed-900e-1f879b990a3a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9792996605.mp3?updated=1683834359" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matthew Rhodes-Purdy et al., "The Age of Discontent: Populism, Extremism, and Conspiracy Theories in Contemporary Democracies" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>How do we explain the rise of populism, extremism, and conspiracy theory in the Americas and Europe? Why do members of a society come to feel this strong sense of discontent with their political system – so deep and broad that they believe the system to be irreparably broken? Scholars have explained these phenomena using two main models. The first focuses on economics and imagines the source of discontent is long-term economic change that creates winners and losers. An alternative model posits that cultural factors such as hostility to ethnic, racial, and gender minorities is more significant than economic attitudes. In The Age of Discontent, Drs. Rhodes-Purdy, Navarre, and Utych build on these models by combining the insights of political science with a tool from political psychology: affective intelligence theory. If emotions shape cognition and behavior, economic and cultural backlash might be better understood as sequential. The book argues that economic discontent is often the root cause but this begins a chain. Economic discontent leads to negative emotions that trigger cultural attitudes such as out-group hostility or in-group solidarity. The book presents a compelling theoretical framework the authors call “affective political economy.” Economic troubles can prime citizens to embrace culturally discontented narratives, leading to various forms of discontent based on local conditions.
The Age of Discontent: Populism, Extremism, and Conspiracy Theories in Contemporary Democracies (Cambridge UP, 2023) uses qualitative and quantitative methods to examine American sentiments of discontent expressed primarily during the Trump administration, Euroscepticism, and Brexit in the UK, and Spain to examine the interactions of economic and cultural issues across the globe. By examining case studies of democratic discontent in different regions and contrasting them with case studies in which discontent was avoided, the book demonstrates how economic crises trigger cultural responses, intensifying discontent with the political status quo.
Two books mentioned during the podcast are David Goodhart, The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics (Oxford UP, 2017) and
Elizabeth Anderson, Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and why we Don’t Talk about It)(Princeton UP, 2017) previously covered by the New Books Network.
Dr. Matthew Rhodes-Purdy is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Clemson University. He is the author of Regime Support Beyond the Balance Sheet (2017).
Dr. Rachel Navarre is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Bridgewater State University. She co-authored Immigration in the 21st Century: The Comparative Politics of Immigration Policy (2020) with Dr. Terri Givens and Pete Mohanty – and Lilly Goren interviewed them previously on New Books in Political Science.
Dr. Stephen Utych is a market researcher with an area focus on political psychology, political behavior, and experimental methods. Dr. Uthych has published over thirty peer-reviewed articles. 
Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>656</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Rhodes-Purdy, Rachel Navarre, and Stephen Utych</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do we explain the rise of populism, extremism, and conspiracy theory in the Americas and Europe? Why do members of a society come to feel this strong sense of discontent with their political system – so deep and broad that they believe the system to be irreparably broken? Scholars have explained these phenomena using two main models. The first focuses on economics and imagines the source of discontent is long-term economic change that creates winners and losers. An alternative model posits that cultural factors such as hostility to ethnic, racial, and gender minorities is more significant than economic attitudes. In The Age of Discontent, Drs. Rhodes-Purdy, Navarre, and Utych build on these models by combining the insights of political science with a tool from political psychology: affective intelligence theory. If emotions shape cognition and behavior, economic and cultural backlash might be better understood as sequential. The book argues that economic discontent is often the root cause but this begins a chain. Economic discontent leads to negative emotions that trigger cultural attitudes such as out-group hostility or in-group solidarity. The book presents a compelling theoretical framework the authors call “affective political economy.” Economic troubles can prime citizens to embrace culturally discontented narratives, leading to various forms of discontent based on local conditions.
The Age of Discontent: Populism, Extremism, and Conspiracy Theories in Contemporary Democracies (Cambridge UP, 2023) uses qualitative and quantitative methods to examine American sentiments of discontent expressed primarily during the Trump administration, Euroscepticism, and Brexit in the UK, and Spain to examine the interactions of economic and cultural issues across the globe. By examining case studies of democratic discontent in different regions and contrasting them with case studies in which discontent was avoided, the book demonstrates how economic crises trigger cultural responses, intensifying discontent with the political status quo.
Two books mentioned during the podcast are David Goodhart, The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics (Oxford UP, 2017) and
Elizabeth Anderson, Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and why we Don’t Talk about It)(Princeton UP, 2017) previously covered by the New Books Network.
Dr. Matthew Rhodes-Purdy is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Clemson University. He is the author of Regime Support Beyond the Balance Sheet (2017).
Dr. Rachel Navarre is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Bridgewater State University. She co-authored Immigration in the 21st Century: The Comparative Politics of Immigration Policy (2020) with Dr. Terri Givens and Pete Mohanty – and Lilly Goren interviewed them previously on New Books in Political Science.
Dr. Stephen Utych is a market researcher with an area focus on political psychology, political behavior, and experimental methods. Dr. Uthych has published over thirty peer-reviewed articles. 
Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do we explain the rise of populism, extremism, and conspiracy theory in the Americas and Europe? Why do members of a society come to feel this strong sense of discontent with their political system – so deep and broad that they believe the system to be irreparably broken? Scholars have explained these phenomena using two main models. The first focuses on economics and imagines the source of discontent is long-term economic change that creates winners and losers. An alternative model posits that cultural factors such as hostility to ethnic, racial, and gender minorities is more significant than economic attitudes. In <em>The Age of Discontent</em>, Drs. Rhodes-Purdy, Navarre, and Utych build on these models by combining the insights of political science with a tool from political psychology: affective intelligence theory. If emotions shape cognition and behavior, economic and cultural backlash might be better understood as sequential. The book argues that economic discontent is often the root cause but this begins a chain. Economic discontent leads to negative emotions that trigger cultural attitudes such as out-group hostility or in-group solidarity. The book presents a compelling theoretical framework the authors call “affective political economy.” Economic troubles can prime citizens to embrace culturally discontented narratives, leading to various forms of discontent based on local conditions.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009279390"><em>The Age of Discontent: Populism, Extremism, and Conspiracy Theories in Contemporary Democracies</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2023) uses qualitative and quantitative methods to examine American sentiments of discontent expressed primarily during the Trump administration, Euroscepticism, and Brexit in the UK, and Spain to examine the interactions of economic and cultural issues across the globe. By examining case studies of democratic discontent in different regions and contrasting them with case studies in which discontent was avoided, the book demonstrates how economic crises trigger cultural responses, intensifying discontent with the political status quo.</p><p>Two books mentioned during the podcast are David Goodhart, <em>The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics</em> (Oxford UP, 2017) and</p><p>Elizabeth Anderson, <em>Private Government:</em> <em>How Employers Rule Our Lives (and why we Don’t Talk about It)</em>(Princeton UP, 2017) <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/private-government#entry:126699@1:url">previously covered by the New Books Network</a>.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.clemson.edu/cbshs/about/profiles/index.html?userid=MHRHODE">Matthew Rhodes-Purdy</a> is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Clemson University. He is the author of <em>Regime Support Beyond the Balance Sheet</em> (2017).</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://rachelnavarre.com/">Rachel Navarre</a> is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Bridgewater State University. She co-authored <em>Immigration in the 21st Century: The Comparative Politics of Immigration Policy</em> (2020) with Dr. Terri Givens and Pete Mohanty – and Lilly Goren <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/immigration-in-the-21st-century#entry:54387@1:url">interviewed them previously</a> on New Books in Political Science.</p><p>Dr. Stephen Utych is a market researcher with an area focus on political psychology, political behavior, and experimental methods. Dr. Uthych has published over thirty peer-reviewed articles. </p><p>Daniela Lavergne served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4004</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[832e7f82-f0d5-11ed-af5f-4b2c398b6d55]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8056018765.mp3?updated=1683907988" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Recovering the American Idea with Robert P. George, Ryan Anderson, Alexandra DeSanctis, and Antonin Scalia</title>
      <description>On September 23, 2021, the James Madison Program and the Ethics and Public Policy Center hosted a discussion of Robert P. George and Ryan T. Anderson's 2019 National Affairs essay, "The Baby and the Bathwater." George and Anderson delivered remarks and then spoke with Alexandra DeSanctis and Antonin Scalia about the central themes of the essay, and how the philosophical framework they set out applies to America. 
Watch "The Baby and the Bathwater: Toward a Recovery of the American Idea" here. 
Read "The Baby and the Bathwater" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 May 2023 17:35:15 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>46</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/5c821004-f0eb-11ed-b856-0baf311c8a61/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On September 23, 2021, the James Madison Program and the Ethics and Public Policy Center hosted a discussion of Robert P. George and Ryan T. Anderson's 2019 National Affairs essay, "The Baby and the Bathwater." George and Anderson delivered remarks and then spoke with Alexandra DeSanctis and Antonin Scalia about the central themes of the essay, and how the philosophical framework they set out applies to America. 
Watch "The Baby and the Bathwater: Toward a Recovery of the American Idea" here. 
Read "The Baby and the Bathwater" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On September 23, 2021, the James Madison Program and the Ethics and Public Policy Center hosted a discussion of Robert P. George and Ryan T. Anderson's 2019 National Affairs essay, "The Baby and the Bathwater." George and Anderson delivered remarks and then spoke with Alexandra DeSanctis and Antonin Scalia about the central themes of the essay, and how the philosophical framework they set out applies to America. </p><p>Watch "The Baby and the Bathwater: Toward a Recovery of the American Idea" <a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/events/baby-and-bathwater-toward-recovery-american-idea">here</a>. </p><p>Read "The Baby and the Bathwater" <a href="https://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/the-baby-and-the-bathwater">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4557</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/a15cae72-a381-3499-8c38-15356cec9ecc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6559025727.mp3?updated=1679766819" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Maria L. Quintana, "Contracting Freedom: Race, Empire, and U.S. Guestworker Programs" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Contracting Freedom: Race, Empire, and U.S. Guestworker Programs (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) explores the origins of twentieth-century U.S. guestworker programs from Mexico and the Caribbean. It investigates these government-sponsored programs as the unexplored consequence of the history of enslaved labor, Japanese American incarceration, the New Deal, the long civil rights movement, and Caribbean decolonization. Quintana shifts the focus on guestworker programs to the arena of political conflict, revealing how fierce debates over the bracero program and Caribbean contract labor programs extended and legitimated U.S. racial and imperial domination into the present era. Her work also unearths contract workers' emerging visions of social justice that challenged this reproduction of race and empire, giving freedom new meanings that must be contemplated
Dr. Quintana earned her Ph.D. at the University of Washington and taught at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies before joining the Department of History at California State University, Sacramento.
Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1319</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Maria L. Quintana</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Contracting Freedom: Race, Empire, and U.S. Guestworker Programs (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) explores the origins of twentieth-century U.S. guestworker programs from Mexico and the Caribbean. It investigates these government-sponsored programs as the unexplored consequence of the history of enslaved labor, Japanese American incarceration, the New Deal, the long civil rights movement, and Caribbean decolonization. Quintana shifts the focus on guestworker programs to the arena of political conflict, revealing how fierce debates over the bracero program and Caribbean contract labor programs extended and legitimated U.S. racial and imperial domination into the present era. Her work also unearths contract workers' emerging visions of social justice that challenged this reproduction of race and empire, giving freedom new meanings that must be contemplated
Dr. Quintana earned her Ph.D. at the University of Washington and taught at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies before joining the Department of History at California State University, Sacramento.
Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253887"><em>Contracting Freedom: Race, Empire, and U.S. Guestworker Programs</em></a> (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) explores the origins of twentieth-century U.S. guestworker programs from Mexico and the Caribbean. It investigates these government-sponsored programs as the unexplored consequence of the history of enslaved labor, Japanese American incarceration, the New Deal, the long civil rights movement, and Caribbean decolonization. Quintana shifts the focus on guestworker programs to the arena of political conflict, revealing how fierce debates over the bracero program and Caribbean contract labor programs extended and legitimated U.S. racial and imperial domination into the present era. Her work also unearths contract workers' emerging visions of social justice that challenged this reproduction of race and empire, giving freedom new meanings that must be contemplated</p><p>Dr. Quintana earned her Ph.D. at the University of Washington and taught at San Francisco State’s College of Ethnic Studies before joining the Department of History at California State University, Sacramento.</p><p><a href="https://michaelvann.academia.edu/"><em>Michael G. Vann</em></a><em> is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/ushe/product/the-great-hanoi-rat-hunt-9780190602697?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3140</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[42aedef6-ee79-11ed-9dc5-ff566f45acf9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8697711852.mp3?updated=1683645822" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Primal Screams of Identity Politics: A Conversation with Mary Eberstadt</title>
      <description>Did the sexual revolution create identity politics? Why are young men and women so unhappy? Mary Eberstadt, Panula Chair in Christian Culture at the Catholic Information Center and Senior Research Fellow at the Faith and Reason Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and others and discuss her new book, Primal Screams: How the Sexual Revolution Created Identity Politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>42</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/2822188e-edaf-11ed-a997-bb046882d144/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Did the sexual revolution create identity politics? Why are young men and women so unhappy? Mary Eberstadt, Panula Chair in Christian Culture at the Catholic Information Center and Senior Research Fellow at the Faith and Reason Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and others and discuss her new book, Primal Screams: How the Sexual Revolution Created Identity Politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Did the sexual revolution create identity politics? Why are young men and women so unhappy? Mary Eberstadt, Panula Chair in Christian Culture at the Catholic Information Center and Senior Research Fellow at the Faith and Reason Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and others and discuss her new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781599475851">Primal Screams: How the Sexual Revolution Created Identity Politics</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3000</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/de27c728-1f1b-35f2-a126-95891ba231b9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5696125759.mp3?updated=1679767019" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy Sandefur, "Freedom's Furies: How Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Ayn Rand Found Freedom in an Age of Darkness" (Cato Institute, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1943, three books appeared that changed American politics forever: Isabel Paterson's The God of the Machine, Rose Wilder Lane's The Discovery of Freedom, and Ayn Rand's The Fountainhead. Together, they laid the groundwork for what became the modern libertarian movement. Even more striking were the women behind these books: Paterson, a brilliant but misanthropic journalist whose weekly column made her one of the nation's most important literary critics; Lane, a restless writer who secretly coauthored the Little House on the Prairie novels with her mother; and Rand, a philosophically inclined Russian immigrant ferociously devoted to heroic individualism. Working against the backdrop of changes in literature and politics, they joined forces to rally the nation to the principles of freedom that had come under attack at home and abroad. Sometimes friends, at other times bitterly estranged, they became known as "the three furies of libertarianism." 
In Freedom's Furies: How Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Ayn Rand Found Freedom in an Age of Darkness (Cato Institute, 2022)﻿, author Timothy Sandefur examines their lives, ideas, and influences in the context of their times. Not a biography, but a story about personalities and ideas--about the literary, political, and cultural influences that shaped the destiny of freedom in America--Freedom's Furies tells the dramatic story of three writers who strove to keep liberty alive in an age of darkness.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>222</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy Sandefur</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1943, three books appeared that changed American politics forever: Isabel Paterson's The God of the Machine, Rose Wilder Lane's The Discovery of Freedom, and Ayn Rand's The Fountainhead. Together, they laid the groundwork for what became the modern libertarian movement. Even more striking were the women behind these books: Paterson, a brilliant but misanthropic journalist whose weekly column made her one of the nation's most important literary critics; Lane, a restless writer who secretly coauthored the Little House on the Prairie novels with her mother; and Rand, a philosophically inclined Russian immigrant ferociously devoted to heroic individualism. Working against the backdrop of changes in literature and politics, they joined forces to rally the nation to the principles of freedom that had come under attack at home and abroad. Sometimes friends, at other times bitterly estranged, they became known as "the three furies of libertarianism." 
In Freedom's Furies: How Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Ayn Rand Found Freedom in an Age of Darkness (Cato Institute, 2022)﻿, author Timothy Sandefur examines their lives, ideas, and influences in the context of their times. Not a biography, but a story about personalities and ideas--about the literary, political, and cultural influences that shaped the destiny of freedom in America--Freedom's Furies tells the dramatic story of three writers who strove to keep liberty alive in an age of darkness.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1943, three books appeared that changed American politics forever: Isabel Paterson's <em>The God of the Machine</em>, Rose Wilder Lane's <em>The Discovery of Freedom</em>, and Ayn Rand's <em>The Fountainhead</em>. Together, they laid the groundwork for what became the modern libertarian movement. Even more striking were the women behind these books: Paterson, a brilliant but misanthropic journalist whose weekly column made her one of the nation's most important literary critics; Lane, a restless writer who secretly coauthored the Little House on the Prairie novels with her mother; and Rand, a philosophically inclined Russian immigrant ferociously devoted to heroic individualism. Working against the backdrop of changes in literature and politics, they joined forces to rally the nation to the principles of freedom that had come under attack at home and abroad. Sometimes friends, at other times bitterly estranged, they became known as "the three furies of libertarianism." </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781952223433"><em>Freedom's Furies: How Isabel Paterson, Rose Wilder Lane, and Ayn Rand Found Freedom in an Age of Darkness</em></a> (Cato Institute, 2022)﻿, author Timothy Sandefur examines their lives, ideas, and influences in the context of their times. Not a biography, but a story about personalities and ideas--about the literary, political, and cultural influences that shaped the destiny of freedom in America--Freedom's Furies tells the dramatic story of three writers who strove to keep liberty alive in an age of darkness.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2107</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[fc093d66-ec43-11ed-883d-5f0b62c42b0f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3830975267.mp3?updated=1683401205" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Politicization of Science: A Conversation with Dorian Abbot, Anna Krylov, David Romps, and Bernhardt Trout</title>
      <description>How are hiring and admissions decisions made in the hard sciences if not by merit? What are the risks of allowing science to be politicized? Professors Dorian Abbot (University of Chicago), Anna Krylov (University of Southern California), David Romps (University of California, Berkeley), and Bernhardt Trout (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), join the show to answer these questions and others. 
Resources: 

Dorian Abbot "The Views That Made Me Persona Non Grata at MIT"


Yascha Mounk "Why the Latest Campus Cancellation Is Different"

Bret Stephens, "What Does a University Owe Democracy?"


 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>41</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/8816dd70-edae-11ed-8152-f3a9bccb19a9/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How are hiring and admissions decisions made in the hard sciences if not by merit? What are the risks of allowing science to be politicized? Professors Dorian Abbot (University of Chicago), Anna Krylov (University of Southern California), David Romps (University of California, Berkeley), and Bernhardt Trout (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), join the show to answer these questions and others. 
Resources: 

Dorian Abbot "The Views That Made Me Persona Non Grata at MIT"


Yascha Mounk "Why the Latest Campus Cancellation Is Different"

Bret Stephens, "What Does a University Owe Democracy?"


 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How are hiring and admissions decisions made in the hard sciences if not by merit? What are the risks of allowing science to be politicized? Professors Dorian Abbot (University of Chicago), Anna Krylov (University of Southern California), David Romps (University of California, Berkeley), and Bernhardt Trout (Massachusetts Institute of Technology), join the show to answer these questions and others. </p><p>Resources: </p><ul>
<li>Dorian Abbot "<a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/cancel-culture-college-mit-dorian-abbot-university-chicago-representation-equity-equality-11635516316">The Views That Made Me Persona Non Grata at MIT</a>"</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/author/yascha-mounk/">Yascha Mounk</a> "<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/10/why-latest-campus-cancellation-different/620352/">Why the Latest Campus Cancellation Is Different</a>"</li>
<li>Bret Stephens, "<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/12/opinion/cancel-culture-college-campus.html">What Does a University Owe Democracy?"</a>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3730</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/bd1e972f-a04e-341a-a3d5-c2422c421981]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2479784616.mp3?updated=1679767111" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Harry V. Jaffa and the Fight for America: A Conversation with Glenn Ellmers</title>
      <description>What did Aristotle and Shakespeare mean to Harry Jaffa, and what might they mean to America? Can extremism be prudent? What is the nature of the crisis facing the West today? Glenn Ellmers, senior fellow with the Claremont Institute, joins the show to discuss his new book, The Soul of Politics: Harry V. Jaffa and the Fight for America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 May 2023 20:36:12 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>44</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/240d6b4a-eea9-11ed-9833-8fb3a0ecea89/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What did Aristotle and Shakespeare mean to Harry Jaffa, and what might they mean to America? Can extremism be prudent? What is the nature of the crisis facing the West today? Glenn Ellmers, senior fellow with the Claremont Institute, joins the show to discuss his new book, The Soul of Politics: Harry V. Jaffa and the Fight for America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What did Aristotle and Shakespeare mean to Harry Jaffa, and what might they mean to America? Can extremism be prudent? What is the nature of the crisis facing the West today? Glenn Ellmers, senior fellow with the Claremont Institute, joins the show to discuss his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641772006">The Soul of Politics: Harry V. Jaffa and the Fight for America.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2887</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1843290479.mp3?updated=1679766903" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gregory Harms, "No Politics, No Religion?: How America's Code of Conduct Conceals Our Unity" (Political Animal Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Americans are told that they are divided and polarized, but is it true? No Politics, No Religion?: How America's Code of Conduct Conceals Our Unity (Political Animal Press, 2022) put this proposition to the test - with surprising results. 
"No Politics, No Religion" is a common saying that discussions of politics and religion should be avoided at the dinner table or social gatherings due to their tendency to divide people. In No Politics, No Religion? Gregory Harms argues that this is absolutely wrong. These are precisely the topics we should be discussing...and the topics which most clearly point to the deep level of agreement in American society that is often overlooked in favor of surface-level polarization. In clear and accessible terms, Harms lays out evidence from philosophy, science, history, and contemporary polling data that debate of politics and religion can lead to greater agreement and more civil discourse. From Enlightenment philosophy, to twentieth and twenty-first century primatology, evolutionary biology, neuroscience, and psychology, there is an agreement that the centuries-old "humans are prone to sin" thesis is wrong. Human nature is not a thin civilized veneer wrapped over a dark primal core. Sympathy, pity, cooperation, and desire to be loved (and to be lovely) are just as central to our being. Interestingly, this story can be connected to American politics. Americans are bombarded with the message that they are divided. But it turns out Americans are in far greater agreement than they are told. When we consult the public opinion record, we see overwhelming agreement. America is not divided. And talking about politics and religion can help bring that into focus.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gregory Harms</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans are told that they are divided and polarized, but is it true? No Politics, No Religion?: How America's Code of Conduct Conceals Our Unity (Political Animal Press, 2022) put this proposition to the test - with surprising results. 
"No Politics, No Religion" is a common saying that discussions of politics and religion should be avoided at the dinner table or social gatherings due to their tendency to divide people. In No Politics, No Religion? Gregory Harms argues that this is absolutely wrong. These are precisely the topics we should be discussing...and the topics which most clearly point to the deep level of agreement in American society that is often overlooked in favor of surface-level polarization. In clear and accessible terms, Harms lays out evidence from philosophy, science, history, and contemporary polling data that debate of politics and religion can lead to greater agreement and more civil discourse. From Enlightenment philosophy, to twentieth and twenty-first century primatology, evolutionary biology, neuroscience, and psychology, there is an agreement that the centuries-old "humans are prone to sin" thesis is wrong. Human nature is not a thin civilized veneer wrapped over a dark primal core. Sympathy, pity, cooperation, and desire to be loved (and to be lovely) are just as central to our being. Interestingly, this story can be connected to American politics. Americans are bombarded with the message that they are divided. But it turns out Americans are in far greater agreement than they are told. When we consult the public opinion record, we see overwhelming agreement. America is not divided. And talking about politics and religion can help bring that into focus.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans are told that they are divided and polarized, but is it true? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781895131635"><em>No Politics, No Religion?: How America's Code of Conduct Conceals Our Unity</em></a><em> </em>(Political Animal Press, 2022) put this proposition to the test - with surprising results. </p><p>"No Politics, No Religion" is a common saying that discussions of politics and religion should be avoided at the dinner table or social gatherings due to their tendency to divide people. In <em>No Politics, No Religion?</em> Gregory Harms argues that this is absolutely wrong. These are precisely the topics we should be discussing...and the topics which most clearly point to the deep level of agreement in American society that is often overlooked in favor of surface-level polarization. In clear and accessible terms, Harms lays out evidence from philosophy, science, history, and contemporary polling data that debate of politics and religion can lead to greater agreement and more civil discourse. From Enlightenment philosophy, to twentieth and twenty-first century primatology, evolutionary biology, neuroscience, and psychology, there is an agreement that the centuries-old "humans are prone to sin" thesis is wrong. Human nature is not a thin civilized veneer wrapped over a dark primal core. Sympathy, pity, cooperation, and desire to be loved (and to be lovely) are just as central to our being. Interestingly, this story can be connected to American politics. Americans are bombarded with the message that they are divided. But it turns out Americans are in far greater agreement than they are told. When we consult the public opinion record, we see overwhelming agreement. America is not divided. And talking about politics and religion can help bring that into focus.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3628</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christianity and the American Founding with Mark David Hall</title>
      <description>Questions about the nature of the American founding undergird our fraught political discourse: was the American Revolution justified? How religious were the Founding Fathers? How should we deal with the fact that they owned slaves? What is Christian Nationalism? Mark David Hall, current Garwood Visiting Fellow with us at the James Madison Program and Herbert Hoover Distinguished Professor of Politics at George Fox University, addresses these questions and more in his latest book, Proclaim Liberty Throughout All the Land: How Christianity Has Advanced Freedom and Equality for All Americans (Fidelis Books, 2023). In this conversation, Mark and Annika have a lively back and forth about the debates surrounding the American founding and its repercussions today.
In addition to his book, you can find more on Mark's views on Christian Nationalism in this essay for Providence Magazine.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>75</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Questions about the nature of the American founding undergird our fraught political discourse: was the American Revolution justified? How religious were the Founding Fathers? How should we deal with the fact that they owned slaves? What is Christian Nationalism? Mark David Hall, current Garwood Visiting Fellow with us at the James Madison Program and Herbert Hoover Distinguished Professor of Politics at George Fox University, addresses these questions and more in his latest book, Proclaim Liberty Throughout All the Land: How Christianity Has Advanced Freedom and Equality for All Americans (Fidelis Books, 2023). In this conversation, Mark and Annika have a lively back and forth about the debates surrounding the American founding and its repercussions today.
In addition to his book, you can find more on Mark's views on Christian Nationalism in this essay for Providence Magazine.
﻿Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Questions about the nature of the American founding undergird our fraught political discourse: was the American Revolution justified? How religious were the Founding Fathers? How should we deal with the fact that they owned slaves? What is Christian Nationalism? <a href="https://www.markdavidhall.org/">Mark David Hall</a>, current Garwood Visiting Fellow with us at the James Madison Program and Herbert Hoover Distinguished Professor of Politics at George Fox University, addresses these questions and more in his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781637587232"><em>Proclaim Liberty Throughout All the Land: How Christianity Has Advanced Freedom and Equality for All Americans</em></a><em> </em>(Fidelis Books, 2023). In this conversation, Mark and Annika have a lively back and forth about the debates surrounding the American founding and its repercussions today.</p><p>In addition to his <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/proclaim-liberty-throughout-all-the-land-how-christianity-has-advanced-freedom-and-equality-for-all-americans/18949228?ean=9781637587232">book</a>, you can find more on Mark's views on Christian Nationalism in <a href="https://providencemag.com/2022/11/the-500-year-old-case-for-christian-nationalism/">this essay</a> for Providence Magazine.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/people/annika-nordquist"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3414</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kyla Sommers, "When the Smoke Cleared: The 1968 Rebellion and the Unfinished Battle for Civil Rights in the Nation's Capital" (New Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>In April 1968, following the murder of Martin Luther King Jr., a wave of uprisings swept across America. None was more visible—or resulted in more property damage, arrests, or federal troop involvement—than in Washington, DC, where thousands took to the streets in protest against racial inequality, looting and burning businesses in the process. The nation’s capital was shaken to its foundations.
When the Smoke Cleared: The 1968 Rebellion and the Unfinished Battle for Civil Rights in the Nation's Capital (The New Press, 2023) tells the story of the Washingtonians who seized the moment to rebuild a more just society, one that would protect and foster Black political and economic power. A riveting account of activism, urban reimagination, and political transformation, Kyla Sommers’s revealing and deeply researched narrative is ultimately a tale of blowback, as the Nixon administration and its allies in Congress thwarted the ambitions of DC’s reformers, opposing civil rights reforms and self-governance. And nationwide, conservative politicians used the specter of crime in the capital to roll back the civil rights movement and create the modern carceral state.
A vital chapter in the struggle for racial equality, When the Smoke Cleared is an account of open wounds, paths not taken, and their unforeseen consequences—revealed here in all of their contemporary significance.
Dr Kyla Sommers earned her PhD in history at George Washington University. Her writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Washington History journal, and Demand the Impossible: Essays in History as Activism (Westphalia Books, 2018). She is former editor-in-chief of the History News Network, and works as Digital Engagement Editor at American Oversight.
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London. She is currently researching the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel, and broadly interested in questions of security, surveillance and mobility. She can be reached by email, Mastodon or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1318</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kyla Sommers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In April 1968, following the murder of Martin Luther King Jr., a wave of uprisings swept across America. None was more visible—or resulted in more property damage, arrests, or federal troop involvement—than in Washington, DC, where thousands took to the streets in protest against racial inequality, looting and burning businesses in the process. The nation’s capital was shaken to its foundations.
When the Smoke Cleared: The 1968 Rebellion and the Unfinished Battle for Civil Rights in the Nation's Capital (The New Press, 2023) tells the story of the Washingtonians who seized the moment to rebuild a more just society, one that would protect and foster Black political and economic power. A riveting account of activism, urban reimagination, and political transformation, Kyla Sommers’s revealing and deeply researched narrative is ultimately a tale of blowback, as the Nixon administration and its allies in Congress thwarted the ambitions of DC’s reformers, opposing civil rights reforms and self-governance. And nationwide, conservative politicians used the specter of crime in the capital to roll back the civil rights movement and create the modern carceral state.
A vital chapter in the struggle for racial equality, When the Smoke Cleared is an account of open wounds, paths not taken, and their unforeseen consequences—revealed here in all of their contemporary significance.
Dr Kyla Sommers earned her PhD in history at George Washington University. Her writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Washington History journal, and Demand the Impossible: Essays in History as Activism (Westphalia Books, 2018). She is former editor-in-chief of the History News Network, and works as Digital Engagement Editor at American Oversight.
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London. She is currently researching the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel, and broadly interested in questions of security, surveillance and mobility. She can be reached by email, Mastodon or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In April 1968, following the murder of Martin Luther King Jr., a wave of uprisings swept across America. None was more visible—or resulted in more property damage, arrests, or federal troop involvement—than in Washington, DC, where thousands took to the streets in protest against racial inequality, looting and burning businesses in the process. The nation’s capital was shaken to its foundations.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620977477"><em>When the Smoke Cleared: The 1968 Rebellion and the Unfinished Battle for Civil Rights in the Nation's Capital</em> </a>(The New Press, 2023) tells the story of the Washingtonians who seized the moment to rebuild a more just society, one that would protect and foster Black political and economic power. A riveting account of activism, urban reimagination, and political transformation, Kyla Sommers’s revealing and deeply researched narrative is ultimately a tale of blowback, as the Nixon administration and its allies in Congress thwarted the ambitions of DC’s reformers, opposing civil rights reforms and self-governance. And nationwide, conservative politicians used the specter of crime in the capital to roll back the civil rights movement and create the modern carceral state.</p><p>A vital chapter in the struggle for racial equality, <em>When the Smoke Cleared</em> is an account of open wounds, paths not taken, and their unforeseen consequences—revealed here in all of their contemporary significance.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/Kyla_in_DC">Dr Kyla Sommers</a> earned her PhD in history at George Washington University. Her writing has appeared in the <em>Washington Post</em>, the <em>Washington History</em> journal, and <em>Demand the Impossible: Essays in History as Activism </em>(Westphalia Books, 2018). She is former editor-in-chief of the History News Network, and works as Digital Engagement Editor at American Oversight.</p><p><a href="https://www.geog.ucl.ac.uk/people/research-students/catriona-gold/"><em>Catriona Gold</em></a><em> is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London. She is currently researching the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel, and broadly interested in questions of security, surveillance and mobility. She can be reached by </em><a href="mailto:cgold@ucl.ac.uk"><em>email</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://mastodon.social/@catrionagold"><em>Mastodon</em></a> <em>or </em><a href="https://twitter.com/cat__gold"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2208</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[55f2d518-eab3-11ed-adf8-d7879f9ca494]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4006002570.mp3?updated=1683229694" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matt Zwolinski and John Tomasi, "The Individualists: Radicals, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Is libertarianism a progressive doctrine, or a reactionary one? Does libertarianism promise to liberate the poor and the marginalized from the yoke of state oppression, or does talk of "equal liberty" obscure the ways in which libertarian doctrines serve the interests of the rich and powerful? 
Through an examination of the history of libertarianism, The Individualists: Radicals, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the answer is (and always has been): both. In this book, the authors explore the neglected 19th century roots of libertarianism to show that it emerged first as a radical and progressive doctrine. Libertarianism took a conservative turn in the 20th century primarily as a reaction against the rise of state socialism. Now, with international communism no longer a threat, libertarianism is in the midst of an identity crisis, with progressive and reactionary elements struggling to claim the doctrine as their own, most notably on issues of race. This book tells the history of libertarianism through an examination of six defining themes: private property, skepticism of authority, free markets, individualism, spontaneous order, and individual liberty. 
Matt Zwolinski is professor of philosophy at the University of San Diego, where he is director of the Center for Ethics, Economics, and Public Policy. 
John Tomasi is president of Heterodox Academy in New York City.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 07 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>182</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matt Zwolinski and John Tomasi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is libertarianism a progressive doctrine, or a reactionary one? Does libertarianism promise to liberate the poor and the marginalized from the yoke of state oppression, or does talk of "equal liberty" obscure the ways in which libertarian doctrines serve the interests of the rich and powerful? 
Through an examination of the history of libertarianism, The Individualists: Radicals, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the answer is (and always has been): both. In this book, the authors explore the neglected 19th century roots of libertarianism to show that it emerged first as a radical and progressive doctrine. Libertarianism took a conservative turn in the 20th century primarily as a reaction against the rise of state socialism. Now, with international communism no longer a threat, libertarianism is in the midst of an identity crisis, with progressive and reactionary elements struggling to claim the doctrine as their own, most notably on issues of race. This book tells the history of libertarianism through an examination of six defining themes: private property, skepticism of authority, free markets, individualism, spontaneous order, and individual liberty. 
Matt Zwolinski is professor of philosophy at the University of San Diego, where he is director of the Center for Ethics, Economics, and Public Policy. 
John Tomasi is president of Heterodox Academy in New York City.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is libertarianism a progressive doctrine, or a reactionary one? Does libertarianism promise to liberate the poor and the marginalized from the yoke of state oppression, or does talk of "equal liberty" obscure the ways in which libertarian doctrines serve the interests of the rich and powerful? </p><p>Through an examination of the history of libertarianism, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691155548"><em>The Individualists: Radicals, Reactionaries, and the Struggle for the Soul of Libertarianism</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the answer is (and always has been): both. In this book, the authors explore the neglected 19th century roots of libertarianism to show that it emerged first as a radical and progressive doctrine. Libertarianism took a conservative turn in the 20th century primarily as a reaction against the rise of state socialism. Now, with international communism no longer a threat, libertarianism is in the midst of an identity crisis, with progressive and reactionary elements struggling to claim the doctrine as their own, most notably on issues of race. This book tells the history of libertarianism through an examination of six defining themes: private property, skepticism of authority, free markets, individualism, spontaneous order, and individual liberty. </p><p>Matt Zwolinski is professor of philosophy at the University of San Diego, where he is director of the Center for Ethics, Economics, and Public Policy. </p><p>John Tomasi is president of Heterodox Academy in New York City.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4765</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1052226419.mp3?updated=1683035309" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Eig, "King: A Life" (FSG, 2023)</title>
      <description>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's King: A Life (FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. King reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.
In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.
Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.
 Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 07 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>238</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Eig</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's King: A Life (FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. King reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.
In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.
Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.
 Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Vividly written and exhaustively researched, Jonathan Eig's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374279295"><em>King: A Life</em></a><em> </em>(FSG, 2023) is the first major biography in decades of the civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr.--and the first to include recently declassified FBI files. In this revelatory new portrait of the preacher and activist who shook the world, the bestselling biographer gives us an intimate view of the courageous and often emotionally troubled human being who demanded peaceful protest for his movement but was rarely at peace with himself. He casts fresh light on the King family's origins as well as MLK's complex relationships with his wife, father, and fellow activists. <em>King </em>reveals a minister wrestling with his own human frailties and dark moods, a citizen hunted by his own government, and a man determined to fight for justice even if it proved to be a fight to the death. As he follows MLK from the classroom to the pulpit to the streets of Birmingham, Selma, and Memphis, Eig dramatically re-creates the journey of a man who recast American race relations and became our only modern-day founding father--as well as the nation's most mourned martyr.</p><p>In this landmark biography, Eig gives us an MLK for our times: a deep thinker, a brilliant strategist, and a committed radical who led one of history's greatest movements, and whose demands for racial and economic justice remain as urgent today as they were in his lifetime.</p><p>Jonathan Eig is a former senior special writer for The Wall Street Journal. He is the author of several books, including two highly acclaimed bestsellers, Luckiest Man: The Life and Death of Lou Gehrig and Opening Day: The Story of Jackie Robinson’s First Season. Visit him at JonathanEig.com.</p><p><em> Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2197</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[da0540cc-ea89-11ed-aa71-d30851e8a099]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6765329089.mp3?updated=1683211818" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carceral Capitalism</title>
      <description>Conor Rose reads from Jackie Wang's Carceral Capitalism. This extract, taken from the opening of the book, offers insight into the Black Lives Matter movement as well as new forms of predatory policing, informed by the 2008 financial crash.
In this collection of essays in Semiotext(e)'s Intervention series, Jackie Wang examines the contemporary incarceration techniques that have emerged since the 1990s. The essays illustrate various aspects of the carceral continuum, including the biopolitics of juvenile delinquency, predatory policing, the political economy of fees and fines, cybernetic governance, and algorithmic policing. Included in this volume is Wang's influential critique of liberal anti-racist politics, "Against Innocence," as well as essays on RoboCop, techno-policing, and the aesthetic problem of making invisible forms of power legible.
Wang shows that the new racial capitalism begins with parasitic governance and predatory lending that extends credit only to dispossess later. Predatory lending has a decidedly spatial character and exists in many forms, including subprime mortgage loans, student loans for sham for-profit colleges, car loans, rent-to-own scams, payday loans, and bail bond loans. Parasitic governance, Wang argues, operates through five primary techniques: financial states of exception, automation, extraction and looting, confinement, and gratuitous violence. While these techniques of governance often involve physical confinement and the state-sanctioned execution of black Americans, new carceral modes have blurred the distinction between the inside and outside of prison. As technologies of control are perfected, carcerality tends to bleed into society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 May 2023 14:09:05 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/66c0ff78-eb4e-11ed-8caf-db57fc1cd335/image/_collid_books_covers_0_isbn_9781635900026_type__bee3l.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A reading by Conor Rose</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Conor Rose reads from Jackie Wang's Carceral Capitalism. This extract, taken from the opening of the book, offers insight into the Black Lives Matter movement as well as new forms of predatory policing, informed by the 2008 financial crash.
In this collection of essays in Semiotext(e)'s Intervention series, Jackie Wang examines the contemporary incarceration techniques that have emerged since the 1990s. The essays illustrate various aspects of the carceral continuum, including the biopolitics of juvenile delinquency, predatory policing, the political economy of fees and fines, cybernetic governance, and algorithmic policing. Included in this volume is Wang's influential critique of liberal anti-racist politics, "Against Innocence," as well as essays on RoboCop, techno-policing, and the aesthetic problem of making invisible forms of power legible.
Wang shows that the new racial capitalism begins with parasitic governance and predatory lending that extends credit only to dispossess later. Predatory lending has a decidedly spatial character and exists in many forms, including subprime mortgage loans, student loans for sham for-profit colleges, car loans, rent-to-own scams, payday loans, and bail bond loans. Parasitic governance, Wang argues, operates through five primary techniques: financial states of exception, automation, extraction and looting, confinement, and gratuitous violence. While these techniques of governance often involve physical confinement and the state-sanctioned execution of black Americans, new carceral modes have blurred the distinction between the inside and outside of prison. As technologies of control are perfected, carcerality tends to bleed into society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Conor Rose reads from Jackie Wang's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781635900026"><em>Carceral Capitalism</em></a><em>.</em> This extract, taken from the opening of the book, offers insight into the Black Lives Matter movement as well as new forms of predatory policing, informed by the 2008 financial crash.</p><p>In this collection of essays in Semiotext(e)'s Intervention series, Jackie Wang examines the contemporary incarceration techniques that have emerged since the 1990s. The essays illustrate various aspects of the carceral continuum, including the biopolitics of juvenile delinquency, predatory policing, the political economy of fees and fines, cybernetic governance, and algorithmic policing. Included in this volume is Wang's influential critique of liberal anti-racist politics, "Against Innocence," as well as essays on <em>RoboCop</em>, techno-policing, and the aesthetic problem of making invisible forms of power legible.</p><p>Wang shows that the new racial capitalism begins with parasitic governance and predatory lending that extends credit only to dispossess later. Predatory lending has a decidedly spatial character and exists in many forms, including subprime mortgage loans, student loans for sham for-profit colleges, car loans, rent-to-own scams, payday loans, and bail bond loans. Parasitic governance, Wang argues, operates through five primary techniques: financial states of exception, automation, extraction and looting, confinement, and gratuitous violence. While these techniques of governance often involve physical confinement and the state-sanctioned execution of black Americans, new carceral modes have blurred the distinction between the inside and outside of prison. As technologies of control are perfected, carcerality tends to bleed into society.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1449</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[mitpress.podbean.com/0546a12d-001b-588f-83f4-5d62104826b9]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8325226236.mp3?updated=1677005962" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Journalistic Collaboration (JP)</title>
      <description>Steve Fainaru and his brother Mark Fainaru-Wada wrote a bestselling and award-winning book (and accompanying PBS documentary series) about the NFL coverup of concussion trauma, League of Denial. This conversation inaugurates an occasional Recall this Book series on collaborative work: who does it well, what makes it succeed, why can't grumpy isolatos like English professors get with the program?
The brothers generously praise the colleagues and mentors who helped them on their way. They also dig into questions of trust between collaborators and constant choices reporting and writing entails. Some stories are dogs, some are "unmakeable" and some you can't see; how do you recognize the situation and cope?
Almost as afterthought, they lay bare the amount of persistent, patient long-term conversation and relationship-building that goes into finding out the truth behind events that powerful organizations. Steve explains the reporting behind his 2008 Pulitzer-winning stories about American private contractors during the invasion of Iraq. Basically, "institutions react institutionally." Then the tricky question of how to be a football fan in the concussion era arises.
Mentioned in the episode: 


Phil Bennett a mentor for Steve.


Lance Williams journalist, partner, source-maintainer: inspiration for Mark.

The memorable newspaper advisors who shaped Mark and Steve in their high-school gig at the Redwood Bark: Sylvia Jones and Donal Brown.

Plus: Stand by for more of their work on the NBA in China....


Read and listen to the episode here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>104</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Steve Fainaru and Mark Fainaru-Wada</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steve Fainaru and his brother Mark Fainaru-Wada wrote a bestselling and award-winning book (and accompanying PBS documentary series) about the NFL coverup of concussion trauma, League of Denial. This conversation inaugurates an occasional Recall this Book series on collaborative work: who does it well, what makes it succeed, why can't grumpy isolatos like English professors get with the program?
The brothers generously praise the colleagues and mentors who helped them on their way. They also dig into questions of trust between collaborators and constant choices reporting and writing entails. Some stories are dogs, some are "unmakeable" and some you can't see; how do you recognize the situation and cope?
Almost as afterthought, they lay bare the amount of persistent, patient long-term conversation and relationship-building that goes into finding out the truth behind events that powerful organizations. Steve explains the reporting behind his 2008 Pulitzer-winning stories about American private contractors during the invasion of Iraq. Basically, "institutions react institutionally." Then the tricky question of how to be a football fan in the concussion era arises.
Mentioned in the episode: 


Phil Bennett a mentor for Steve.


Lance Williams journalist, partner, source-maintainer: inspiration for Mark.

The memorable newspaper advisors who shaped Mark and Steve in their high-school gig at the Redwood Bark: Sylvia Jones and Donal Brown.

Plus: Stand by for more of their work on the NBA in China....


Read and listen to the episode here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steve_Fainaru">Steve Fainaru</a> and his brother <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mark_Fainaru-Wada">Mark Fainaru-Wada</a> wrote a bestselling and award-winning book (<a href="https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/league-of-denial/">and accompanying PBS documentary series</a>) about the NFL coverup of concussion trauma, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/League_of_Denial"><em>League of Denial</em></a>. This conversation inaugurates an occasional <a href="http://recallthisbook.org/">Recall this Book</a> series on collaborative work: who does it well, what makes it succeed, why can't grumpy isolatos like English professors get with the program?</p><p>The brothers generously praise the colleagues and mentors who helped them on their way. They also dig into questions of trust between collaborators and constant choices reporting and writing entails. Some stories are dogs, some are "unmakeable" and some you can't <em>see</em>; how do you recognize the situation and cope?</p><p>Almost as afterthought, they lay bare the amount of persistent, patient long-term conversation and relationship-building that goes into finding out the truth behind events that powerful organizations. Steve explains the reporting behind his <a href="https://www.pulitzer.org/winners/steve-fainaru">2008 Pulitzer-winning stories</a> about American private contractors during the invasion of Iraq. Basically, "institutions react institutionally." Then the tricky question of how to be a football fan in the concussion era arises.</p><p>Mentioned in the episode: </p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Bennett_(Washington_Post)">Phil Bennett</a> a mentor for Steve.</li>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lance_Williams">Lance Williams</a> journalist, partner, source-maintainer: inspiration for Mark.</li>
<li>The memorable newspaper advisors who shaped Mark and Steve in their high-school gig at the <a href="https://redwoodbark.org/">Redwood Bark</a>: <a href="https://www.redwoodalumni.org/class_teachers.cfm">Sylvia Jones and Donal Brown</a>.</li>
<li>Plus: Stand by for more of their work on the <a href="https://www.espn.co.uk/nba/story/_/id/29553829/espn-investigation-finds-coaches-nba-china-academies-complained-player-abuse-lack-schooling">NBA in China</a>....</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><a href="https://recallthisbookorg.files.wordpress.com/2023/05/rtb-104-fainaru-1-1.pdf">Read</a> and listen to the episode here.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3172</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e53bca6e-e9bd-11ed-90a2-03687af0c5cb]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7224504878.mp3?updated=1683123876" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reece Jones, "White Borders: The History of Race and Immigration in the United States from Chinese Exclusion to the Border Wall" (Beacon Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Recent racist anti-immigration policies, from the border wall to the Muslim ban, have left many Americans wondering: How did we get here? In White Borders: The History of Race and Immigration in the United States from Chinese Exclusion to the Border Wall (Beacon Press, 2021), Dr. Reece Jones reveals the painful answer: although the US is often mythologized as a nation of immigrants, it has a long history of immigration restrictions that are rooted in the racist fear of the “great replacement” of whites with non-white newcomers. After the arrival of the first slave ship in 1619, the colonies that became the United States were based on the dual foundation of open immigration for whites from Northern Europe and the racial exclusion of slaves from Africa, Native Americans, and, eventually, immigrants from other parts of the world.
Jones' scholarship shines through his extensive research of the United States’ racist and xenophobic underbelly. He connects past and present to uncover the link between the Chinese Exclusion laws of the 1880s, the “Keep America American” nativism of the 1920s, and the “Build the Wall” chants initiated by former president Donald Trump in 2016. Along the way, we meet a bizarre cast of anti-immigration characters, such as John Tanton, Cordelia Scaife May, and Stephen Miller, who pushed fringe ideas about “white genocide” and “race suicide” into mainstream political discourse. Through gripping stories and in-depth analysis of major immigration cases, Jones explores the connections between anti-immigration hate groups and the Republican Party. What is laid bare after his examination is not just the intersection between white supremacy and anti-immigration bias but also the lasting impacts this perfect storm of hatred has had on United States law.
Nicole Trujillo-Pagán is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>221</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Reece Jones</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Recent racist anti-immigration policies, from the border wall to the Muslim ban, have left many Americans wondering: How did we get here? In White Borders: The History of Race and Immigration in the United States from Chinese Exclusion to the Border Wall (Beacon Press, 2021), Dr. Reece Jones reveals the painful answer: although the US is often mythologized as a nation of immigrants, it has a long history of immigration restrictions that are rooted in the racist fear of the “great replacement” of whites with non-white newcomers. After the arrival of the first slave ship in 1619, the colonies that became the United States were based on the dual foundation of open immigration for whites from Northern Europe and the racial exclusion of slaves from Africa, Native Americans, and, eventually, immigrants from other parts of the world.
Jones' scholarship shines through his extensive research of the United States’ racist and xenophobic underbelly. He connects past and present to uncover the link between the Chinese Exclusion laws of the 1880s, the “Keep America American” nativism of the 1920s, and the “Build the Wall” chants initiated by former president Donald Trump in 2016. Along the way, we meet a bizarre cast of anti-immigration characters, such as John Tanton, Cordelia Scaife May, and Stephen Miller, who pushed fringe ideas about “white genocide” and “race suicide” into mainstream political discourse. Through gripping stories and in-depth analysis of major immigration cases, Jones explores the connections between anti-immigration hate groups and the Republican Party. What is laid bare after his examination is not just the intersection between white supremacy and anti-immigration bias but also the lasting impacts this perfect storm of hatred has had on United States law.
Nicole Trujillo-Pagán is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Recent racist anti-immigration policies, from the border wall to the Muslim ban, have left many Americans wondering: How did we get here? In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807054062"><em>White Borders: The History of Race and Immigration in the United States from Chinese Exclusion to the Border Wall</em></a> (Beacon Press, 2021), <a href="http://www2.hawaii.edu/~reecej/">Dr. Reece Jones</a> reveals the painful answer: although the US is often mythologized as a nation of immigrants, it has a long history of immigration restrictions that are rooted in the racist fear of the “great replacement” of whites with non-white newcomers. After the arrival of the first slave ship in 1619, the colonies that became the United States were based on the dual foundation of open immigration for whites from Northern Europe and the racial exclusion of slaves from Africa, Native Americans, and, eventually, immigrants from other parts of the world.</p><p>Jones' scholarship shines through his extensive research of the United States’ racist and xenophobic underbelly. He connects past and present to uncover the link between the Chinese Exclusion laws of the 1880s, the “Keep America American” nativism of the 1920s, and the “Build the Wall” chants initiated by former president Donald Trump in 2016. Along the way, we meet a bizarre cast of anti-immigration characters, such as John Tanton, Cordelia Scaife May, and Stephen Miller, who pushed fringe ideas about “white genocide” and “race suicide” into mainstream political discourse. Through gripping stories and in-depth analysis of major immigration cases, Jones explores the connections between anti-immigration hate groups and the Republican Party. What is laid bare after his examination is not just the intersection between white supremacy and anti-immigration bias but also the lasting impacts this perfect storm of hatred has had on United States law.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/nicole-trujillo-pagan/"><em>Nicole Trujillo-Pagán</em></a><em> is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3538</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[21e3274e-e6aa-11ed-aa8e-0b72dd97629b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7421774110.mp3?updated=1682785909" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Co-Illusion: Dispatches from the End of Communication</title>
      <description>In Co-Illusion, writer and critic David Levi Strauss, tracks the rise of Donald Trump and the media landscape that warped around him. In this interview he discusses the language of Trump, the forthcoming election, and the changing relationship between image and truth.
The political crisis that sneaked up on America--the rise of Trump and Trumpism--has revealed the rot at the core of American exceptionalism. Recent changes in the way words and images are produced and received have made the current surreality possible; communication through social media, by design, maximizes attention and minimizes scrutiny. In Co-Illusion, the noted writer on art, photography, and politics David Levi Strauss bears witness to the new "iconopolitics" in which words and images lose their connection to reality. The collusion that fueled Trump's rise was the secret agreement of voters and media consumers--their "co-illusion"--to set aside the social contract.
Strauss offers dispatches from the epicenter of our constitutional earthquake, writing first from the 2016 Democratic and Republican conventions and then from the campaign. After the election, he switches gears, writing in the voices of the regime and of those complicit in its actions--from the thoughts of the President himself ("I am not a mistake. I am not a fluke, or a bug in the system. I am the System") to the reflections of a nameless billionaire tech CEO whose initials may or may not be M. Z. Finally, Strauss shows us how we might repair the damage to the public imaginary after Trump exits the scene. Photographs by celebrated documentary photographers Susan Meiselas and Peter van Agtmael accompany the texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>64</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/78f96076-e83e-11ed-9ab0-a3ff302f7c64/image/_collid_books_covers_0_isbn_9780262043540_type_.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Levi Strauss</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Co-Illusion, writer and critic David Levi Strauss, tracks the rise of Donald Trump and the media landscape that warped around him. In this interview he discusses the language of Trump, the forthcoming election, and the changing relationship between image and truth.
The political crisis that sneaked up on America--the rise of Trump and Trumpism--has revealed the rot at the core of American exceptionalism. Recent changes in the way words and images are produced and received have made the current surreality possible; communication through social media, by design, maximizes attention and minimizes scrutiny. In Co-Illusion, the noted writer on art, photography, and politics David Levi Strauss bears witness to the new "iconopolitics" in which words and images lose their connection to reality. The collusion that fueled Trump's rise was the secret agreement of voters and media consumers--their "co-illusion"--to set aside the social contract.
Strauss offers dispatches from the epicenter of our constitutional earthquake, writing first from the 2016 Democratic and Republican conventions and then from the campaign. After the election, he switches gears, writing in the voices of the regime and of those complicit in its actions--from the thoughts of the President himself ("I am not a mistake. I am not a fluke, or a bug in the system. I am the System") to the reflections of a nameless billionaire tech CEO whose initials may or may not be M. Z. Finally, Strauss shows us how we might repair the damage to the public imaginary after Trump exits the scene. Photographs by celebrated documentary photographers Susan Meiselas and Peter van Agtmael accompany the texts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262043540"><em>Co-Illusion</em></a>, writer and critic David Levi Strauss, tracks the rise of Donald Trump and the media landscape that warped around him. In this interview he discusses the language of Trump, the forthcoming election, and the changing relationship between image and truth.</p><p>The political crisis that sneaked up on America--the rise of Trump and Trumpism--has revealed the rot at the core of American exceptionalism. Recent changes in the way words and images are produced and received have made the current surreality possible; communication through social media, by design, maximizes attention and minimizes scrutiny. In <em>Co-Illusion</em>, the noted writer on art, photography, and politics David Levi Strauss bears witness to the new "iconopolitics" in which words and images lose their connection to reality. The collusion that fueled Trump's rise was the secret agreement of voters and media consumers--their "co-illusion"--to set aside the social contract.</p><p>Strauss offers dispatches from the epicenter of our constitutional earthquake, writing first from the 2016 Democratic and Republican conventions and then from the campaign. After the election, he switches gears, writing in the voices of the regime and of those complicit in its actions--from the thoughts of the President himself ("I am not a mistake. I am not a fluke, or a bug in the system. I <em>am</em> the System") to the reflections of a nameless billionaire tech CEO whose initials may or may not be M. Z. Finally, Strauss shows us how we might repair the damage to the public imaginary after Trump exits the scene. Photographs by celebrated documentary photographers Susan Meiselas and Peter van Agtmael accompany the texts.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1282</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[mitpress.podbean.com/e23e4500-27da-5ccc-b6c8-b02878e885ac]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8496605975.mp3?updated=1677004505" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Defending Academic Freedom: A Conversation with Keith Whittington</title>
      <description>What is academic freedom for? What are the greatest threats to academic freedom today? Should Critical Race Theory be taught on college campuses? What about in K-12 classrooms? Keith Whittington, Chairman of the Academic Freedom Alliance's Academic Committee and the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics at Princeton University, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss the work of the Academic Freedom Alliance.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>34</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/58372f88-e827-11ed-88b9-43682fa96b11/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is academic freedom for? What are the greatest threats to academic freedom today? Should Critical Race Theory be taught on college campuses? What about in K-12 classrooms? Keith Whittington, Chairman of the Academic Freedom Alliance's Academic Committee and the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics at Princeton University, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss the work of the Academic Freedom Alliance.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is academic freedom for? What are the greatest threats to academic freedom today? Should Critical Race Theory be taught on college campuses? What about in K-12 classrooms? <a href="https://scholar.princeton.edu/kewhitt/home%20">Keith Whittington</a>, Chairman of the <a href="https://academicfreedom.org/%20">Academic Freedom Alliance'</a>s Academic Committee and the William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics at Princeton University, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss the work of the Academic Freedom Alliance.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3261</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/073a309b-10b3-385f-b7ee-040172c8677a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4339937104.mp3?updated=1679767729" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brian Domitrovic, "The Emergence of Arthur Laffer: The Foundations of Supply-Side Economics in Chicago and Washington, 1966–1976" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021)</title>
      <description>The Emergence of Arthur Laffer: The Foundations of Supply-Side Economics in Chicago and Washington, 1966–1976 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021) explores the origins of Arthur Laffer’s economic theories and how they became a part of mainstream economic policy. Utilizing interviews and archival material, Laffer’s life is traced from his early education through to his time working for the Nixon and Reagan administrations. Laffer’s influence on Reaganomics is discussed alongside the development of supply-side economics, the shift towards neoliberal policies, and the Laffer curve. This book aims to contextualize the work of Laffer within archival research and wider economic trends. It will be relevant researchers and policy makers interested in the history of economic thought and the political economy.
Brian Domitrovic is the Richard S. Strong Scholar at the Laffer Center.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 May 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>237</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brian Domitrovic</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Emergence of Arthur Laffer: The Foundations of Supply-Side Economics in Chicago and Washington, 1966–1976 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021) explores the origins of Arthur Laffer’s economic theories and how they became a part of mainstream economic policy. Utilizing interviews and archival material, Laffer’s life is traced from his early education through to his time working for the Nixon and Reagan administrations. Laffer’s influence on Reaganomics is discussed alongside the development of supply-side economics, the shift towards neoliberal policies, and the Laffer curve. This book aims to contextualize the work of Laffer within archival research and wider economic trends. It will be relevant researchers and policy makers interested in the history of economic thought and the political economy.
Brian Domitrovic is the Richard S. Strong Scholar at the Laffer Center.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783030655532"><em>The Emergence of Arthur Laffer: The Foundations of Supply-Side Economics in Chicago and Washington, 1966–1976</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021) explores the origins of Arthur Laffer’s economic theories and how they became a part of mainstream economic policy. Utilizing interviews and archival material, Laffer’s life is traced from his early education through to his time working for the Nixon and Reagan administrations. Laffer’s influence on Reaganomics is discussed alongside the development of supply-side economics, the shift towards neoliberal policies, and the Laffer curve. This book aims to contextualize the work of Laffer within archival research and wider economic trends. It will be relevant researchers and policy makers interested in the history of economic thought and the political economy.</p><p>Brian Domitrovic is the Richard S. Strong Scholar at the Laffer Center.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1463aeca-e751-11ed-a522-079369ce2899]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3543855738.mp3?updated=1682857544" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew Walker, "Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement with Robert P. George" (Crossway, 2023)</title>
      <description>Robert P. George is the indispensable man of American social conservatism. The Princeton professor is a scholar of such intellectual power that he almost single-handedly rescued the anti-abortion movement from the fringes of the American sociopolitical and legal landscape in the 1990s when the secular left assumed that the reign of abortion on demand for any reason was a done deal. George (born 1955) reset the debate and provided the intellectual framework that enabled a generation of pro-life advocates to craft tactics and policies that led ultimately to the Dobbs decision of 2022 that overturned Roe v. Wade. Conservatives are not often regarded as innovators. But George changed the paradigm. The book we will discuss today shows how he has done that.
And that momentous accomplishment is only one milestone in the career of this multi-faceted scholar. George is one of the few scholars to wield influence in multiple fields of study. A lover of the humanities and liberal learning, he has made major contributions in his primary fields of analytic philosophy and its subbranch, the philosophy of law. He has also done important work both in academic writing and through public service in the form of membership and chairmanship of federal government bodies in such fields as bioethics, religious freedom and civil rights.
All of these accomplishments and more are discussed by leading Protestant scholars and thinkers in Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement With Robert P. George (Crossway, 2023), edited by the evangelical scholar, Andrew Walker. Walker contributes an introduction and an interview with George himself, both of which make clear why the latter is so admired in evangelical circles and what qualms some of them have about some aspects of his activism. Carl Trueman, for example, suggests that as wokeness has corroded and coarsened public discourse, George’s gentlemanly approach is no longer effective.
Let’s hear from the editor of this study, Andrew Walker.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>168</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Walker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robert P. George is the indispensable man of American social conservatism. The Princeton professor is a scholar of such intellectual power that he almost single-handedly rescued the anti-abortion movement from the fringes of the American sociopolitical and legal landscape in the 1990s when the secular left assumed that the reign of abortion on demand for any reason was a done deal. George (born 1955) reset the debate and provided the intellectual framework that enabled a generation of pro-life advocates to craft tactics and policies that led ultimately to the Dobbs decision of 2022 that overturned Roe v. Wade. Conservatives are not often regarded as innovators. But George changed the paradigm. The book we will discuss today shows how he has done that.
And that momentous accomplishment is only one milestone in the career of this multi-faceted scholar. George is one of the few scholars to wield influence in multiple fields of study. A lover of the humanities and liberal learning, he has made major contributions in his primary fields of analytic philosophy and its subbranch, the philosophy of law. He has also done important work both in academic writing and through public service in the form of membership and chairmanship of federal government bodies in such fields as bioethics, religious freedom and civil rights.
All of these accomplishments and more are discussed by leading Protestant scholars and thinkers in Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement With Robert P. George (Crossway, 2023), edited by the evangelical scholar, Andrew Walker. Walker contributes an introduction and an interview with George himself, both of which make clear why the latter is so admired in evangelical circles and what qualms some of them have about some aspects of his activism. Carl Trueman, for example, suggests that as wokeness has corroded and coarsened public discourse, George’s gentlemanly approach is no longer effective.
Let’s hear from the editor of this study, Andrew Walker.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Robert P. George is the indispensable man of American social conservatism. The Princeton professor is a scholar of such intellectual power that he almost single-handedly rescued the anti-abortion movement from the fringes of the American sociopolitical and legal landscape in the 1990s when the secular left assumed that the reign of abortion on demand for any reason was a done deal. George (born 1955) reset the debate and provided the intellectual framework that enabled a generation of pro-life advocates to craft tactics and policies that led ultimately to the Dobbs decision of 2022 that overturned Roe v. Wade. Conservatives are not often regarded as innovators. But George changed the paradigm. The book we will discuss today shows how he has done that.</p><p>And that momentous accomplishment is only one milestone in the career of this multi-faceted scholar. George is one of the few scholars to wield influence in multiple fields of study. A lover of the humanities and liberal learning, he has made major contributions in his primary fields of analytic philosophy and its subbranch, the philosophy of law. He has also done important work both in academic writing and through public service in the form of membership and chairmanship of federal government bodies in such fields as bioethics, religious freedom and civil rights.</p><p>All of these accomplishments and more are discussed by leading Protestant scholars and thinkers in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781433580635"><em>Social Conservatism for the Common Good: A Protestant Engagement With Robert P. George</em></a> (Crossway, 2023), edited by the evangelical scholar, Andrew Walker. Walker contributes an introduction and an interview with George himself, both of which make clear why the latter is so admired in evangelical circles and what qualms some of them have about some aspects of his activism. Carl Trueman, for example, suggests that as wokeness has corroded and coarsened public discourse, George’s gentlemanly approach is no longer effective.</p><p>Let’s hear from the editor of this study, Andrew Walker.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2818</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3d6fb4fa-e146-11ed-9c0c-ff845b043d3d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6883632824.mp3?updated=1682193166" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>All Men Are Created Equal: A Conversation with Allen C. Guelzo</title>
      <description>Is the Declaration of Independence unique? Does the Declaration prescribe a form of government? What is the relationship between the Declaration and the Constitution? Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to answer these questions and more. 
Guelzo's essay "Harry and me" can be found here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Apr 2023 19:42:26 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>32</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a3f3e584-e533-11ed-85d5-6334230b6a31/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is the Declaration of Independence unique? Does the Declaration prescribe a form of government? What is the relationship between the Declaration and the Constitution? Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to answer these questions and more. 
Guelzo's essay "Harry and me" can be found here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is the Declaration of Independence unique? Does the Declaration prescribe a form of government? What is the relationship between the Declaration and the Constitution? Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to answer these questions and more. </p><p>Guelzo's essay "Harry and me" can be found <a href="https://claremontreviewofbooks.com/harry-and-me/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3922</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/ded92c6c-59a2-3910-b7f6-4227051fe63d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7532433271.mp3?updated=1679767854" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paul A. Lombardo, "Three Generations, No Imbeciles: Eugenics, the Supreme Court, and Buck v. Bell" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>“Three generations of imbeciles are enough” were the infamous words U.S. Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. wrote in 1927. In Buck v. Bell, an almost unanimous Court upheld a Virginia law allowing the sterilization of people the state found to be “socially inadequate” and “feebleminded.” This landmark decision allowed the eugenics movement to take full effect, with multiple states passing similar laws. 
In Three Generations, No Imbeciles: Eugenics, the Supreme Court, and Buck v. Bell (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), Dr. Paul Lombardo unpacks the case of an individual – Carrie Buck – to argue that the case not only represents the collective power of the eugenics movement in the early 20th century but an individual miscarriage of justice. Using extensive archival sources, Dr. Lombardo demonstrates that Carrie Buck was neither a “moral degenerate” or “feeble-minded.” She was a rape victim of sound mind. Her sterilization was based on fraudulent evidence. The powerful eugenics lobby manufactured a case – and a sympathetic court gave them a precedent that justified Carrie Buck’s sterilization – and over 60,000 sterilizations in the following decades.
Three Generations, No Imbeciles frames the history of sterilization as essential to understanding contemporary legal fights over birth control and abortion. Does the constitution’s promise of “liberty” include the right to become pregnant or end a pregnancy? Dr. Lombardo’s epilogue and afterward outlines the connections between Buck and modern cases involving abortion, disability rights, and reparations for those sterilized. Originally published in 2008, the book has been updated in 2022 with a terrific epilogue and afterward with an eye towards contemporary events in reproductive politics.
Dr. Paul A. Lombardo is Regents’ Professor and Bobby Lee Cook Professor of Law at the Center for Law, Health &amp; Society at Georgia State University. He has published extensively on topics in health law, medico-legal history, and bioethics and is best known for his work on the legal history of the American eugenics movement. His website houses the images and all documents discussed in the podcast including the petition for rehearing created by the National Council of Catholic Men.
Daniela Campos served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>651</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul A. Lombardo</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Three generations of imbeciles are enough” were the infamous words U.S. Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. wrote in 1927. In Buck v. Bell, an almost unanimous Court upheld a Virginia law allowing the sterilization of people the state found to be “socially inadequate” and “feebleminded.” This landmark decision allowed the eugenics movement to take full effect, with multiple states passing similar laws. 
In Three Generations, No Imbeciles: Eugenics, the Supreme Court, and Buck v. Bell (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), Dr. Paul Lombardo unpacks the case of an individual – Carrie Buck – to argue that the case not only represents the collective power of the eugenics movement in the early 20th century but an individual miscarriage of justice. Using extensive archival sources, Dr. Lombardo demonstrates that Carrie Buck was neither a “moral degenerate” or “feeble-minded.” She was a rape victim of sound mind. Her sterilization was based on fraudulent evidence. The powerful eugenics lobby manufactured a case – and a sympathetic court gave them a precedent that justified Carrie Buck’s sterilization – and over 60,000 sterilizations in the following decades.
Three Generations, No Imbeciles frames the history of sterilization as essential to understanding contemporary legal fights over birth control and abortion. Does the constitution’s promise of “liberty” include the right to become pregnant or end a pregnancy? Dr. Lombardo’s epilogue and afterward outlines the connections between Buck and modern cases involving abortion, disability rights, and reparations for those sterilized. Originally published in 2008, the book has been updated in 2022 with a terrific epilogue and afterward with an eye towards contemporary events in reproductive politics.
Dr. Paul A. Lombardo is Regents’ Professor and Bobby Lee Cook Professor of Law at the Center for Law, Health &amp; Society at Georgia State University. He has published extensively on topics in health law, medico-legal history, and bioethics and is best known for his work on the legal history of the American eugenics movement. His website houses the images and all documents discussed in the podcast including the petition for rehearing created by the National Council of Catholic Men.
Daniela Campos served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Three generations of imbeciles are enough” were the infamous words U.S. Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. wrote in 1927. In <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/274/200"><em>Buck v. Bell</em></a>, an almost unanimous Court upheld a Virginia law allowing the sterilization of people the state found to be “socially inadequate” and “feebleminded.” This landmark decision allowed the eugenics movement to take full effect, with multiple states passing similar laws. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421443188"><em>Three Generations, No Imbeciles: Eugenics, the Supreme Court, and Buck v. Bell</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), Dr. Paul Lombardo unpacks the case of an individual – Carrie Buck – to argue that the case not only represents the collective power of the eugenics movement in the early 20th century but an individual miscarriage of justice. Using extensive archival sources, Dr. Lombardo demonstrates that Carrie Buck was neither a “moral degenerate” or “feeble-minded.” She was a rape victim of sound mind. Her sterilization was based on fraudulent evidence. The powerful eugenics lobby manufactured a case – and a sympathetic court gave them a precedent that justified Carrie Buck’s sterilization – and over 60,000 sterilizations in the following decades.</p><p><em>Three Generations, No Imbeciles</em> frames the history of sterilization as essential to understanding contemporary legal fights over birth control and abortion. Does the constitution’s promise of “liberty” include the right to become pregnant or end a pregnancy? Dr. Lombardo’s epilogue and afterward outlines the connections between <em>Buck </em>and modern cases involving abortion, disability rights, and reparations for those sterilized. Originally published in 2008, the book has been updated in 2022 with a terrific epilogue and afterward with an eye towards contemporary events in reproductive politics.</p><p><a href="https://law.gsu.edu/profile/paul-lombardo/">Dr. Paul A. Lombardo</a> is Regents’ Professor and Bobby Lee Cook Professor of Law at the Center for Law, Health &amp; Society at Georgia State University. He has published extensively on topics in health law, medico-legal history, and bioethics and is best known for his work on the legal history of the American eugenics movement. His <a href="http://buckvbell.com/">website</a> houses the <a href="http://buckvbell.com/gallery.html">images</a> and all documents discussed in the podcast including the <a href="https://readingroom.law.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=http://buckvbell.com/&amp;httpsredir=1&amp;article=1084&amp;context=buckvbell">petition for rehearing</a> created by the National Council of Catholic Men.</p><p>Daniela Campos served as the editorial assistant for this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3810</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5b79d7d6-e057-11ed-884d-a3fde0db116d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1054356215.mp3?updated=1682090309" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Republican Party: A Conversation with Congressman Mike Gallagher '06</title>
      <description>What does the future hold for the Republican Party? What are the greatest challenges facing America today? How many pull-ups should a young man be able to do? Congressman Mike Gallagher joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and more. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 23 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>20</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/22813014-dcba-11ed-b57a-8ffde5041656/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What does the future hold for the Republican Party? What are the greatest challenges facing America today? How many pull-ups should a young man be able to do? Congressman Mike Gallagher joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and more. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What does the future hold for the Republican Party? What are the greatest challenges facing America today? How many pull-ups should a young man be able to do? Congressman Mike Gallagher joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and more. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2608</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/2e9aca6a-c094-3fa6-b3fa-3cdbabcb458a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8793144545.mp3?updated=1679768500" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Boomers: A Conversation with Helen Andrews</title>
      <description>Helen Andrews, senior editor at The American Conservative, joins Madison's Notes to discuss her new book, Boomers: The Men and Women Who Promised Freedom and Delivered Disaster.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 22 Apr 2023 23:05:23 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>27</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/2a4edff6-e162-11ed-be51-ef80e8445414/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Helen Andrews, senior editor at The American Conservative, joins Madison's Notes to discuss her new book, Boomers: The Men and Women Who Promised Freedom and Delivered Disaster.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Helen Andrews, senior editor at The American Conservative, joins Madison's Notes to discuss her new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593086759">Boomers: The Men and Women Who Promised Freedom and Delivered Disaster</a>.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3243</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/3f222fab-d607-3a3e-9e9a-437d3d6397c8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2332060395.mp3?updated=1679768121" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Unalienable Rights and U.S. Foreign Policy: A Conversation with Secretary Pompeo and Ambassador Glendon</title>
      <description>What is the relationship between America's Founding principles and her foreign policy? What are unalienable rights and how do we know they exist? How have other nations responded to the final report of the U.S. Department of State's Commission on Unalienable Rights? Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo and Mary Ann Glendon, Chair of the Commission on Unalienable Rights, join Madison's Notes to answer these questions and others. 
The Final Report of the Commission on Unalienable Rights is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 20 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/30ef608e-daf4-11ed-976b-e705a5f7ebec/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the relationship between America's Founding principles and her foreign policy? What are unalienable rights and how do we know they exist? How have other nations responded to the final report of the U.S. Department of State's Commission on Unalienable Rights? Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo and Mary Ann Glendon, Chair of the Commission on Unalienable Rights, join Madison's Notes to answer these questions and others. 
The Final Report of the Commission on Unalienable Rights is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the relationship between America's Founding principles and her foreign policy? What are unalienable rights and how do we know they exist? How have other nations responded to the final report of the U.S. Department of State's Commission on Unalienable Rights? Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo and Mary Ann Glendon, Chair of the Commission on Unalienable Rights, join Madison's Notes to answer these questions and others. </p><p>The Final Report of the Commission on Unalienable Rights is <a href="https://www.state.gov/report-of-the-commission-on-unalienable-rights/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1141</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/55f1aebd-9176-3cf6-ae2d-e71d88bd113f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4739473699.mp3?updated=1679768589" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>George Washington and American Honor: A Conversation with Craig Bruce Smith</title>
      <description>What made George Washington the "greatest man in the world"? What is his legacy outside the United States? What did "honor" mean to America's Founding Fathers, and why was it so important to them? Craig Bruce Smith, author of American Honor: The Creation of the Nation's Ideals During the Revolutionary Era, joins the show to answer these questions and others. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Apr 2023 08:01:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/c5450460-da17-11ed-a0c2-cb35994c502f/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What made George Washington the "greatest man in the world"? What is his legacy outside the United States? What did "honor" mean to America's Founding Fathers, and why was it so important to them? Craig Bruce Smith, author of American Honor: The Creation of the Nation's Ideals During the Revolutionary Era, joins the show to answer these questions and others. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What made George Washington the "greatest man in the world"? What is his legacy outside the United States? What did "honor" mean to America's Founding Fathers, and why was it so important to them? Craig Bruce Smith, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469661582"><em>American Honor: The Creation of the Nation's Ideals During the Revolutionary Era</em></a>, joins the show to answer these questions and others. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3287</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/d3c339b1-e684-3f73-8ccd-0b13c1725ba1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3908627255.mp3?updated=1679768645" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth S. Hurd and Winnifred F. Sullivan, "At Home and Abroad: The Politics of American Religion" (Columbia UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>From right to left, notions of religion and religious freedom are fundamental to how many Americans have understood their country and themselves. Ideas of religion, politics, and the interplay between them are no less crucial to how the United States has engaged with the world beyond its borders. Yet scholarship on American religion tends to bracket the domestic and foreign, despite the fact that assumptions about the differences between ourselves and others deeply shape American religious categories and identities.
At Home and Abroad: The Politics of American Religion (Columbia UP, 2021) bridges the divide in the study of American religion, law, and politics between domestic and international, bringing together diverse and distinguished authors from religious studies, law, American studies, sociology, history, and political science to explore interrelations across conceptual and political boundaries. They bring into sharp focus the ideas, people, and institutions that provide links between domestic and foreign religious politics and policies. Contributors break down the categories of domestic and foreign and inquire into how these taxonomies are related to other axes of discrimination, asking questions such as: What and who counts as “home” or “abroad,” how and by whom are these determinations made, and with what consequences?
Offering a new approach to theorizing the politics of religion in the context of the American nation-state, At Home and Abroad also interrogates American religious exceptionalism and illuminates imperial dynamics beyond the United States. Find the sister-project, Theologies of American Exceptionalism, here.
Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is professor of political science and the Crown Chair in Middle East Studies at Northwestern University. She is the author of The Politics of Secularism in International Relations (2008) and Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion (2015).

Winnifred Fallers Sullivan is Provost Professor in the Department of Religious Studies, director of the Center for Religion and the Human, and affiliated professor of law at Indiana University Bloomington. Her books include The Impossibility of Religious Freedom (2005) and Church State Corporation: Construing Religion in U.S. Law (2020).
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth S. Hurd and Winnifred F. Sullivan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From right to left, notions of religion and religious freedom are fundamental to how many Americans have understood their country and themselves. Ideas of religion, politics, and the interplay between them are no less crucial to how the United States has engaged with the world beyond its borders. Yet scholarship on American religion tends to bracket the domestic and foreign, despite the fact that assumptions about the differences between ourselves and others deeply shape American religious categories and identities.
At Home and Abroad: The Politics of American Religion (Columbia UP, 2021) bridges the divide in the study of American religion, law, and politics between domestic and international, bringing together diverse and distinguished authors from religious studies, law, American studies, sociology, history, and political science to explore interrelations across conceptual and political boundaries. They bring into sharp focus the ideas, people, and institutions that provide links between domestic and foreign religious politics and policies. Contributors break down the categories of domestic and foreign and inquire into how these taxonomies are related to other axes of discrimination, asking questions such as: What and who counts as “home” or “abroad,” how and by whom are these determinations made, and with what consequences?
Offering a new approach to theorizing the politics of religion in the context of the American nation-state, At Home and Abroad also interrogates American religious exceptionalism and illuminates imperial dynamics beyond the United States. Find the sister-project, Theologies of American Exceptionalism, here.
Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is professor of political science and the Crown Chair in Middle East Studies at Northwestern University. She is the author of The Politics of Secularism in International Relations (2008) and Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion (2015).

Winnifred Fallers Sullivan is Provost Professor in the Department of Religious Studies, director of the Center for Religion and the Human, and affiliated professor of law at Indiana University Bloomington. Her books include The Impossibility of Religious Freedom (2005) and Church State Corporation: Construing Religion in U.S. Law (2020).
This episode’s host, Jacob Barrett, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website thereluctantamericanist.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From right to left, notions of religion and religious freedom are fundamental to how many Americans have understood their country and themselves. Ideas of religion, politics, and the interplay between them are no less crucial to how the United States has engaged with the world beyond its borders. Yet scholarship on American religion tends to bracket the domestic and foreign, despite the fact that assumptions about the differences between ourselves and others deeply shape American religious categories and identities.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231198998"><em>At Home and Abroad: The Politics of American Religion</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2021) bridges the divide in the study of American religion, law, and politics between domestic and international, bringing together diverse and distinguished authors from religious studies, law, American studies, sociology, history, and political science to explore interrelations across conceptual and political boundaries. They bring into sharp focus the ideas, people, and institutions that provide links between domestic and foreign religious politics and policies. Contributors break down the categories of domestic and foreign and inquire into how these taxonomies are related to other axes of discrimination, asking questions such as: What and who counts as “home” or “abroad,” how and by whom are these determinations made, and with what consequences?</p><p>Offering a new approach to theorizing the politics of religion in the context of the American nation-state, At Home and Abroad also interrogates American religious exceptionalism and illuminates imperial dynamics beyond the United States. Find the sister-project, <em>Theologies of American Exceptionalism</em>, <a href="https://crh.indiana.edu/projects/religion-and-human-book-series/theologies-of-american-exceptionalism.html">here</a>.</p><p>Elizabeth Shakman Hurd is professor of political science and the Crown Chair in Middle East Studies at Northwestern University. She is the author of <em>The Politics of Secularism in International Relations</em> (2008) and <em>Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion</em> (2015).</p><p><br></p><p>Winnifred Fallers Sullivan is Provost Professor in the Department of Religious Studies, director of the Center for Religion and the Human, and affiliated professor of law at Indiana University Bloomington. Her books include <em>The Impossibility of Religious Freedom</em> (2005) and <em>Church State Corporation: Construing Religion in U.S. Law</em> (2020).</p><p>This episode’s host, <a href="https://twitter.com/jakebarrett25">Jacob Barrett</a>, is currently a PhD student in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the Religion and Culture track. For more information, visit his website <a href="https://thereluctantamericanist.com/">thereluctantamericanist.com</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2587</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[12aba1fc-d7dc-11ed-97d0-97fe97165319]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7611311812.mp3?updated=1681158008" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Happy Birthday, Mr. Lincoln: A Conversation with John Cribb</title>
      <description>John Cribb is the author of Old Abe, an historical novel which former Vice President Mike Pence says is the "best book on President Lincoln" he has ever read. John joins to show to discuss the book, the importance of heroes, the "great man" approach to history, Facebook's attempts to "cancel" his book, and more! 
You can find Cribb's essay "Facebook Cancels Abe Lincoln" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/1de446c8-dcb9-11ed-b56e-b78944adec16/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John Cribb is the author of Old Abe, an historical novel which former Vice President Mike Pence says is the "best book on President Lincoln" he has ever read. John joins to show to discuss the book, the importance of heroes, the "great man" approach to history, Facebook's attempts to "cancel" his book, and more! 
You can find Cribb's essay "Facebook Cancels Abe Lincoln" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>John Cribb is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781645720539">Old Abe</a>, an historical novel which former Vice President Mike Pence says is the "best book on President Lincoln" he has ever read. John joins to show to discuss the book, the importance of heroes, the "great man" approach to history, Facebook's attempts to "cancel" his book, and more! </p><p>You can find Cribb's essay "Facebook Cancels Abe Lincoln" <a href="https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2021/01/27/facebook_cancels_abe_lincoln_145125.html">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2809</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/35ea7025-7246-3238-a486-b32b6eb4cc60]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3131495667.mp3?updated=1679768432" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin E. Park, "American Nationalisms: Imagining Union in the Age of Revolutions, 1783-1833" (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>America was born in an age of political revolution throughout the Atlantic world, a period when the very definition of 'nation' was transforming. Benjamin E. Park traces how Americans imagined novel forms of nationality during the country's first five decades within the context of European discussions taking place at the same time. Focusing on three case studies - Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina - Park examines the developing practices of nationalism in three specific contexts. He argues for a more elastic connection between nationalism and the nation-state by demonstrating that ideas concerning political and cultural allegiance to a federal body developed in different ways and at different rates throughout the nation. American Nationalisms: Imagining Union in the Age of Revolutions, 1783-1833 (Cambridge UP, 2018) explores how ideas of nationality permeated political disputes, religious revivals, patriotic festivals, slavery debates, and even literature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>220</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin E. Park</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America was born in an age of political revolution throughout the Atlantic world, a period when the very definition of 'nation' was transforming. Benjamin E. Park traces how Americans imagined novel forms of nationality during the country's first five decades within the context of European discussions taking place at the same time. Focusing on three case studies - Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina - Park examines the developing practices of nationalism in three specific contexts. He argues for a more elastic connection between nationalism and the nation-state by demonstrating that ideas concerning political and cultural allegiance to a federal body developed in different ways and at different rates throughout the nation. American Nationalisms: Imagining Union in the Age of Revolutions, 1783-1833 (Cambridge UP, 2018) explores how ideas of nationality permeated political disputes, religious revivals, patriotic festivals, slavery debates, and even literature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America was born in an age of political revolution throughout the Atlantic world, a period when the very definition of 'nation' was transforming. Benjamin E. Park traces how Americans imagined novel forms of nationality during the country's first five decades within the context of European discussions taking place at the same time. Focusing on three case studies - Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina - Park examines the developing practices of nationalism in three specific contexts. He argues for a more elastic connection between nationalism and the nation-state by demonstrating that ideas concerning political and cultural allegiance to a federal body developed in different ways and at different rates throughout the nation. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108420372"><em>American Nationalisms: Imagining Union in the Age of Revolutions, 1783-1833</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2018) explores how ideas of nationality permeated political disputes, religious revivals, patriotic festivals, slavery debates, and even literature.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3957</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8680c48c-dafb-11ed-abe9-d3c069c48575]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7818833917.mp3?updated=1681501428" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ryan M. Brooks, "Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>"In other words, like David Foster Wallace — who celebrates McCain for his display of “‘moral authority’” and commitment to “‘service’ and ‘sacrifice’ and ‘honor’” — Clinton responds to the extremes of free-market ideology by imagining that “American community” can be rebuilt through the practice of what he calls “old values,” or what Hillary Clinton calls, in a 1993 speech, the “politics of meaning.” In this sense, Clintonian rhetoric offers a particularly clear, particularly influential example of the kind of centrist “communitarianism” that would shape American writing and politics – including the politics of the party’s next president, Barack Obama, a self-described “New Democrat” – for at least a generation."
– Ryan M. Brooks, Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era (2022)
What happens when the right scholar expands his doctoral research to insightfully engage with the pressing issues of a fragmented American society by drawing together and contrasting visions of Reaganite and Clintonian neoliberalism and its implications for literature and politics moving forward?
The answer is Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era (Cambridge UP, 2022) by Ryan M. Brooks, professor of English and podcast host for Humanities on the High Plains.
Professor Brooks’ book is the latest in the Cambridge Studies in American Literature and Culture which describes his efforts this way: Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era argues that a new, post-postmodern aesthetic emerges in the 1990s as a group of American writers – including Mary Gaitskill, George Saunders, Richard Powers, Karen Tei Yamashita, and others – grapples with the political triumph of free-market ideology. The book shows how these writers resist the anti-social qualities of this frantic right-wing shift while still performing its essential gesture, the personalization of otherwise irreducible social antagonisms. Thus, we see these writers reinvent political struggles as differences in values and emotions, in fictions that explore non-antagonistic social forms like families, communities and networks. Situating these formally innovative fictions in the context of the controversies that have defined this rightward shift – including debates over free trade, welfare reform, and family values – Brooks details how American writers and politicians have reinvented liberalism for the age of pro-capitalist consensus.
Some of the other writers discussed in this interview:

Bret Easton Ellis, Sesshu Foster, Sapphire, David Foster Wallace, Colson Whitehead

William Davies, Nancy Fraser, David Harvey, Georg Lukacs, Joe Klein, Robert Reich

Ryan’s critical and literary studies recommendations:

Walter Benn Michaels - The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to the End of History;

Daniel Zamora and Michael Behrent, ed. - Foucault and Neoliberalism;


Melinda Cooper - Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism;


Nancy Fraser - Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis;


Janice Peck – Age of Oprah: Cultural Icon for the Neoliberal Era;


Eve Bertram - The Workfare State: Public Assistance Politics from New Deal to New Democrats


Nonsite.org - a peer-reviewed online journal of arts and humanities scholarship


Ryan M. Brooks is an Assistant Professor of English at West Texas A&amp;M University. He completed his Ph.D. at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His work has been published in Twentieth-Century Literature, 49th Parallel, Mediations, The Account, and the critical anthology The Wire: Urban Decay and American Television. He hosts the podcast Humanities on the High Plains.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>217</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ryan M. Brooks</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"In other words, like David Foster Wallace — who celebrates McCain for his display of “‘moral authority’” and commitment to “‘service’ and ‘sacrifice’ and ‘honor’” — Clinton responds to the extremes of free-market ideology by imagining that “American community” can be rebuilt through the practice of what he calls “old values,” or what Hillary Clinton calls, in a 1993 speech, the “politics of meaning.” In this sense, Clintonian rhetoric offers a particularly clear, particularly influential example of the kind of centrist “communitarianism” that would shape American writing and politics – including the politics of the party’s next president, Barack Obama, a self-described “New Democrat” – for at least a generation."
– Ryan M. Brooks, Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era (2022)
What happens when the right scholar expands his doctoral research to insightfully engage with the pressing issues of a fragmented American society by drawing together and contrasting visions of Reaganite and Clintonian neoliberalism and its implications for literature and politics moving forward?
The answer is Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era (Cambridge UP, 2022) by Ryan M. Brooks, professor of English and podcast host for Humanities on the High Plains.
Professor Brooks’ book is the latest in the Cambridge Studies in American Literature and Culture which describes his efforts this way: Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era argues that a new, post-postmodern aesthetic emerges in the 1990s as a group of American writers – including Mary Gaitskill, George Saunders, Richard Powers, Karen Tei Yamashita, and others – grapples with the political triumph of free-market ideology. The book shows how these writers resist the anti-social qualities of this frantic right-wing shift while still performing its essential gesture, the personalization of otherwise irreducible social antagonisms. Thus, we see these writers reinvent political struggles as differences in values and emotions, in fictions that explore non-antagonistic social forms like families, communities and networks. Situating these formally innovative fictions in the context of the controversies that have defined this rightward shift – including debates over free trade, welfare reform, and family values – Brooks details how American writers and politicians have reinvented liberalism for the age of pro-capitalist consensus.
Some of the other writers discussed in this interview:

Bret Easton Ellis, Sesshu Foster, Sapphire, David Foster Wallace, Colson Whitehead

William Davies, Nancy Fraser, David Harvey, Georg Lukacs, Joe Klein, Robert Reich

Ryan’s critical and literary studies recommendations:

Walter Benn Michaels - The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to the End of History;

Daniel Zamora and Michael Behrent, ed. - Foucault and Neoliberalism;


Melinda Cooper - Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism;


Nancy Fraser - Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis;


Janice Peck – Age of Oprah: Cultural Icon for the Neoliberal Era;


Eve Bertram - The Workfare State: Public Assistance Politics from New Deal to New Democrats


Nonsite.org - a peer-reviewed online journal of arts and humanities scholarship


Ryan M. Brooks is an Assistant Professor of English at West Texas A&amp;M University. He completed his Ph.D. at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His work has been published in Twentieth-Century Literature, 49th Parallel, Mediations, The Account, and the critical anthology The Wire: Urban Decay and American Television. He hosts the podcast Humanities on the High Plains.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>"In other words, like David Foster Wallace — who celebrates McCain for his display of “‘moral authority’” and commitment to “‘service’ and ‘sacrifice’ and ‘honor’” — Clinton responds to the extremes of free-market ideology by imagining that “American community” can be rebuilt through the practice of what he calls “old values,” or what Hillary Clinton calls, in a 1993 speech, the “politics of meaning.” In this sense, Clintonian rhetoric offers a particularly clear, particularly influential example of the kind of centrist “communitarianism” that would shape American writing and politics – including the politics of the party’s next president, Barack Obama, a self-described “New Democrat” – for at least a generation."</em></p><p>– Ryan M. Brooks, <em>Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era</em> (2022)</p><p>What happens when the right scholar expands his doctoral research to insightfully engage with the pressing issues of a fragmented American society by drawing together and contrasting visions of Reaganite and Clintonian neoliberalism and its implications for literature and politics moving forward?</p><p>The answer is <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781316519813"><em>Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era </em></a>(Cambridge UP, 2022) by Ryan M. Brooks, professor of English and podcast host for <a href="https://www.humanitiesonthehighplains.com/">Humanities on the High Plains</a>.</p><p>Professor Brooks’ book is the latest in the Cambridge Studies in American Literature and Culture which describes his efforts this way: <em>Liberalism and American Literature in the Clinton Era</em> argues that a new, post-postmodern aesthetic emerges in the 1990s as a group of American writers – including Mary Gaitskill, George Saunders, Richard Powers, Karen Tei Yamashita, and others – grapples with the political triumph of free-market ideology. The book shows how these writers resist the anti-social qualities of this frantic right-wing shift while still performing its essential gesture, the personalization of otherwise irreducible social antagonisms. Thus, we see these writers reinvent political struggles as differences in values and emotions, in fictions that explore non-antagonistic social forms like families, communities and networks. Situating these formally innovative fictions in the context of the controversies that have defined this rightward shift – including debates over free trade, welfare reform, and family values – Brooks details how American writers and politicians have reinvented liberalism for the age of pro-capitalist consensus.</p><p><u>Some of the other writers discussed in this interview</u>:</p><ul>
<li>Bret Easton Ellis, Sesshu Foster, Sapphire, David Foster Wallace, Colson Whitehead</li>
<li>William Davies, Nancy Fraser, David Harvey, Georg Lukacs, Joe Klein, Robert Reich</li>
</ul><p><u>Ryan’s critical and literary studies recommendations</u>:</p><ul>
<li>Walter Benn Michaels - <em>The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to the End of History</em>;</li>
<li>Daniel Zamora and Michael Behrent, ed. - <em>Foucault and Neoliberalism;</em>
</li>
<li>Melinda Cooper - <em>Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism;</em>
</li>
<li>Nancy Fraser - <em>Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis;</em>
</li>
<li>Janice Peck – <em>Age of Oprah: Cultural Icon for the Neoliberal Era;</em>
</li>
<li>Eve Bertram - <em>The Workfare State: Public Assistance Politics from New Deal to New Democrats</em>
</li>
<li>Nonsite.org - a peer-reviewed online journal of arts and humanities scholarship</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Ryan M. Brooks is an Assistant Professor of English at West Texas A&amp;M University. He completed his Ph.D. at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His work has been published in <em>Twentieth-Century Literature</em>, <em>49th Parallel</em>, <em>Mediations</em>, <em>The Account</em>, and the critical anthology <em>The Wire: Urban Decay and American Television</em>. He hosts the podcast <a href="https://www.humanitiesonthehighplains.com/">Humanities on the High Plains</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4766</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3726943746.mp3?updated=1681320611" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kaitlin Sidorsky and Wendy J. Schiller, "Inequality across State Lines: How Policymakers Have Failed Domestic Violence Victims in the United States" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the United States, one in four women will be victims of domestic violence each year. Despite the passage of federal legislation on violence against women beginning in 1994, differences persist across states in how domestic violence is addressed. Kaitlin Sidorsky and Wendy J. Schiller's book Inequality across State Lines: How Policymakers Have Failed Domestic Violence Victims in the United States (Cambridge UP, 2023) illuminates the epidemic of domestic violence in the U.S. through the lens of politics, policy adoption, and policy implementation. Combining narrative case studies, surveys, and data analysis, the book discusses the specific factors that explain why U.S. domestic violence politics and policies have failed to keep women safe at all income levels, and across racial and ethnic lines. The book argues that the issue of domestic violence, and how government responds to it, raises fundamental questions of justice; gender and racial equality; and the limited efficacy of a state-by-state and even town-by-town response. This book goes beyond revealing the vast differences in how states respond to domestic violence, by offering pathways to reform.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 16 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>150</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kaitlin Sidorsky and Wendy J. Schiller</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, one in four women will be victims of domestic violence each year. Despite the passage of federal legislation on violence against women beginning in 1994, differences persist across states in how domestic violence is addressed. Kaitlin Sidorsky and Wendy J. Schiller's book Inequality across State Lines: How Policymakers Have Failed Domestic Violence Victims in the United States (Cambridge UP, 2023) illuminates the epidemic of domestic violence in the U.S. through the lens of politics, policy adoption, and policy implementation. Combining narrative case studies, surveys, and data analysis, the book discusses the specific factors that explain why U.S. domestic violence politics and policies have failed to keep women safe at all income levels, and across racial and ethnic lines. The book argues that the issue of domestic violence, and how government responds to it, raises fundamental questions of justice; gender and racial equality; and the limited efficacy of a state-by-state and even town-by-town response. This book goes beyond revealing the vast differences in how states respond to domestic violence, by offering pathways to reform.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, one in four women will be victims of domestic violence each year. Despite the passage of federal legislation on violence against women beginning in 1994, differences persist across states in how domestic violence is addressed. Kaitlin Sidorsky and Wendy J. Schiller's book<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009279161"><em>Inequality across State Lines: How Policymakers Have Failed Domestic Violence Victims in the United States</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) illuminates the epidemic of domestic violence in the U.S. through the lens of politics, policy adoption, and policy implementation. Combining narrative case studies, surveys, and data analysis, the book discusses the specific factors that explain why U.S. domestic violence politics and policies have failed to keep women safe at all income levels, and across racial and ethnic lines. The book argues that the issue of domestic violence, and how government responds to it, raises fundamental questions of justice; gender and racial equality; and the limited efficacy of a state-by-state and even town-by-town response. This book goes beyond revealing the vast differences in how states respond to domestic violence, by offering pathways to reform.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2824</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[55494b0a-d885-11ed-96ae-a3f6d59d7c92]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5614264589.mp3?updated=1681230754" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tomiko Brown-Nagin, "Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality" (Pantheon Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.
Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality (Pantheon Books, 2022) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.
Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>377</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tomiko Brown-Nagin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.
Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality (Pantheon Books, 2022) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.
Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the US Supreme Court confirmation of Ketanji Brown Jackson, “it makes sense to revisit the life and work of another Black woman who profoundly shaped the law: Constance Baker Motley” (CNN). Born to an aspirational blue-collar family during the Great Depression, Constance Baker Motley was expected to find herself a good career as a hairdresser. Instead, she became the first black woman to argue a case in front of the Supreme Court, the first of ten she would eventually argue. The only black woman member in the legal team at the NAACP’s Inc. Fund at the time, she defended Martin Luther King in Birmingham, helped to argue in Brown vs. The Board of Education, and played a critical role in vanquishing Jim Crow laws throughout the South. She was the first black woman elected to the state Senate in New York, the first woman elected Manhattan Borough President, and the first black woman appointed to the federal judiciary.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781524747183"><em>Civil Rights Queen: Constance Baker Motley and the Struggle for Equality</em></a><em> </em>(Pantheon Books, 2022) captures the story of a remarkable American life, a figure who remade law and inspired the imaginations of African Americans across the country. Burnished with an extraordinary wealth of research, award-winning, esteemed Civil Rights and legal historian and dean of the Harvard Radcliffe Institute, Tomiko Brown-Nagin brings Motley to life in these pages. Brown-Nagin compels us to ponder some of our most timeless and urgent questions–how do the historically marginalized access the corridors of power? What is the price of the ticket? How does access to power shape individuals committed to social justice? In Civil Rights Queen, she dramatically fills out the picture of some of the most profound judicial and societal change made in twentieth-century America.</p><p><em>Katrina Anderson is a doctoral candidate at the University of Delaware.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3541</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5af1d816-d7b7-11ed-89b0-c3f1f3438dd7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9809941893.mp3?updated=1681142245" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gregory J. Kaliss, "Beyond the Black Power Salute: Athlete Activism in an Era of Change" (U Illinois Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Unequal opportunity sparked Jim Brown's endeavors to encourage Black development while Billie Jean King fought so that women tennis players could earn more money and enjoy greater freedom. Gregory J. Kaliss examines these events and others to guide readers through the unprecedented wave of protest that swept sports in the 1960s and 1970s. The little-known story of the University of Wyoming football players suspended for their activism highlights an analysis of protests by college athletes. The 1971 Muhammad Ali-Joe Frazier clash provides a high-profile example of the Black male athlete's effort to redefine Black masculinity. An in-depth look at the American Basketball Association reveals a league that put Black culture front and center with its style of play and shows how the ABA influenced the development of hip-hop. In Beyond the Black Power Salute: Athlete Activism in an Era of Change (University of Illinois Press, 2023), Kaliss describes the breakthroughs achieved by these athletes, while also exploring the barriers that remained--and in some cases remain today.
Bennett Koerber is an instructor of history at Carnegie Mellon University. He can be reached at bkoerber@andrew.cmu.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>245</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gregory J. Kaliss</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unequal opportunity sparked Jim Brown's endeavors to encourage Black development while Billie Jean King fought so that women tennis players could earn more money and enjoy greater freedom. Gregory J. Kaliss examines these events and others to guide readers through the unprecedented wave of protest that swept sports in the 1960s and 1970s. The little-known story of the University of Wyoming football players suspended for their activism highlights an analysis of protests by college athletes. The 1971 Muhammad Ali-Joe Frazier clash provides a high-profile example of the Black male athlete's effort to redefine Black masculinity. An in-depth look at the American Basketball Association reveals a league that put Black culture front and center with its style of play and shows how the ABA influenced the development of hip-hop. In Beyond the Black Power Salute: Athlete Activism in an Era of Change (University of Illinois Press, 2023), Kaliss describes the breakthroughs achieved by these athletes, while also exploring the barriers that remained--and in some cases remain today.
Bennett Koerber is an instructor of history at Carnegie Mellon University. He can be reached at bkoerber@andrew.cmu.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Unequal opportunity sparked Jim Brown's endeavors to encourage Black development while Billie Jean King fought so that women tennis players could earn more money and enjoy greater freedom. <a href="https://www.ycp.edu/academics/school-of-the-arts-communication-and-global-studies/faculty/kaliss-gregory.php">Gregory J. Kaliss</a> examines these events and others to guide readers through the unprecedented wave of protest that swept sports in the 1960s and 1970s. The little-known story of the University of Wyoming football players suspended for their activism highlights an analysis of protests by college athletes. The 1971 Muhammad Ali-Joe Frazier clash provides a high-profile example of the Black male athlete's effort to redefine Black masculinity. An in-depth look at the American Basketball Association reveals a league that put Black culture front and center with its style of play and shows how the ABA influenced the development of hip-hop. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252087066"><em>Beyond the Black Power Salute: Athlete Activism in an Era of Change</em></a> (University of Illinois Press, 2023), Kaliss describes the breakthroughs achieved by these athletes, while also exploring the barriers that remained--and in some cases remain today.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/bennett-koerber-phd-85776a241/"><em>Bennett Koerber</em></a><em> is an instructor of history at Carnegie Mellon University. He can be reached at bkoerber@andrew.cmu.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3409</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4150f596-d70c-11ed-bdd9-837502619803]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2958555504.mp3?updated=1681068769" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lincoln at Gettysburg: A Conversation with Allen C. Guelzo</title>
      <description>On November 19, 1863, Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address. Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to discuss the legacy of the Gettysburg Address and what Lincoln might say to us today.
 Guelzo's 2013 article for The New York Times is here.
 Guelzo's 2013 piece in the Claremont Review of Books is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/cd061084-d86b-11ed-90d2-33ed37fc3306/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On November 19, 1863, Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address. Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to discuss the legacy of the Gettysburg Address and what Lincoln might say to us today.
 Guelzo's 2013 article for The New York Times is here.
 Guelzo's 2013 piece in the Claremont Review of Books is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On November 19, 1863, Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address. Allen C. Guelzo, Director of the James Madison Program's Initiative on Politics and Statesmanship, joins the show to discuss the legacy of the Gettysburg Address and what Lincoln might say to us today.</p><p> Guelzo's 2013 article for The New York Times is <a href="https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/11/17/lincolns-sound-bite-have-faith-in-democracy/">here</a>.</p><p> Guelzo's 2013 piece in the Claremont Review of Books is <a href="https://claremontreviewofbooks.com/a-new-birth-of-freedom/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3322</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/b9560ccf-8185-3840-89c9-791b57d00d6c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7112291126.mp3?updated=1679768757" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Abortion and the Law</title>
      <description>Today’s Postscript focuses on abortion politics in the United States, with particular attention to the April 7, 2023 federal court decisions in Texas and Washington controlling access to mifepristone and the wider political forces at play. We have a slightly different format for today’s emergency podcast – spanning four time zones. First, legal historian Mary Ziegler, Martin Luther King Professor of Law at UC Davis, shares insights on the two cases – and why the Texas opinion is such a radical departure with regards to standing and legal language. Then Political Scientist Rebecca Kreitzer, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, provides a deep dive on the role of the Comstock Act of 1873 and why this 19th century law helps us understand 21st century reproductive politics. The podcast concludes with two scholars of politics and law Dr. Renée Ann Cramer, Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson, Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver). They pull back the curtain on the cases to expose the ways in which those who oppose abortion have created parallel organizations to provide the false expertise relied upon in the Texas decision. We also talk about the wider implications of banning approved medications for trans people.
Links mentioned in the podcast:

Mary Ziegler, The Texas Abortion-Pill Ruling Signals Pro-Lifers’ Next Push



New York Times graphic of the 100+ scholarly articles proving mifepristone safe

The opposing court opinions from the Texas and Washington courts

December 2022 Department of Justice Memo on Comstock, abortion, mifepristone, and misoprostol


Rep. Pat Schroeder’s 1996 speech calling for the part of Comstock regarding abortion to be overturned.

Rebecca J. Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith, Washington Post, on Alito’s draft and research on women’s political power.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>16</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Can One Judge Overturn the FDA…Using a 19th-Century Statute?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s Postscript focuses on abortion politics in the United States, with particular attention to the April 7, 2023 federal court decisions in Texas and Washington controlling access to mifepristone and the wider political forces at play. We have a slightly different format for today’s emergency podcast – spanning four time zones. First, legal historian Mary Ziegler, Martin Luther King Professor of Law at UC Davis, shares insights on the two cases – and why the Texas opinion is such a radical departure with regards to standing and legal language. Then Political Scientist Rebecca Kreitzer, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, provides a deep dive on the role of the Comstock Act of 1873 and why this 19th century law helps us understand 21st century reproductive politics. The podcast concludes with two scholars of politics and law Dr. Renée Ann Cramer, Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson, Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver). They pull back the curtain on the cases to expose the ways in which those who oppose abortion have created parallel organizations to provide the false expertise relied upon in the Texas decision. We also talk about the wider implications of banning approved medications for trans people.
Links mentioned in the podcast:

Mary Ziegler, The Texas Abortion-Pill Ruling Signals Pro-Lifers’ Next Push



New York Times graphic of the 100+ scholarly articles proving mifepristone safe

The opposing court opinions from the Texas and Washington courts

December 2022 Department of Justice Memo on Comstock, abortion, mifepristone, and misoprostol


Rep. Pat Schroeder’s 1996 speech calling for the part of Comstock regarding abortion to be overturned.

Rebecca J. Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith, Washington Post, on Alito’s draft and research on women’s political power.
﻿Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s <em>Postscript </em>focuses on abortion politics in the United States, with particular attention to the April 7, 2023 federal court decisions in Texas and Washington controlling access to mifepristone and the wider political forces at play. We have a slightly different format for today’s emergency podcast – spanning four time zones. First, legal historian <a href="https://www.maryrziegler.com/">Mary Ziegler</a>, Martin Luther King Professor of Law at UC Davis, shares insights on the two cases – and why the Texas opinion is such a radical departure with regards to standing and legal language. Then Political Scientist <a href="http://www.rebeccakreitzer.com/">Rebecca Kreitzer</a>, Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, provides a deep dive on the role of the Comstock Act of 1873 and why this 19th century law helps us understand 21st century reproductive politics. The podcast concludes with two scholars of politics and law <a href="https://www.drake.edu/lps/facultystaff/reneecramer/">Dr. Renée Ann Cramer</a>, Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University and <a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/joshua-c-wilson">Dr. Joshua C. Wilson</a>, Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver). They pull back the curtain on the cases to expose the ways in which those who oppose abortion have created parallel organizations to provide the false expertise relied upon in the Texas decision. We also talk about the wider implications of banning approved medications for trans people.</p><p>Links mentioned in the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>Mary Ziegler, <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/04/mifepristone-texas-ruling-abortion-ban-roe/673678/">The Texas Abortion-Pill Ruling Signals Pro-Lifers’ Next Push</a>
</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/04/01/health/abortion-pill-safety.html"><em>New York Times</em> graphic</a> of the 100+ scholarly articles proving mifepristone safe</li>
<li>The opposing court opinions from the <a href="https://int.nyt.com/data/documenttools/court-decision-invalidating-approval-of-mifepristone/0bb045930a649567/full.pdf">Texas </a>and <a href="https://int.nyt.com/data/documenttools/court-decision-keeping-mifepristone-available/1d2b761e9ab275f7/full.pdf">Washington</a> courts</li>
<li>December 2022 <a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1560596/download">Department of Justice Memo</a> on Comstock, abortion, mifepristone, and misoprostol</li>
<li>
<a href="https://awpc.cattcenter.iastate.edu/2017/03/21/comstock-act-still-on-the-books-sept-24-1996/">Rep. Pat Schroeder’s 1996 speech</a> calling for the part of Comstock regarding abortion to be overturned.</li>
</ul><p>Rebecca J. Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith, <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/05/06/roe-alito-democracy-womens-rights-equality/">Washington Post, on Alito’s draft and research on women’s political power.</a></p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6494</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[34bdd64c-d93b-11ed-9d0e-0f02853849a4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2803256942.mp3?updated=1681309281" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Recovery of Family Life: A Conversation with Scott Yenor</title>
      <description>Are transgenderism and feminism at odds? Are we living through another sexual revolution? Why have conservatives been so unsuccessful in fighting the "culture wars"? Scott Yenor, Professor of Political Science at Boise State University, joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and discuss his new book, The Recovery of Family Life: Exposing the Limits of Modern Ideologies.
Yanor's essay "The False Science of Feminism" is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/54a16340-d7b3-11ed-9d4f-1b50966f801b/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Are transgenderism and feminism at odds? Are we living through another sexual revolution? Why have conservatives been so unsuccessful in fighting the "culture wars"? Scott Yenor, Professor of Political Science at Boise State University, joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and discuss his new book, The Recovery of Family Life: Exposing the Limits of Modern Ideologies.
Yanor's essay "The False Science of Feminism" is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Are transgenderism and feminism at odds? Are we living through another sexual revolution? Why have conservatives been so unsuccessful in fighting the "culture wars"? Scott Yenor, Professor of Political Science at Boise State University, joins Madison's Notes to answer these questions and discuss his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781481312837"><em>The Recovery of Family Life: Exposing the Limits of Modern Ideologies</em></a>.</p><p>Yanor's essay "The False Science of Feminism" is <a href="https://americanmind.org/salvo/the-false-science-of-feminism/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3064</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/45ba33d3-093d-39aa-8135-951cfb191d94]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3024557845.mp3?updated=1679768817" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Live Not by Lies: A Conversation with Rod Dreher</title>
      <description>Could totalitarianism take root in America? What does it mean to "live not by lies"? 
Rod Dreher is a senior editor at The American Conservative and the author of several books, including The Benedict Option. He joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, Live Not by Lies: A Manual for Christian Dissidents.
Solzhenitsyn's 1974 essay is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/38f21b94-d73b-11ed-a1e0-2b25ce75ff04/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Could totalitarianism take root in America? What does it mean to "live not by lies"? 
Rod Dreher is a senior editor at The American Conservative and the author of several books, including The Benedict Option. He joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, Live Not by Lies: A Manual for Christian Dissidents.
Solzhenitsyn's 1974 essay is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Could totalitarianism take root in America? What does it mean to "live not by lies"? </p><p>Rod Dreher is a senior editor at <em>The American Conservative </em>and the author of several books, including <em>The Benedict Option. </em>He joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593087398"><em>Live Not by Lies: A Manual for Christian Dissidents</em></a><em>.</em></p><p>Solzhenitsyn's 1974 essay is <a href="https://archive.org/stream/LiveNotByLies/Live%20Not%20By%20Lies_djvu.txt">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3490</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/82e6d0d9-70f1-381f-af47-aa1f83ef763a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5165857582.mp3?updated=1679768869" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Howard Gillette, Jr., "The Paradox of Urban Revitalization: Progress and Poverty in America's Postindustrial Era" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the twenty-first century, cities in the United States that had suffered most the shift to a postindustrial era entered a period widely proclaimed as an urban renaissance. From Detroit to Newark to Oakland and elsewhere commentators saw cities rising again. Yet revitalization generated a second urban crisis marked by growing inequality and civil unrest reminiscent of the upheavals associated with the first urban crisis in the mid-twentieth century. The urban poor and residents of color have remained very much at a disadvantage in the face of racially biased capital investments, narrowing options for affordable housing, and mass incarceration. In profiling nine cities grappling with challenges of the twenty-first century, author Howard Gillette, Jr. evaluates the uneven efforts to secure racial and class equity as city fortunes have risen. 
Charting the tension between the practice of corporate subsidy and efforts to assure social justice, The Paradox of Urban Revitalization: Progress and Poverty in America's Postindustrial Era (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) assesses the course of urban politics and policy over the past half century, before the COVID-19 pandemic upended everything, and details prospects for achieving greater equity in the years ahead.
Nicole Trujillo-Pagán is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 09 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Howard Gillette, Jr.,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the twenty-first century, cities in the United States that had suffered most the shift to a postindustrial era entered a period widely proclaimed as an urban renaissance. From Detroit to Newark to Oakland and elsewhere commentators saw cities rising again. Yet revitalization generated a second urban crisis marked by growing inequality and civil unrest reminiscent of the upheavals associated with the first urban crisis in the mid-twentieth century. The urban poor and residents of color have remained very much at a disadvantage in the face of racially biased capital investments, narrowing options for affordable housing, and mass incarceration. In profiling nine cities grappling with challenges of the twenty-first century, author Howard Gillette, Jr. evaluates the uneven efforts to secure racial and class equity as city fortunes have risen. 
Charting the tension between the practice of corporate subsidy and efforts to assure social justice, The Paradox of Urban Revitalization: Progress and Poverty in America's Postindustrial Era (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) assesses the course of urban politics and policy over the past half century, before the COVID-19 pandemic upended everything, and details prospects for achieving greater equity in the years ahead.
Nicole Trujillo-Pagán is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the twenty-first century, cities in the United States that had suffered most the shift to a postindustrial era entered a period widely proclaimed as an urban renaissance. From Detroit to Newark to Oakland and elsewhere commentators saw cities rising again. Yet revitalization generated a second urban crisis marked by growing inequality and civil unrest reminiscent of the upheavals associated with the first urban crisis in the mid-twentieth century. The urban poor and residents of color have remained very much at a disadvantage in the face of racially biased capital investments, narrowing options for affordable housing, and mass incarceration. In profiling nine cities grappling with challenges of the twenty-first century, author Howard Gillette, Jr. evaluates the uneven efforts to secure racial and class equity as city fortunes have risen. </p><p>Charting the tension between the practice of corporate subsidy and efforts to assure social justice, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253719"><em>The Paradox of Urban Revitalization: Progress and Poverty in America's Postindustrial Era</em></a><em> </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) assesses the course of urban politics and policy over the past half century, before the COVID-19 pandemic upended everything, and details prospects for achieving greater equity in the years ahead.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/nicole-trujillo-pagan/"><em>Nicole Trujillo-Pagán</em></a><em> is a sociologist and Associate Professor at Wayne State University who studies race, the Latina/o/x population, and socio-spatial mobility. You can follow her on Twitter @BorderStruggles.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3433</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0582b9f4-d25d-11ed-ae60-575f48bb36ed]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2695521628.mp3?updated=1680891373" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>America at the Point of No Return? A Conversation with Michael Anton</title>
      <description>Is America still a democracy? What is at stake in the 2020 presidential election? Michael Anton, Lecturer at Hillsdale College and Senior Fellow at the Claremont Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, The Stakes: America at the Point of No Return.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 08 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/eb520908-d555-11ed-814b-17227c3147d4/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is America still a democracy? What is at stake in the 2020 presidential election? Michael Anton, Lecturer at Hillsdale College and Senior Fellow at the Claremont Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, The Stakes: America at the Point of No Return.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is America still a democracy? What is at stake in the 2020 presidential election? Michael Anton, Lecturer at Hillsdale College and Senior Fellow at the Claremont Institute, joins the show to answer these questions and discuss his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684510610"><em>The Stakes: America at the Point of No Return</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3059</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/b17ab54b-84cb-3568-bbe7-14c941b4aee2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7335724743.mp3?updated=1679768963" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Judge Amy Coney Barrett on "The Constitution as Our Story"</title>
      <description>Amy Coney Barrett is a judge on the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. In 2019, Judge Barrett delivered the James Madison Program's Annual Walter F. Murphy Lecture in American Constitutionalism. The lecture was entitled "The Constitution as Our Story."
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 07 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/fb6f5e86-d48c-11ed-8cbe-37e1ac36d6d7/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Amy Coney Barrett is a judge on the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. In 2019, Judge Barrett delivered the James Madison Program's Annual Walter F. Murphy Lecture in American Constitutionalism. The lecture was entitled "The Constitution as Our Story."
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Amy Coney Barrett is a judge on the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals. In 2019, Judge Barrett delivered the James Madison Program's Annual Walter F. Murphy Lecture in American Constitutionalism. The lecture was entitled "<a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/events/constitution-our-story">The Constitution as Our Story.</a>"</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3712</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/2595d25b-456c-3191-894b-d7da81a0247b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4828288751.mp3?updated=1679769150" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alan Blinder, "A Monetary and Fiscal History of the United States, 1961-2021" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Spanning twelve presidents, from John F. Kennedy to Joe Biden, and eight Federal Reserve chairs, from William McChesney Martin to Jerome Powell, this is an insider's story of macroeconomic policy. Focusing on the most significant developments and long-term changes, Alan Blinder traces the highs and lows of monetary and fiscal policy, which have cooperated and clashed through many recessions and several long booms over the past six decades. From the fiscal policy of Kennedy's New Frontier to Biden's responses to the pandemic, the book takes readers through the stagflation of the 1970s, the conquest of inflation under Jimmy Carter and Paul Volcker, the rise of Reaganomics, and the bubbles of the 2000s before bringing the story up through recent events, including the financial crisis, the Great Recession, and monetary policy during COVID-19. A lively and concise narrative, A Monetary and Fiscal History of the United States, 1961-2021 (Princeton University Press, 2022) is filled with vital lessons for anyone who wants to better understand where the economy has been and where it might be headed.
Alan S. Blinder is the Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, a former vice chair of the Federal Reserve Board, and a former member of the President's Council of Economic Advisers.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>135</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alan Blinder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Spanning twelve presidents, from John F. Kennedy to Joe Biden, and eight Federal Reserve chairs, from William McChesney Martin to Jerome Powell, this is an insider's story of macroeconomic policy. Focusing on the most significant developments and long-term changes, Alan Blinder traces the highs and lows of monetary and fiscal policy, which have cooperated and clashed through many recessions and several long booms over the past six decades. From the fiscal policy of Kennedy's New Frontier to Biden's responses to the pandemic, the book takes readers through the stagflation of the 1970s, the conquest of inflation under Jimmy Carter and Paul Volcker, the rise of Reaganomics, and the bubbles of the 2000s before bringing the story up through recent events, including the financial crisis, the Great Recession, and monetary policy during COVID-19. A lively and concise narrative, A Monetary and Fiscal History of the United States, 1961-2021 (Princeton University Press, 2022) is filled with vital lessons for anyone who wants to better understand where the economy has been and where it might be headed.
Alan S. Blinder is the Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, a former vice chair of the Federal Reserve Board, and a former member of the President's Council of Economic Advisers.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Spanning twelve presidents, from John F. Kennedy to Joe Biden, and eight Federal Reserve chairs, from William McChesney Martin to Jerome Powell, this is an insider's story of macroeconomic policy. Focusing on the most significant developments and long-term changes, Alan Blinder traces the highs and lows of monetary and fiscal policy, which have cooperated and clashed through many recessions and several long booms over the past six decades. From the fiscal policy of Kennedy's New Frontier to Biden's responses to the pandemic, the book takes readers through the stagflation of the 1970s, the conquest of inflation under Jimmy Carter and Paul Volcker, the rise of Reaganomics, and the bubbles of the 2000s before bringing the story up through recent events, including the financial crisis, the Great Recession, and monetary policy during COVID-19. A lively and concise narrative, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691238388"><em>A Monetary and Fiscal History of the United States, 1961-2021</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2022) is filled with vital lessons for anyone who wants to better understand where the economy has been and where it might be headed.</p><p>Alan S. Blinder is the Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at Princeton University, a former vice chair of the Federal Reserve Board, and a former member of the President's Council of Economic Advisers.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3342</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0ae7ac46-d006-11ed-b7cc-87641788164f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2931615511.mp3?updated=1680296186" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>God, The Founders, and Natural Law: A Conversation with Phil Muñoz</title>
      <description>How did the American Founders understand religious liberty? Why should students study the Founding? What is the relationship between the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution? Dr. Vincent Phillip Muñoz, the Tocqueville Associate Professor of Political Science and Concurrent Associate Professor of Law at the University of Notre Dame, joins Madison's Notes to discuss these questions and more! 
Dr. Muñoz's 2020 Test Lectures are here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Apr 2023 14:21:16 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>5</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a2e6c040-d2e5-11ed-acd0-9776a9ea62bb/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did the American Founders understand religious liberty? Why should students study the Founding? What is the relationship between the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution? Dr. Vincent Phillip Muñoz, the Tocqueville Associate Professor of Political Science and Concurrent Associate Professor of Law at the University of Notre Dame, joins Madison's Notes to discuss these questions and more! 
Dr. Muñoz's 2020 Test Lectures are here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did the American Founders understand religious liberty? Why should students study the Founding? What is the relationship between the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution? Dr. Vincent Phillip Muñoz, the Tocqueville Associate Professor of Political Science and Concurrent Associate Professor of Law at the University of Notre Dame, joins Madison's Notes to discuss these questions and more! </p><p>Dr. Muñoz's 2020 Test Lectures are <a href="%20https://jmp.princeton.edu/events/religious-liberty-and-american-founding-natural-rights-and-original-meaning-first-0#video%20">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2031</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/8867e175-48af-578a-bf0f-9ae5f9a56b91]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3932210076.mp3?updated=1679769461" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Abortion and the Pro-Life Movement: A Conversation with Alexandra DeSanctis</title>
      <description>Alexandra DeSanctis is a Staff Writer for National Review and a Visiting Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. She joins Madison's Notes to discuss abortion, the Pro-Life movement in America, the state of free speech in journalism, and more! You can read Bari Weiss's letter of resignation here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Apr 2023 14:18:17 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d7c28740-d272-11ed-ab07-c39c2e2e83a0/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Alexandra DeSanctis is a Staff Writer for National Review and a Visiting Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. She joins Madison's Notes to discuss abortion, the Pro-Life movement in America, the state of free speech in journalism, and more! You can read Bari Weiss's letter of resignation here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Alexandra DeSanctis is a Staff Writer for <em>National Review</em> and a Visiting Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. She joins Madison's Notes to discuss abortion, the Pro-Life movement in America, the state of free speech in journalism, and more! You can read Bari Weiss's letter of resignation <a href="https://www.bariweiss.com/resignation-letter">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2022</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/366fef05-370d-3a74-92df-7154949d4ba7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4303742552.mp3?updated=1679769341" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lincoln and the American Founding: A Conversation with Lucas Morel</title>
      <description>What did Abraham Lincoln read? What makes him "America's greatest defender"? What should we do with Confederate memorials? Lucas Morel, the John K. Boardman, Jr. Professor of Politics at Washington and Lee University, joins the show to discuss all this and more! 
You can buy Morel's book Lincoln and the American Founding here.
You can read Morel's editorial "Why Lee should remain a namesake of my university" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Apr 2023 14:16:23 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/e3ca63d2-d2e5-11ed-a766-c3fa4447ceae/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What did Abraham Lincoln read? What makes him "America's greatest defender"? What should we do with Confederate memorials? Lucas Morel, the John K. Boardman, Jr. Professor of Politics at Washington and Lee University, joins the show to discuss all this and more! 
You can buy Morel's book Lincoln and the American Founding here.
You can read Morel's editorial "Why Lee should remain a namesake of my university" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What did Abraham Lincoln read? What makes him "America's greatest defender"? What should we do with Confederate memorials? Lucas Morel, the John K. Boardman, Jr. Professor of Politics at Washington and Lee University, joins the show to discuss all this and more! </p><p>You can buy Morel's book <em>Lincoln and the American Founding</em> <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809337859">here</a>.</p><p>You can read Morel's editorial "Why Lee should remain a namesake of my university" <a href="https://richmond.com/opinion/columnists/lucas-e-morel-column-why-lee-should-remain-a-namesake-of-my-university/article_5d6664f6-00e0-55e7-b567-0a10ae5b3403.html">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2867</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/84ce44df-4fbd-3a0e-9627-693098b75e10]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2272127065.mp3?updated=1679769267" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carolyn Woods Eisenberg, "Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia (Oxford UP, 2023) is a compelling, meticulous narrative of the way national security decisions formed at the highest levels of government affect the lives of individuals at home and abroad. By drawing these connections, Carolyn Woods Eisenberg brings to life policy decisions about Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, conveying their significance to a new generation of readers. She breaks fresh ground in contextualizing Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger's decisions within a wider institutional and societal framework. While recognizing the distinctive personalities and ideas of these two men, this study more broadly conveys the competing roles and impact of the professional military, the Congress, and a mobilized peace movement.
Drawing upon a vast collection of declassified documents, Eisenberg presents an important re-interpretation of the Nixon Administration's relations with the Soviet Union and China vis a vis the war in Southeast Asia. She argues that in their desperate effort to overcome, or at least overshadow, their failure in Vietnam, Nixon and Kissinger made major concessions to both nations in the field of arms control, their response to the India-Pakistan war, and the diplomacy surrounding Taiwan--much of this secret. Despite policymakers' claims that the Vietnam War was a "national security" necessity that would demonstrate American strength to the communist superpowers and "credibility" to friendly governments, the historical record suggests a different reality.
A half-century after the Paris Peace Conference marking the withdrawal of US troops and advisors from Vietnam and foreign troops from Laos and Cambodia, Fire and Rain is a dramatic account of geopolitical decision making, civil society, and the human toll of the war on the people of Southeast Asia.
﻿AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>145</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carolyn Woods Eisenberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia (Oxford UP, 2023) is a compelling, meticulous narrative of the way national security decisions formed at the highest levels of government affect the lives of individuals at home and abroad. By drawing these connections, Carolyn Woods Eisenberg brings to life policy decisions about Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, conveying their significance to a new generation of readers. She breaks fresh ground in contextualizing Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger's decisions within a wider institutional and societal framework. While recognizing the distinctive personalities and ideas of these two men, this study more broadly conveys the competing roles and impact of the professional military, the Congress, and a mobilized peace movement.
Drawing upon a vast collection of declassified documents, Eisenberg presents an important re-interpretation of the Nixon Administration's relations with the Soviet Union and China vis a vis the war in Southeast Asia. She argues that in their desperate effort to overcome, or at least overshadow, their failure in Vietnam, Nixon and Kissinger made major concessions to both nations in the field of arms control, their response to the India-Pakistan war, and the diplomacy surrounding Taiwan--much of this secret. Despite policymakers' claims that the Vietnam War was a "national security" necessity that would demonstrate American strength to the communist superpowers and "credibility" to friendly governments, the historical record suggests a different reality.
A half-century after the Paris Peace Conference marking the withdrawal of US troops and advisors from Vietnam and foreign troops from Laos and Cambodia, Fire and Rain is a dramatic account of geopolitical decision making, civil society, and the human toll of the war on the people of Southeast Asia.
﻿AJ Woodhams hosts the "War Books" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple here and on Spotify here. War Books is on YouTube, Facebook and Instagram.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197639061"><em>Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023) is a compelling, meticulous narrative of the way national security decisions formed at the highest levels of government affect the lives of individuals at home and abroad. By drawing these connections, Carolyn Woods Eisenberg brings to life policy decisions about Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, conveying their significance to a new generation of readers. She breaks fresh ground in contextualizing Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger's decisions within a wider institutional and societal framework. While recognizing the distinctive personalities and ideas of these two men, this study more broadly conveys the competing roles and impact of the professional military, the Congress, and a mobilized peace movement.</p><p>Drawing upon a vast collection of declassified documents, Eisenberg presents an important re-interpretation of the Nixon Administration's relations with the Soviet Union and China vis a vis the war in Southeast Asia. She argues that in their desperate effort to overcome, or at least overshadow, their failure in Vietnam, Nixon and Kissinger made major concessions to both nations in the field of arms control, their response to the India-Pakistan war, and the diplomacy surrounding Taiwan--much of this secret. Despite policymakers' claims that the Vietnam War was a "national security" necessity that would demonstrate American strength to the communist superpowers and "credibility" to friendly governments, the historical record suggests a different reality.</p><p>A half-century after the Paris Peace Conference marking the withdrawal of US troops and advisors from Vietnam and foreign troops from Laos and Cambodia, <em>Fire and Rain</em> is a dramatic account of geopolitical decision making, civil society, and the human toll of the war on the people of Southeast Asia.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/"><em>AJ Woodhams</em></a><em> hosts the "</em><a href="https://ajwoodhams.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>War Books</em></a><em>" podcast. You can subscribe on Apple </em><a href="http://bit.ly/3ZCL0du"><em>here</em></a><em> and on Spotify </em><a href="https://spoti.fi/3kP9scZ"><em>here</em></a><em>. War Books is on </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@warbookspodcast/"><em>YouTube</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://www.facebook.com/warbookspodcast"><em>Facebook</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://www.instagram.com/warbookspodcast/"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling, "Exceptional Me: How Donald Trump Exploited the Discourse of American Exceptionalism" (Bloomsbury, 2021)</title>
      <description>Today, I’m sitting down with Dr. Jason Gilmore, Associate Professor of Communication Studies at Utah State University to discuss his recently published Bloomsbury Press book written with Charles Rowling, Exceptional Me: How Donald Trump Exploited the Discourse of American Exceptionalism (Bloomsbury, 2021). Donald Trump has forged a unique relationship with American exceptionalism, parting ways with how American politicians have long communicated this idea to the American public. Through systematic comparative analyses, this book details the various ways that Trump strategically altered and exploited the discourse of American exceptionalism to elevate not the nation, but himself personally, professionally, and politically. 
Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling call this Trump's Exceptional Me Strategy and they document how it made Trump different from every president in modern American history. Beginning with the 2016 election, the authors show how Trump broke with tradition and instead of championing American exceptionalism, he actively portrayed the nation as an un-exceptional mess in need of a savior. Placing blame at the feet of politicians-both Democrats and Republicans-for America's decline, Trump set himself up to be seen as the one person who could “Make America Exceptional Again.” The authors then document how throughout his presidency and the 2020 presidential election Trump sought to convince Americans that he was the exceptional president, making the case at every turn how American exceptionalism had returned under his presidency and that he, and he alone, was to thank for it. Gilmore and Rowling illustrate how from the outset Trump's conception of American exceptionalism had almost nothing to do with the country's institutions, ideals, or its people.
Dr. Julia M. Gossard is Associate Dean for Research in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences and Associate Professor of History at Utah State University. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Apr 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>99</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today, I’m sitting down with Dr. Jason Gilmore, Associate Professor of Communication Studies at Utah State University to discuss his recently published Bloomsbury Press book written with Charles Rowling, Exceptional Me: How Donald Trump Exploited the Discourse of American Exceptionalism (Bloomsbury, 2021). Donald Trump has forged a unique relationship with American exceptionalism, parting ways with how American politicians have long communicated this idea to the American public. Through systematic comparative analyses, this book details the various ways that Trump strategically altered and exploited the discourse of American exceptionalism to elevate not the nation, but himself personally, professionally, and politically. 
Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling call this Trump's Exceptional Me Strategy and they document how it made Trump different from every president in modern American history. Beginning with the 2016 election, the authors show how Trump broke with tradition and instead of championing American exceptionalism, he actively portrayed the nation as an un-exceptional mess in need of a savior. Placing blame at the feet of politicians-both Democrats and Republicans-for America's decline, Trump set himself up to be seen as the one person who could “Make America Exceptional Again.” The authors then document how throughout his presidency and the 2020 presidential election Trump sought to convince Americans that he was the exceptional president, making the case at every turn how American exceptionalism had returned under his presidency and that he, and he alone, was to thank for it. Gilmore and Rowling illustrate how from the outset Trump's conception of American exceptionalism had almost nothing to do with the country's institutions, ideals, or its people.
Dr. Julia M. Gossard is Associate Dean for Research in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences and Associate Professor of History at Utah State University. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today, I’m sitting down with <a href="https://chass.usu.edu/communication-studies/directory/faculty/gilmore-jason">Dr. Jason Gilmore, Associate Professor of Communication Studies at Utah State University</a> to discuss his recently published Bloomsbury Press book written with Charles Rowling, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780755626953"><em>Exceptional Me: How Donald Trump Exploited the Discourse of American Exceptionalism</em></a><em> </em>(Bloomsbury, 2021). Donald Trump has forged a unique relationship with American exceptionalism, parting ways with how American politicians have long communicated this idea to the American public. Through systematic comparative analyses, this book details the various ways that Trump strategically altered and exploited the discourse of American exceptionalism to elevate not the nation, but himself personally, professionally, and politically. </p><p>Jason Gilmore and Charles Rowling call this Trump's Exceptional Me Strategy and they document how it made Trump different from every president in modern American history. Beginning with the 2016 election, the authors show how Trump broke with tradition and instead of championing American exceptionalism, he actively portrayed the nation as an un-exceptional mess in need of a savior. Placing blame at the feet of politicians-both Democrats and Republicans-for America's decline, Trump set himself up to be seen as the one person who could “Make America Exceptional Again.” The authors then document how throughout his presidency and the 2020 presidential election Trump sought to convince Americans that he was the exceptional president, making the case at every turn how American exceptionalism had returned under his presidency and that he, and he alone, was to thank for it. Gilmore and Rowling illustrate how from the outset Trump's conception of American exceptionalism had almost nothing to do with the country's institutions, ideals, or its people.</p><p><a href="https://chass.usu.edu/history/directory/julia-gossard"><em>Dr. Julia M. Gossard</em></a><em> is Associate Dean for Research in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences and Associate Professor of History at Utah State University. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Land of Hope: A Conversation with Bill McClay</title>
      <description>Bill McClay is the G. T. and Libby Blankenship Chair in the History of Liberty at the University of Oklahoma and the author of Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. He joins the show to discuss Land of Hope, the state of the history profession, nationalism, the New York Times' 1619 Project, and more. 
Bill McClay's interview with Daniel Cullen is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>3</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/4e7a09c4-cfff-11ed-b35c-abe0ecd0bb23/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bill McClay is the G. T. and Libby Blankenship Chair in the History of Liberty at the University of Oklahoma and the author of Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. He joins the show to discuss Land of Hope, the state of the history profession, nationalism, the New York Times' 1619 Project, and more. 
Bill McClay's interview with Daniel Cullen is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bill McClay is the G. T. and Libby Blankenship Chair in the History of Liberty at the University of Oklahoma and the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641771399"><em>Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story</em></a><em>.</em> He joins the show to discuss <em>Land of Hope</em>, the state of the history profession, nationalism, the New York Times' 1619 Project, and more. </p><p>Bill McClay's interview with Daniel Cullen is <a href="https://jackmillercenter.org/daniel-cullen-wilfred-mcclay-interview-land-of-hope/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3091</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/0a275e66-f012-55e5-9a5c-55d13bf48f4c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8933496844.mp3?updated=1679769584" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Eric Alterman, "We Are Not One: A History of America's Fight Over Israel" (Basic Book, 2022)</title>
      <description>Fights about the fate of the state of Israel, and the Zionist movement that gave birth to it, have long been a staple of both Jewish and American political culture. In We Are Not One: A History of America’s Fight Over Israel (Basic Books, 2022), Eric Alterman traces this debate from its nineteenth-century origins. Following Israel’s 1948–1949 War of Independence (called the “nakba” or “catastrophe” by Palestinians), few Americans, including few Jews, paid much attention to Israel or the challenges it faced. Following the 1967 Six-Day War, however, almost overnight support for Israel became the primary component of American Jews’ collective identity. Over time, Jewish organizations joined forces with conservative Christians and neoconservative pundits and politicos to wage a tenacious fight to define Israel’s image in the US media, popular culture, Congress, and college campuses. We Are Not One reveals how our consensus on Israel and Palestine emerged and why, today, it is fracturing.
Eric Alterman is a CUNY distinguished professor of English at Brooklyn College.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>217</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric Alterman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Fights about the fate of the state of Israel, and the Zionist movement that gave birth to it, have long been a staple of both Jewish and American political culture. In We Are Not One: A History of America’s Fight Over Israel (Basic Books, 2022), Eric Alterman traces this debate from its nineteenth-century origins. Following Israel’s 1948–1949 War of Independence (called the “nakba” or “catastrophe” by Palestinians), few Americans, including few Jews, paid much attention to Israel or the challenges it faced. Following the 1967 Six-Day War, however, almost overnight support for Israel became the primary component of American Jews’ collective identity. Over time, Jewish organizations joined forces with conservative Christians and neoconservative pundits and politicos to wage a tenacious fight to define Israel’s image in the US media, popular culture, Congress, and college campuses. We Are Not One reveals how our consensus on Israel and Palestine emerged and why, today, it is fracturing.
Eric Alterman is a CUNY distinguished professor of English at Brooklyn College.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Fights about the fate of the state of Israel, and the Zionist movement that gave birth to it, have long been a staple of both Jewish and American political culture. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780465096312"><em>We Are Not One:</em> <em>A History of America’s Fight Over Israel</em> </a>(Basic Books, 2022), Eric Alterman traces this debate from its nineteenth-century origins. Following Israel’s 1948–1949 War of Independence (called the “nakba” or “catastrophe” by Palestinians), few Americans, including few Jews, paid much attention to Israel or the challenges it faced. Following the 1967 Six-Day War, however, almost overnight support for Israel became the primary component of American Jews’ collective identity. Over time, Jewish organizations joined forces with conservative Christians and neoconservative pundits and politicos to wage a tenacious fight to define Israel’s image in the US media, popular culture, Congress, and college campuses. <em>We Are Not One</em> reveals how our consensus on Israel and Palestine emerged and why, today, it is fracturing.</p><p>Eric Alterman is a CUNY distinguished professor of English at Brooklyn College.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3683</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1783693640.mp3?updated=1679572574" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Susan Burgess, "LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imagination, and Civil Rights" (NYU Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights (NYU Press, 2023) is a tour de force that weaves together the various narratives about the transformation of a counter public, in this case, LBGT citizens, into rights bearing citizenship, and the transformation of mainstream political and cultural narratives, incorporating shifting conceptions that open up space for this integration. As Political Scientist Susan Burgess explains throughout the book, a basic exploration of public opinion data reflects the substantial shift that many Americans have had in their thinking about individuals who are part of the LGBT community, and about the community itself. But the public opinion data only goes so far in telling the story of this rapid transformation. Using the American political development framework of political time, Burgess sees profound political transformation, but through what she describes as queered political time, noting that substantive ideas in this context are vitally important. Thus, the focus of LGBT Inclusion in American Life is on the space where narratives and imagination are able to project new ideas that can then open up our thinking and provide opportunities to re-imagine fundamental social and political concepts.
Political imagination gives us a chance to consider alternatives; we can see new or different worlds that provide us with different ways to think about institutions and power, about families, about gender and sexuality. This space also provides us with paths into thinking about the future. Burgess focuses on worlds that have been created in popular culture that construct different situations, or that deconstruct our ideas and we can imagine what might come out of that deconstruction. Through plays, television shows, and movies, as are the focus here, we can see power—which is at the heart of politics—differently conceived, implemented, constructed, wielded. Burgess integrates nuanced and important analyses of popular culture artifacts like Bond films, war movies, and family-focused television series to tease apart the shifting ideas of individual and community moral standards (movies about military service), masculinity (Bond films), and the family (Leave It to Beaver, 30something, The Americans). Each section of the book examines the particular theme that is connected to the “central pillars of LBGT freedoms” like the right to marry legally, the right to serve openly in the U.S. military, and the right to have consensual adult sex without fear of criminal penalty. The legality of these rights shifted rather quickly over the past twenty years, and Burgess’ research dives into the connection between popular culture’s imagined spaces and the demand and reality of lived experiences. LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights essentially provides the “rest of the story” – analyzing how these spaces of political imagination supplemented Americans’ understandings of the LBGT community and the individuals within that community, not necessarily through representation, but through changing narratives and expansive storytelling and world building.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>647</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Susan Burgess</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights (NYU Press, 2023) is a tour de force that weaves together the various narratives about the transformation of a counter public, in this case, LBGT citizens, into rights bearing citizenship, and the transformation of mainstream political and cultural narratives, incorporating shifting conceptions that open up space for this integration. As Political Scientist Susan Burgess explains throughout the book, a basic exploration of public opinion data reflects the substantial shift that many Americans have had in their thinking about individuals who are part of the LGBT community, and about the community itself. But the public opinion data only goes so far in telling the story of this rapid transformation. Using the American political development framework of political time, Burgess sees profound political transformation, but through what she describes as queered political time, noting that substantive ideas in this context are vitally important. Thus, the focus of LGBT Inclusion in American Life is on the space where narratives and imagination are able to project new ideas that can then open up our thinking and provide opportunities to re-imagine fundamental social and political concepts.
Political imagination gives us a chance to consider alternatives; we can see new or different worlds that provide us with different ways to think about institutions and power, about families, about gender and sexuality. This space also provides us with paths into thinking about the future. Burgess focuses on worlds that have been created in popular culture that construct different situations, or that deconstruct our ideas and we can imagine what might come out of that deconstruction. Through plays, television shows, and movies, as are the focus here, we can see power—which is at the heart of politics—differently conceived, implemented, constructed, wielded. Burgess integrates nuanced and important analyses of popular culture artifacts like Bond films, war movies, and family-focused television series to tease apart the shifting ideas of individual and community moral standards (movies about military service), masculinity (Bond films), and the family (Leave It to Beaver, 30something, The Americans). Each section of the book examines the particular theme that is connected to the “central pillars of LBGT freedoms” like the right to marry legally, the right to serve openly in the U.S. military, and the right to have consensual adult sex without fear of criminal penalty. The legality of these rights shifted rather quickly over the past twenty years, and Burgess’ research dives into the connection between popular culture’s imagined spaces and the demand and reality of lived experiences. LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights essentially provides the “rest of the story” – analyzing how these spaces of political imagination supplemented Americans’ understandings of the LBGT community and the individuals within that community, not necessarily through representation, but through changing narratives and expansive storytelling and world building.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479819720"><em>LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2023) is a tour de force that weaves together the various narratives about the transformation of a counter public, in this case, LBGT citizens, into rights bearing citizenship, and the transformation of mainstream political and cultural narratives, incorporating shifting conceptions that open up space for this integration. As Political Scientist Susan Burgess explains throughout the book, a basic exploration of public opinion data reflects the substantial shift that many Americans have had in their thinking about individuals who are part of the LGBT community, and about the community itself. But the public opinion data only goes so far in telling the story of this rapid transformation. Using the American political development framework of <em>political time</em>, Burgess sees profound political transformation, but through what she describes as queered political time, noting that substantive ideas in this context are vitally important. Thus, the focus of <em>LGBT Inclusion in American Life</em> is on the space where narratives and imagination are able to project new ideas that can then open up our thinking and provide opportunities to re-imagine fundamental social and political concepts.</p><p>Political imagination gives us a chance to consider alternatives; we can see new or different worlds that provide us with different ways to think about institutions and power, about families, about gender and sexuality. This space also provides us with paths into thinking about the future. Burgess focuses on worlds that have been created in popular culture that construct different situations, or that deconstruct our ideas and we can imagine what might come out of that deconstruction. Through plays, television shows, and movies, as are the focus here, we can see power—which is at the heart of politics—differently conceived, implemented, constructed, wielded. Burgess integrates nuanced and important analyses of popular culture artifacts like Bond films, war movies, and family-focused television series to tease apart the shifting ideas of individual and community moral standards (movies about military service), masculinity (Bond films), and the family (<em>Leave It to Beaver</em>, <em>30something</em>, <em>The Americans</em>). Each section of the book examines the particular theme that is connected to the “central pillars of LBGT freedoms” like the right to marry legally, the right to serve openly in the U.S. military, and the right to have consensual adult sex without fear of criminal penalty. The legality of these rights shifted rather quickly over the past twenty years, and Burgess’ research dives into the connection between popular culture’s imagined spaces and the demand and reality of lived experiences. <em>LGBT Inclusion in American Life: Pop Culture, Political Imaginations, and Civil Rights</em> essentially provides the “rest of the story” – analyzing how these spaces of political imagination supplemented Americans’ understandings of the LBGT community and the individuals within that community, not necessarily through representation, but through changing narratives and expansive storytelling and world building.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3238</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Administrative State 101: A Conversation with Adam J. White</title>
      <description>What is the Administrative State? Where did it come from? Is it a cause for concern or celebration? Adam J. White, Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and Director of the C. Boyden Gray Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School, answers these questions and more. 
You can read White's Atlantic article "A Republic, If We Can Keep It" here.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/4f0a48e6-cf40-11ed-8805-a33f9eca2ed2/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the Administrative State? Where did it come from? Is it a cause for concern or celebration? Adam J. White, Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and Director of the C. Boyden Gray Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School, answers these questions and more. 
You can read White's Atlantic article "A Republic, If We Can Keep It" here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the Administrative State? Where did it come from? Is it a cause for concern or celebration? Adam J. White, Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and Director of the C. Boyden Gray Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School, answers these questions and more. </p><p>You can read White's Atlantic article "A Republic, If We Can Keep It" <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/02/a-republic-if-we-can-keep-it/605887/">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2943</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/ae4f8e63-a359-5e01-8d6b-b05dd3622334]]></guid>
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      <title>The Future of Political Time and Space: A Discussion with Jan Zielonka</title>
      <description>What is the future of time and space in democracy? It's now widely accepted that Chinese politicians are advantaged by the lack of the short time horizons that come with electoral cycles. And all the discussion of immigration raises issues of borders in politics. Professor Jan Zielonka of Oxford University has been thinking about these matters and you can hear him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones. Zielonka is the author of The Lost Future: And How to Reclaim It (Yale University Press, 2023).
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>56</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the future of time and space in democracy? It's now widely accepted that Chinese politicians are advantaged by the lack of the short time horizons that come with electoral cycles. And all the discussion of immigration raises issues of borders in politics. Professor Jan Zielonka of Oxford University has been thinking about these matters and you can hear him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones. Zielonka is the author of The Lost Future: And How to Reclaim It (Yale University Press, 2023).
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the future of time and space in democracy? It's now widely accepted that Chinese politicians are advantaged by the lack of the short time horizons that come with electoral cycles. And all the discussion of immigration raises issues of borders in politics. Professor Jan Zielonka of Oxford University has been thinking about these matters and you can hear him in conversation with Owen Bennett Jones. Zielonka is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300262629"><em>The Lost Future: And How to Reclaim It</em></a><em> </em>(Yale University Press, 2023).</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2629</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ae720a04-c9bd-11ed-bb4b-3370c055e81a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9943938648.mp3?updated=1679605458" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Leslie M. Alexander, "Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States" (U Illinois Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander's study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti's place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti's people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom. A bold exploration of Black internationalism's origins, Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.
Anna E. Lindner is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Communication at Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. On Twitter.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>360</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Leslie M. Alexander</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander's study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti's place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti's people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom. A bold exploration of Black internationalism's origins, Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.
Anna E. Lindner is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Communication at Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. On Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander's study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti's place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti's people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom. A bold exploration of Black internationalism's origins, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252086908"><em>Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States</em></a> (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/anna-lindner-b86a16a6/"><em>Anna E. Lindner</em></a><em> is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Communication at Wayne State University in Detroit, Michigan. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/annaeliselin"><em>On Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3852</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7176608408.mp3?updated=1677612823" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Robin M. Morris, "Goldwater Girls to Reagan Women: Gender, Georgia, and the Growth of the New Right" (U Georgia Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Goldwater Girls to Reagan Women: Gender, Georgia, and the Growth of the New Right (U Georgia Press, 2022) is a statewide study of women’s part in the history of conservatism, the New Right, and the Republican Party in the state of Georgia. Robin M. Morris examines how the growth of the Republican Party in the 1960s and 1970s was due in large part to the political activism of white women. The book begins with the African American women who established the Georgia Federation of Republican Women and follows how they lost the organization and the party to white women moving to the Sunbelt South. Conservative white women developed a language and strategy of family values that they deployed to battle school busing, defeat the Equal Rights Amendment, and elect Republican leaders even in Jimmy Carter’s home state.
Morris uses original interviews and archival research in personal papers of women activists in the Georgia New Right movement, including Lee Ague Miller, Beth Callaway, Kathryn Dunaway, Lee Wysong, and Hattie Greene, to reveal the motivations and actions that transformed the state from blue to red. In this era, perceived threats to family life and traditional values spurred women-led grassroots organization that enabled broad political shifts on the state level. Conservative women carved out their political niche as they consolidated and expanded their power and influence. Rather than a male-dominated, top-down approach, Morris centers her historical account on the middle-class white women whose actions changed the political landscape of the state and ultimately the country.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>50</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robin M. Morris</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Goldwater Girls to Reagan Women: Gender, Georgia, and the Growth of the New Right (U Georgia Press, 2022) is a statewide study of women’s part in the history of conservatism, the New Right, and the Republican Party in the state of Georgia. Robin M. Morris examines how the growth of the Republican Party in the 1960s and 1970s was due in large part to the political activism of white women. The book begins with the African American women who established the Georgia Federation of Republican Women and follows how they lost the organization and the party to white women moving to the Sunbelt South. Conservative white women developed a language and strategy of family values that they deployed to battle school busing, defeat the Equal Rights Amendment, and elect Republican leaders even in Jimmy Carter’s home state.
Morris uses original interviews and archival research in personal papers of women activists in the Georgia New Right movement, including Lee Ague Miller, Beth Callaway, Kathryn Dunaway, Lee Wysong, and Hattie Greene, to reveal the motivations and actions that transformed the state from blue to red. In this era, perceived threats to family life and traditional values spurred women-led grassroots organization that enabled broad political shifts on the state level. Conservative women carved out their political niche as they consolidated and expanded their power and influence. Rather than a male-dominated, top-down approach, Morris centers her historical account on the middle-class white women whose actions changed the political landscape of the state and ultimately the country.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820360676"><em>Goldwater Girls to Reagan Women: Gender, Georgia, and the Growth of the New Right</em></a><em> </em>(U Georgia Press, 2022) is a statewide study of women’s part in the history of conservatism, the New Right, and the Republican Party in the state of Georgia. Robin M. Morris examines how the growth of the Republican Party in the 1960s and 1970s was due in large part to the political activism of white women. The book begins with the African American women who established the Georgia Federation of Republican Women and follows how they lost the organization and the party to white women moving to the Sunbelt South. Conservative white women developed a language and strategy of family values that they deployed to battle school busing, defeat the Equal Rights Amendment, and elect Republican leaders even in Jimmy Carter’s home state.</p><p>Morris uses original interviews and archival research in personal papers of women activists in the Georgia New Right movement, including Lee Ague Miller, Beth Callaway, Kathryn Dunaway, Lee Wysong, and Hattie Greene, to reveal the motivations and actions that transformed the state from blue to red. In this era, perceived threats to family life and traditional values spurred women-led grassroots organization that enabled broad political shifts on the state level. Conservative women carved out their political niche as they consolidated and expanded their power and influence. Rather than a male-dominated, top-down approach, Morris centers her historical account on the middle-class white women whose actions changed the political landscape of the state and ultimately the country.</p><p><a href="https://www.brookdalecc.edu/academic-institutes-and-departments/business-social-sciences/history/history-faculty/jane-scimeca/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College. @JaneScimeca1.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2599</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2522351565.mp3?updated=1679068185" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Leigh Goodmark, "Imperfect Victims: Criminalized Survivors and the Promise of Abolition Feminism" (U California Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>Leigh Goodmark’s new book, Imperfect Victims: Criminalized Survivors and the Promise of Abolition Feminism (U California Press, 2023), uses the stories of individual criminalized survivors of gender based violence to illuminate the ways that the criminal legal system perpetuates violence against the very women, transgender people, and gender non-conforming people it claims to protect. Leigh argues that reform is not the answer to this problem, and that instead of limiting our efforts and imaginations to the pursuit of reforms that ultimately expand the reach of the criminal legal system, we should invest in abolition feminism and a world of non-carceral supports and resources like housing, healthcare, and education instead of arrest, prosecution, and incarceration.
Kendall Dinniene is a fourth year English PhD student at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas. Their research examines how contemporary American authors respond to anti-fatness in their work.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 22 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>365</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Leigh Goodmark</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Leigh Goodmark’s new book, Imperfect Victims: Criminalized Survivors and the Promise of Abolition Feminism (U California Press, 2023), uses the stories of individual criminalized survivors of gender based violence to illuminate the ways that the criminal legal system perpetuates violence against the very women, transgender people, and gender non-conforming people it claims to protect. Leigh argues that reform is not the answer to this problem, and that instead of limiting our efforts and imaginations to the pursuit of reforms that ultimately expand the reach of the criminal legal system, we should invest in abolition feminism and a world of non-carceral supports and resources like housing, healthcare, and education instead of arrest, prosecution, and incarceration.
Kendall Dinniene is a fourth year English PhD student at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas. Their research examines how contemporary American authors respond to anti-fatness in their work.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Leigh Goodmark’s new book,<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520391109"> <em>Imperfect Victims: Criminalized Survivors and the Promise of Abolition Feminism</em></a> (U California Press, 2023), uses the stories of individual criminalized survivors of gender based violence to illuminate the ways that the criminal legal system perpetuates violence against the very women, transgender people, and gender non-conforming people it claims to protect. Leigh argues that reform is not the answer to this problem, and that instead of limiting our efforts and imaginations to the pursuit of reforms that ultimately expand the reach of the criminal legal system, we should invest in abolition feminism and a world of non-carceral supports and resources like housing, healthcare, and education instead of arrest, prosecution, and incarceration.</p><p><a href="https://www.smu.edu/Dedman/Academics/Departments/English/People/Graduate-Students/KendallMeador"><em>Kendall Dinniene</em></a><em> is a fourth year English PhD student at Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas. Their research examines how contemporary American authors respond to anti-fatness in their work.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3497</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8a45e326-c4d6-11ed-858e-e71a961686d3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1326116554.mp3?updated=1679066660" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nadia Abu El-Haj, "Combat Trauma: Imaginaries of War and Citizenship in Post-9/11 America" (Verso, 2022)</title>
      <description>One of the most recognizable tropes in American society in the past few decades is the scarred war veteran, returning from foreign lands with wounds both visible and invisible. His experiences are incomprehensible to those who’ve not served, but we owe him everything, and it is our duty as American citizens to honor him with nonjudgmental empathy so that he might eventually heal and reintegrate into the national community. But this narrative, this response to combat is neither natural or the only possible way of dealing with the issue. In fact, my guest Nadia Abu El-Haj argues that it is a distinctly apolitical interpretation, one that works as a cover for the politics of American empire in her new book Combat Trauma: Imaginaries of War and Citizenship in Post-9/11 America (Verso, 2022).
Beginning her narrative in the 1960’s and 70’s with the war in Vietnam, El-Haj traces PTSD back to it’s roots as a response to extreme circumstances. In the soldiers being studied, psychologists found men who were shattered by their experiences, struggling to process them and move on when they returned home. However, key to their understanding was a sense of guilt and complicity in the war. They might’ve been damaged and in need of care to move forward with their lives, but they were still guilty of immoral and criminal acts. The diagnosis was then not just an individualized pathology but part of a broader political critique, and part of the healing process involved engaging in activism to fight the very systems the soldiers had been participants of.
Fast forward a few decades, and this political angle has almost been entirely erased. Instead, soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan are no longer perpetrators but victims who bear a burden we all must honor them for. This new discourse around trauma buries the possibility of political dissent, leaving us unable to understand the decisions that produced the trauma in the first place, but also focuses so heavily on the traumatized soldier that civilians caught in the crossfire almost never factor in our understanding, in spite of the fact that they are the most numerous victims of wars in the last several decades. This combination has produced a toxic form of militarism, one incapable of sustained political critique, which helps explain why the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere have been able to go on so long.
Combining fields and disciplines and tying numerous disparate threads together, El-Haj’s work is a devastatingly urgent, eye-opening critique of a society that has long lost it’s capacity for critical self-reflection. It reveals many ideological traps and mazes many have been lost in, and even if it cannot bring about a more peaceful world on its own, it can point the way towards a more critical one.
Nadia Abu El-Haj is a professor of anthropology at Barnard College. She is also the author of The Genealogical Science: The Search for Jewish Origins and the Politics of Epistemology and Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>364</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nadia Abu El-Haj</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the most recognizable tropes in American society in the past few decades is the scarred war veteran, returning from foreign lands with wounds both visible and invisible. His experiences are incomprehensible to those who’ve not served, but we owe him everything, and it is our duty as American citizens to honor him with nonjudgmental empathy so that he might eventually heal and reintegrate into the national community. But this narrative, this response to combat is neither natural or the only possible way of dealing with the issue. In fact, my guest Nadia Abu El-Haj argues that it is a distinctly apolitical interpretation, one that works as a cover for the politics of American empire in her new book Combat Trauma: Imaginaries of War and Citizenship in Post-9/11 America (Verso, 2022).
Beginning her narrative in the 1960’s and 70’s with the war in Vietnam, El-Haj traces PTSD back to it’s roots as a response to extreme circumstances. In the soldiers being studied, psychologists found men who were shattered by their experiences, struggling to process them and move on when they returned home. However, key to their understanding was a sense of guilt and complicity in the war. They might’ve been damaged and in need of care to move forward with their lives, but they were still guilty of immoral and criminal acts. The diagnosis was then not just an individualized pathology but part of a broader political critique, and part of the healing process involved engaging in activism to fight the very systems the soldiers had been participants of.
Fast forward a few decades, and this political angle has almost been entirely erased. Instead, soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan are no longer perpetrators but victims who bear a burden we all must honor them for. This new discourse around trauma buries the possibility of political dissent, leaving us unable to understand the decisions that produced the trauma in the first place, but also focuses so heavily on the traumatized soldier that civilians caught in the crossfire almost never factor in our understanding, in spite of the fact that they are the most numerous victims of wars in the last several decades. This combination has produced a toxic form of militarism, one incapable of sustained political critique, which helps explain why the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere have been able to go on so long.
Combining fields and disciplines and tying numerous disparate threads together, El-Haj’s work is a devastatingly urgent, eye-opening critique of a society that has long lost it’s capacity for critical self-reflection. It reveals many ideological traps and mazes many have been lost in, and even if it cannot bring about a more peaceful world on its own, it can point the way towards a more critical one.
Nadia Abu El-Haj is a professor of anthropology at Barnard College. She is also the author of The Genealogical Science: The Search for Jewish Origins and the Politics of Epistemology and Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the most recognizable tropes in American society in the past few decades is the scarred war veteran, returning from foreign lands with wounds both visible and invisible. His experiences are incomprehensible to those who’ve not served, but we owe him everything, and it is our duty as American citizens to honor him with nonjudgmental empathy so that he might eventually heal and reintegrate into the national community. But this narrative, this response to combat is neither natural or the only possible way of dealing with the issue. In fact, my guest Nadia Abu El-Haj argues that it is a distinctly apolitical interpretation, one that works as a cover for the politics of American empire in her new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788738422"><em>Combat Trauma: Imaginaries of War and Citizenship in Post-9/11 America</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2022).</p><p>Beginning her narrative in the 1960’s and 70’s with the war in Vietnam, El-Haj traces PTSD back to it’s roots as a response to extreme circumstances. In the soldiers being studied, psychologists found men who were shattered by their experiences, struggling to process them and move on when they returned home. However, key to their understanding was a sense of guilt and complicity in the war. They might’ve been damaged and in need of care to move forward with their lives, but they were still guilty of immoral and criminal acts. The diagnosis was then not just an individualized pathology but part of a broader political critique, and part of the healing process involved engaging in activism to fight the very systems the soldiers had been participants of.</p><p>Fast forward a few decades, and this political angle has almost been entirely erased. Instead, soldiers returning from Iraq and Afghanistan are no longer perpetrators but victims who bear a burden we all must honor them for. This new discourse around trauma buries the possibility of political dissent, leaving us unable to understand the decisions that produced the trauma in the first place, but also focuses so heavily on the traumatized soldier that civilians caught in the crossfire almost never factor in our understanding, in spite of the fact that they are the most numerous victims of wars in the last several decades. This combination has produced a toxic form of militarism, one incapable of sustained political critique, which helps explain why the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere have been able to go on so long.</p><p>Combining fields and disciplines and tying numerous disparate threads together, El-Haj’s work is a devastatingly urgent, eye-opening critique of a society that has long lost it’s capacity for critical self-reflection. It reveals many ideological traps and mazes many have been lost in, and even if it cannot bring about a more peaceful world on its own, it can point the way towards a more critical one.</p><p><em>Nadia Abu El-Haj is a professor of anthropology at Barnard College. She is also the author of </em><a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/G/bo12456289.html"><em>The Genealogical Science: The Search for Jewish Origins and the Politics of Epistemology</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo3622177.html"><em>Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Territorial Self-Fashioning in Israeli Society</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Michael Walzer, "The Struggle for a Decent Politics: On 'Liberal' As an Adjective" (Yale UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>The national purpose of the American state is to realize and then sustain the democracy and the equality that was the promise of our founding. I believe that requires perennial struggle and … groups like Black Lives Matter are an essential part of that struggle … Those are the social movements I hope to join, support, and that I hope will always be qualified by the adjective ‘liberal’.
– Michael Walzer, NBN interview (2023)
In the 1990 collection What is Justice? Classic and Contemporary Readings edited by Solomon and Murphy and published by Oxford, teachers had a textbook to help introduce students to a broad cross-section of political thinkers ranging from Hobbes to Hegel to Hayek to Mill, Nozick, Rawls, Sandel, Taylor and Walzer among others. It is worth mentioning because Michael Walzer insists he is not a formal philosopher, does not in fact, deserve to be grouped with the likes of a Dewey or a Hegel, as Richard Rorty had done in the introduction of his 1999 collection of essays in Philosophy and Social Hope:
‘Recently Michael Walzer, a political philosopher best known for his earlier work, Spheres of Justice, has come to Hegel’s and Dewey’s defense. In his more recent book Thick and Thin, Walzer argues that we should not think of the customs and institutions of particular societies as accidental accretions around a common core of universal moral rationality, the transcultural moral law. Rather, we should think of the thick set of customs and institutions as prior, and as what commands moral allegiance.’
Rorty’s broader point remains as relevant as arguably, the positions of the political philosophers as collected in the Solomon and Murphy reader mentioned above, What is Justice?, which also recognized the appeal of Walzer’s ‘very different approach’ to the Rawls’ paradigmatic A Theory of Justice. That same collection also shares Nozick’s critical response to Rawls - mentioned because of the well-known course, ‘Capitalism and Socialism’, that Robert Nozick and Michael Walzer taught together at Harvard.
A former student, the Washington Post columnist, Brookings senior fellow, and policy professor E.J. Dionne once said: it was one of the best courses he ever took, adding, it was Michael Walzer ‘who very much shaped my view’.
A short list of Professor Walzer’s book titles include Just and Unjust Wars, Spheres of Justice - A Defense of Pluralism and Equality, The Company of Critics, Thick and Thin - Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, On Toleration, Politics and Passion, The Jewish Political Tradition, The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions, A Foreign Policy for the Left, as well as a published conversation - Justice is Steady Work: A Conversation on Political Theory - published by Polity in 2020.
This interview focuses primarily on his latest book, The Struggle for a Decent Politics: On “Liberal” as an Adjective (2023, Yale University Press) which does much to clarify a simple, yet crucial distinction, between liberal and illiberal sensibilities underlying the pluralism, populism, and polarization today.
Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at Dissent magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.
Keith Krueger can be reached at keithNBn@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 18 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>165</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Walzer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The national purpose of the American state is to realize and then sustain the democracy and the equality that was the promise of our founding. I believe that requires perennial struggle and … groups like Black Lives Matter are an essential part of that struggle … Those are the social movements I hope to join, support, and that I hope will always be qualified by the adjective ‘liberal’.
– Michael Walzer, NBN interview (2023)
In the 1990 collection What is Justice? Classic and Contemporary Readings edited by Solomon and Murphy and published by Oxford, teachers had a textbook to help introduce students to a broad cross-section of political thinkers ranging from Hobbes to Hegel to Hayek to Mill, Nozick, Rawls, Sandel, Taylor and Walzer among others. It is worth mentioning because Michael Walzer insists he is not a formal philosopher, does not in fact, deserve to be grouped with the likes of a Dewey or a Hegel, as Richard Rorty had done in the introduction of his 1999 collection of essays in Philosophy and Social Hope:
‘Recently Michael Walzer, a political philosopher best known for his earlier work, Spheres of Justice, has come to Hegel’s and Dewey’s defense. In his more recent book Thick and Thin, Walzer argues that we should not think of the customs and institutions of particular societies as accidental accretions around a common core of universal moral rationality, the transcultural moral law. Rather, we should think of the thick set of customs and institutions as prior, and as what commands moral allegiance.’
Rorty’s broader point remains as relevant as arguably, the positions of the political philosophers as collected in the Solomon and Murphy reader mentioned above, What is Justice?, which also recognized the appeal of Walzer’s ‘very different approach’ to the Rawls’ paradigmatic A Theory of Justice. That same collection also shares Nozick’s critical response to Rawls - mentioned because of the well-known course, ‘Capitalism and Socialism’, that Robert Nozick and Michael Walzer taught together at Harvard.
A former student, the Washington Post columnist, Brookings senior fellow, and policy professor E.J. Dionne once said: it was one of the best courses he ever took, adding, it was Michael Walzer ‘who very much shaped my view’.
A short list of Professor Walzer’s book titles include Just and Unjust Wars, Spheres of Justice - A Defense of Pluralism and Equality, The Company of Critics, Thick and Thin - Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, On Toleration, Politics and Passion, The Jewish Political Tradition, The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions, A Foreign Policy for the Left, as well as a published conversation - Justice is Steady Work: A Conversation on Political Theory - published by Polity in 2020.
This interview focuses primarily on his latest book, The Struggle for a Decent Politics: On “Liberal” as an Adjective (2023, Yale University Press) which does much to clarify a simple, yet crucial distinction, between liberal and illiberal sensibilities underlying the pluralism, populism, and polarization today.
Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at Dissent magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.
Keith Krueger can be reached at keithNBn@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>The national purpose of the American state is to realize and then sustain the democracy and the equality that was the promise of our founding. I believe that requires perennial struggle and … groups like Black Lives Matter are an essential part of that struggle … Those are the social movements I hope to join, support, and that I hope will always be qualified by the adjective ‘liberal’.</em></p><p><strong>– Michael Walzer, NBN interview (2023)</strong></p><p>In the 1990 collection <em>What is Justice? Classic and Contemporary Readings</em> edited by Solomon and Murphy and published by Oxford, teachers had a textbook to help introduce students to a broad cross-section of political thinkers ranging from Hobbes to Hegel to Hayek to Mill, Nozick, Rawls, Sandel, Taylor and Walzer among others. It is worth mentioning because Michael Walzer insists he is not a formal philosopher, does not in fact, deserve to be grouped with the likes of a Dewey or a Hegel, as Richard Rorty had done in the introduction of his 1999 collection of essays in <em>Philosophy and Social Hope</em>:</p><p>‘Recently Michael Walzer, a political philosopher best known for his earlier work, <em>Spheres of Justice</em>, has come to Hegel’s and Dewey’s defense. In his more recent book <em>Thick and Thin</em>, Walzer argues that we should not think of the customs and institutions of particular societies as accidental accretions around a common core of universal moral rationality, the transcultural moral law. Rather, we should think of the thick set of customs and institutions as prior, and as what commands moral allegiance.’</p><p>Rorty’s broader point remains as relevant as arguably, the positions of the political philosophers as collected in the Solomon and Murphy reader mentioned above, <em>What is Justice?</em>, which also recognized the appeal of Walzer’s ‘very different approach’ to the Rawls’ paradigmatic <em>A Theory of Justice</em>. That same collection also shares Nozick’s critical response to Rawls - mentioned because of the well-known course, ‘Capitalism and Socialism’, that Robert Nozick and Michael Walzer taught together at Harvard.</p><p>A former student, the Washington Post columnist, Brookings senior fellow, and policy professor E.J. Dionne once said: it was one of the best courses he ever took, adding, it was Michael Walzer ‘who very much shaped my view’.</p><p>A short list of Professor Walzer’s book titles include <em>Just and Unjust Wars</em>, <em>Spheres of Justice - A Defense of Pluralism and Equality</em>, <em>The Company of Critics</em>, <em>Thick and Thin - Moral Argument at Home and Abroad</em>, <em>On Toleration</em>, <em>Politics and Passion</em>, <em>The Jewish Political Tradition</em>, <em>The Paradox of Liberation: Secular Revolutions and Religious Counterrevolutions</em>, <em>A Foreign Policy for the Left</em>, as well as a published conversation - <em>Justice is Steady Work: A Conversation on Political Theory</em> - published by Polity in 2020.</p><p>This interview focuses primarily on his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300267235"><em>The Struggle for a Decent Politics: On “Liberal” as an Adjective</em></a> (2023, Yale University Press) which does much to clarify a simple, yet crucial distinction, between liberal and illiberal sensibilities underlying the pluralism, populism, and polarization today.</p><p>Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at <em>Dissent</em> magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.</p><p><em>Keith Krueger can be reached at keithNBn@gmail.com</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2921</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Bradford Vivian, "Campus Misinformation: The Real Threat to Free Speech in American Higher Education" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>If we listen to the politicians and pundits, college campuses have become fiercely ideological spaces where students unthinkingly endorse a liberal orthodoxy and forcibly silence anyone who dares to disagree. These commentators lament the demise of free speech and academic freedom. But what is really happening on college campuses?
Campus Misinformation: The Real Threat to Free Speech in American Higher Education (Oxford UP, 2022) shows how misinformation about colleges and universities has proliferated in recent years, with potentially dangerous results. Popular but highly misleading claims about a so-called free speech crisis and a lack of intellectual diversity on college campuses emerged in the mid-2010s and continue to shape public discourse about higher education across party lines. Such disingenuous claims impede constructive deliberation about higher learning while normalizing suspect ideas about First Amendment freedoms and democratic participation.
Taking a non-partisan approach, Bradford Vivian argues that reporting on campus culture has grossly exaggerated the importance and representativeness of a small number of isolated events; misleadingly advocated for an artificial parity between liberals and conservatives as true viewpoint diversity; mischaracterized the use of trigger warnings and safe spaces; and purposefully confused critique and protest with censorship and "cancel culture." Organizations and think tanks generate pseudoscientific data to support this discourse, then advocate for free speech in highly specific ways that actually limit speech in general. In the name of free speech and viewpoint diversity, we now see restrictions on the right to protest and laws banning certain books, theories, and subjects from schools.
By deconstructing the political and rhetorical development of the free speech crisis, Vivian not only provides a powerful corrective to contemporary views of higher education, but provides a blueprint for readers to identify and challenge misleading language--and to understand the true threats to our freedoms.
Bradford Vivian is Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and past Director of the Center for Democratic Deliberation at Penn State University. His previous books include Commonplace Witnessing: Rhetorical Invention, Historical Remembrance, and Public Culture (OUP 2017) and Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again (2010), which received the Winans-Wichelns Award for Distinguished Scholarship in Rhetoric and Public Address awarded by the National Communication Association.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>191</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bradford Vivian</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If we listen to the politicians and pundits, college campuses have become fiercely ideological spaces where students unthinkingly endorse a liberal orthodoxy and forcibly silence anyone who dares to disagree. These commentators lament the demise of free speech and academic freedom. But what is really happening on college campuses?
Campus Misinformation: The Real Threat to Free Speech in American Higher Education (Oxford UP, 2022) shows how misinformation about colleges and universities has proliferated in recent years, with potentially dangerous results. Popular but highly misleading claims about a so-called free speech crisis and a lack of intellectual diversity on college campuses emerged in the mid-2010s and continue to shape public discourse about higher education across party lines. Such disingenuous claims impede constructive deliberation about higher learning while normalizing suspect ideas about First Amendment freedoms and democratic participation.
Taking a non-partisan approach, Bradford Vivian argues that reporting on campus culture has grossly exaggerated the importance and representativeness of a small number of isolated events; misleadingly advocated for an artificial parity between liberals and conservatives as true viewpoint diversity; mischaracterized the use of trigger warnings and safe spaces; and purposefully confused critique and protest with censorship and "cancel culture." Organizations and think tanks generate pseudoscientific data to support this discourse, then advocate for free speech in highly specific ways that actually limit speech in general. In the name of free speech and viewpoint diversity, we now see restrictions on the right to protest and laws banning certain books, theories, and subjects from schools.
By deconstructing the political and rhetorical development of the free speech crisis, Vivian not only provides a powerful corrective to contemporary views of higher education, but provides a blueprint for readers to identify and challenge misleading language--and to understand the true threats to our freedoms.
Bradford Vivian is Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and past Director of the Center for Democratic Deliberation at Penn State University. His previous books include Commonplace Witnessing: Rhetorical Invention, Historical Remembrance, and Public Culture (OUP 2017) and Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again (2010), which received the Winans-Wichelns Award for Distinguished Scholarship in Rhetoric and Public Address awarded by the National Communication Association.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If we listen to the politicians and pundits, college campuses have become fiercely ideological spaces where students unthinkingly endorse a liberal orthodoxy and forcibly silence anyone who dares to disagree. These commentators lament the demise of free speech and academic freedom. But what is <em>really</em> happening on college campuses?</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197531273"><em>Campus Misinformation: The Real Threat to Free Speech in American Higher Education</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022) shows how misinformation about colleges and universities has proliferated in recent years, with potentially dangerous results. Popular but highly misleading claims about a so-called free speech crisis and a lack of intellectual diversity on college campuses emerged in the mid-2010s and continue to shape public discourse about higher education across party lines. Such disingenuous claims impede constructive deliberation about higher learning while normalizing suspect ideas about First Amendment freedoms and democratic participation.</p><p>Taking a non-partisan approach, Bradford Vivian argues that reporting on campus culture has grossly exaggerated the importance and representativeness of a small number of isolated events; misleadingly advocated for an artificial parity between liberals and conservatives as true viewpoint diversity; mischaracterized the use of trigger warnings and safe spaces; and purposefully confused critique and protest with censorship and "cancel culture." Organizations and think tanks generate pseudoscientific data to support this discourse, then advocate for free speech in highly specific ways that actually limit speech in general. In the name of free speech and viewpoint diversity, we now see restrictions on the right to protest and laws banning certain books, theories, and subjects from schools.</p><p>By deconstructing the political and rhetorical development of the free speech crisis, Vivian not only provides a powerful corrective to contemporary views of higher education, but provides a blueprint for readers to identify and challenge misleading language--and to understand the true threats to our freedoms.</p><p>Bradford Vivian is Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and past Director of the Center for Democratic Deliberation at Penn State University. His previous books include Commonplace Witnessing: Rhetorical Invention, Historical Remembrance, and Public Culture (OUP 2017) and Public Forgetting: The Rhetoric and Politics of Beginning Again (2010), which received the Winans-Wichelns Award for Distinguished Scholarship in Rhetoric and Public Address awarded by the National Communication Association.</p><p><em>Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Nicholas Carnes and Lilly J. Goren, "The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe" (UP of Kansas, 2022)</title>
      <description>In The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Nicholas Carnes and Lilly J. Goren ask what lessons does Marvel – a “hulking, hegemonic media franchise” teach the public? What might we learn about ourselves and our understanding of the world from this “cinematic juggernaut?”
Popular texts encourage audiences to imagine worlds different from their own. Questioning their current political worlds is at the heart of speculative fiction. The Marvel Cinematic Universe is a “cultural leviathan” with numerous interconnected movies, streaming series on Disney+, and an increasingly diverse cast of superheroes. The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe brings together over 25 scholars with diverse specialties and methodologies to analyze how the MCU narrates, reproduces, mirrors, and impacts political and social ideas. Dr. Carnes and Dr. Goren break the book into three main parts focusing on political origin stories, use and abuse of political power and evolving diversity in the bodies of the heroes, villains, and victims. The contributors interrogate how the MCU engages – and affects – political society using language accessible to MCU fans and providing contributions to research in various subfields of political science. They conclude that “Entertaiment media is itself a site where politically relevant messages are sent and received – pop culture is itself an arena of contemporary politics.”
Nicholas Carnes is Professor of Public Policy and Sociology at Duke University. His publications include The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office—And What We Can Do About It (Princeton University Press, 2018) and White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making (University of Chicago Press, 2013).
Lilly J. Goren is a Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University and co-host of New Books in Political Science. Her publications include co-editing Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Publishers, 2015) and Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Mar 2023 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>644</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nicholas Carnes and Lilly J. Goren</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Nicholas Carnes and Lilly J. Goren ask what lessons does Marvel – a “hulking, hegemonic media franchise” teach the public? What might we learn about ourselves and our understanding of the world from this “cinematic juggernaut?”
Popular texts encourage audiences to imagine worlds different from their own. Questioning their current political worlds is at the heart of speculative fiction. The Marvel Cinematic Universe is a “cultural leviathan” with numerous interconnected movies, streaming series on Disney+, and an increasingly diverse cast of superheroes. The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe brings together over 25 scholars with diverse specialties and methodologies to analyze how the MCU narrates, reproduces, mirrors, and impacts political and social ideas. Dr. Carnes and Dr. Goren break the book into three main parts focusing on political origin stories, use and abuse of political power and evolving diversity in the bodies of the heroes, villains, and victims. The contributors interrogate how the MCU engages – and affects – political society using language accessible to MCU fans and providing contributions to research in various subfields of political science. They conclude that “Entertaiment media is itself a site where politically relevant messages are sent and received – pop culture is itself an arena of contemporary politics.”
Nicholas Carnes is Professor of Public Policy and Sociology at Duke University. His publications include The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office—And What We Can Do About It (Princeton University Press, 2018) and White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making (University of Chicago Press, 2013).
Lilly J. Goren is a Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University and co-host of New Books in Political Science. Her publications include co-editing Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Publishers, 2015) and Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700633883"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> </em>(UP of Kansas, 2022), Drs. Nicholas Carnes and Lilly J. Goren ask what lessons does Marvel – a “hulking, hegemonic media franchise” teach the public? What might we learn about ourselves and our understanding of the world from this “cinematic juggernaut?”</p><p>Popular texts encourage audiences to imagine worlds different from their own. Questioning their current political worlds is at the heart of speculative fiction. The Marvel Cinematic Universe is a “cultural leviathan” with numerous interconnected movies, streaming series on Disney+, and an increasingly diverse cast of superheroes. <em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe </em>brings together over 25 scholars with diverse specialties and methodologies to analyze how the MCU narrates, reproduces, mirrors, and impacts political and social ideas. Dr. Carnes and Dr. Goren break the book into three main parts focusing on political origin stories, use and abuse of political power and evolving diversity in the bodies of the heroes, villains, and victims. The contributors interrogate how the MCU engages – and affects – political society using language accessible to MCU fans and providing contributions to research in various subfields of political science. They conclude that “Entertaiment media is itself a site where politically relevant messages are sent and received – pop culture is itself an arena of contemporary politics.”</p><p><a href="https://people.duke.edu/~nwc8/">Nicholas Carnes</a> is Professor of Public Policy and Sociology at Duke University. His publications include <a href="https://bookshop.org/p/books/the-cash-ceiling-why-only-the-rich-run-for-office-and-what-we-can-do-about-it-nicholas-carnes/9019633?ean=9780691182001"><em>The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office—And What We Can Do About It</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2018) and <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/W/bo16956543.html"><em>White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2013).</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd">Lilly J. Goren </a>is a Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University and co-host of New Books in Political Science. Her publications include co-editing <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"><em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Publishers, 2015) </em>and <a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> </em>(University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3772</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[13ba552c-bec1-11ed-a43e-3bccc19edc27]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8358724468.mp3?updated=1680293227" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Robin L. Owens, "'My Faith in the Constitution Is Whole': Barbara Jordan and the Politics of Scriptures" (Georgetown UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>US Congresswoman Barbara Jordan is well-known as an interpreter and defender of the Constitution, particularly through her landmark speech during Richard Nixon's 1974 impeachment hearings. However, before she developed faith in the Constitution, Jordan had faith in Christianity. In "My Faith in the Constitution is Whole" Barbara Jordan and the Politics of Scripture (Georgetown UP, 2022), Robin L. Owens shows how Jordan turned her religious faith and her faith in the Constitution into a powerful civil religious expression of her social activism.
Owens begins by examining the lives and work of the nineteenth-century Black female orator-activists Maria W. Stewart and Anna Julia Cooper. Stewart and Cooper fought for emancipation and women's rights by "scripturalizing," or using religious scriptures to engage in political debate. Owens then demonstrates how Jordan built upon this tradition by treating the Constitution as an American "scripture" to advocate for racial justice and gender equality. Case studies of key speeches throughout Jordan's career show how she quoted the Constitution and other founding documents as sacred texts, used them as sociolinguistic resources, and employed a discursive rhetorical strategy of indirection known as "signifying on scriptures."
Jordan's particular use of the Constitution--deeply connected with her background and religious, racial, and gender identity--represents the agency and power reflected in her speeches. Jordan's strategies also illustrate a broader phenomenon of scripturalization outside of institutional religion and its rhetorical and interpretive possibilities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Mar 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>366</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robin L. Owens</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>US Congresswoman Barbara Jordan is well-known as an interpreter and defender of the Constitution, particularly through her landmark speech during Richard Nixon's 1974 impeachment hearings. However, before she developed faith in the Constitution, Jordan had faith in Christianity. In "My Faith in the Constitution is Whole" Barbara Jordan and the Politics of Scripture (Georgetown UP, 2022), Robin L. Owens shows how Jordan turned her religious faith and her faith in the Constitution into a powerful civil religious expression of her social activism.
Owens begins by examining the lives and work of the nineteenth-century Black female orator-activists Maria W. Stewart and Anna Julia Cooper. Stewart and Cooper fought for emancipation and women's rights by "scripturalizing," or using religious scriptures to engage in political debate. Owens then demonstrates how Jordan built upon this tradition by treating the Constitution as an American "scripture" to advocate for racial justice and gender equality. Case studies of key speeches throughout Jordan's career show how she quoted the Constitution and other founding documents as sacred texts, used them as sociolinguistic resources, and employed a discursive rhetorical strategy of indirection known as "signifying on scriptures."
Jordan's particular use of the Constitution--deeply connected with her background and religious, racial, and gender identity--represents the agency and power reflected in her speeches. Jordan's strategies also illustrate a broader phenomenon of scripturalization outside of institutional religion and its rhetorical and interpretive possibilities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>US Congresswoman Barbara Jordan is well-known as an interpreter and defender of the Constitution, particularly through her landmark speech during Richard Nixon's 1974 impeachment hearings. However, before she developed faith in the Constitution, Jordan had faith in Christianity. In <em>"</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781647122737"><em>My Faith in the Constitution is Whole" Barbara Jordan and the Politics of Scripture </em></a>(Georgetown UP, 2022), Robin L. Owens shows how Jordan turned her religious faith and her faith in the Constitution into a powerful civil religious expression of her social activism.</p><p>Owens begins by examining the lives and work of the nineteenth-century Black female orator-activists Maria W. Stewart and Anna Julia Cooper. Stewart and Cooper fought for emancipation and women's rights by "scripturalizing," or using religious scriptures to engage in political debate. Owens then demonstrates how Jordan built upon this tradition by treating the Constitution as an American "scripture" to advocate for racial justice and gender equality. Case studies of key speeches throughout Jordan's career show how she quoted the Constitution and other founding documents as sacred texts, used them as sociolinguistic resources, and employed a discursive rhetorical strategy of indirection known as "signifying on scriptures."</p><p>Jordan's particular use of the Constitution--deeply connected with her background and religious, racial, and gender identity--represents the agency and power reflected in her speeches. Jordan's strategies also illustrate a broader phenomenon of scripturalization outside of institutional religion and its rhetorical and interpretive possibilities.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1752</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jefferson Cowie, "Freedom's Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power" (Basic Book, 2022)</title>
      <description>Jefferson Cowie discusses his book Freedom’s Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power (Basic Books, 2022), beginning with the book’s origin story, and then tracing the use of "freedom" to dominate others in Barbour County, Alabama, from Indian Removal in the 1830s through the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s.
This episode was produced for "Working History," the podcast of the Southern Labor Studies Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Mar 2023 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>49</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jefferson Cowie</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jefferson Cowie discusses his book Freedom’s Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power (Basic Books, 2022), beginning with the book’s origin story, and then tracing the use of "freedom" to dominate others in Barbour County, Alabama, from Indian Removal in the 1830s through the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s.
This episode was produced for "Working History," the podcast of the Southern Labor Studies Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Jefferson Cowie discusses his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541672802"><em>Freedom’s Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power</em></a> (Basic Books, 2022), beginning with the book’s origin story, and then tracing the use of "freedom" to dominate others in Barbour County, Alabama, from Indian Removal in the 1830s through the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s.</p><p><em>This episode was produced for "</em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/sv/podcast/working-history/id1008308148"><em>Working History</em></a><em>," the podcast of the </em><a href="https://southernlaborstudies.org/"><em>Southern Labor Studies Association</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3356</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e9b00892-baad-11ed-a5e0-5bae094ecd6b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9569386558.mp3?updated=1677949635" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Cobbs, "Fearless Women: Feminist Patriots from Abigail Adams to Beyoncé" (Harvard UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In her latest book, Fearless Women: Feminist Patriots from Abigail Adams to Beyoncé (Harvard University Press, 2023), New York Times bestselling author Elizabeth Cobbs shows us that the quest for women’s rights is deeply entwined with the founding story of the United States.
When America became a nation, a woman had no legal existence beyond her husband. If he abused her, she couldn’t leave without abandoning her children. Abigail Adams tried to change this, reminding her husband John to “remember the ladies” when he wrote the Constitution. He simply laughed—and women have been fighting for their rights ever since.
Fearless Women tells the story of women who dared to take destiny into their own hands. They were feminists and antifeminists, activists and homemakers, victims of abuse and pathbreaking professionals. Inspired by the nation’s ideals and fueled by an unshakeable sense of right and wrong, they wouldn’t take no for an answer. In time, they carried the country with them.
The first right they won was the right to learn. Later, impassioned teachers like Angelina Grimké and Susan B. Anthony campaigned for the right to speak in public, lobby the government, and own property. Some were passionate abolitionists. Others fought just to protect their own children.
Many of these women devoted their lives to the cause—some are famous—but most pressed their demands far from the spotlight, insisting on their right to vote, sit on a jury, control the timing of their pregnancies, enjoy equal partnerships, or earn a living. At every step, they faced fierce opposition. Elizabeth Cobbs gives voice to fearless women on both sides of the aisle, most of whom considered themselves patriots. Rich and poor, from all backgrounds and regions, they show that the women’s movement has never been an exclusive club.
Rebekah Buchanan is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 07 Mar 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>152</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Cobbs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In her latest book, Fearless Women: Feminist Patriots from Abigail Adams to Beyoncé (Harvard University Press, 2023), New York Times bestselling author Elizabeth Cobbs shows us that the quest for women’s rights is deeply entwined with the founding story of the United States.
When America became a nation, a woman had no legal existence beyond her husband. If he abused her, she couldn’t leave without abandoning her children. Abigail Adams tried to change this, reminding her husband John to “remember the ladies” when he wrote the Constitution. He simply laughed—and women have been fighting for their rights ever since.
Fearless Women tells the story of women who dared to take destiny into their own hands. They were feminists and antifeminists, activists and homemakers, victims of abuse and pathbreaking professionals. Inspired by the nation’s ideals and fueled by an unshakeable sense of right and wrong, they wouldn’t take no for an answer. In time, they carried the country with them.
The first right they won was the right to learn. Later, impassioned teachers like Angelina Grimké and Susan B. Anthony campaigned for the right to speak in public, lobby the government, and own property. Some were passionate abolitionists. Others fought just to protect their own children.
Many of these women devoted their lives to the cause—some are famous—but most pressed their demands far from the spotlight, insisting on their right to vote, sit on a jury, control the timing of their pregnancies, enjoy equal partnerships, or earn a living. At every step, they faced fierce opposition. Elizabeth Cobbs gives voice to fearless women on both sides of the aisle, most of whom considered themselves patriots. Rich and poor, from all backgrounds and regions, they show that the women’s movement has never been an exclusive club.
Rebekah Buchanan is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In her latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674258488"><em>Fearless Women: Feminist Patriots from Abigail Adams to Beyoncé</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard University Press, 2023)<em>, New York Times</em> bestselling author Elizabeth Cobbs shows us that the quest for women’s rights is deeply entwined with the founding story of the United States.</p><p>When America became a nation, a woman had no legal existence beyond her husband. If he abused her, she couldn’t leave without abandoning her children. Abigail Adams tried to change this, reminding her husband John to “remember the ladies” when he wrote the Constitution. He simply laughed—and women have been fighting for their rights ever since.</p><p><em>Fearless Women</em> tells the story of women who dared to take destiny into their own hands. They were feminists and antifeminists, activists and homemakers, victims of abuse and pathbreaking professionals. Inspired by the nation’s ideals and fueled by an unshakeable sense of right and wrong, they wouldn’t take no for an answer. In time, they carried the country with them.</p><p>The first right they won was the right to learn. Later, impassioned teachers like Angelina Grimké and Susan B. Anthony campaigned for the right to speak in public, lobby the government, and own property. Some were passionate abolitionists. Others fought just to protect their own children.</p><p>Many of these women devoted their lives to the cause—some are famous—but most pressed their demands far from the spotlight, insisting on their right to vote, sit on a jury, control the timing of their pregnancies, enjoy equal partnerships, or earn a living. At every step, they faced fierce opposition. Elizabeth Cobbs gives voice to fearless women on both sides of the aisle, most of whom considered themselves patriots. Rich and poor, from all backgrounds and regions, they show that the women’s movement has never been an exclusive club.</p><p><a href="https://rebekahjbuchanan.com/"><em>Rebekah Buchanan</em></a><em> is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4003</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Raina Lipsitz, "The Rise of a New Left: How Young Radicals Are Shaping the Future of American Politics" (Verso, 2022)</title>
      <description>The mushrooming rolls of the Democratic Socialists of America, Marxist explainers in Teen Vogue, and the outsized impact of the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, all herald a new, youth-inflected radical politics. 
The Rise of a New Left: How Young Radicals Are Shaping the Future of American Politics (Verso, 2022) gets behind the headlines about AOC and her cohort of elected officials to tell the stories of the young organizers who created the Squad and the new social movements that have roiled US politics, from the DSA to the Sunrise Movement to Justice Democrats. Ranging across the country to describe grassroots organizing in places like rural Pennsylvania, upstate New York, Kentucky, Florida, and California, this book examines the panoply of strategies and struggles of activists working in—and trying to transform—electoral politics and the climate justice, racial justice, and labor movements. Propelled by scores of immersive and absorbing conversations on political strategy with young activists determined to reshape the country, this book—by a writer who is herself a member of this generational movement—is a riveting account of a resurgent left.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 05 Mar 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>148</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Raina Lipsitz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The mushrooming rolls of the Democratic Socialists of America, Marxist explainers in Teen Vogue, and the outsized impact of the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, all herald a new, youth-inflected radical politics. 
The Rise of a New Left: How Young Radicals Are Shaping the Future of American Politics (Verso, 2022) gets behind the headlines about AOC and her cohort of elected officials to tell the stories of the young organizers who created the Squad and the new social movements that have roiled US politics, from the DSA to the Sunrise Movement to Justice Democrats. Ranging across the country to describe grassroots organizing in places like rural Pennsylvania, upstate New York, Kentucky, Florida, and California, this book examines the panoply of strategies and struggles of activists working in—and trying to transform—electoral politics and the climate justice, racial justice, and labor movements. Propelled by scores of immersive and absorbing conversations on political strategy with young activists determined to reshape the country, this book—by a writer who is herself a member of this generational movement—is a riveting account of a resurgent left.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The mushrooming rolls of the Democratic Socialists of America, Marxist explainers in Teen Vogue, and the outsized impact of the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, all herald a new, youth-inflected radical politics. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839764264"><em>The Rise of a New Left: How Young Radicals Are Shaping the Future of American Politics</em></a> (Verso, 2022) gets behind the headlines about AOC and her cohort of elected officials to tell the stories of the young organizers who created the Squad and the new social movements that have roiled US politics, from the DSA to the Sunrise Movement to Justice Democrats. Ranging across the country to describe grassroots organizing in places like rural Pennsylvania, upstate New York, Kentucky, Florida, and California, this book examines the panoply of strategies and struggles of activists working in—and trying to transform—electoral politics and the climate justice, racial justice, and labor movements. Propelled by scores of immersive and absorbing conversations on political strategy with young activists determined to reshape the country, this book—by a writer who is herself a member of this generational movement—is a riveting account of a resurgent left.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2062</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7045622085.mp3?updated=1677685032" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard McGahey, "Unequal Cities: Overcoming Anti-Urban Bias to Reduce Inequality in the United States" (Columbia UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>Cities are central to prosperity: they are hubs of innovation and growth. However, the economic vitality of wealthy cities is marred by persistent and pervasive inequality—and deeply entrenched anti-urban policies and politics limit the options to address it. Structural racism, suburban subsidies, regional government fragmentation, the hostility of state legislatures, and federal policy all contribute to an unequal status quo that underfunds cities while preventing them from pursuing fairer outcomes. 
Economist Richard McGahey explores how cities can foster equitable economic growth despite the obstacles in their way. Drawing on economic and historical analysis as well as his extensive experience in government and philanthropy, he examines the failures of public policy and conventional economic wisdom that have led to the neglect of American cities and highlights opportunities for reform. Unequal Cities: Overcoming Anti-Urban Bias to Reduce Inequality in the United States (Columbia UP, 2023) features detailed case studies of New York, Detroit, and Los Angeles, tracing how their attempts to achieve greater equity foundered because of the fiscal and political constraints imposed on them. McGahey identifies key lessons about the political coalitions that can overcome anti-urban biases, arguing that alliances among unions, environmentalists, and communities of color can help cities thrive. But he warns that cities cannot solve inequality on their own: political action at state and federal levels is necessary to achieve systemic change. Shedding light on the forces that produced today’s dysfunction and disparities, Unequal Cities provides timely policy prescriptions to promote both growth and equity.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Mar 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>146</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard McGahey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Cities are central to prosperity: they are hubs of innovation and growth. However, the economic vitality of wealthy cities is marred by persistent and pervasive inequality—and deeply entrenched anti-urban policies and politics limit the options to address it. Structural racism, suburban subsidies, regional government fragmentation, the hostility of state legislatures, and federal policy all contribute to an unequal status quo that underfunds cities while preventing them from pursuing fairer outcomes. 
Economist Richard McGahey explores how cities can foster equitable economic growth despite the obstacles in their way. Drawing on economic and historical analysis as well as his extensive experience in government and philanthropy, he examines the failures of public policy and conventional economic wisdom that have led to the neglect of American cities and highlights opportunities for reform. Unequal Cities: Overcoming Anti-Urban Bias to Reduce Inequality in the United States (Columbia UP, 2023) features detailed case studies of New York, Detroit, and Los Angeles, tracing how their attempts to achieve greater equity foundered because of the fiscal and political constraints imposed on them. McGahey identifies key lessons about the political coalitions that can overcome anti-urban biases, arguing that alliances among unions, environmentalists, and communities of color can help cities thrive. But he warns that cities cannot solve inequality on their own: political action at state and federal levels is necessary to achieve systemic change. Shedding light on the forces that produced today’s dysfunction and disparities, Unequal Cities provides timely policy prescriptions to promote both growth and equity.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Cities are central to prosperity: they are hubs of innovation and growth. However, the economic vitality of wealthy cities is marred by persistent and pervasive inequality—and deeply entrenched anti-urban policies and politics limit the options to address it. Structural racism, suburban subsidies, regional government fragmentation, the hostility of state legislatures, and federal policy all contribute to an unequal status quo that underfunds cities while preventing them from pursuing fairer outcomes. </p><p>Economist Richard McGahey explores how cities can foster equitable economic growth despite the obstacles in their way. Drawing on economic and historical analysis as well as his extensive experience in government and philanthropy, he examines the failures of public policy and conventional economic wisdom that have led to the neglect of American cities and highlights opportunities for reform. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231173346"><em>Unequal Cities: Overcoming Anti-Urban Bias to Reduce Inequality in the United States</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2023) features detailed case studies of New York, Detroit, and Los Angeles, tracing how their attempts to achieve greater equity foundered because of the fiscal and political constraints imposed on them. McGahey identifies key lessons about the political coalitions that can overcome anti-urban biases, arguing that alliances among unions, environmentalists, and communities of color can help cities thrive. But he warns that cities cannot solve inequality on their own: political action at state and federal levels is necessary to achieve systemic change. Shedding light on the forces that produced today’s dysfunction and disparities, Unequal Cities provides timely policy prescriptions to promote both growth and equity.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1771</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b89a2166-b490-11ed-8afa-1f2e397cf62b]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lerone A. Martin, "The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover: How the FBI Aided and Abetted the Rise of White Christian Nationalism" (Princeton UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>On a Sunday morning in 1966, a group of white evangelicals dedicated a stained glass window to J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI director was not an evangelical, but his Christian admirers anointed him as their political champion, believing he would lead America back to God. The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover: How the FBI Aided and Abetted the Rise of White Christian Nationalism (Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how Hoover and his FBI teamed up with leading white evangelicals and Catholics to bring about a white Christian America by any means necessary.
Lerone Martin draws on thousands of newly declassified FBI documents and memos to describe how, under Hoover's leadership, FBI agents attended spiritual retreats and worship services, creating an FBI religious culture that fashioned G-men into soldiers and ministers of Christian America. Martin shows how prominent figures such as Billy Graham, Fulton Sheen, and countless other ministers from across the country partnered with the FBI and laundered bureau intel in their sermons while the faithful crowned Hoover the adjudicator of true evangelical faith and allegiance. These partnerships not only solidified the political norms of modern white evangelicalism, they also contributed to the political rise of white Christian nationalism, establishing religion and race as the bedrock of the modern national security state, and setting the terms for today's domestic terrorism debates.
Taking readers from the pulpits and pews of small-town America to the Oval Office, and from the grassroots to denominational boardrooms, The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover completely transforms how we understand the FBI, white evangelicalism, and our nation's entangled history of religion and politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Mar 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>58</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lerone A. Martin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On a Sunday morning in 1966, a group of white evangelicals dedicated a stained glass window to J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI director was not an evangelical, but his Christian admirers anointed him as their political champion, believing he would lead America back to God. The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover: How the FBI Aided and Abetted the Rise of White Christian Nationalism (Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how Hoover and his FBI teamed up with leading white evangelicals and Catholics to bring about a white Christian America by any means necessary.
Lerone Martin draws on thousands of newly declassified FBI documents and memos to describe how, under Hoover's leadership, FBI agents attended spiritual retreats and worship services, creating an FBI religious culture that fashioned G-men into soldiers and ministers of Christian America. Martin shows how prominent figures such as Billy Graham, Fulton Sheen, and countless other ministers from across the country partnered with the FBI and laundered bureau intel in their sermons while the faithful crowned Hoover the adjudicator of true evangelical faith and allegiance. These partnerships not only solidified the political norms of modern white evangelicalism, they also contributed to the political rise of white Christian nationalism, establishing religion and race as the bedrock of the modern national security state, and setting the terms for today's domestic terrorism debates.
Taking readers from the pulpits and pews of small-town America to the Oval Office, and from the grassroots to denominational boardrooms, The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover completely transforms how we understand the FBI, white evangelicalism, and our nation's entangled history of religion and politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On a Sunday morning in 1966, a group of white evangelicals dedicated a stained glass window to J. Edgar Hoover. The FBI director was not an evangelical, but his Christian admirers anointed him as their political champion, believing he would lead America back to God. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691175119"><em>The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover: How the FBI Aided and Abetted the Rise of White Christian Nationalism</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2023) reveals how Hoover and his FBI teamed up with leading white evangelicals and Catholics to bring about a white Christian America by any means necessary.</p><p>Lerone Martin draws on thousands of newly declassified FBI documents and memos to describe how, under Hoover's leadership, FBI agents attended spiritual retreats and worship services, creating an FBI religious culture that fashioned G-men into soldiers and ministers of Christian America. Martin shows how prominent figures such as Billy Graham, Fulton Sheen, and countless other ministers from across the country partnered with the FBI and laundered bureau intel in their sermons while the faithful crowned Hoover the adjudicator of true evangelical faith and allegiance. These partnerships not only solidified the political norms of modern white evangelicalism, they also contributed to the political rise of white Christian nationalism, establishing religion and race as the bedrock of the modern national security state, and setting the terms for today's domestic terrorism debates.</p><p>Taking readers from the pulpits and pews of small-town America to the Oval Office, and from the grassroots to denominational boardrooms, <em>The Gospel of J. Edgar Hoover</em> completely transforms how we understand the FBI, white evangelicalism, and our nation's entangled history of religion and politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2410</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3f4d07c6-a408-11ed-be62-b38a94d6ea8d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8734109309.mp3?updated=1675458983" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>What a City Is for: Remaking the Politics of Displacement</title>
      <description>Matt Hern began to examine urban displacement when he first encountered an empty lot in the northeast sector of Portland, OR. This corner was the site of a community resisting against gentrification. In this episode, Chris Gondak speaks with Matt Hern about the inspiration for his book, and the battles that many urban communities are fighting across North America.
Portland, Oregon, is one of the most beautiful, livable cities in the United States. It has walkable neighborhoods, bike lanes, low-density housing, public transportation, and significant green space--not to mention craft-beer bars and locavore food trucks. But liberal Portland is also the whitest city in the country. This is not circumstance; the city has a long history of officially sanctioned racialized displacement that continues today.
Over the last two and half decades, Albina--the one major Black neighborhood in Portland--has been systematically uprooted by market-driven gentrification and city-renewal policies. African Americans in Portland were first pushed into Albina and then contained there through exclusionary zoning, predatory lending, and racist real estate practices. Since the 1990s, they've been aggressively displaced--by rising housing costs, developers eager to get rid of low-income residents, and overt city policies of gentrification.
Displacement and dispossessions are convulsing cities across the globe, becoming the dominant urban narratives of our time. In What a City Is For, Matt Hern uses the case of Albina, as well as similar instances in New Orleans and Vancouver, to investigate gentrification in the twenty-first century. In an engaging narrative, effortlessly mixing anecdote and theory, Hern questions the notions of development, private property, and ownership. Arguing that home ownership drives inequality, he wants us to disown ownership. How can we reimagine the city as a post-ownership, post-sovereign space? Drawing on solidarity economics, cooperative movements, community land trusts, indigenous conceptions of alternative sovereignty, the global commons movement, and much else, Hern suggests repudiating development in favor of an incrementalist, non-market-driven unfolding of the city.
Matt Hern is Codirector of 2+10 Industries, teaches at multiple universities, and lectures widely. He is the author of Common Ground in a Liquid City.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/cc125c7a-b7b7-11ed-814a-cf0995cbfadb/image/what-a-city-is-for-book-cover.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matt Hern</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Matt Hern began to examine urban displacement when he first encountered an empty lot in the northeast sector of Portland, OR. This corner was the site of a community resisting against gentrification. In this episode, Chris Gondak speaks with Matt Hern about the inspiration for his book, and the battles that many urban communities are fighting across North America.
Portland, Oregon, is one of the most beautiful, livable cities in the United States. It has walkable neighborhoods, bike lanes, low-density housing, public transportation, and significant green space--not to mention craft-beer bars and locavore food trucks. But liberal Portland is also the whitest city in the country. This is not circumstance; the city has a long history of officially sanctioned racialized displacement that continues today.
Over the last two and half decades, Albina--the one major Black neighborhood in Portland--has been systematically uprooted by market-driven gentrification and city-renewal policies. African Americans in Portland were first pushed into Albina and then contained there through exclusionary zoning, predatory lending, and racist real estate practices. Since the 1990s, they've been aggressively displaced--by rising housing costs, developers eager to get rid of low-income residents, and overt city policies of gentrification.
Displacement and dispossessions are convulsing cities across the globe, becoming the dominant urban narratives of our time. In What a City Is For, Matt Hern uses the case of Albina, as well as similar instances in New Orleans and Vancouver, to investigate gentrification in the twenty-first century. In an engaging narrative, effortlessly mixing anecdote and theory, Hern questions the notions of development, private property, and ownership. Arguing that home ownership drives inequality, he wants us to disown ownership. How can we reimagine the city as a post-ownership, post-sovereign space? Drawing on solidarity economics, cooperative movements, community land trusts, indigenous conceptions of alternative sovereignty, the global commons movement, and much else, Hern suggests repudiating development in favor of an incrementalist, non-market-driven unfolding of the city.
Matt Hern is Codirector of 2+10 Industries, teaches at multiple universities, and lectures widely. He is the author of Common Ground in a Liquid City.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Matt Hern began to examine urban displacement when he first encountered an empty lot in the northeast sector of Portland, OR. This corner was the site of a community resisting against gentrification. In this episode, Chris Gondak speaks with Matt Hern about the inspiration for his book, and the battles that many urban communities are fighting across North America.</p><p>Portland, Oregon, is one of the most beautiful, livable cities in the United States. It has walkable neighborhoods, bike lanes, low-density housing, public transportation, and significant green space--not to mention craft-beer bars and locavore food trucks. But liberal Portland is also the whitest city in the country. This is not circumstance; the city has a long history of officially sanctioned racialized displacement that continues today.</p><p>Over the last two and half decades, Albina--the one major Black neighborhood in Portland--has been systematically uprooted by market-driven gentrification and city-renewal policies. African Americans in Portland were first pushed into Albina and then contained there through exclusionary zoning, predatory lending, and racist real estate practices. Since the 1990s, they've been aggressively displaced--by rising housing costs, developers eager to get rid of low-income residents, and overt city policies of gentrification.</p><p>Displacement and dispossessions are convulsing cities across the globe, becoming the dominant urban narratives of our time. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262534420"><em>What a City Is For</em></a><em>, </em>Matt Hern uses the case of Albina, as well as similar instances in New Orleans and Vancouver, to investigate gentrification in the twenty-first century. In an engaging narrative, effortlessly mixing anecdote and theory, Hern questions the notions of development, private property, and ownership. Arguing that home ownership drives inequality, he wants us to disown ownership. How can we reimagine the city as a post-ownership, post-sovereign space? Drawing on solidarity economics, cooperative movements, community land trusts, indigenous conceptions of alternative sovereignty, the global commons movement, and much else, Hern suggests repudiating development in favor of an incrementalist, non-market-driven unfolding of the city.</p><p>Matt Hern is Codirector of 2+10 Industries, teaches at multiple universities, and lectures widely. He is the author of <em>Common Ground in a Liquid City</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1381</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://mitpress.podbean.com/e/resisting-gentrification-displacement/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1049110150.mp3?updated=1676929098" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melvyn P. Leffler, "Confronting Saddam Hussein: George W. Bush and the Invasion of Iraq" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>America's decision to go to war in Iraq in 2003 is arguably the most important foreign policy choice of the entire post-Cold War era. Nearly two decades after the event, it remains central to understanding current international politics and US foreign relations.
In Confronting Saddam Hussein: George W. Bush and the Invasion of Iraq (Oxford UP, 2023), the eminent historian of US foreign policy Melvyn P. Leffler analyzes why the US chose war and who was most responsible for the decision. Employing a unique set of personal interviews with dozens of top officials and declassified American and British documents, Leffler vividly portrays the emotions and anxieties that shaped the thinking of the president after the shocking events of 9/11. He shows how fear, hubris, and power influenced Bush's approach to Saddam Hussein's Iraq. At the core of Leffler's account is his compelling portrait of Saddam Hussein. Rather than stressing Bush's preoccupation with promoting freedom or democracy, Leffler emphasizes Hussein's brutality, opportunism, and unpredictability and illuminates how the Iraqi dictator's record of aggression and intransigence haunted the president and influenced his calculations. Bush was not eager for war, and the decision to invade Iraq was not a fait accompli. Yet the president was convinced that only by practicing coercive diplomacy and threatening force could he alter Hussein's defiance, a view shared by British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other leaders around the world, including Hans Blix, the chief UN inspector. Throughout, Leffler highlights the harrowing anxieties surrounding the decision-making process after the devastating attack on 9/11 and explains the roles of contingency, agency, rationality, and emotion. As the book unfolds, Bush's centrality becomes more and more evident, as does the bureaucratic dysfunctionality that contributed to the disastrous occupation of Iraq.
A compelling reassessment of George W. Bush's intervention in Iraq, Confronting Saddam Hussein provides a provocative reinterpretation of the most important international event of the 21st century.
﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>23</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melvyn P. Leffler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America's decision to go to war in Iraq in 2003 is arguably the most important foreign policy choice of the entire post-Cold War era. Nearly two decades after the event, it remains central to understanding current international politics and US foreign relations.
In Confronting Saddam Hussein: George W. Bush and the Invasion of Iraq (Oxford UP, 2023), the eminent historian of US foreign policy Melvyn P. Leffler analyzes why the US chose war and who was most responsible for the decision. Employing a unique set of personal interviews with dozens of top officials and declassified American and British documents, Leffler vividly portrays the emotions and anxieties that shaped the thinking of the president after the shocking events of 9/11. He shows how fear, hubris, and power influenced Bush's approach to Saddam Hussein's Iraq. At the core of Leffler's account is his compelling portrait of Saddam Hussein. Rather than stressing Bush's preoccupation with promoting freedom or democracy, Leffler emphasizes Hussein's brutality, opportunism, and unpredictability and illuminates how the Iraqi dictator's record of aggression and intransigence haunted the president and influenced his calculations. Bush was not eager for war, and the decision to invade Iraq was not a fait accompli. Yet the president was convinced that only by practicing coercive diplomacy and threatening force could he alter Hussein's defiance, a view shared by British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other leaders around the world, including Hans Blix, the chief UN inspector. Throughout, Leffler highlights the harrowing anxieties surrounding the decision-making process after the devastating attack on 9/11 and explains the roles of contingency, agency, rationality, and emotion. As the book unfolds, Bush's centrality becomes more and more evident, as does the bureaucratic dysfunctionality that contributed to the disastrous occupation of Iraq.
A compelling reassessment of George W. Bush's intervention in Iraq, Confronting Saddam Hussein provides a provocative reinterpretation of the most important international event of the 21st century.
﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America's decision to go to war in Iraq in 2003 is arguably the most important foreign policy choice of the entire post-Cold War era. Nearly two decades after the event, it remains central to understanding current international politics and US foreign relations.</p><p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197610770"><em>Confronting Saddam Hussein: George W. Bush and the Invasion of Iraq</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023), the eminent historian of US foreign policy Melvyn P. Leffler analyzes why the US chose war and who was most responsible for the decision. Employing a unique set of personal interviews with dozens of top officials and declassified American and British documents, Leffler vividly portrays the emotions and anxieties that shaped the thinking of the president after the shocking events of 9/11. He shows how fear, hubris, and power influenced Bush's approach to Saddam Hussein's Iraq. At the core of Leffler's account is his compelling portrait of Saddam Hussein. Rather than stressing Bush's preoccupation with promoting freedom or democracy, Leffler emphasizes Hussein's brutality, opportunism, and unpredictability and illuminates how the Iraqi dictator's record of aggression and intransigence haunted the president and influenced his calculations. Bush was not eager for war, and the decision to invade Iraq was not a <em>fait accompli</em>. Yet the president was convinced that only by practicing coercive diplomacy and threatening force could he alter Hussein's defiance, a view shared by British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other leaders around the world, including Hans Blix, the chief UN inspector. Throughout, Leffler highlights the harrowing anxieties surrounding the decision-making process after the devastating attack on 9/11 and explains the roles of contingency, agency, rationality, and emotion. As the book unfolds, Bush's centrality becomes more and more evident, as does the bureaucratic dysfunctionality that contributed to the disastrous occupation of Iraq.</p><p>A compelling reassessment of George W. Bush's intervention in Iraq, <em>Confronting Saddam Hussein</em> provides a provocative reinterpretation of the most important international event of the 21st century.</p><p><em>﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4841</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[da35fa36-b3c6-11ed-bc58-77734cac1959]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7079327777.mp3?updated=1677190711" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mapping the American Right: A Conversation with the American Enterprise Institute’s Robert Doar</title>
      <description>Annika sits down with Robert Doar, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.
Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>70</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/554156d4-0152-11ee-b5f6-8b6668542d00/image/Madison_s_Notes_Podcast_Logo_7de9w.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Annika sits down with Robert Doar, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.
Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Annika sits down with <a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/robert-doar/%20">Robert Doar</a>, president of the American Enterprise Institute, one of Washington D.C.'s most prominent think-tanks, to discuss the state of the American Right: what are the driving political issues of our time? What is the importance of freedom and liberty within the right? Drawing on Robert's background in poverty studies, they discuss what the Right has done right and wrong in addressing poverty, as well as Robert's time at our very own Princeton.</p><p>Robert's own podcast, "AEI Banter," is <a href="https://www.aei.org/tag/aei-banter/%20">here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2863</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[madisonsnotes.podbean.com/9d7cd9a2-de32-322d-ac8e-b91cd74a9d97]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NSR2911559308.mp3?updated=1724699707" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Leslie M. Alexander, "Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States" (U Illinois Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander’s study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti’s place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti’s people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom.
A bold exploration of Black internationalism’s origins, Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>363</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Leslie M. Alexander</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander’s study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti’s place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti’s people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom.
A bold exploration of Black internationalism’s origins, Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The emergence of Haiti as a sovereign Black nation lit a beacon of hope for Black people throughout the African diaspora. Leslie M. Alexander’s study reveals the untold story of how free and enslaved Black people in the United States defended the young Caribbean nation from forces intent on maintaining slavery and white supremacy. Concentrating on Haiti’s place in the history of Black internationalism, Alexander illuminates the ways Haitian independence influenced Black thought and action in the United States. As she shows, Haiti embodied what whites feared most: Black revolution and Black victory. Thus inspired, Black activists in the United States embraced a common identity with Haiti’s people, forging the idea of a united struggle that merged the destinies of Haiti with their own striving for freedom.</p><p>A bold exploration of Black internationalism’s origins, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252086908"><em>Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States</em></a> (U Illinois Press, 2022) links the Haitian revolution to the global Black pursuit of liberation, justice, and social equality.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4582</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e942e6a2-b3c0-11ed-8272-374b73eb5291]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1284131603.mp3?updated=1677188109" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Claire Bond Potter, "Political Junkies: From Talk Radio to Twitter, How Alternative Media Hooked Us on Politics and Broke Our Democracy" (Basic Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>With fake news on Facebook, trolls on Twitter, and viral outrage everywhere, it's easy to believe that the internet changed politics entirely. In Political Junkies: From Talk Radio to Twitter, How Alternative Media Hooked Us on Politics and Broke Our Democracy (Basic Books, 2020), historian Claire Bond Potter shows otherwise, revealing the roots of today's dysfunction by situating online politics in a longer history of alternative political media. From independent newsletters in the 1950s to talk radio in the 1970s to cable television in the 1980s, pioneers on the left and right developed alternative media outlets that made politics more popular, and ultimately, more partisan. When campaign operatives took up e-mail, blogging, and social media, they only supercharged these trends. At a time when political engagement has never been greater and trust has never been lower, Political Junkies is essential reading for understanding how we got here.
Claire Bond Potter is a political historian at the New School for Social Research.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 25 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>97</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Claire Bond Potter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With fake news on Facebook, trolls on Twitter, and viral outrage everywhere, it's easy to believe that the internet changed politics entirely. In Political Junkies: From Talk Radio to Twitter, How Alternative Media Hooked Us on Politics and Broke Our Democracy (Basic Books, 2020), historian Claire Bond Potter shows otherwise, revealing the roots of today's dysfunction by situating online politics in a longer history of alternative political media. From independent newsletters in the 1950s to talk radio in the 1970s to cable television in the 1980s, pioneers on the left and right developed alternative media outlets that made politics more popular, and ultimately, more partisan. When campaign operatives took up e-mail, blogging, and social media, they only supercharged these trends. At a time when political engagement has never been greater and trust has never been lower, Political Junkies is essential reading for understanding how we got here.
Claire Bond Potter is a political historian at the New School for Social Research.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With fake news on Facebook, trolls on Twitter, and viral outrage everywhere, it's easy to believe that the internet changed politics entirely. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541644991"><em>Political Junkies: From Talk Radio to Twitter, How Alternative Media Hooked Us on Politics and Broke Our Democracy</em> </a>(Basic Books, 2020), historian Claire Bond Potter shows otherwise, revealing the roots of today's dysfunction by situating online politics in a longer history of alternative political media. From independent newsletters in the 1950s to talk radio in the 1970s to cable television in the 1980s, pioneers on the left and right developed alternative media outlets that made politics more popular, and ultimately, more partisan. When campaign operatives took up e-mail, blogging, and social media, they only supercharged these trends. At a time when political engagement has never been greater and trust has never been lower, Political Junkies is essential reading for understanding how we got here.</p><p>Claire Bond Potter is a political historian at the New School for Social Research.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4110</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey J. Matthews, "Colin Powell: Imperfect Patriot" (U Notre Dame Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Until he passed away in 2021, Colin Powell was revered as one of America's most trusted and admired leaders. Jeffrey J. Matthews' Colin Powell: Imperfect Patriot (U Notre Dame Press, 2019) demonstrates that Powell's decades-long development as an exemplary subordinate is crucial to understanding his astonishing rise from a working-class immigrant neighborhood to the highest echelons of military and political power, including his roles as the country's first Black national security advisor, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and secretary of state.
Once an aimless, ambitionless teenager who barely graduated from college, Powell became an extraordinarily effective and staunchly loyal subordinate to many powerful superiors who, in turn, helped to advance his career. By the time Powell became chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he had developed into the consummate follower--motivated, competent, composed, honorable, and independent. The quality of Powell's followership faltered at times, however, while in Vietnam, during the Iran-Contra scandal, and after he became George W. Bush's secretary of state. Powell proved a fallible patriot, and in the course of a long and distinguished career he made some grave and consequential errors in judgment. While those blunders do not erase the significance of his commendable achievements amid decades of public service, we can learn much from his good and bad leadership.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>231</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey J. Matthews</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Until he passed away in 2021, Colin Powell was revered as one of America's most trusted and admired leaders. Jeffrey J. Matthews' Colin Powell: Imperfect Patriot (U Notre Dame Press, 2019) demonstrates that Powell's decades-long development as an exemplary subordinate is crucial to understanding his astonishing rise from a working-class immigrant neighborhood to the highest echelons of military and political power, including his roles as the country's first Black national security advisor, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and secretary of state.
Once an aimless, ambitionless teenager who barely graduated from college, Powell became an extraordinarily effective and staunchly loyal subordinate to many powerful superiors who, in turn, helped to advance his career. By the time Powell became chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he had developed into the consummate follower--motivated, competent, composed, honorable, and independent. The quality of Powell's followership faltered at times, however, while in Vietnam, during the Iran-Contra scandal, and after he became George W. Bush's secretary of state. Powell proved a fallible patriot, and in the course of a long and distinguished career he made some grave and consequential errors in judgment. While those blunders do not erase the significance of his commendable achievements amid decades of public service, we can learn much from his good and bad leadership.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Until he passed away in 2021, Colin Powell was revered as one of America's most trusted and admired leaders. Jeffrey J. Matthews' <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780268105099"><em>Colin Powell: Imperfect Patriot </em></a>(U Notre Dame Press, 2019) demonstrates that Powell's decades-long development as an exemplary subordinate is crucial to understanding his astonishing rise from a working-class immigrant neighborhood to the highest echelons of military and political power, including his roles as the country's first Black national security advisor, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and secretary of state.</p><p>Once an aimless, ambitionless teenager who barely graduated from college, Powell became an extraordinarily effective and staunchly loyal subordinate to many powerful superiors who, in turn, helped to advance his career. By the time Powell became chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he had developed into the consummate follower--motivated, competent, composed, honorable, and independent. The quality of Powell's followership faltered at times, however, while in Vietnam, during the Iran-Contra scandal, and after he became George W. Bush's secretary of state. Powell proved a fallible patriot, and in the course of a long and distinguished career he made some grave and consequential errors in judgment. While those blunders do not erase the significance of his commendable achievements amid decades of public service, we can learn much from his good and bad leadership.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3035</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[58898cae-b156-11ed-ab8f-13197848330c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3243729919.mp3?updated=1676922390" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tara Zahra, "Against the World: Anti-Globalism and Mass Politics Between the World Wars" (Norton, 2023)</title>
      <description>Before the First World War, enthusiasm for a borderless world reached its height. International travel, migration, trade, and progressive projects on matters ranging from women’s rights to world peace reached a crescendo. Yet in the same breath, an undercurrent of reaction was growing, one that would surge ahead with the outbreak of war and its aftermath.
In Against the World: Anti-Globalism and Mass Politics Between the World Wars (Norton, 2023), a sweeping and ambitious work of history, acclaimed scholar Tara Zahra examines how nationalism, rather than internationalism, came to ensnare world politics in the early twentieth century. The air went out of the globalist balloon with the First World War as quotas were put on immigration and tariffs on trade, not only in the United States but across Europe, where war and disease led to mass societal upheaval. The “Spanish flu” heightened anxieties about porous national boundaries. The global impact of the 1929 economic crash and the Great Depression amplified a quest for food security in Europe and economic autonomy worldwide. Demands for relief from the instability and inequality linked to globalization forged democracies and dictatorships alike, from Gandhi’s India to America’s New Deal and Hitler’s Third Reich. Immigration restrictions, racially constituted notions of citizenship, anti-Semitism, and violent outbursts of hatred of the “other” became the norm—coming to genocidal fruition in the Second World War.
Millions across the political spectrum sought refuge from the imagined and real threats of the global economy in ways strikingly reminiscent of our contemporary political moment: new movements emerged focused on homegrown and local foods, domestically produced clothing and other goods, and back-to-the-land communities. Rich with astonishing detail gleaned from Zahra’s unparalleled archival research in five languages, Against the World is a poignant and thorough exhumation of the popular sources of resistance to globalization. With anti-globalism a major tenet of today’s extremist agendas, Zahra's arrestingly clearsighted and wide-angled account is essential reading to grapple with our divided present.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1305</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tara Zahra</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Before the First World War, enthusiasm for a borderless world reached its height. International travel, migration, trade, and progressive projects on matters ranging from women’s rights to world peace reached a crescendo. Yet in the same breath, an undercurrent of reaction was growing, one that would surge ahead with the outbreak of war and its aftermath.
In Against the World: Anti-Globalism and Mass Politics Between the World Wars (Norton, 2023), a sweeping and ambitious work of history, acclaimed scholar Tara Zahra examines how nationalism, rather than internationalism, came to ensnare world politics in the early twentieth century. The air went out of the globalist balloon with the First World War as quotas were put on immigration and tariffs on trade, not only in the United States but across Europe, where war and disease led to mass societal upheaval. The “Spanish flu” heightened anxieties about porous national boundaries. The global impact of the 1929 economic crash and the Great Depression amplified a quest for food security in Europe and economic autonomy worldwide. Demands for relief from the instability and inequality linked to globalization forged democracies and dictatorships alike, from Gandhi’s India to America’s New Deal and Hitler’s Third Reich. Immigration restrictions, racially constituted notions of citizenship, anti-Semitism, and violent outbursts of hatred of the “other” became the norm—coming to genocidal fruition in the Second World War.
Millions across the political spectrum sought refuge from the imagined and real threats of the global economy in ways strikingly reminiscent of our contemporary political moment: new movements emerged focused on homegrown and local foods, domestically produced clothing and other goods, and back-to-the-land communities. Rich with astonishing detail gleaned from Zahra’s unparalleled archival research in five languages, Against the World is a poignant and thorough exhumation of the popular sources of resistance to globalization. With anti-globalism a major tenet of today’s extremist agendas, Zahra's arrestingly clearsighted and wide-angled account is essential reading to grapple with our divided present.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Before the First World War, enthusiasm for a borderless world reached its height. International travel, migration, trade, and progressive projects on matters ranging from women’s rights to world peace reached a crescendo. Yet in the same breath, an undercurrent of reaction was growing, one that would surge ahead with the outbreak of war and its aftermath.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393651966"><em>Against the World: Anti-Globalism and Mass Politics Between the World Wars</em></a><em> </em>(Norton, 2023), a sweeping and ambitious work of history, acclaimed scholar Tara Zahra examines how nationalism, rather than internationalism, came to ensnare world politics in the early twentieth century. The air went out of the globalist balloon with the First World War as quotas were put on immigration and tariffs on trade, not only in the United States but across Europe, where war and disease led to mass societal upheaval. The “Spanish flu” heightened anxieties about porous national boundaries. The global impact of the 1929 economic crash and the Great Depression amplified a quest for food security in Europe and economic autonomy worldwide. Demands for relief from the instability and inequality linked to globalization forged democracies and dictatorships alike, from Gandhi’s India to America’s New Deal and Hitler’s Third Reich. Immigration restrictions, racially constituted notions of citizenship, anti-Semitism, and violent outbursts of hatred of the “other” became the norm—coming to genocidal fruition in the Second World War.</p><p>Millions across the political spectrum sought refuge from the imagined and real threats of the global economy in ways strikingly reminiscent of our contemporary political moment: new movements emerged focused on homegrown and local foods, domestically produced clothing and other goods, and back-to-the-land communities. Rich with astonishing detail gleaned from Zahra’s unparalleled archival research in five languages, <em>Against the World</em> is a poignant and thorough exhumation of the popular sources of resistance to globalization. With anti-globalism a major tenet of today’s extremist agendas, Zahra's arrestingly clearsighted and wide-angled account is essential reading to grapple with our divided present.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3860</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michel Jacques Gagné, "Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination: Debunking the Myths and Conspiracy Theories" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>As we approach the 60th anniversary of the violent public assassination of President John F. Kennedy, over half of all Americans surveyed continue to believe that he was killed by a conspiracy involving multiple assassins. Through its reasoned and detailed analysis of the content and evolution of JFK conspiracy narratives, Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination: Debunking the Myths and Conspiracy Theories (Routledge, 2022) also serves as a comprehensive case study of paranoid reasoning and modern mythmaking. The book’s opening chapters lay out the "official" academic consensus concerning the Kennedy assassination (better known as the "Lone Gunman Theory") and discuss the origins of popular interpretations of Kennedy’s life and death, such as the nostalgic myth of "Camelot," the unsympathetic "Irish Mafia" narrative, and the many conspiracy theories critical of both. Subsequent sections scrutinize the alleged motives of leading conspiracy suspects, the ballistic, forensic, and medical evidence related to JFK’s murder, and the most popular "proofs" of an enduring government cover- up. The book concludes that no clear evidence exists to suggest that JFK was the victim of a conspiracy and ends with a discussion of the causes and consequences of paranoid thinking in contemporary public discourse.
Michel Jacques Gagné is the host and main writer-researcher of Paranoid Planet podcast. A 20% discount on the book is available at here. 
Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>215</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michel Jacques Gagné</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As we approach the 60th anniversary of the violent public assassination of President John F. Kennedy, over half of all Americans surveyed continue to believe that he was killed by a conspiracy involving multiple assassins. Through its reasoned and detailed analysis of the content and evolution of JFK conspiracy narratives, Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination: Debunking the Myths and Conspiracy Theories (Routledge, 2022) also serves as a comprehensive case study of paranoid reasoning and modern mythmaking. The book’s opening chapters lay out the "official" academic consensus concerning the Kennedy assassination (better known as the "Lone Gunman Theory") and discuss the origins of popular interpretations of Kennedy’s life and death, such as the nostalgic myth of "Camelot," the unsympathetic "Irish Mafia" narrative, and the many conspiracy theories critical of both. Subsequent sections scrutinize the alleged motives of leading conspiracy suspects, the ballistic, forensic, and medical evidence related to JFK’s murder, and the most popular "proofs" of an enduring government cover- up. The book concludes that no clear evidence exists to suggest that JFK was the victim of a conspiracy and ends with a discussion of the causes and consequences of paranoid thinking in contemporary public discourse.
Michel Jacques Gagné is the host and main writer-researcher of Paranoid Planet podcast. A 20% discount on the book is available at here. 
Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As we approach the 60th anniversary of the violent public assassination of President John F. Kennedy, over half of all Americans surveyed continue to believe that he was killed by a conspiracy involving multiple assassins. Through its reasoned and detailed analysis of the content and evolution of JFK conspiracy narratives, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032114477"><em>Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination: Debunking the Myths and Conspiracy Theories</em></a> (Routledge, 2022) also serves as a comprehensive case study of paranoid reasoning and modern mythmaking. The book’s opening chapters lay out the "official" academic consensus concerning the Kennedy assassination (better known as the "Lone Gunman Theory") and discuss the origins of popular interpretations of Kennedy’s life and death, such as the nostalgic myth of "Camelot," the unsympathetic "Irish Mafia" narrative, and the many conspiracy theories critical of both. Subsequent sections scrutinize the alleged motives of leading conspiracy suspects, the ballistic, forensic, and medical evidence related to JFK’s murder, and the most popular "proofs" of an enduring government cover- up. The book concludes that no clear evidence exists to suggest that JFK was the victim of a conspiracy and ends with a discussion of the causes and consequences of paranoid thinking in contemporary public discourse.</p><p>Michel Jacques Gagné is the host and main writer-researcher of Paranoid Planet podcast. A 20% discount on the book is available at <a href="https://www.paranoidplanet.ca/">here</a>. </p><p><em>Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the </em><a href="https://shows.acast.com/jerusalemunplugged"><em>Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast</em></a><em> and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:robbymazza@gmail.com"><em>robbymazza@gmail.com</em></a><em>. Twitter and IG: @robbyref</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3893</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[175ce3e0-adfd-11ed-9b30-db0e5a330fce]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2198814166.mp3?updated=1676554211" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Zachary M. Schrag, "The Fires of Philadelphia: Citizen-Soldiers, Nativists, and the 1844 Riots Over the Soul of a Nation" (Pegasus, 2021)</title>
      <description>Zachary M. Schrag's The Fires of Philadelphia: Citizen-Soldiers, Nativists, and the 1844 Riots Over the Soul of a Nation (Pegasus, 2021) is a gripping and masterful account of the moment one of America's founding cities turned on itself, giving the nation a preview of the Civil War to come. In 1844, Philadelphia was set aflame by a group of Protestant ideologues—avowed nativists—who were seeking social and political power rallied by charisma and fear of the immigrant menace. For these men, it was Irish Catholics they claimed would upend morality and murder their neighbors, steal their jobs, and overturn democracy. The nativists burned Catholic churches, chased and beat people through the streets, and exchanged shots with a militia seeking to reinstate order. In the aftermath, the public debated both the militia’s use of force and the actions of the mob. Some of the most prominent nativists continued their rise to political power for a time, even reaching Congress, but they did not attempt to stoke mob violence again. At a time many envision America in flames, The Fires of Philadelphia shows us a city—one that embodies the founding of our country—that descended into open warfare and found its way out again.
Zachary M. Schrag is professor of history at George Mason University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1303</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Zachary M. Schrag</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Zachary M. Schrag's The Fires of Philadelphia: Citizen-Soldiers, Nativists, and the 1844 Riots Over the Soul of a Nation (Pegasus, 2021) is a gripping and masterful account of the moment one of America's founding cities turned on itself, giving the nation a preview of the Civil War to come. In 1844, Philadelphia was set aflame by a group of Protestant ideologues—avowed nativists—who were seeking social and political power rallied by charisma and fear of the immigrant menace. For these men, it was Irish Catholics they claimed would upend morality and murder their neighbors, steal their jobs, and overturn democracy. The nativists burned Catholic churches, chased and beat people through the streets, and exchanged shots with a militia seeking to reinstate order. In the aftermath, the public debated both the militia’s use of force and the actions of the mob. Some of the most prominent nativists continued their rise to political power for a time, even reaching Congress, but they did not attempt to stoke mob violence again. At a time many envision America in flames, The Fires of Philadelphia shows us a city—one that embodies the founding of our country—that descended into open warfare and found its way out again.
Zachary M. Schrag is professor of history at George Mason University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Zachary M. Schrag's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643137285"><em>The Fires of Philadelphia: Citizen-Soldiers, Nativists, and the 1844 Riots Over the Soul of a Nation</em></a> (Pegasus, 2021) is a gripping and masterful account of the moment one of America's founding cities turned on itself, giving the nation a preview of the Civil War to come. In 1844, Philadelphia was set aflame by a group of Protestant ideologues—avowed nativists—who were seeking social and political power rallied by charisma and fear of the immigrant menace. For these men, it was Irish Catholics they claimed would upend morality and murder their neighbors, steal their jobs, and overturn democracy. The nativists burned Catholic churches, chased and beat people through the streets, and exchanged shots with a militia seeking to reinstate order. In the aftermath, the public debated both the militia’s use of force and the actions of the mob. Some of the most prominent nativists continued their rise to political power for a time, even reaching Congress, but they did not attempt to stoke mob violence again. At a time many envision America in flames, <em>The Fires of Philadelphia</em> shows us a city—one that embodies the founding of our country—that descended into open warfare and found its way out again.</p><p>Zachary M. Schrag is professor of history at George Mason University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3436</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Lisa Hajjar, "The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight Against Torture" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight against Torture (University of California Press, 2022) by Dr. Lisa Hajjar examines how hundreds of lawyers mobilized to challenge the illegal treatment of prisoners captured in the war on terror and helped force an end to the US government's most odious policies.
Told as a suspenseful, high-stakes story, The War in Court clearly outlines why challenges to the torture policy had to be waged on the legal terrain and why hundreds of lawyers joined the fight. Drawing on extensive interviews with key participants, her own experiences reporting from Guantánamo, and her deep knowledge of international law and human rights, Dr. Hajjar reveals how the ongoing fight against torture has had transformative effects on the legal landscape in the United States and on a global scale.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 18 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>43</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight against Torture (University of California Press, 2022) by Dr. Lisa Hajjar examines how hundreds of lawyers mobilized to challenge the illegal treatment of prisoners captured in the war on terror and helped force an end to the US government's most odious policies.
Told as a suspenseful, high-stakes story, The War in Court clearly outlines why challenges to the torture policy had to be waged on the legal terrain and why hundreds of lawyers joined the fight. Drawing on extensive interviews with key participants, her own experiences reporting from Guantánamo, and her deep knowledge of international law and human rights, Dr. Hajjar reveals how the ongoing fight against torture has had transformative effects on the legal landscape in the United States and on a global scale.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520378933"><em>The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight against Torture</em></a> (University of California Press, 2022) by Dr. Lisa Hajjar examines how hundreds of lawyers mobilized to challenge the illegal treatment of prisoners captured in the war on terror and helped force an end to the US government's most odious policies.</p><p>Told as a suspenseful, high-stakes story,<em> The War in Court</em> clearly outlines why challenges to the torture policy had to be waged on the legal terrain and why hundreds of lawyers joined the fight. Drawing on extensive interviews with key participants, her own experiences reporting from Guantánamo, and her deep knowledge of international law and human rights, Dr. Hajjar reveals how the ongoing fight against torture has had transformative effects on the legal landscape in the United States and on a global scale.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5274</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Politics of Bicycling</title>
      <description>Zack Furness, an associate professor of communications at Penn State Greater Allegheny, talks about his 2010 book, One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Temple University Press), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. One Less Car examines the history of how bicycles became a tool and object of advocacy and activism. With roots going back 1960s countercultures and growing through punk subcultures and the Critical Mass movement, bicycle activism has been an important focus of environmentalism and countering what Furness calls the “automobile-industrial complex.” Over a wide-ranging conversation, Furness and Vinsel also discuss Furness’s more recent research project on the history of Israeli punk bands.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>39</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Zack Furness</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Zack Furness, an associate professor of communications at Penn State Greater Allegheny, talks about his 2010 book, One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility (Temple University Press), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. One Less Car examines the history of how bicycles became a tool and object of advocacy and activism. With roots going back 1960s countercultures and growing through punk subcultures and the Critical Mass movement, bicycle activism has been an important focus of environmentalism and countering what Furness calls the “automobile-industrial complex.” Over a wide-ranging conversation, Furness and Vinsel also discuss Furness’s more recent research project on the history of Israeli punk bands.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Zack Furness, an associate professor of communications at Penn State Greater Allegheny, talks about his 2010 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781592136131"><em>One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility</em></a> (Temple University Press), with Peoples &amp; Things host, Lee Vinsel. <em>One Less Car</em> examines the history of how bicycles became a tool and object of advocacy and activism. With roots going back 1960s countercultures and growing through punk subcultures and the Critical Mass movement, bicycle activism has been an important focus of environmentalism and countering what Furness calls the “automobile-industrial complex.” Over a wide-ranging conversation, Furness and Vinsel also discuss Furness’s more recent research project on the history of Israeli punk bands.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5403</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[46856d9e-95e9-11ed-918d-9f54fdd3340d]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Liberal Order: A Discussion with James E. Cronin</title>
      <description>Has the liberal order been taken for granted? The post war consensus and the impact of the cold war may have helped establish a way of doing politics that in fact was on less secure foundations that it seemed. That’s the view of Professor James E Cronin of Boston College who has written Fragile Victory: The Making and Unmaking of the Liberal Order (Yale University Press, 2023)  – listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>51</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Has the liberal order been taken for granted? The post war consensus and the impact of the cold war may have helped establish a way of doing politics that in fact was on less secure foundations that it seemed. That’s the view of Professor James E Cronin of Boston College who has written Fragile Victory: The Making and Unmaking of the Liberal Order (Yale University Press, 2023)  – listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Has the liberal order been taken for granted? The post war consensus and the impact of the cold war may have helped establish a way of doing politics that in fact was on less secure foundations that it seemed. That’s the view of Professor James E Cronin of Boston College who has written <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300247855"><em>Fragile Victory: The Making and Unmaking of the Liberal Order</em></a> (Yale University Press, 2023)  – listen to him in conversation with Owen Bennett-Jones.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2859</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephen F. Knott, "Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy" (UP of Kansas, 2022)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist and presidential scholar Stephen Knott has a new book specifically focusing on the 35th president, John F. Kennedy. This book is not exactly a biography, since it is an interesting analysis not just of Kennedy himself as president, but also the context in which Kennedy is considered, understood, and positioned. Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy (UP of Kansas, 2022) is also a kind of intellectual autobiography of Knott himself, and his evolving consideration of Kennedy as president, but also Kennedy within our collective imaginaries. Knott started his career at the JFK Library in Massachusetts, and he traces how this initial encounter with Kennedy hagiography and the protection of the Kennedy idea contributed to his own skepticism about Kennedy as president. At the same time, Knott has spent much of his intellectual career researching and analyzing presidents from George Washington to Joe Biden, and he has come back to Kennedy to re-evaluate his own assessment of this famous and tragic president, and, importantly, the reality of President John F. Kennedy as opposed to the sanitized and mythologized version of the 35th president.
Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy re-examines the historical touchstones of the Kennedy Administration, digging into what really happened during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the kinds of concessions that were made to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, instead of the cinematic heroics of the way this incident is usually portrayed. Knott also explores the critique of Kennedy in regard to civil rights and racial progress—re-assessing the more critical narrative about Kennedy and his disconnection from these issues—finding, instead, that Kennedy was moving forward with caution but with commitment. Kennedy’s words themselves are also a key focus of the book—from the best-known speeches to more obscure presentations of presidential rhetoric. And while JFK is often lauded for his oratory, Knott makes the case that the appeal in Kennedy’s speeches and rhetoric is to our better angels, as citizens and as a country, which is particularly important to understanding the role and place of the United States in this post-WWII period. This analysis positions Kennedy within a rather rarified pantheon as one of America’s top orators—with speeches that reflected a patriotic literacy, advocating for unity, and appealing to reason.
This is a fascinating book, graceful and accessible in the writing, and interesting in the many threads woven together to consider Kennedy’s presidency itself and the position it occupies in American history and our understanding of the United States.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>637</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephen F. Knott</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist and presidential scholar Stephen Knott has a new book specifically focusing on the 35th president, John F. Kennedy. This book is not exactly a biography, since it is an interesting analysis not just of Kennedy himself as president, but also the context in which Kennedy is considered, understood, and positioned. Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy (UP of Kansas, 2022) is also a kind of intellectual autobiography of Knott himself, and his evolving consideration of Kennedy as president, but also Kennedy within our collective imaginaries. Knott started his career at the JFK Library in Massachusetts, and he traces how this initial encounter with Kennedy hagiography and the protection of the Kennedy idea contributed to his own skepticism about Kennedy as president. At the same time, Knott has spent much of his intellectual career researching and analyzing presidents from George Washington to Joe Biden, and he has come back to Kennedy to re-evaluate his own assessment of this famous and tragic president, and, importantly, the reality of President John F. Kennedy as opposed to the sanitized and mythologized version of the 35th president.
Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy re-examines the historical touchstones of the Kennedy Administration, digging into what really happened during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the kinds of concessions that were made to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, instead of the cinematic heroics of the way this incident is usually portrayed. Knott also explores the critique of Kennedy in regard to civil rights and racial progress—re-assessing the more critical narrative about Kennedy and his disconnection from these issues—finding, instead, that Kennedy was moving forward with caution but with commitment. Kennedy’s words themselves are also a key focus of the book—from the best-known speeches to more obscure presentations of presidential rhetoric. And while JFK is often lauded for his oratory, Knott makes the case that the appeal in Kennedy’s speeches and rhetoric is to our better angels, as citizens and as a country, which is particularly important to understanding the role and place of the United States in this post-WWII period. This analysis positions Kennedy within a rather rarified pantheon as one of America’s top orators—with speeches that reflected a patriotic literacy, advocating for unity, and appealing to reason.
This is a fascinating book, graceful and accessible in the writing, and interesting in the many threads woven together to consider Kennedy’s presidency itself and the position it occupies in American history and our understanding of the United States.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist and presidential scholar Stephen Knott has a new book specifically focusing on the 35th president, John F. Kennedy. This book is not exactly a biography, since it is an interesting analysis not just of Kennedy himself as president, but also the context in which Kennedy is considered, understood, and positioned. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700633654"><em>Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy</em></a><em> (UP of Kansas, 2022) </em>is also a kind of intellectual autobiography of Knott himself, and his evolving consideration of Kennedy as president, but also Kennedy within our collective imaginaries. Knott started his career at the JFK Library in Massachusetts, and he traces how this initial encounter with Kennedy hagiography and the protection of the Kennedy <em>idea</em> contributed to his own skepticism about Kennedy as president. At the same time, Knott has spent much of his intellectual career researching and analyzing presidents from George Washington to Joe Biden, and he has come back to Kennedy to re-evaluate his own assessment of this famous and tragic president, and, importantly, the reality of President John F. Kennedy as opposed to the sanitized and mythologized version of the 35th president.</p><p><em>Coming to Terms with John F. Kennedy</em> re-examines the historical touchstones of the Kennedy Administration, digging into what really happened during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the kinds of concessions that were made to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, instead of the cinematic heroics of the way this incident is usually portrayed. Knott also explores the critique of Kennedy in regard to civil rights and racial progress—re-assessing the more critical narrative about Kennedy and his disconnection from these issues—finding, instead, that Kennedy was moving forward with caution but with commitment. Kennedy’s words themselves are also a key focus of the book—from the best-known speeches to more obscure presentations of presidential rhetoric. And while JFK is often lauded for his oratory, Knott makes the case that the appeal in Kennedy’s speeches and rhetoric is to our better angels, as citizens and as a country, which is particularly important to understanding the role and place of the United States in this post-WWII period. This analysis positions Kennedy within a rather rarified pantheon as one of America’s top orators—with speeches that reflected a patriotic literacy, advocating for unity, and appealing to reason.</p><p>This is a fascinating book, graceful and accessible in the writing, and interesting in the many threads woven together to consider Kennedy’s presidency itself and the position it occupies in American history and our understanding of the United States.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2858</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew S. Henry, "Hydronarratives: Water, Environmental Justice, and a Just Transition" (U Nebraska Press, 2023)</title>
      <description>The story of water in the United States is one of ecosystemic disruption and social injustice. From the Standing Rock Indian Reservation and Flint, Michigan, to the Appalachian coal and gas fields and the Gulf Coast, low-income communities, Indigenous communities, and communities of color face the disproportionate effects of floods, droughts, sea level rise, and water contamination. 
In Hydronarratives: Water, Environmental Justice, and a Just Transition (U Nebraska Press, 2023) Matthew S. Henry examines cultural representations that imagine a just transition, a concept rooted in the U.S. labor and environmental justice movements to describe an alternative economic paradigm predicated on sustainability, economic and social equity, and climate resilience. Focused on regions of water insecurity, from central Arizona to central Appalachia, Henry explores how writers, artists, and activists have creatively responded to intensifying water crises in the United States and argues that narrative and storytelling are critical to environmental and social justice advocacy. By drawing on a wide and comprehensive range of narrative texts, historical documentation, policy papers, and literary and cultural scholarship, Henry presents a timely project that examines the social movement, just transition, and the logic of the Green New Deal, in addition to contemporary visions of environmental justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>87</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew S. Henry</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The story of water in the United States is one of ecosystemic disruption and social injustice. From the Standing Rock Indian Reservation and Flint, Michigan, to the Appalachian coal and gas fields and the Gulf Coast, low-income communities, Indigenous communities, and communities of color face the disproportionate effects of floods, droughts, sea level rise, and water contamination. 
In Hydronarratives: Water, Environmental Justice, and a Just Transition (U Nebraska Press, 2023) Matthew S. Henry examines cultural representations that imagine a just transition, a concept rooted in the U.S. labor and environmental justice movements to describe an alternative economic paradigm predicated on sustainability, economic and social equity, and climate resilience. Focused on regions of water insecurity, from central Arizona to central Appalachia, Henry explores how writers, artists, and activists have creatively responded to intensifying water crises in the United States and argues that narrative and storytelling are critical to environmental and social justice advocacy. By drawing on a wide and comprehensive range of narrative texts, historical documentation, policy papers, and literary and cultural scholarship, Henry presents a timely project that examines the social movement, just transition, and the logic of the Green New Deal, in addition to contemporary visions of environmental justice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The story of water in the United States is one of ecosystemic disruption and social injustice. From the Standing Rock Indian Reservation and Flint, Michigan, to the Appalachian coal and gas fields and the Gulf Coast, low-income communities, Indigenous communities, and communities of color face the disproportionate effects of floods, droughts, sea level rise, and water contamination. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496233752"><em>Hydronarratives: Water, Environmental Justice, and a Just Transition</em></a><em> </em>(U Nebraska Press, 2023) Matthew S. Henry examines cultural representations that imagine a <em>just transition</em>, a concept rooted in the U.S. labor and environmental justice movements to describe an alternative economic paradigm predicated on sustainability, economic and social equity, and climate resilience. Focused on regions of water insecurity, from central Arizona to central Appalachia, Henry explores how writers, artists, and activists have creatively responded to intensifying water crises in the United States and argues that narrative and storytelling are critical to environmental and social justice advocacy. By drawing on a wide and comprehensive range of narrative texts, historical documentation, policy papers, and literary and cultural scholarship, Henry presents a timely project that examines the social movement, just transition, and the logic of the Green New Deal, in addition to contemporary visions of environmental justice.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3121</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Winston James, "Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay’s life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik.
In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay’s political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay’s time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik.
Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay’s life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him.
Articles referenced in the show:

Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293.

Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045.

@amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 11 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>358</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Winston James</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay’s life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik.
In Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay’s political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay’s time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik.
Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay’s life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him.
Articles referenced in the show:

Winston James, “Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World,” History Workshop Journal, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293.

Winston James, "To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924," The American Historical Review, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045.

@amandajoycehall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the foremost Black writers and intellectuals of his era, Claude McKay (1889–1948) was a central figure in Caribbean literature, the Harlem Renaissance, and the Black radical tradition. McKay’s life and writing were defined by his class consciousness and anticolonialism, shaped by his experiences growing up in colonial Jamaica as well as his early career as a writer in Harlem and then London. Dedicated to confronting both racism and capitalist exploitation, he was a critical observer of the Black condition throughout the African diaspora and became a committed Bolshevik.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231135931"><em>Claude McKay: The Making of a Black Bolshevik</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2022), Winston James offers a revelatory account of McKay’s political and intellectual trajectory from his upbringing in Jamaica through the early years of his literary career and radical activism. In 1912, McKay left Jamaica to study in the United States, never to return. James follows McKay’s time at the Tuskegee Institute and Kansas State University, as he discovered the harshness of American racism, and his move to Harlem, where he encountered the ferment of Black cultural and political movements and figures such as Hubert Harrison and Marcus Garvey. McKay left New York for London, where his commitment to revolutionary socialism deepened, culminating in his transformation from Fabian socialist to Bolshevik.</p><p>Drawing on a wide variety of sources, James offers a rich and detailed chronicle of McKay’s life, political evolution, and the historical, political, and intellectual contexts that shaped him.</p><p>Articles referenced in the show:</p><ul>
<li>Winston James, “<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dby002">Letters from London in Black and Red: Claude McKay, Marcus Garvey and the Negro World</a>,” <em>History Workshop Journal</em>, Issue 85 (Spring 2018), pp. 281-293.</li>
<li>Winston James, "<a href="https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab361">To the East Turn: The Russian Revolution and the Black Radical Imagination in the United States, 1917–1924</a>," <em>The American Historical Review</em>, Volume 126, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1001–1045.</li>
</ul><p><a href="https://twitter.com/AmandaJoyceHall"><em>@amandajoycehall</em></a><em> is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6577</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Kate Masur, "Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction" (Norton, 2021)</title>
      <description>The half-century before the Civil War was beset with conflict over equality as well as freedom. Beginning in 1803, many free states enacted laws that discouraged free African Americans from settling within their boundaries and restricted their rights to testify in court, move freely from place to place, work, vote, and attend public school. But over time, African American activists and their white allies, often facing mob violence, courageously built a movement to fight these racist laws. They countered the states' insistences that states were merely trying to maintain the domestic peace with the equal-rights promises they found in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. They were pastors, editors, lawyers, politicians, ship captains, and countless ordinary men and women, and they fought in the press, the courts, the state legislatures, and Congress, through petitioning, lobbying, party politics, and elections. Long stymied by hostile white majorities and unfavorable court decisions, the movement's ideals became increasingly mainstream in the 1850s, particularly among supporters of the new Republican party. When Congress began rebuilding the nation after the Civil War, Republicans installed this vision of racial equality in the 1866 Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment. These were the landmark achievements of the first civil rights movement.
Kate Masur's magisterial history, Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction (W. W. Norton, 2021) delivers this pathbreaking movement in vivid detail. Until Justice Be Done was a Pulitzer Prize finalist in history and winner of the American Historical Association's Littleton-Griswold Prize in US law and society, broadly defined.
﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1298</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kate Masur</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The half-century before the Civil War was beset with conflict over equality as well as freedom. Beginning in 1803, many free states enacted laws that discouraged free African Americans from settling within their boundaries and restricted their rights to testify in court, move freely from place to place, work, vote, and attend public school. But over time, African American activists and their white allies, often facing mob violence, courageously built a movement to fight these racist laws. They countered the states' insistences that states were merely trying to maintain the domestic peace with the equal-rights promises they found in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. They were pastors, editors, lawyers, politicians, ship captains, and countless ordinary men and women, and they fought in the press, the courts, the state legislatures, and Congress, through petitioning, lobbying, party politics, and elections. Long stymied by hostile white majorities and unfavorable court decisions, the movement's ideals became increasingly mainstream in the 1850s, particularly among supporters of the new Republican party. When Congress began rebuilding the nation after the Civil War, Republicans installed this vision of racial equality in the 1866 Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment. These were the landmark achievements of the first civil rights movement.
Kate Masur's magisterial history, Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction (W. W. Norton, 2021) delivers this pathbreaking movement in vivid detail. Until Justice Be Done was a Pulitzer Prize finalist in history and winner of the American Historical Association's Littleton-Griswold Prize in US law and society, broadly defined.
﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The half-century before the Civil War was beset with conflict over equality as well as freedom. Beginning in 1803, many free states enacted laws that discouraged free African Americans from settling within their boundaries and restricted their rights to testify in court, move freely from place to place, work, vote, and attend public school. But over time, African American activists and their white allies, often facing mob violence, courageously built a movement to fight these racist laws. They countered the states' insistences that states were merely trying to maintain the domestic peace with the equal-rights promises they found in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. They were pastors, editors, lawyers, politicians, ship captains, and countless ordinary men and women, and they fought in the press, the courts, the state legislatures, and Congress, through petitioning, lobbying, party politics, and elections. Long stymied by hostile white majorities and unfavorable court decisions, the movement's ideals became increasingly mainstream in the 1850s, particularly among supporters of the new Republican party. When Congress began rebuilding the nation after the Civil War, Republicans installed this vision of racial equality in the 1866 Civil Rights Act and the Fourteenth Amendment. These were the landmark achievements of the first civil rights movement.</p><p>Kate Masur's magisterial history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324005933"><em>Until Justice Be Done: America's First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction</em></a><em> </em>(W. W. Norton, 2021) delivers this pathbreaking movement in vivid detail. <em>Until Justice Be Done </em>was a<em> </em>Pulitzer Prize finalist in history and winner of the American Historical Association's Littleton-Griswold Prize in US law and society, broadly defined.</p><p><em>﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2968</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dfae3cec-a4af-11ed-a3df-6f73d33653fa]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5483468827.mp3?updated=1679164444" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Geopolitics of Microchips: China, the EU, and the US</title>
      <description>What would happen if microchips suddenly disappeared from our world? From phones to cars, medical equipment to heating units, they are crucial for the safe and smooth functioning of much of society. While they may not actually disappear anytime soon, we have learned from the COVID pandemic about the real and potential consequences of an essential microchips shortage. Listen to Hermann Aubié, senior researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku in Finland, speak about the current state of the complex global microchips industry and attempts by governments to control its technology and supply-chain. Dr. Aubié focuses in particular on the United States' 2022 CHIPS and Science Act and October Export Rules, largely considered to target China's capacity to produce advanced microchips. Learn about responses by Taiwan, the largest producer of advanced microchips with TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company), as well as the position of the European Union, itself dealing with ongoing negotiations to finalize the EU Chips Act. Dr. Aubié speaks to Satoko Naito, also of the Centre for East Asian Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>167</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hermann Aubié</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What would happen if microchips suddenly disappeared from our world? From phones to cars, medical equipment to heating units, they are crucial for the safe and smooth functioning of much of society. While they may not actually disappear anytime soon, we have learned from the COVID pandemic about the real and potential consequences of an essential microchips shortage. Listen to Hermann Aubié, senior researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku in Finland, speak about the current state of the complex global microchips industry and attempts by governments to control its technology and supply-chain. Dr. Aubié focuses in particular on the United States' 2022 CHIPS and Science Act and October Export Rules, largely considered to target China's capacity to produce advanced microchips. Learn about responses by Taiwan, the largest producer of advanced microchips with TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company), as well as the position of the European Union, itself dealing with ongoing negotiations to finalize the EU Chips Act. Dr. Aubié speaks to Satoko Naito, also of the Centre for East Asian Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What would happen if microchips suddenly disappeared from our world? From phones to cars, medical equipment to heating units, they are crucial for the safe and smooth functioning of much of society. While they may not actually disappear anytime soon, we have learned from the COVID pandemic about the real and potential consequences of an essential microchips shortage. Listen to Hermann Aubié, senior researcher at the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku in Finland, speak about the current state of the complex global microchips industry and attempts by governments to control its technology and supply-chain. Dr. Aubié focuses in particular on the United States' 2022 CHIPS and Science Act and October Export Rules, largely considered to target China's capacity to produce advanced microchips. Learn about responses by Taiwan, the largest producer of advanced microchips with TSMC (Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company), as well as the position of the European Union, itself dealing with ongoing negotiations to finalize the EU Chips Act. Dr. Aubié speaks to Satoko Naito, also of the Centre for East Asian Studies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1412</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0d41cd60-a7b5-11ed-a692-7314fd90e90f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2249887316.mp3?updated=1675863277" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bruce Kuklick, "Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>From the time Mussolini took power in Italy in 1922, Americans have been obsessed with and brooded over the meaning of fascism and how it might migrate to the United States. Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (U Chicago Press, 2022) examines how we have viewed fascism overseas and its implications for our own country. Bruce Kuklick explores the rhetoric of politicians, who have used the language of fascism to smear opponents, and he looks at the discussions of pundits, the analyses of academics, and the displays of fascism in popular culture, including fiction, radio, TV, theater, and film. Kuklick argues that fascism has little informational meaning in the United States, but instead, it is used to denigrate or insult. For example, every political position has been besmirched as fascist. As a result, the term does not describe a phenomenon so much as it denounces what one does not like. Finally, in displaying fascism for most Americans, entertainment--and most importantly film--has been crucial in conveying to citizens what fascism is about. Fascism Comes to America has been enhanced by many illustrations that exhibit how fascism was absorbed into the US public consciousness.
Bruce Kuklick is the Nichols Professor of American History, Emeritus, at the University of Pennsylvania. He is most recently the author of Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba written with Emmanuel Gerard, and The Fighting Sullivans.
﻿Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>188</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bruce Kuklick</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the time Mussolini took power in Italy in 1922, Americans have been obsessed with and brooded over the meaning of fascism and how it might migrate to the United States. Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (U Chicago Press, 2022) examines how we have viewed fascism overseas and its implications for our own country. Bruce Kuklick explores the rhetoric of politicians, who have used the language of fascism to smear opponents, and he looks at the discussions of pundits, the analyses of academics, and the displays of fascism in popular culture, including fiction, radio, TV, theater, and film. Kuklick argues that fascism has little informational meaning in the United States, but instead, it is used to denigrate or insult. For example, every political position has been besmirched as fascist. As a result, the term does not describe a phenomenon so much as it denounces what one does not like. Finally, in displaying fascism for most Americans, entertainment--and most importantly film--has been crucial in conveying to citizens what fascism is about. Fascism Comes to America has been enhanced by many illustrations that exhibit how fascism was absorbed into the US public consciousness.
Bruce Kuklick is the Nichols Professor of American History, Emeritus, at the University of Pennsylvania. He is most recently the author of Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba written with Emmanuel Gerard, and The Fighting Sullivans.
﻿Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the time Mussolini took power in Italy in 1922, Americans have been obsessed with and brooded over the meaning of fascism and how it might migrate to the United States. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226821467"><em>Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2022) examines how we have viewed fascism overseas and its implications for our own country. Bruce Kuklick explores the rhetoric of politicians, who have used the language of fascism to smear opponents, and he looks at the discussions of pundits, the analyses of academics, and the displays of fascism in popular culture, including fiction, radio, TV, theater, and film. Kuklick argues that fascism has little informational meaning in the United States, but instead, it is used to denigrate or insult. For example, every political position has been besmirched as fascist. As a result, the term does not describe a phenomenon so much as it denounces what one does not like. Finally, in displaying fascism for most Americans, entertainment--and most importantly film--has been crucial in conveying to citizens what fascism is about. <em>Fascism Comes to America</em> has been enhanced by many illustrations that exhibit how fascism was absorbed into the US public consciousness.</p><p>Bruce Kuklick is the Nichols Professor of American History, Emeritus, at the University of Pennsylvania. He is most recently the author of <em>Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba</em> written with Emmanuel Gerard, and <em>The Fighting Sullivans</em>.</p><p><em>﻿Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3504</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[048ba090-a334-11ed-b385-ab5142eadfdd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6711642350.mp3?updated=1675368051" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>M. V. Hood and Seth C. McKee, "Rural Republican Realignment in the Modern South: The Untold Story" (U South Carolina Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Beginning with the Dixiecrat Revolt of 1948 and extending through the 2020 election cycle, political scientists M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee trace the process by which rural white southerners transformed from fiercely loyal Democrats to stalwart Republicans. While these rural white southerners were the slowest to affiliate with the Grand Old Party, they are now its staunchest supporters. This transition and the reasons for it are vital to understanding the current electoral landscape of the American South, including states like Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia, all of which have the potential to exert enormous influence over national electoral outcomes.
In Rural Republican Realignment in the Modern South: The Untold Story (U South Carolina Press, 2022), Hood and McKee examine their changing political behavior, arguing that their Democratic-to-Republican transition is both more recent and more durable than most political observers realize. By analyzing data collected from their own region-wide polling along with a variety of other carefully mined sources, the authors explain why the initial appeal of 1950s Republicanism to upscale white southerners in metropolitan settings took well over a half-century to yield to, and morph into, its culturally conservative variant now championed by rural residents. Hood and McKee contend that it is impossible to understand current American electoral politics without understanding the longer trajectory of voting behavior in rural America and they offer not only a framework but also the data necessary for doing so.
Brandon T. Jett, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the Lynching in LaBelle Digital History Project, and author of Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South (LSU Press, 2021) and co-editor of Steeped in a Culture of Violence: Murder, Racial Injustice, and Other Violent Crimes in Texas, 1965–2020 (Texas A&amp;M University Press, scheduled Spring 2023). Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>47</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with M. V. Hood and Seth C. McKee</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Beginning with the Dixiecrat Revolt of 1948 and extending through the 2020 election cycle, political scientists M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee trace the process by which rural white southerners transformed from fiercely loyal Democrats to stalwart Republicans. While these rural white southerners were the slowest to affiliate with the Grand Old Party, they are now its staunchest supporters. This transition and the reasons for it are vital to understanding the current electoral landscape of the American South, including states like Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia, all of which have the potential to exert enormous influence over national electoral outcomes.
In Rural Republican Realignment in the Modern South: The Untold Story (U South Carolina Press, 2022), Hood and McKee examine their changing political behavior, arguing that their Democratic-to-Republican transition is both more recent and more durable than most political observers realize. By analyzing data collected from their own region-wide polling along with a variety of other carefully mined sources, the authors explain why the initial appeal of 1950s Republicanism to upscale white southerners in metropolitan settings took well over a half-century to yield to, and morph into, its culturally conservative variant now championed by rural residents. Hood and McKee contend that it is impossible to understand current American electoral politics without understanding the longer trajectory of voting behavior in rural America and they offer not only a framework but also the data necessary for doing so.
Brandon T. Jett, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the Lynching in LaBelle Digital History Project, and author of Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South (LSU Press, 2021) and co-editor of Steeped in a Culture of Violence: Murder, Racial Injustice, and Other Violent Crimes in Texas, 1965–2020 (Texas A&amp;M University Press, scheduled Spring 2023). Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Beginning with the Dixiecrat Revolt of 1948 and extending through the 2020 election cycle, political scientists M.V. Hood III and Seth C. McKee trace the process by which rural white southerners transformed from fiercely loyal Democrats to stalwart Republicans. While these rural white southerners were the slowest to affiliate with the Grand Old Party, they are now its staunchest supporters. This transition and the reasons for it are vital to understanding the current electoral landscape of the American South, including states like Georgia, Florida, North Carolina, Texas, and Virginia, all of which have the potential to exert enormous influence over national electoral outcomes.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643363011"><em>Rural Republican Realignment in the Modern South: The Untold Story</em></a> (U South Carolina Press, 2022), Hood and McKee examine their changing political behavior, arguing that their Democratic-to-Republican transition is both more recent and more durable than most political observers realize. By analyzing data collected from their own region-wide polling along with a variety of other carefully mined sources, the authors explain why the initial appeal of 1950s Republicanism to upscale white southerners in metropolitan settings took well over a half-century to yield to, and morph into, its culturally conservative variant now championed by rural residents. Hood and McKee contend that it is impossible to understand current American electoral politics without understanding the longer trajectory of voting behavior in rural America and they offer not only a framework but also the data necessary for doing so.</p><p><a href="http://www.brandontjett.com/"><em>Brandon T. Jett</em></a><em>, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the </em><a href="http://www.lynchinginlabelle.com/"><em>Lynching in LaBelle</em></a><em> Digital History Project, and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807175071"><em>Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South</em></a><em> (LSU Press, 2021) and co-editor of Steeped in a Culture of Violence: Murder, Racial Injustice, and Other Violent Crimes in Texas, 1965–2020 (Texas A&amp;M University Press, scheduled Spring 2023). Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2994</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ee833e2a-a4a0-11ed-8383-cf854b3fa329]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7066597570.mp3?updated=1675524874" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Where is the Left? The Rise and Decline of Social Democratic Movements</title>
      <description>This week on International Horizons, David Abraham from the University of Miami discusses the origins of social democratic parties in Europe and the parallels with similar movements in the US. Following his teacher Adam Przeworski, Abraham argues that Keynesianism boosted social democracy by convincing people that the state could manage economic growth. For a time, the iron curtain heightened solidarity in the West, including among social democrats. More recently, social democratic politics has been tempered by liberal movements focusing on “diversity” rather than on class inequality. While noting that there are troublesome signs of growing authoritarianism around the world, Abraham argues that the Trump movement is not comparable with historical fascism.
International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>111</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with David Abraham</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on International Horizons, David Abraham from the University of Miami discusses the origins of social democratic parties in Europe and the parallels with similar movements in the US. Following his teacher Adam Przeworski, Abraham argues that Keynesianism boosted social democracy by convincing people that the state could manage economic growth. For a time, the iron curtain heightened solidarity in the West, including among social democrats. More recently, social democratic politics has been tempered by liberal movements focusing on “diversity” rather than on class inequality. While noting that there are troublesome signs of growing authoritarianism around the world, Abraham argues that the Trump movement is not comparable with historical fascism.
International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on International Horizons, David Abraham from the University of Miami discusses the origins of social democratic parties in Europe and the parallels with similar movements in the US. Following his teacher Adam Przeworski, Abraham argues that Keynesianism boosted social democracy by convincing people that the state could manage economic growth. For a time, the iron curtain heightened solidarity in the West, including among social democrats. More recently, social democratic politics has been tempered by liberal movements focusing on “diversity” rather than on class inequality. While noting that there are troublesome signs of growing authoritarianism around the world, Abraham argues that the Trump movement is not comparable with historical fascism.</p><p><em>International Horizons is a podcast of the </em><a href="http://ralphbuncheinstitute.org/"><em>Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies</em></a><em> that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. </em><a href="https://www.gc.cuny.edu/people/john-torpey"><em>John Torpey</em></a><em>, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2561</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ed2e2ec4-a638-11ed-bae2-6b01375eba64]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3519647925.mp3?updated=1675699976" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gabriel Glickman, "US-Egypt Diplomacy Under Johnson: Nasser, Komer, and the Limits of Personal Diplomacy" (Bloombury, 2021)</title>
      <description>What happens to policies when a president dies in office? Do they get replaced by the new president, or do advisers carry on with the status quo? In November 1963, these were important questions for a Kennedy-turned-Johnson administration.
Among these officials was a driven National Security Council staffer named Robert Komer, who had made it his personal mission to have the United States form better relations with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser after diplomatic relations were nearly severed during the Eisenhower years. While Kennedy saw the benefit of having good, personal relations with the most influential leader in the Middle East-believing that it was the key to preventing a new front in the global Cold War-Johnson did not share his predecessor's enthusiasm for influencing Nasser with aid.
In US-Egypt Diplomacy Under Johnson: Nasser, Komer, and the Limits of Personal Diplomacy (Bloomsbury, 2021), Glickman brings to light the diplomatic efforts of Komer, a masterful strategist at navigating the bureaucratic process. Appealing to scholars of Middle Eastern history and US foreign policy, the book reveals a new perspective on the path to a war that was to change the face of the Middle East, and provides an important “applied history” case study for policymakers on the limits of personal diplomacy.
Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 05 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gabriel Glickman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happens to policies when a president dies in office? Do they get replaced by the new president, or do advisers carry on with the status quo? In November 1963, these were important questions for a Kennedy-turned-Johnson administration.
Among these officials was a driven National Security Council staffer named Robert Komer, who had made it his personal mission to have the United States form better relations with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser after diplomatic relations were nearly severed during the Eisenhower years. While Kennedy saw the benefit of having good, personal relations with the most influential leader in the Middle East-believing that it was the key to preventing a new front in the global Cold War-Johnson did not share his predecessor's enthusiasm for influencing Nasser with aid.
In US-Egypt Diplomacy Under Johnson: Nasser, Komer, and the Limits of Personal Diplomacy (Bloomsbury, 2021), Glickman brings to light the diplomatic efforts of Komer, a masterful strategist at navigating the bureaucratic process. Appealing to scholars of Middle Eastern history and US foreign policy, the book reveals a new perspective on the path to a war that was to change the face of the Middle East, and provides an important “applied history” case study for policymakers on the limits of personal diplomacy.
Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happens to policies when a president dies in office? Do they get replaced by the new president, or do advisers carry on with the status quo? In November 1963, these were important questions for a Kennedy-turned-Johnson administration.</p><p>Among these officials was a driven National Security Council staffer named Robert Komer, who had made it his personal mission to have the United States form better relations with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser after diplomatic relations were nearly severed during the Eisenhower years. While Kennedy saw the benefit of having good, personal relations with the most influential leader in the Middle East-believing that it was the key to preventing a new front in the global Cold War-Johnson did not share his predecessor's enthusiasm for influencing Nasser with aid.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780755634026"><em>US-Egypt Diplomacy Under Johnson: Nasser, Komer, and the Limits of Personal Diplomacy</em></a> (Bloomsbury, 2021), Glickman brings to light the diplomatic efforts of Komer, a masterful strategist at navigating the bureaucratic process. Appealing to scholars of Middle Eastern history and US foreign policy, the book reveals a new perspective on the path to a war that was to change the face of the Middle East, and provides an important “applied history” case study for policymakers on the limits of personal diplomacy.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4941</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[96712bf0-a1af-11ed-b28d-9f246a3d65b3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9936558536.mp3?updated=1675201583" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Reclaiming a Lost Vision of Feminism: A Conversation with Erika Bachiochi</title>
      <description>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision (University of Notre Dame Press, 2021).
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 04 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>162</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision (University of Notre Dame Press, 2021).
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to a flurry of commentary and wondering, "Where next?" But, it also begs deeper questions: what is the history of abortion and sex-positivity within the feminist movement, and how did Roe affect our views on sex? Feminist legal scholar Dr. Erika Bachiochi is the founder and director of the Wollstonecraft Project at the Abigail Adams Institute and a fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center. Here, she discusses these questions as well as her recent book on Mary Wollstonecraft, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780268200824"><em>The Rights of Women: Reclaiming a Lost Vision</em></a><em> </em>(University of Notre Dame Press, 2021).</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/node/6086"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em> and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3302</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e8b26ac2-a48f-11ed-8de6-3b1bdcecacfa]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6602792314.mp3?updated=1675517389" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Where Did Conservatism Go? A Conversation with Yoram Hazony</title>
      <description>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book, Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022), and Conservatism's past and future.
Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL. 
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>161</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Yoram Hazony</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book, Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022), and Conservatism's past and future.
Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL. 
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony discusses the Enlightenment, the American Founding, his latest book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684511099"><em>Conservatism: A Rediscovery</em></a><em> </em>(Regnery Publishing, 2022), and Conservatism's past and future.</p><p>Dr. Hazony is the President of the Herzl Institute, based in Jerusalem, and the chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, a public affairs institute based in Washington D.C., which recently hosted the popular National Conservatism Conference in Miami, FL. </p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/node/6086"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em> and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3840</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5eb4f5dc-a3be-11ed-a8e9-8ff2187983a3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2539638898.mp3?updated=1675428072" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>H. Jefferson Powell, "The Practice of American Constitutional Law" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>What areas of our lives are governed by constitutional law? When asked about what constitutional law is, Americans tend to think of notable Supreme Court cases such as the abortion law case Roe v. Wade or the Civil Rights landmark of Brown v. Board of Education. But vast swaths of our lives are governed by, of all things, the Commerce Clause of the US Constitution, which gives Congress the power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.”
This is just one of the fascinating facts that we learn from H. Jefferson Powell's book The Practice of American Constitutional Law (Cambridge UP, 2022).
Powell robustly, movingly argues that those Americans who feel that the Supreme Court and constitutional law itself have become so politicized that justice is now unattainable and that raw power has replaced dispassionate legal analysis in our polity are mistaken. He contends that those who dwell in the world of the actual practice of constitutional law are people operating in good faith with identifiable “tool kits,” as he puts it. Powell shows how everyone involved has to determine if a legal case is even a matter of constitutional law specifically and if so, what part or parts of the Constitution are concerned and possibly being violated.
One of the great strengths of the book is the delineation of who some of these actors are—from congresspeople to Department of Justice lawyers to legal advisors to presidents to judges at all levels to lawyers in the nonprofit advocacy sector. Powell shows how those engaged in the practice of constitutional law go about their work, be they giants of American jurisprudence such as John Marshall to unnamed state legislators of our own day. Powell makes the case that in spite of the normal human tendency to be influenced by our backgrounds and attitudes when thrashing out contentious matters, the practice of American constitutional law operates within clear parameters and procedures that to a large extent result in justice or at least a plausible attempt to achieve it.
Powell’s plea for a more sympathetic attitude towards judges, legislators and legal advocates is helped by the fact that his book is filled with vivid word-portraits of figures such as the Supreme Court justices Robert H. Jackson, William Rehnquist, David Souter (who comes across better in Powell’s book than he does in many other accounts) and, of course, John Marshall.
Powell’s book is ideal for the non-lawyer who wants a better understanding of the nuts and bolts of constitutional law, who the players are and what aspects of constitutional law affect us in our daily lives. Powell fascinatingly shows that those include everything from guns in school zones to violence against women to the regulation of the length of trucks on state highways.
Powell persuasively and engagingly makes his case that those who make cases are not malign influences twisting the law for partisan purposes but, by and large, honorable people doing their best to apply the text and thrust of the Constitution in defensible, sensible and yes, just, fashions.
Let’s hear from Professor Powell himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>179</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with H. Jefferson Powell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What areas of our lives are governed by constitutional law? When asked about what constitutional law is, Americans tend to think of notable Supreme Court cases such as the abortion law case Roe v. Wade or the Civil Rights landmark of Brown v. Board of Education. But vast swaths of our lives are governed by, of all things, the Commerce Clause of the US Constitution, which gives Congress the power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.”
This is just one of the fascinating facts that we learn from H. Jefferson Powell's book The Practice of American Constitutional Law (Cambridge UP, 2022).
Powell robustly, movingly argues that those Americans who feel that the Supreme Court and constitutional law itself have become so politicized that justice is now unattainable and that raw power has replaced dispassionate legal analysis in our polity are mistaken. He contends that those who dwell in the world of the actual practice of constitutional law are people operating in good faith with identifiable “tool kits,” as he puts it. Powell shows how everyone involved has to determine if a legal case is even a matter of constitutional law specifically and if so, what part or parts of the Constitution are concerned and possibly being violated.
One of the great strengths of the book is the delineation of who some of these actors are—from congresspeople to Department of Justice lawyers to legal advisors to presidents to judges at all levels to lawyers in the nonprofit advocacy sector. Powell shows how those engaged in the practice of constitutional law go about their work, be they giants of American jurisprudence such as John Marshall to unnamed state legislators of our own day. Powell makes the case that in spite of the normal human tendency to be influenced by our backgrounds and attitudes when thrashing out contentious matters, the practice of American constitutional law operates within clear parameters and procedures that to a large extent result in justice or at least a plausible attempt to achieve it.
Powell’s plea for a more sympathetic attitude towards judges, legislators and legal advocates is helped by the fact that his book is filled with vivid word-portraits of figures such as the Supreme Court justices Robert H. Jackson, William Rehnquist, David Souter (who comes across better in Powell’s book than he does in many other accounts) and, of course, John Marshall.
Powell’s book is ideal for the non-lawyer who wants a better understanding of the nuts and bolts of constitutional law, who the players are and what aspects of constitutional law affect us in our daily lives. Powell fascinatingly shows that those include everything from guns in school zones to violence against women to the regulation of the length of trucks on state highways.
Powell persuasively and engagingly makes his case that those who make cases are not malign influences twisting the law for partisan purposes but, by and large, honorable people doing their best to apply the text and thrust of the Constitution in defensible, sensible and yes, just, fashions.
Let’s hear from Professor Powell himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What areas of our lives are governed by constitutional law? When asked about what constitutional law is, Americans tend to think of notable Supreme Court cases such as the abortion law case Roe v. Wade or the Civil Rights landmark of Brown v. Board of Education. But vast swaths of our lives are governed by, of all things, the Commerce Clause of the US Constitution, which gives Congress the power “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes.”</p><p>This is just one of the fascinating facts that we learn from H. Jefferson Powell's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009158862"><em>The Practice of American Constitutional Law</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022).</p><p>Powell robustly, movingly argues that those Americans who feel that the Supreme Court and constitutional law itself have become so politicized that justice is now unattainable and that raw power has replaced dispassionate legal analysis in our polity are mistaken. He contends that those who dwell in the world of the actual practice of constitutional law are people operating in good faith with identifiable “tool kits,” as he puts it. Powell shows how everyone involved has to determine if a legal case is even a matter of constitutional law specifically and if so, what part or parts of the Constitution are concerned and possibly being violated.</p><p>One of the great strengths of the book is the delineation of who some of these actors are—from congresspeople to Department of Justice lawyers to legal advisors to presidents to judges at all levels to lawyers in the nonprofit advocacy sector. Powell shows how those engaged in the practice of constitutional law go about their work, be they giants of American jurisprudence such as John Marshall to unnamed state legislators of our own day. Powell makes the case that in spite of the normal human tendency to be influenced by our backgrounds and attitudes when thrashing out contentious matters, the practice of American constitutional law operates within clear parameters and procedures that to a large extent result in justice or at least a plausible attempt to achieve it.</p><p>Powell’s plea for a more sympathetic attitude towards judges, legislators and legal advocates is helped by the fact that his book is filled with vivid word-portraits of figures such as the Supreme Court justices Robert H. Jackson, William Rehnquist, David Souter (who comes across better in Powell’s book than he does in many other accounts) and, of course, John Marshall.</p><p>Powell’s book is ideal for the non-lawyer who wants a better understanding of the nuts and bolts of constitutional law, who the players are and what aspects of constitutional law affect us in our daily lives. Powell fascinatingly shows that those include everything from guns in school zones to violence against women to the regulation of the length of trucks on state highways.</p><p>Powell persuasively and engagingly makes his case that those who make cases are not malign influences twisting the law for partisan purposes but, by and large, honorable people doing their best to apply the text and thrust of the Constitution in defensible, sensible and yes, just, fashions.</p><p>Let’s hear from Professor Powell himself.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6286</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0bb4376c-9f31-11ed-b304-b7b443402176]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6409698852.mp3?updated=1674927802" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Truth, Fiction, and Student Loan Forgiveness: A Conversation with Beth Akers</title>
      <description>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve.
You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances here.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>61</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Beth Akers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve.
You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances here.
Annika Nordquist is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions and host of the Program’s podcast, Madison’s Notes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the Biden Administration's student loan relief coming down the pike, Annika sits down with Dr. Beth Akers, a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute who specializes in higher education finance. Beth discusses the issue of student debt, and what the Biden relief plan will and will not achieve.</p><p>You can find more information about Dr. Akers and her recent writing and appearances <a href="https://www.aei.org/profile/beth-akers/">here</a>.</p><p><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/node/6086"><em>Annika Nordquist</em></a><em> is the Communications Coordinator of Princeton University’s </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/"><em>James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions</em></a><em> and host of the Program’s podcast, </em><a href="https://jmp.princeton.edu/podcast"><em>Madison’s Notes</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2475</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[400fb726-a30e-11ed-a9d6-5be93ce25134]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2600698522.mp3?updated=1675351789" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Derrick Darby, "A Realistic Blacktopia: Why We Must Unite to Fight" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the United States, unjust disparities in things like income, opportunity, health, safety, and education tightly track racial categorizations of the US population. An intuitive approach to social justice calls us to look to the sites of the greatest disadvantage, and take measures aimed at relieving them. This approach favors “race specific” policies for pursuing justice. However, that kind of rationale is increasingly vulnerable in a country that’s largely convinced that it has achieved a “post-racial” condition. Hence the remaining disparities remain, but are explained away by appeals to alleged faults of those who suffer under them.
In A Realistic Blacktopia: Why We Must Unite to Fight (Oxford UP, 2023), Derrick Darby defends a different approach. According to Darby, the psychological and social realities of the United States suggest that we must adopt a non-race-specific social justice agenda, explicitly tying our efforts to mitigate unjust inequalities that track racial categorization to “big tent” initiatives to broaden and deepen democratic inclusion for citizens as such.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Feb 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>306</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Derrick Darby</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, unjust disparities in things like income, opportunity, health, safety, and education tightly track racial categorizations of the US population. An intuitive approach to social justice calls us to look to the sites of the greatest disadvantage, and take measures aimed at relieving them. This approach favors “race specific” policies for pursuing justice. However, that kind of rationale is increasingly vulnerable in a country that’s largely convinced that it has achieved a “post-racial” condition. Hence the remaining disparities remain, but are explained away by appeals to alleged faults of those who suffer under them.
In A Realistic Blacktopia: Why We Must Unite to Fight (Oxford UP, 2023), Derrick Darby defends a different approach. According to Darby, the psychological and social realities of the United States suggest that we must adopt a non-race-specific social justice agenda, explicitly tying our efforts to mitigate unjust inequalities that track racial categorization to “big tent” initiatives to broaden and deepen democratic inclusion for citizens as such.
﻿Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, unjust disparities in things like income, opportunity, health, safety, and education tightly track racial categorizations of the US population. An intuitive approach to social justice calls us to look to the sites of the greatest disadvantage, and take measures aimed at relieving them. This approach favors “race specific” policies for pursuing justice. However, that kind of rationale is increasingly vulnerable in a country that’s largely convinced that it has achieved a “post-racial” condition. Hence the remaining disparities remain, but are explained away by appeals to alleged faults of those who suffer under them.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197622124"><em>A Realistic Blacktopia: Why We Must Unite to Fight</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2023)<em>,</em> <a href="https://philosophy.rutgers.edu/people/regular-faculty/regular-faculty-profile/182-regular-faculty-full-time/1171-blank-faculty-profile-2">Derrick Darby</a> defends a different approach. According to Darby, the psychological and social realities of the United States suggest that we must adopt a non-race-specific social justice agenda, explicitly tying our efforts to mitigate unjust inequalities that track racial categorization to “big tent” initiatives to broaden and deepen democratic inclusion for citizens as such.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4621</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2aa68448-9e7f-11ed-b0bb-cbe849b71ffd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7568157760.mp3?updated=1674850433" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Above the Veil: Beyond Segregationism and Assimilationism</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>The work of Ibram X. Kendi distinguishes between two forms of racism: segregationism and assimilationism. Segregationists argue that some groups are inferior by nature; assimilationists, on the other hand, argue that some groups are inferior by 'nurture,' but can overcome this inferiority if they conform to another group's cultural standards -- in America, always a White cultural standard. Black leaders past and present have challenged these racist assumptions while revealing the liberatory potential of a cultural engagement based on equality and mutual exchange.
Guests:


Ibram X. Kendi, director of the Boston University Center for Antiracist Research, contributing writer to The Atlantic and author of "How To Be An Antiracist" and "Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America 1619-2019."


Max Mueller, assistant professor in the Department of Classics and Religious Studies at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln and author of "Race and the Making of the Mormon People."


Dr. Anika Prather, adjunct professor in the Classics Department at Howard University and author of "Living in the Constellation of the Canon: The Lived Experiences of African American Students Reading Great Books Literature."


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 29 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>28</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/5ab2e1bc-8931-11ed-bd5b-1bf46acca88a/image/moi-3-antiracism.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Ibram X. Kendi, Max Mueller, and Anika Prather</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The work of Ibram X. Kendi distinguishes between two forms of racism: segregationism and assimilationism. Segregationists argue that some groups are inferior by nature; assimilationists, on the other hand, argue that some groups are inferior by 'nurture,' but can overcome this inferiority if they conform to another group's cultural standards -- in America, always a White cultural standard. Black leaders past and present have challenged these racist assumptions while revealing the liberatory potential of a cultural engagement based on equality and mutual exchange.
Guests:


Ibram X. Kendi, director of the Boston University Center for Antiracist Research, contributing writer to The Atlantic and author of "How To Be An Antiracist" and "Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America 1619-2019."


Max Mueller, assistant professor in the Department of Classics and Religious Studies at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln and author of "Race and the Making of the Mormon People."


Dr. Anika Prather, adjunct professor in the Classics Department at Howard University and author of "Living in the Constellation of the Canon: The Lived Experiences of African American Students Reading Great Books Literature."


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The work of Ibram X. Kendi distinguishes between two forms of racism: segregationism and assimilationism. Segregationists argue that some groups are inferior by nature; assimilationists, on the other hand, argue that some groups are inferior by 'nurture,' but can overcome this inferiority if they conform to another group's cultural standards -- in America, always a White cultural standard. Black leaders past and present have challenged these racist assumptions while revealing the liberatory potential of a cultural engagement based on equality and mutual exchange.</p><p>Guests:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://www.ibramxkendi.com/">Ibram X. Kendi</a>, director of the Boston University Center for Antiracist Research, contributing writer to The Atlantic and author of "How To Be An Antiracist" and "Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America 1619-2019."</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.unl.edu/classics/max-mueller">Max Mueller</a>, assistant professor in the Department of Classics and Religious Studies at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln and author of "Race and the Making of the Mormon People."</li>
<li>
<a href="https://drprather.com/">Dr. Anika Prather</a>, adjunct professor in the Classics Department at Howard University and author of "Living in the Constellation of the Canon: The Lived Experiences of African American Students Reading Great Books Literature."</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2224</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[92a29cb2-d7b7-48c0-90bb-a1e0931d8796]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1256860865.mp3?updated=1672613498" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Zachary Shore, "This Is Not Who We Are: America’s Struggle Between Vengeance and Virtue" (Cambridge UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>What kind of country is America? Zachary Shore tackles this polarizing question by spotlighting some of the most morally muddled matters of WWII. Should Japanese Americans be moved from the west coast to prevent sabotage? Should the German people be made to starve as punishment for launching the war? Should America drop atomic bombs to break Japan's will to fight? Surprisingly, despite wartime anger, most Americans and key officials favored mercy over revenge, yet a minority managed to push their punitive policies through. After the war, by feeding the hungry, rebuilding Western Europe and Japan, and airlifting supplies to a blockaded Berlin, America strove to restore the country's humanity, transforming its image in the eyes of the world. A compelling story of the struggle over racism and revenge, This Is Not Who We Are: America’s Struggle Between Vengeance and Virtue (Cambridge UP, 2023) asks crucial questions about the nation's most agonizing divides.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 29 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>6</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Zachary Shore</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What kind of country is America? Zachary Shore tackles this polarizing question by spotlighting some of the most morally muddled matters of WWII. Should Japanese Americans be moved from the west coast to prevent sabotage? Should the German people be made to starve as punishment for launching the war? Should America drop atomic bombs to break Japan's will to fight? Surprisingly, despite wartime anger, most Americans and key officials favored mercy over revenge, yet a minority managed to push their punitive policies through. After the war, by feeding the hungry, rebuilding Western Europe and Japan, and airlifting supplies to a blockaded Berlin, America strove to restore the country's humanity, transforming its image in the eyes of the world. A compelling story of the struggle over racism and revenge, This Is Not Who We Are: America’s Struggle Between Vengeance and Virtue (Cambridge UP, 2023) asks crucial questions about the nation's most agonizing divides.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What kind of country is America? Zachary Shore tackles this polarizing question by spotlighting some of the most morally muddled matters of WWII. Should Japanese Americans be moved from the west coast to prevent sabotage? Should the German people be made to starve as punishment for launching the war? Should America drop atomic bombs to break Japan's will to fight? Surprisingly, despite wartime anger, most Americans and key officials favored mercy over revenge, yet a minority managed to push their punitive policies through. After the war, by feeding the hungry, rebuilding Western Europe and Japan, and airlifting supplies to a blockaded Berlin, America strove to restore the country's humanity, transforming its image in the eyes of the world. A compelling story of the struggle over racism and revenge, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009203449"><em>This Is Not Who We Are: America’s Struggle Between Vengeance and Virtue</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2023) asks crucial questions about the nation's most agonizing divides.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2848</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[15002dc2-9c29-11ed-8532-337a85b65419]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7786514744.mp3?updated=1674593494" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Shaun M. Anderson, "The Black Athlete Revolt: The Sport Justice Movement in the Age Of #BlackLivesMatter" (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023)</title>
      <description>In the age of social media, athletes have a powerful influence like never before. Many Black athletes have used that power in positive ways, galvanizing their platforms to create impactful educational opportunities, donate to Black social causes, and raise political awareness on important issues. 
In The Black Athlete Revolt: The Sport Justice Movement in the Age Of #BlackLivesMatter (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Shaun M. Anderson examines the Black athlete's rise in advocating for social justice and how today's athletes have moved beyond protesting to create substantial change for Black Americans. Anderson reflects on the history and evolution of Black athlete activism, breaking down its importance during the civil rights movement, the commodification of athletes during the 1990s, and how twenty-first century athletes have utilized their wealth and influence to create lasting societal change in the age of #BlackLivesMatter. With fascinating portraits of notable individuals in the history of Black activism, as well as insights from athletes and allies who discuss the future of athlete activism, The Black Athlete Revolt reveals the ever-evolving and crucial role of Black athletes beyond the world of sports.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>352</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shaun M. Anderson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the age of social media, athletes have a powerful influence like never before. Many Black athletes have used that power in positive ways, galvanizing their platforms to create impactful educational opportunities, donate to Black social causes, and raise political awareness on important issues. 
In The Black Athlete Revolt: The Sport Justice Movement in the Age Of #BlackLivesMatter (Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Shaun M. Anderson examines the Black athlete's rise in advocating for social justice and how today's athletes have moved beyond protesting to create substantial change for Black Americans. Anderson reflects on the history and evolution of Black athlete activism, breaking down its importance during the civil rights movement, the commodification of athletes during the 1990s, and how twenty-first century athletes have utilized their wealth and influence to create lasting societal change in the age of #BlackLivesMatter. With fascinating portraits of notable individuals in the history of Black activism, as well as insights from athletes and allies who discuss the future of athlete activism, The Black Athlete Revolt reveals the ever-evolving and crucial role of Black athletes beyond the world of sports.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the age of social media, athletes have a powerful influence like never before. Many Black athletes have used that power in positive ways, galvanizing their platforms to create impactful educational opportunities, donate to Black social causes, and raise political awareness on important issues. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538153246"><em>The Black Athlete Revolt: The Sport Justice Movement in the Age Of #BlackLivesMatter</em></a><em> </em>(Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2023), Shaun M. Anderson examines the Black athlete's rise in advocating for social justice and how today's athletes have moved beyond protesting to create substantial change for Black Americans. Anderson reflects on the history and evolution of Black athlete activism, breaking down its importance during the civil rights movement, the commodification of athletes during the 1990s, and how twenty-first century athletes have utilized their wealth and influence to create lasting societal change in the age of #BlackLivesMatter. With fascinating portraits of notable individuals in the history of Black activism, as well as insights from athletes and allies who discuss the future of athlete activism, <em>The Black Athlete Revolt</em> reveals the ever-evolving and crucial role of Black athletes beyond the world of sports.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4769</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ae408b2a-9b26-11ed-9929-b3708224b8b7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2845549846.mp3?updated=1674483042" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dissecting Morality: What do Scientists Have To Say About Ethics? (Part 1)</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Linking morality and science can conjure up disturbing histories around social Darwinism, eugenics, and genetically engineered humans. But scientists today are making discoveries that moral agents shouldn’t ignore: how to overcome aggression and tribalism, and how to sustain cooperation in a modern pluralist world.
Guests:

Diane Paul, professor emerita of the University of Massachusetts, Boston and research associate at the Harvard University Museum of Comparative Zoology.

Ben Allen, associate professor of mathematics at Emmanuel College.

Steven Pinker, professor of cognitive psychology at Harvard University and bestselling author of The Better Angels of Our Nature, The Language Instinct, The Blank Slate, and many others.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>26</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/7ca1a6de-892a-11ed-8139-cb638b2a5e89/image/moi-3-scimoral.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Diane Paul, Ben Allen, and Steven Pinker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Linking morality and science can conjure up disturbing histories around social Darwinism, eugenics, and genetically engineered humans. But scientists today are making discoveries that moral agents shouldn’t ignore: how to overcome aggression and tribalism, and how to sustain cooperation in a modern pluralist world.
Guests:

Diane Paul, professor emerita of the University of Massachusetts, Boston and research associate at the Harvard University Museum of Comparative Zoology.

Ben Allen, associate professor of mathematics at Emmanuel College.

Steven Pinker, professor of cognitive psychology at Harvard University and bestselling author of The Better Angels of Our Nature, The Language Instinct, The Blank Slate, and many others.


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Linking morality and science can conjure up disturbing histories around social Darwinism, eugenics, and genetically engineered humans. But scientists today are making discoveries that moral agents shouldn’t ignore: how to overcome aggression and tribalism, and how to sustain cooperation in a modern pluralist world.</p><p>Guests:</p><ul>
<li>Diane Paul, professor emerita of the University of Massachusetts, Boston and research associate at the Harvard University Museum of Comparative Zoology.</li>
<li>Ben Allen, associate professor of mathematics at Emmanuel College.</li>
<li>Steven Pinker, professor of cognitive psychology at Harvard University and bestselling author of <em>The Better Angels of Our Nature</em>, <em>The Language Instinct</em>, <em>The Blank Slate</em>, and many others.</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1838</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8485e516-0188-436d-a907-367e81f9885d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6023908479.mp3?updated=1672613460" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin Munger, "Generation Gap: Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Generation Gap: Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture (Columbia UP, 2022), Kevin Munger marshals novel data and survey evidence to argue that generational conflict will define the politics of the next decade. He shows that a common "cohort consciousness" binds aging Boomer voters into a bloc--but a shared identity and purpose among Millennials and Gen Z could topple Boomer power.
Kevin Munger is an assistant professor of political science and social data analytics at Penn State University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>214</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Munger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Generation Gap: Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture (Columbia UP, 2022), Kevin Munger marshals novel data and survey evidence to argue that generational conflict will define the politics of the next decade. He shows that a common "cohort consciousness" binds aging Boomer voters into a bloc--but a shared identity and purpose among Millennials and Gen Z could topple Boomer power.
Kevin Munger is an assistant professor of political science and social data analytics at Penn State University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231200875"><em>Generation Gap: Why the Baby Boomers Still Dominate American Politics and Culture</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2022), Kevin Munger marshals novel data and survey evidence to argue that generational conflict will define the politics of the next decade. He shows that a common "cohort consciousness" binds aging Boomer voters into a bloc--but a shared identity and purpose among Millennials and Gen Z could topple Boomer power.</p><p>Kevin Munger is an assistant professor of political science and social data analytics at Penn State University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2346</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5f67e710-99c2-11ed-b689-5feb5f4fb765]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8343122182.mp3?updated=1674330004" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>How Universities Are Plundering Our Cities</title>
      <description>Davarian L. Baldwin is a professor of American studies and founding director of the Smart Cities Lab at Trinity College in Hartford, Conn. His latest book, In the Shadow of the Ivory Tower: How Universities Are Plundering Our Cities (Bold Type Books, 2021) is a wake-up call to the reality that higher education is no longer the ubiquitous public good it was once thought to be. But as Baldwin shows, there is an alternative vision for urban life, one that necessitates a more equitable relationship between our cities and our universities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/6780e0c4-9129-11ed-9ffc-9f3539ad2454/image/16838854-1626891930864-a679ab0095eac.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Davarian Baldwin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Davarian L. Baldwin is a professor of American studies and founding director of the Smart Cities Lab at Trinity College in Hartford, Conn. His latest book, In the Shadow of the Ivory Tower: How Universities Are Plundering Our Cities (Bold Type Books, 2021) is a wake-up call to the reality that higher education is no longer the ubiquitous public good it was once thought to be. But as Baldwin shows, there is an alternative vision for urban life, one that necessitates a more equitable relationship between our cities and our universities.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Davarian L. Baldwin is a professor of American studies and founding director of the Smart Cities Lab at Trinity College in Hartford, Conn. His latest book,<em> In the Shadow of the Ivory Tower: How Universities Are Plundering Our Cities </em>(Bold Type Books, 2021)<em> </em>is a wake-up call to the reality that higher education is no longer the ubiquitous public good it was once thought to be. But as Baldwin shows, there is an alternative vision for urban life, one that necessitates a more equitable relationship between our cities and our universities.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4983</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[322a26b3-82cb-463e-8961-c2b77bc2844c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6059247916.mp3?updated=1673384470" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Progressive Souls: Religion and the Pursuit of a Just Society (Part 2)</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Religious people have played an important role in progressive politics in the US for its entire history. Contemporary leftists should look to build bridges and include religious voices in the pursuit of a more just and sustainable society. (Part Two of Two)
Guests:

Elizabeth Bruenig, Washington Post columnist

EJ Dionne, Washington Post columnist and Professor at Georgetown University

Dan McKanan, Professor at Harvard Divinity School


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 22 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/8a0eaf56-892a-11ed-840e-5fc7dc0c5d81/image/1555525784artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Elizabeth Bruenig, EJ Dionne, and Dan McKanan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Religious people have played an important role in progressive politics in the US for its entire history. Contemporary leftists should look to build bridges and include religious voices in the pursuit of a more just and sustainable society. (Part Two of Two)
Guests:

Elizabeth Bruenig, Washington Post columnist

EJ Dionne, Washington Post columnist and Professor at Georgetown University

Dan McKanan, Professor at Harvard Divinity School


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Religious people have played an important role in progressive politics in the US for its entire history. Contemporary leftists should look to build bridges and include religious voices in the pursuit of a more just and sustainable society. (Part Two of Two)</p><p>Guests:</p><ul>
<li>Elizabeth Bruenig, Washington Post columnist</li>
<li>EJ Dionne, Washington Post columnist and Professor at Georgetown University</li>
<li>Dan McKanan, Professor at Harvard Divinity School</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1499</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5c8b6290-7f1e-4b90-8b84-0664794ceaed]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9680361973.mp3?updated=1672613383" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Karyne E. Messina, "Resurgence of Global Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame-Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>Resurgence of Global Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame-Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy (Routledge, 2022) provides a psychoanalytic perspective to the global implications of the populist movement in the U.S. and its relationship to other parts of the world, particularly focusing on the presidency and legacy of Donald Trump.
The book explores Trump's use of psychological form of manipulation known as projective identification and how his use of this defense mechanism has influenced global institutions, political discourse, and quality of life in the long term. Messina explores the correlation between Trump's rhetoric and an increase in reported racism and prejudiced violence worldwide, disintegration of global values, and a radicalized political climate. She analyzes the dynamics between Trump and his supporters, political opponents, and successors, considers the COVID-19 pandemic as a study of Trump's views of the world, and considers the roles of social and television media. The book concludes with an explanation of antidotes to projective identification, including thoughtful debate and meaningful discussions and scripted dialogues for global healing.
This insightful book will be of interest to psychoanalysts and psychotherapists, academics and students of political psychology and political movements, and readers interested in a deeper analysis of populism and political dynamics.
﻿Ashis Roy is a psychoanalyst practicing in Delhi.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 21 Jan 2023 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>205</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Karyne E. Messina</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Resurgence of Global Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame-Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy (Routledge, 2022) provides a psychoanalytic perspective to the global implications of the populist movement in the U.S. and its relationship to other parts of the world, particularly focusing on the presidency and legacy of Donald Trump.
The book explores Trump's use of psychological form of manipulation known as projective identification and how his use of this defense mechanism has influenced global institutions, political discourse, and quality of life in the long term. Messina explores the correlation between Trump's rhetoric and an increase in reported racism and prejudiced violence worldwide, disintegration of global values, and a radicalized political climate. She analyzes the dynamics between Trump and his supporters, political opponents, and successors, considers the COVID-19 pandemic as a study of Trump's views of the world, and considers the roles of social and television media. The book concludes with an explanation of antidotes to projective identification, including thoughtful debate and meaningful discussions and scripted dialogues for global healing.
This insightful book will be of interest to psychoanalysts and psychotherapists, academics and students of political psychology and political movements, and readers interested in a deeper analysis of populism and political dynamics.
﻿Ashis Roy is a psychoanalyst practicing in Delhi.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032064512"><em>Resurgence of Global Populism: A Psychoanalytic Study of Projective Identification, Blame-Shifting and the Corruption of Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2022) provides a psychoanalytic perspective to the global implications of the populist movement in the U.S. and its relationship to other parts of the world, particularly focusing on the presidency and legacy of Donald Trump.</p><p>The book explores Trump's use of psychological form of manipulation known as projective identification and how his use of this defense mechanism has influenced global institutions, political discourse, and quality of life in the long term. Messina explores the correlation between Trump's rhetoric and an increase in reported racism and prejudiced violence worldwide, disintegration of global values, and a radicalized political climate. She analyzes the dynamics between Trump and his supporters, political opponents, and successors, considers the COVID-19 pandemic as a study of Trump's views of the world, and considers the roles of social and television media. The book concludes with an explanation of antidotes to projective identification, including thoughtful debate and meaningful discussions and scripted dialogues for global healing.</p><p>This insightful book will be of interest to psychoanalysts and psychotherapists, academics and students of political psychology and political movements, and readers interested in a deeper analysis of populism and political dynamics.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/mwlite/in/ashis-roy-ph-d-46883410a"><em>Ashis Roy</em></a><em> is a psychoanalyst practicing in Delhi.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2860</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[38ec9144-97fb-11ed-9c19-ebd6048c9079]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7382802103.mp3?updated=1674134575" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel F. Runde, "The American Imperative: Reclaiming Global Leadership through Soft Power" (Bombardier, 2023)</title>
      <description>In The American Imperative: Reclaiming Global Leadership through Soft Power (Bombardier, 2023), Washington insider Daniel Runde makes the case for building a new global consensus through vigorous internationalism and the judicious use of soft power.
Daniel F. Runde is Senior Vice President and the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>159</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel F. Runde</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The American Imperative: Reclaiming Global Leadership through Soft Power (Bombardier, 2023), Washington insider Daniel Runde makes the case for building a new global consensus through vigorous internationalism and the judicious use of soft power.
Daniel F. Runde is Senior Vice President and the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781637582008"><em>The American Imperative: Reclaiming Global Leadership through Soft Power</em></a> (Bombardier, 2023)<em>, </em>Washington insider Daniel Runde makes the case for building a new global consensus through vigorous internationalism and the judicious use of soft power.</p><p>Daniel F. Runde is Senior Vice President and the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2615</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[364464be-974f-11ed-96c2-ef7ecc93063b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4310494781.mp3?updated=1674060660" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert Ovetz, "We the Elites: Why the US Constitution Serves the Few" (Pluto Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>We have been ruled long enough. It is time to govern ourselves. If we are to get past the Constitution and all systems based on constitutions, we need to move past the nation state as the means by which we are governed from above.
– Robert Ovetz, We the Elites (2022, p. 167)
Written by 55 of the richest white men of early America, and signed by only 39 of them, the constitution is the sacred text of American nationalism. Popular perceptions of it are mired in idolatry, myth, and misinformation - many Americans have opinions on the constitution but have no idea what’s in it.
The misplaced faith of social movements in the constitution as a framework for achieving justice actually obstructs social change - incessant lengthy election cycles, staggered terms, and legislative sessions have kept social movements trapped in a redundant loop. This stymies progress on issues like labor rights, public health, and climate change, projecting the American people and the rest of the world towards destruction.
Robert Ovetz’s reading of the constitution shows that the system isn’t broken. Far from it. It works as it was designed.
From the introduction:
‘The Framers genius was in designing a virtually unchangeable system that provides the people with a semblance of participation and allows a few to select some representatives while the rest of us relinquish the power to self-govern. How and why they did that, why it still functions in that same way, and why we need to move past it is the focus of this book.’
Professor Ovetz is a senior lecturer in political science and public administration at San Jose State University and a lecturer in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His first book, When Workers Shot Back: Class Conflict from 1877 to 1924, was published in 2018 by Brill/Haymarket Books. His second book was an edited volume in 2020 entitled, Workers’ Inquiry and Global Class Struggle: Strategies, Tactics, Objectives also published by Pluto Press.
Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert Ovetz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We have been ruled long enough. It is time to govern ourselves. If we are to get past the Constitution and all systems based on constitutions, we need to move past the nation state as the means by which we are governed from above.
– Robert Ovetz, We the Elites (2022, p. 167)
Written by 55 of the richest white men of early America, and signed by only 39 of them, the constitution is the sacred text of American nationalism. Popular perceptions of it are mired in idolatry, myth, and misinformation - many Americans have opinions on the constitution but have no idea what’s in it.
The misplaced faith of social movements in the constitution as a framework for achieving justice actually obstructs social change - incessant lengthy election cycles, staggered terms, and legislative sessions have kept social movements trapped in a redundant loop. This stymies progress on issues like labor rights, public health, and climate change, projecting the American people and the rest of the world towards destruction.
Robert Ovetz’s reading of the constitution shows that the system isn’t broken. Far from it. It works as it was designed.
From the introduction:
‘The Framers genius was in designing a virtually unchangeable system that provides the people with a semblance of participation and allows a few to select some representatives while the rest of us relinquish the power to self-govern. How and why they did that, why it still functions in that same way, and why we need to move past it is the focus of this book.’
Professor Ovetz is a senior lecturer in political science and public administration at San Jose State University and a lecturer in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His first book, When Workers Shot Back: Class Conflict from 1877 to 1924, was published in 2018 by Brill/Haymarket Books. His second book was an edited volume in 2020 entitled, Workers’ Inquiry and Global Class Struggle: Strategies, Tactics, Objectives also published by Pluto Press.
Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>We have been ruled long enough. It is time to govern ourselves. If we are to get past the Constitution and all systems based on constitutions, we need to move past the nation state as the means by which we are governed from above.</em></p><p>– Robert Ovetz, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780745344737"><em>We the Elites</em></a> (2022, p. 167)</p><p>Written by 55 of the richest white men of early America, and signed by only 39 of them, the constitution is the sacred text of American nationalism. Popular perceptions of it are mired in idolatry, myth, and misinformation - many Americans have opinions on the constitution but have no idea what’s in it.</p><p>The misplaced faith of social movements in the constitution as a framework for achieving justice actually obstructs social change - incessant lengthy election cycles, staggered terms, and legislative sessions have kept social movements trapped in a redundant loop. This stymies progress on issues like labor rights, public health, and climate change, projecting the American people and the rest of the world towards destruction.</p><p>Robert Ovetz’s reading of the constitution shows that the system isn’t broken. Far from it. It works as it was designed.</p><p>From the introduction:</p><p>‘The Framers genius was in designing a virtually unchangeable system that provides the people with a semblance of participation and allows a few to select some representatives while the rest of us relinquish the power to self-govern. How and why they did that, why it still functions in that same way, and why we need to move past it is the focus of this book.’</p><p>Professor Ovetz is a senior lecturer in political science and public administration at San Jose State University and a lecturer in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. His first book, <em>When Workers Shot Back: Class Conflict from 1877 to 1924</em>, was published in 2018 by Brill/Haymarket Books. His second book was an edited volume in 2020 entitled, <em>Workers’ Inquiry and Global Class Struggle: Strategies, Tactics, Objectives</em> also published by Pluto Press.</p><p><em>Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4212</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[53b9a38a-9513-11ed-b640-db926adc179d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7304984412.mp3?updated=1673814645" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard Aquila, "Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America: A Cultural History of the Early 1960s" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the early 1960s, the nation was on track to fulfill its destiny in what was being called the American Century. Baby boomers and rock &amp; roll shared the country's optimism and energy. For one brief, shining moment in the early 1960s, both President John F. Kennedy and young people across the country were riding high. The dream of a New Frontier would soon give way, however, to a new reality involving assassinations, the Vietnam War, Cold War crises, the civil rights movement, a new feminist movement, and various culture wars.
From the former host of NPR's Rock &amp; Roll America, Richard Aquila's Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America: A Cultural History of the Early 1960s (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022) offers an in-depth look at early 1960s rock &amp; roll, as well as an unconventional history of Kennedy's America through the lens of popular music. Based on extensive research and exclusive interviews with Dion, Bo Diddley, Brenda Lee, Martha Reeves, Pete Seeger, Bob Gaudio, Dick Clark, and other legendary figures, the book rejects the myth that Buddy Holly's death in 1959 was the day the music died. It proves that rock &amp; roll during the early 1960s was vibrant and in tune with the history and events of this colorful era. These interviews and Aquila's research reveal unique insights and new details about politics, gender, race, ethnicity, youth culture, and everyday life. Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America recalls an important chapter in rock &amp; roll and American history.
Richard Aquila is professor emeritus of history and American studies at Penn State University and the former host of NPR's Rock &amp; Roll America. He is the author of The Sagebrush Trail: Western Movies and Twentieth-Century America and Let's Rock! How 1950s America Created Elvis and the Rock &amp; Roll Craze.
Richard’s website.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>177</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard Aquila</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the early 1960s, the nation was on track to fulfill its destiny in what was being called the American Century. Baby boomers and rock &amp; roll shared the country's optimism and energy. For one brief, shining moment in the early 1960s, both President John F. Kennedy and young people across the country were riding high. The dream of a New Frontier would soon give way, however, to a new reality involving assassinations, the Vietnam War, Cold War crises, the civil rights movement, a new feminist movement, and various culture wars.
From the former host of NPR's Rock &amp; Roll America, Richard Aquila's Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America: A Cultural History of the Early 1960s (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022) offers an in-depth look at early 1960s rock &amp; roll, as well as an unconventional history of Kennedy's America through the lens of popular music. Based on extensive research and exclusive interviews with Dion, Bo Diddley, Brenda Lee, Martha Reeves, Pete Seeger, Bob Gaudio, Dick Clark, and other legendary figures, the book rejects the myth that Buddy Holly's death in 1959 was the day the music died. It proves that rock &amp; roll during the early 1960s was vibrant and in tune with the history and events of this colorful era. These interviews and Aquila's research reveal unique insights and new details about politics, gender, race, ethnicity, youth culture, and everyday life. Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America recalls an important chapter in rock &amp; roll and American history.
Richard Aquila is professor emeritus of history and American studies at Penn State University and the former host of NPR's Rock &amp; Roll America. He is the author of The Sagebrush Trail: Western Movies and Twentieth-Century America and Let's Rock! How 1950s America Created Elvis and the Rock &amp; Roll Craze.
Richard’s website.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the early 1960s, the nation was on track to fulfill its destiny in what was being called the American Century. Baby boomers and rock &amp; roll shared the country's optimism and energy. For one brief, shining moment in the early 1960s, both President John F. Kennedy and young people across the country were riding high. The dream of a New Frontier would soon give way, however, to a new reality involving assassinations, the Vietnam War, Cold War crises, the civil rights movement, a new feminist movement, and various culture wars.</p><p>From the former host of NPR's <em>Rock &amp; Roll America</em>, Richard Aquila's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421444987"><em>Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America: A Cultural History of the Early 1960s</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins UP, 2022) offers an in-depth look at early 1960s rock &amp; roll, as well as an unconventional history of Kennedy's America through the lens of popular music. Based on extensive research and exclusive interviews with Dion, Bo Diddley, Brenda Lee, Martha Reeves, Pete Seeger, Bob Gaudio, Dick Clark, and other legendary figures, the book rejects the myth that Buddy Holly's death in 1959 was the day the music died. It proves that rock &amp; roll during the early 1960s was vibrant and in tune with the history and events of this colorful era. These interviews and Aquila's research reveal unique insights and new details about politics, gender, race, ethnicity, youth culture, and everyday life. <em>Rock &amp; Roll in Kennedy's America</em> recalls an important chapter in rock &amp; roll and American history.</p><p>Richard Aquila is professor emeritus of history and American studies at Penn State University and the former host of NPR's <em>Rock &amp; Roll America</em>. He is the author of <em>The Sagebrush Trail: Western Movies and Twentieth-Century America</em> and <em>Let's Rock! How 1950s America Created Elvis and the Rock &amp; Roll Craze</em>.</p><p>Richard’s <a href="https://sites.psu.edu/raquila/">website</a>.</p><p><a href="https://www.bradley-morgan.com/"><em>Bradley Morgan</em></a><em> is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493061174"><em>U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America</em></a><em>. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bradleysmorgan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5799</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5496ef3e-959e-11ed-ad39-effcf30890a1]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3876087239.mp3?updated=1673874972" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Joseph Roberto, "The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920-1940" (Monthly Review Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>The election of Donald Trump in 2016 shocked and appalled a number of people, forcing a critical reevaluation of what was possible, and what we ought to be vigilant about. A debate soon emerged about whether Trump represented the possibility of fascism in the United States. This debate centered around the ways in which fascism has often presented itself; the rhetoric and aesthetics in particular, often at the expense of examining the underlying economic form. Against this tendency, Michael Joseph Roberto has emerged with a corrective, The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920-1940 (Monthly Review Press, 2018), arguing that fascism is not composed of moral relics of the past but is a distinctly modern movement, tied inherently to the nature of capitalism.
Turning to the United States in the roaring 20’s and depressed 30’s, Roberto has several interlinked tasks. Primary to the book is reframing our understanding of fascism as a reaction against revolutionary working class politics. It is an attempt by the bourgeois to maintain order in society via use of the state or various cultural apparatuses such as advertising to maintain political discipline. The United States, being the most advanced capitalist country in the world, is not only not immune to this sort of movement, but is uniquely vulnerable, and that vulnerability has not gone away in our times. To argue this, Roberto not only examines Marx’s Capital, but a whole series of texts written in the period he’s examining to show that his conclusions are not terribly new; they’ve simply been forgotten. The result is a study that combines history, economics and cultural analysis to produce a much-needed corrective to our understanding of what fascism is and how we might fight it.
Michael Joseph Roberto is a retired history professor. He has also worked as a journalist and political activist in North Carolina. His writing has appeared in a number of places, including The Monthly Review and Socialism and Democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>349</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Joseph Roberto</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The election of Donald Trump in 2016 shocked and appalled a number of people, forcing a critical reevaluation of what was possible, and what we ought to be vigilant about. A debate soon emerged about whether Trump represented the possibility of fascism in the United States. This debate centered around the ways in which fascism has often presented itself; the rhetoric and aesthetics in particular, often at the expense of examining the underlying economic form. Against this tendency, Michael Joseph Roberto has emerged with a corrective, The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920-1940 (Monthly Review Press, 2018), arguing that fascism is not composed of moral relics of the past but is a distinctly modern movement, tied inherently to the nature of capitalism.
Turning to the United States in the roaring 20’s and depressed 30’s, Roberto has several interlinked tasks. Primary to the book is reframing our understanding of fascism as a reaction against revolutionary working class politics. It is an attempt by the bourgeois to maintain order in society via use of the state or various cultural apparatuses such as advertising to maintain political discipline. The United States, being the most advanced capitalist country in the world, is not only not immune to this sort of movement, but is uniquely vulnerable, and that vulnerability has not gone away in our times. To argue this, Roberto not only examines Marx’s Capital, but a whole series of texts written in the period he’s examining to show that his conclusions are not terribly new; they’ve simply been forgotten. The result is a study that combines history, economics and cultural analysis to produce a much-needed corrective to our understanding of what fascism is and how we might fight it.
Michael Joseph Roberto is a retired history professor. He has also worked as a journalist and political activist in North Carolina. His writing has appeared in a number of places, including The Monthly Review and Socialism and Democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The election of Donald Trump in 2016 shocked and appalled a number of people, forcing a critical reevaluation of what was possible, and what we ought to be vigilant about. A debate soon emerged about whether Trump represented the possibility of fascism in the United States. This debate centered around the ways in which fascism has often presented itself; the rhetoric and aesthetics in particular, often at the expense of examining the underlying economic form. Against this tendency, Michael Joseph Roberto has emerged with a corrective, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781583677315"><em>The Coming of the American Behemoth: The Origins of Fascism in the United States, 1920-1940</em></a><em> </em>(Monthly Review Press, 2018), arguing that fascism is not composed of moral relics of the past but is a distinctly modern movement, tied inherently to the nature of capitalism.</p><p>Turning to the United States in the roaring 20’s and depressed 30’s, Roberto has several interlinked tasks. Primary to the book is reframing our understanding of fascism as a reaction against revolutionary working class politics. It is an attempt by the bourgeois to maintain order in society via use of the state or various cultural apparatuses such as advertising to maintain political discipline. The United States, being the most advanced capitalist country in the world, is not only not immune to this sort of movement, but is uniquely vulnerable, and that vulnerability has not gone away in our times. To argue this, Roberto not only examines Marx’s <em>Capital</em>, but a whole series of texts written in the period he’s examining to show that his conclusions are not terribly new; they’ve simply been forgotten. The result is a study that combines history, economics and cultural analysis to produce a much-needed corrective to our understanding of what fascism is and how we might fight it.</p><p>Michael Joseph Roberto is a retired history professor. He has also worked as a journalist and political activist in North Carolina. His writing has appeared in a number of places, including <em>The Monthly Review</em> and <em>Socialism and Democracy</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5384</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0b75e406-9506-11ed-b1c6-9f24104c91cd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3617542478.mp3?updated=1673809358" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Apocalyptic Politics: What Do Evangelical Voters Want?</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Evangelical voters made up a significant portion of Donald Trump’s base in the 2016 presidential election. Their political agenda may not be peace or prosperity, but instead bringing us closer to the end of time.
Guests

Matthew Sutton, Graduate Studies Director, Washington State University History Department

Katharine Hayhoe, Director, Climate Science Center, Texas Tech University

Liya Rechtman, Harvard Divinity School student


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 15 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a3ba015a-8923-11ed-9691-a7a28c5fc2f8/image/1527249170artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Matthew Sutton, Katharine Hayhoe, Liya Rechtman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Evangelical voters made up a significant portion of Donald Trump’s base in the 2016 presidential election. Their political agenda may not be peace or prosperity, but instead bringing us closer to the end of time.
Guests

Matthew Sutton, Graduate Studies Director, Washington State University History Department

Katharine Hayhoe, Director, Climate Science Center, Texas Tech University

Liya Rechtman, Harvard Divinity School student


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Evangelical voters made up a significant portion of Donald Trump’s base in the 2016 presidential election. Their political agenda may not be peace or prosperity, but instead bringing us closer to the end of time.</p><p>Guests</p><ul>
<li>Matthew Sutton, Graduate Studies Director, Washington State University History Department</li>
<li>Katharine Hayhoe, Director, Climate Science Center, Texas Tech University</li>
<li>Liya Rechtman, Harvard Divinity School student</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1766</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6a5d3e11-5ac4-4c72-bc4c-2b1c46ed9e5e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5691941687.mp3?updated=1672613157" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Politics of Digital Technology</title>
      <description>Meredith Whittaker, co-founder and faculty director of the AI Now Institute and Minderoo Research Professor at New York University, talks about the politics of digital technologies with Peoples &amp; Things host Lee Vinsel. The conversation examines Whittaker’s fascinating career moving between industry and academia, her role in the Google walkout, and her hopes for the future, including the role of social movements in fomenting political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 14 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>6</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d5dd409c-903b-11ed-b882-a3aae82cd295/image/16838854-1626891930864-a679ab0095eac.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Meredith Whittaker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Meredith Whittaker, co-founder and faculty director of the AI Now Institute and Minderoo Research Professor at New York University, talks about the politics of digital technologies with Peoples &amp; Things host Lee Vinsel. The conversation examines Whittaker’s fascinating career moving between industry and academia, her role in the Google walkout, and her hopes for the future, including the role of social movements in fomenting political change.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Meredith Whittaker, co-founder and faculty director of the AI Now Institute and Minderoo Research Professor at New York University, talks about the politics of digital technologies with Peoples &amp; Things host Lee Vinsel. The conversation examines Whittaker’s fascinating career moving between industry and academia, her role in the Google walkout, and her hopes for the future, including the role of social movements in fomenting political change.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4446</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[2da6cff6-f4a1-4152-aa41-d2307edb590b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1790532919.mp3?updated=1673282402" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Aaron Berman, "America's Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>Aaron Berman's book America's Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (Routledge, 2022) focuses in on the relationship between Arab nationalists and Americans in the struggle for independence in an era when idealistic Americans could see the Arab nationalist struggle as an expression of their own values. In the first three decades of the twentieth century (from the 1908 Ottoman revolution to the rise of Hitler), important and influential Americans, including members of the small Arab-American community, intellectually, politically and financially participated in the construction of Arab nationalism. This book tells the story of a diverse group of people whose contributions are largely unknown to the American public.
The role Americans played in the development of Arab nationalism has been largely unexplored by historians, making this an important and original contribution to scholarship. This volume is of great interest to students and academics in the field, though the narrative style is accessible to anyone interested in Arab nationalism, the conflict between Zionists and Palestinians, and the United States’ relationship with the Arab world.
Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>212</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aaron Berman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Aaron Berman's book America's Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler (Routledge, 2022) focuses in on the relationship between Arab nationalists and Americans in the struggle for independence in an era when idealistic Americans could see the Arab nationalist struggle as an expression of their own values. In the first three decades of the twentieth century (from the 1908 Ottoman revolution to the rise of Hitler), important and influential Americans, including members of the small Arab-American community, intellectually, politically and financially participated in the construction of Arab nationalism. This book tells the story of a diverse group of people whose contributions are largely unknown to the American public.
The role Americans played in the development of Arab nationalism has been largely unexplored by historians, making this an important and original contribution to scholarship. This volume is of great interest to students and academics in the field, though the narrative style is accessible to anyone interested in Arab nationalism, the conflict between Zionists and Palestinians, and the United States’ relationship with the Arab world.
Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at robbymazza@gmail.com. Twitter and IG: @robbyref
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Aaron Berman's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032215310"><em>America's Arab Nationalists: From the Ottoman Revolution to the Rise of Hitler</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2022) focuses in on the relationship between Arab nationalists and Americans in the struggle for independence in an era when idealistic Americans could see the Arab nationalist struggle as an expression of their own values. In the first three decades of the twentieth century (from the 1908 Ottoman revolution to the rise of Hitler), important and influential Americans, including members of the small Arab-American community, intellectually, politically and financially participated in the construction of Arab nationalism. This book tells the story of a diverse group of people whose contributions are largely unknown to the American public.</p><p>The role Americans played in the development of Arab nationalism has been largely unexplored by historians, making this an important and original contribution to scholarship. This volume is of great interest to students and academics in the field, though the narrative style is accessible to anyone interested in Arab nationalism, the conflict between Zionists and Palestinians, and the United States’ relationship with the Arab world.</p><p><em>Roberto Mazza is currently a Visiting Lecturer at Northwestern University. He is the host of the </em><a href="https://shows.acast.com/jerusalemunplugged"><em>Jerusalem Unplugged Podcast</em></a><em> and to discuss and propose a book for interview can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:robbymazza@gmail.com"><em>robbymazza@gmail.com</em></a><em>. Twitter and IG: @robbyref</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4243</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[47c7a108-91f8-11ed-bf51-cb7ffc5fb7d4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7188559281.mp3?updated=1673521959" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Challenges to Scientific Authority in Modern America</title>
      <description>Andrew Jewett is the author of Science Under Fire: Challenges to Scientific Authority in Modern America (2020) and Science, Democracy, and the American University: From the Civil War to the Cold War (2012). He has taught at Harvard, Yale, NYU, Vanderbilt, and Boston College and held fellowships from the National Humanities Center, the Cornell Society for the Humanities, the National Academy of Education, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>4</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/36bdde92-8f94-11ed-9faa-83b927b7abd2/image/16838854-1626891930864-a679ab0095eac.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Andrew Jewett</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Andrew Jewett is the author of Science Under Fire: Challenges to Scientific Authority in Modern America (2020) and Science, Democracy, and the American University: From the Civil War to the Cold War (2012). He has taught at Harvard, Yale, NYU, Vanderbilt, and Boston College and held fellowships from the National Humanities Center, the Cornell Society for the Humanities, the National Academy of Education, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Andrew Jewett is the author of <em>Science Under Fire</em>: <em>Challenges to Scientific Authority in Modern America</em> (2020) and <em>Science, Democracy, and the American University: From the Civil War to the Cold War </em>(2012). He has taught at Harvard, Yale, NYU, Vanderbilt, and Boston College and held fellowships from the National Humanities Center, the Cornell Society for the Humanities, the National Academy of Education, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3669</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[de7bfa7d-1c90-4bcd-ae2b-b2e39557c9c8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4836182845.mp3?updated=1673210472" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Enlightened Cynicism: Should We Be More Cynical Than We Are?</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Trust in government, media, organized religion, businesses and even democracy is at historic lows. But what if the answer to declining faith in institutions isn’t more hope, but more cynicism?
Guests

Sharon Stanley, Professor of Political Science at the University of Memphis and the author of The French Enlightenment and the Emergence of Modern Cynicism.

David Mazella, Professor of English at the University of Houston and the author of The Making of Modern Cynicism


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d8ca98bc-8920-11ed-8436-b762111f3476/image/1514417503artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Sharon Stanley and David Mazella</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Trust in government, media, organized religion, businesses and even democracy is at historic lows. But what if the answer to declining faith in institutions isn’t more hope, but more cynicism?
Guests

Sharon Stanley, Professor of Political Science at the University of Memphis and the author of The French Enlightenment and the Emergence of Modern Cynicism.

David Mazella, Professor of English at the University of Houston and the author of The Making of Modern Cynicism


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Trust in government, media, organized religion, businesses and even democracy is at historic lows. But what if the answer to declining faith in institutions isn’t more hope, but more cynicism?</p><p>Guests</p><ul>
<li>Sharon Stanley, Professor of Political Science at the University of Memphis and the author of The French Enlightenment and the Emergence of Modern Cynicism.</li>
<li>David Mazella, Professor of English at the University of Houston and the author of The Making of Modern Cynicism</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1240</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[379ebdc2-b7f5-4a86-9fdc-8c083318afac]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8386464147.mp3?updated=1672612042" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Vincent Phillip Muñoz, "Religious Liberty and the American Founding: Natural Rights and the Original Meanings of the First Amendment Religion Clauses" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>What is religious liberty, anyway? What are its origins? What are religious exemptions? What would a jurisprudence of religious liberty based on the idea of natural rights look like? What is distinctive about such an approach and what are some of its pluses and minuses?
These are some of the questions addressed in Religious Liberty and the American Founding: Natural Rights and the Original Meanings of the First Amendment Religion Clauses (U Chicago Press, 2022) by Vincent Phillip Muñoz.
The book explores the fraught legal and philosophical terrain of religious freedom. It is a meticulous study of the Founders’ common concern for the protection for our inalienable right of religious free exercise and their surprisingly divergent views on how to navigate the relationships of privilege and control between church and state.
Muñoz examines the attitudes of the Founding Generation on these topics as reflected in the understudied area of constitution making between 1776 and 1791 in America at the state level. He argues that we have to go beyond the First Amendment’s text to elaborate its meanings. We must, he contends, understand the intellectual and theological milieu of the time.
Muñoz provides the historical context of the creation of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment and the intellectual underpinnings of their original meanings. He explicates in a thorough but reader-friendly manner what we can and cannot determine about the original meaning of the First Amendment’s Religion Clauses.
The book is a mixture of legal, intellectual, and political history in which we learn that the Bill of Rights was in many ways an afterthought, designed by the Federalists to counter opposition to the Constitution by Anti-Federalists. Indeed, Muñoz shows that many, if not most, of the individuals who drafted the First Amendment did not even think it was necessary. His detailed examination of the drafting records illuminates the Federalists’ lack of enthusiasm for amendments and says, “the aim of many in the First Congress was to get amendments drafted, not to draft precise amendments.”
He concludes the book with a discussion of the impact of natural rights constructions of those clauses. Muñoz contrasts fascinatingly, for example, his approach with those taken by recent Supreme Court justices (notably Samuel Alito) and argues that his novel church-state jurisprudence offers a way forward that could adjudicate First Amendment church-state issues in a legal, fair, coherent and, importantly, more democratic fashion.
This book is an outstanding guide to the many schools of thought on religious liberty in the United States and in his argument for an inalienable natural rights understanding as the Founders’ most authoritative view, Muñoz convincingly shows that competing accounts—(e.g., “neutrality,” “accommodation,” “separation,” “non-endorsement,” “minimizing political division,” and “tradition”) do not capture the deepest understanding of the Founders’ thought.
Muñoz notes that his constructions correspond to no existing approach. They do not fall into what are usually considered either the “conservative” or “liberal” positions on church-state matters. The aim of the book is to spur more robust conversations about whether we are interpreting the Founders correctly and what evidence is most relevant to develop the First Amendment Religion Clauses consistently with their original design.
Let’s hear from Professor Muñoz himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>177</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Vincent Phillip Muñoz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is religious liberty, anyway? What are its origins? What are religious exemptions? What would a jurisprudence of religious liberty based on the idea of natural rights look like? What is distinctive about such an approach and what are some of its pluses and minuses?
These are some of the questions addressed in Religious Liberty and the American Founding: Natural Rights and the Original Meanings of the First Amendment Religion Clauses (U Chicago Press, 2022) by Vincent Phillip Muñoz.
The book explores the fraught legal and philosophical terrain of religious freedom. It is a meticulous study of the Founders’ common concern for the protection for our inalienable right of religious free exercise and their surprisingly divergent views on how to navigate the relationships of privilege and control between church and state.
Muñoz examines the attitudes of the Founding Generation on these topics as reflected in the understudied area of constitution making between 1776 and 1791 in America at the state level. He argues that we have to go beyond the First Amendment’s text to elaborate its meanings. We must, he contends, understand the intellectual and theological milieu of the time.
Muñoz provides the historical context of the creation of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment and the intellectual underpinnings of their original meanings. He explicates in a thorough but reader-friendly manner what we can and cannot determine about the original meaning of the First Amendment’s Religion Clauses.
The book is a mixture of legal, intellectual, and political history in which we learn that the Bill of Rights was in many ways an afterthought, designed by the Federalists to counter opposition to the Constitution by Anti-Federalists. Indeed, Muñoz shows that many, if not most, of the individuals who drafted the First Amendment did not even think it was necessary. His detailed examination of the drafting records illuminates the Federalists’ lack of enthusiasm for amendments and says, “the aim of many in the First Congress was to get amendments drafted, not to draft precise amendments.”
He concludes the book with a discussion of the impact of natural rights constructions of those clauses. Muñoz contrasts fascinatingly, for example, his approach with those taken by recent Supreme Court justices (notably Samuel Alito) and argues that his novel church-state jurisprudence offers a way forward that could adjudicate First Amendment church-state issues in a legal, fair, coherent and, importantly, more democratic fashion.
This book is an outstanding guide to the many schools of thought on religious liberty in the United States and in his argument for an inalienable natural rights understanding as the Founders’ most authoritative view, Muñoz convincingly shows that competing accounts—(e.g., “neutrality,” “accommodation,” “separation,” “non-endorsement,” “minimizing political division,” and “tradition”) do not capture the deepest understanding of the Founders’ thought.
Muñoz notes that his constructions correspond to no existing approach. They do not fall into what are usually considered either the “conservative” or “liberal” positions on church-state matters. The aim of the book is to spur more robust conversations about whether we are interpreting the Founders correctly and what evidence is most relevant to develop the First Amendment Religion Clauses consistently with their original design.
Let’s hear from Professor Muñoz himself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is religious liberty, anyway? What are its origins? What are religious exemptions? What would a jurisprudence of religious liberty based on the idea of natural rights look like? What is distinctive about such an approach and what are some of its pluses and minuses?</p><p>These are some of the questions addressed in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226821443"><em>Religious Liberty and the American Founding: Natural Rights and the Original Meanings of the First Amendment Religion Clauses</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2022) by Vincent Phillip Muñoz.</p><p>The book explores the fraught legal and philosophical terrain of religious freedom. It is a meticulous study of the Founders’ common concern for the protection for our inalienable right of religious free exercise and their surprisingly divergent views on how to navigate the relationships of privilege and control between church and state.</p><p>Muñoz examines the attitudes of the Founding Generation on these topics as reflected in the understudied area of constitution making between 1776 and 1791 in America at the state level. He argues that we have to go beyond the First Amendment’s text to elaborate its meanings. We must, he contends, understand the intellectual and theological milieu of the time.</p><p>Muñoz provides the historical context of the creation of the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment and the intellectual underpinnings of their original meanings. He explicates in a thorough but reader-friendly manner what we can and cannot determine about the original meaning of the First Amendment’s Religion Clauses.</p><p>The book is a mixture of legal, intellectual, and political history in which we learn that the Bill of Rights was in many ways an afterthought, designed by the Federalists to counter opposition to the Constitution by Anti-Federalists. Indeed, Muñoz shows that many, if not most, of the individuals who drafted the First Amendment did not even think it was necessary. His detailed examination of the drafting records illuminates the Federalists’ lack of enthusiasm for amendments and says, “the aim of many in the First Congress was to get amendments drafted, not to draft precise amendments.”</p><p>He concludes the book with a discussion of the impact of natural rights constructions of those clauses. Muñoz contrasts fascinatingly, for example, his approach with those taken by recent Supreme Court justices (notably Samuel Alito) and argues that his novel church-state jurisprudence offers a way forward that could adjudicate First Amendment church-state issues in a legal, fair, coherent and, importantly, more democratic fashion.</p><p>This book is an outstanding guide to the many schools of thought on religious liberty in the United States and in his argument for an inalienable natural rights understanding as the Founders’ most authoritative view, Muñoz convincingly shows that competing accounts—(e.g., “neutrality,” “accommodation,” “separation,” “non-endorsement,” “minimizing political division,” and “tradition”) do not capture the deepest understanding of the Founders’ thought.</p><p>Muñoz notes that his constructions correspond to no existing approach. They do not fall into what are usually considered either the “conservative” or “liberal” positions on church-state matters. The aim of the book is to spur more robust conversations about whether we are interpreting the Founders correctly and what evidence is most relevant to develop the First Amendment Religion Clauses consistently with their original design.</p><p>Let’s hear from Professor Muñoz himself.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4843</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6db50628-9057-11ed-a207-c75fc9665556]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1995877797.mp3?updated=1673294535" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Demeritocracy: Should We Still Believe in Meritocracy?</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Total faith in meritocracy leads to the dangerous belief that all social winners and losers are wholly deserving. Instead, we need an economy of grace.
Guests

Victor Tan Chen, assistant professor of sociology at Virginia Commonwealth University and author of Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy


Thomas Frank, author of What’s the Matter with Kansas? and Listen, Liberal



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>9</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/fbfcd2ba-891f-11ed-9fec-a7e78ec2b389/image/1513623194artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Victor Tan Chen and Thomas Frank</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Total faith in meritocracy leads to the dangerous belief that all social winners and losers are wholly deserving. Instead, we need an economy of grace.
Guests

Victor Tan Chen, assistant professor of sociology at Virginia Commonwealth University and author of Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy


Thomas Frank, author of What’s the Matter with Kansas? and Listen, Liberal



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Total faith in meritocracy leads to the dangerous belief that all social winners and losers are wholly deserving. Instead, we need an economy of grace.</p><p>Guests</p><ul>
<li>Victor Tan Chen, assistant professor of sociology at Virginia Commonwealth University and author of <em>Cut Loose: Jobless and Hopeless in an Unfair Economy</em>
</li>
<li>Thomas Frank, author of <em>What’s the Matter with Kansas?</em> and <em>Listen, Liberal</em>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1504</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b939d954-f674-44e1-90b3-7689929ba029]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8964791940.mp3?updated=1672612022" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>21st Century Citizenship: What Does It Mean to be a Citizen in America?</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>What does it mean to be a citizen in America in 2017?
Guests

Danielle Allen, Director of the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics and University Professor at Harvard University

Erhardt Graeff, PhD candidate at the MIT Media Lab Center for Civic Media

Shanelle Matthews, Director of Communications for the Black Lives Matter global network


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a402ee9c-891e-11ed-b890-ef4032acedb5/image/1510936426artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Danielle Allen, Erhardt Graeff and Shanelle Matthews</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What does it mean to be a citizen in America in 2017?
Guests

Danielle Allen, Director of the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics and University Professor at Harvard University

Erhardt Graeff, PhD candidate at the MIT Media Lab Center for Civic Media

Shanelle Matthews, Director of Communications for the Black Lives Matter global network


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What does it mean to be a citizen in America in 2017?</p><p>Guests</p><ul>
<li>Danielle Allen, Director of the Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics and University Professor at Harvard University</li>
<li>Erhardt Graeff, PhD candidate at the MIT Media Lab Center for Civic Media</li>
<li>Shanelle Matthews, Director of Communications for the Black Lives Matter global network</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>927</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f5ddeabf-65f8-4a3b-a81a-67b622a79d49]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4677216863.mp3?updated=1672611978" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lior Lehrs, "Unofficial Peace Diplomacy: Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes" (Manchester UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Unofficial Peace Diplomacy: Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes (Manchester University Press, 2022) by Dr. Lior Lehrs analyses the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs. These are private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process.
Dr. Lehrs combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict and Uri Avnery in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on official diplomacy, and examines the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peace-making processes.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lior Lehrs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unofficial Peace Diplomacy: Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes (Manchester University Press, 2022) by Dr. Lior Lehrs analyses the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs. These are private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process.
Dr. Lehrs combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict and Uri Avnery in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on official diplomacy, and examines the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peace-making processes.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781526147653"><em>Unofficial Peace Diplomacy: Private Peace Entrepreneurs in Conflict Resolution Processes</em></a> (Manchester University Press, 2022) by Dr. Lior Lehrs analyses the international phenomenon of private peace entrepreneurs. These are private citizens with no official authority who initiate channels of communication with official representatives from the other side of a conflict in order to promote a conflict resolution process.</p><p>Dr. Lehrs combines theoretical discussion with historical analysis, examining four cases from different conflicts: Norman Cousins and Suzanne Massie in the Cold War, Brendan Duddy in the Northern Ireland conflict and Uri Avnery in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book defines the phenomenon, examines the resources and activities of private peace entrepreneurs and their impact on official diplomacy, and examines the conditions under which they can play an effective role in peace-making processes.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2918</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f365cea0-8d29-11ed-96b1-bf1b44776356]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1894192995.mp3?updated=1672945179" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Neoliberalism and Higher Education</title>
      <description>This episode is a roundtable discussion on the influence of the neoliberal project on higher education. Our guests are Professor Emeritus Frank Fear from Michigan State University, Professor Claire Polster from the University of Regina, and Professor Ruben Martinez from Michigan State University. The conversation is wide-ranging across topics such as the quantification of higher education and the concept of students as customers.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 08 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Frank Fear, Claire Polster, and Ruben Martinez</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This episode is a roundtable discussion on the influence of the neoliberal project on higher education. Our guests are Professor Emeritus Frank Fear from Michigan State University, Professor Claire Polster from the University of Regina, and Professor Ruben Martinez from Michigan State University. The conversation is wide-ranging across topics such as the quantification of higher education and the concept of students as customers.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This episode is a roundtable discussion on the influence of the neoliberal project on higher education. Our guests are Professor Emeritus Frank Fear from Michigan State University, Professor Claire Polster from the University of Regina, and Professor Ruben Martinez from Michigan State University. The conversation is wide-ranging across topics such as the quantification of higher education and the concept of students as customers.</p><p><a href="https://johnkaag.com/"><em>John Kaag</em></a><em> is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. </em><a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/rs/faculty/jt27"><em>John W. Traphagan</em></a><em>, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3933</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[eef1b840-8e85-11ed-a985-1b309d52e814]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8780987343.mp3?updated=1673288694" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>White Balance: How Do Race and Class Intersect?</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>Understanding race in America requires understanding its relationship to class.
Guests

Joshua Bennett, writer and poet

Julian Bourg, Professor of History at Boston College

Nancy Isenberg, author of White Trash



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      <pubDate>Fri, 06 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>5</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/27ba9b06-891d-11ed-bdbc-df0231f43e03/image/1509476936artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Joshua Bennett, Julian Bourg, and Nancy Isenberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Understanding race in America requires understanding its relationship to class.
Guests

Joshua Bennett, writer and poet

Julian Bourg, Professor of History at Boston College

Nancy Isenberg, author of White Trash



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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Understanding race in America requires understanding its relationship to class.</p><p>Guests</p><ul>
<li>Joshua Bennett, writer and poet</li>
<li>Julian Bourg, Professor of History at Boston College</li>
<li>Nancy Isenberg, author of <em>White Trash</em>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>814</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[47840e7a-27fc-485c-82e6-a184a15bf03b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3942391933.mp3?updated=1672611917" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Seriously Funny: Politics and Comedy</title>
      <link>https://ministryofideas.org/</link>
      <description>What happens when politics becomes comedy and the jester becomes the king?
Guests

Emily Nussbaum, television critic for The New Yorker

Avi Steinberg, writer

Kwesi Mensah, comedian


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      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Jan 2023 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/bf9487e6-891a-11ed-a679-6b51a74a59af/image/1507294984artwork.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Emily Nussbaum, Avi Steinberg, and Kwesi Mensha</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happens when politics becomes comedy and the jester becomes the king?
Guests

Emily Nussbaum, television critic for The New Yorker

Avi Steinberg, writer

Kwesi Mensah, comedian


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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happens when politics becomes comedy and the jester becomes the king?</p><p><strong>Guests</strong></p><ul>
<li>Emily Nussbaum, television critic for The New Yorker</li>
<li>Avi Steinberg, writer</li>
<li>Kwesi Mensah, comedian</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>880</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c6080c5a-5eac-4d28-85c7-ba0658a8b1cf]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3946252124.mp3?updated=1672611741" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Tommie Shelby, "The Idea of Prison Abolition" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>By any reasonable metric, prisons as they exist in the United States and in many other countries are normatively unacceptable. What is the proper moral response to this? Can prisons and the practices surrounding incarceration feasibly be reformed, or should the entire enterprise be abolished? If the latter, then what? If the former, what are the necessary reforms?
In The Idea of Prison Abolition (Princeton UP, 2022), Tommie Shelby undertakes a systematic and critical examination of the arguments in favor of prison abolition. Although he ultimately rejects abolitionism as a philosophical position, he builds from the abolitionist program’s crucial insights a positive view of what it would take to create a prison and incarceration system that is consistent with justice.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>303</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tommie Shelby</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>By any reasonable metric, prisons as they exist in the United States and in many other countries are normatively unacceptable. What is the proper moral response to this? Can prisons and the practices surrounding incarceration feasibly be reformed, or should the entire enterprise be abolished? If the latter, then what? If the former, what are the necessary reforms?
In The Idea of Prison Abolition (Princeton UP, 2022), Tommie Shelby undertakes a systematic and critical examination of the arguments in favor of prison abolition. Although he ultimately rejects abolitionism as a philosophical position, he builds from the abolitionist program’s crucial insights a positive view of what it would take to create a prison and incarceration system that is consistent with justice.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>By any reasonable metric, prisons as they exist in the United States and in many other countries are normatively unacceptable. What is the proper moral response to this? Can prisons and the practices surrounding incarceration feasibly be reformed, or should the entire enterprise be abolished? If the latter, then what? If the former, what are the necessary reforms?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691229751"><em>The Idea of Prison Abolition</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2022), <a href="https://philosophy.fas.harvard.edu/people/tommie-shelby">Tommie Shelby</a> undertakes a systematic and critical examination of the arguments in favor of prison abolition. Although he ultimately rejects abolitionism as a philosophical position, he builds from the abolitionist program’s crucial insights a positive view of what it would take to create a prison and incarceration system that is consistent with justice.</p><p><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4262</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c0b63ece-8160-11ed-a9cf-2f9f242d6d3a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5342360357.mp3?updated=1671649364" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Adam M. Silver, "Partisanship and Polarization: American Party Platforms, 1840-1896" (Lexington Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>This volume explores the development of political parties in nineteenth-century United States of America through an extensive analysis of the official statements by a party in an election, the party platforms, and their connection with political elites and voters. Platforms indicate how party leaders reconciled local, state, and national conflicts and articulated their electoral appeals to various constituencies by showing discussions of their respective policies. Thus, party platforms are a valuable vehicle to assess electoral strategy and party development.
By focusing on the platforms of the major political parties—Democrats, Whigs, and Republicans—at the state and national levels in presidential elections from 1840 to 1896, the author identifies three salient patterns. First, platforms reference economic policy more frequently and to a greater degree than other policy areas. Second, national policies are discussed more than state policies. And third, over time, the content of the platforms becomes more similar, reflecting the nationalization of the party system.
This examination of nineteenth-century American party platforms traces political party development as a dynamic process involving partisanship, the presentation of internally coherent and consistent messages to voters, and polarization, the existence of conflicting policy positions across parties.
Adam M. Silver is associate professor of political science at Emmanuel College.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>211</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adam M. Silver</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This volume explores the development of political parties in nineteenth-century United States of America through an extensive analysis of the official statements by a party in an election, the party platforms, and their connection with political elites and voters. Platforms indicate how party leaders reconciled local, state, and national conflicts and articulated their electoral appeals to various constituencies by showing discussions of their respective policies. Thus, party platforms are a valuable vehicle to assess electoral strategy and party development.
By focusing on the platforms of the major political parties—Democrats, Whigs, and Republicans—at the state and national levels in presidential elections from 1840 to 1896, the author identifies three salient patterns. First, platforms reference economic policy more frequently and to a greater degree than other policy areas. Second, national policies are discussed more than state policies. And third, over time, the content of the platforms becomes more similar, reflecting the nationalization of the party system.
This examination of nineteenth-century American party platforms traces political party development as a dynamic process involving partisanship, the presentation of internally coherent and consistent messages to voters, and polarization, the existence of conflicting policy positions across parties.
Adam M. Silver is associate professor of political science at Emmanuel College.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This volume explores the development of political parties in nineteenth-century United States of America through an extensive analysis of the official statements by a party in an election, the party platforms, and their connection with political elites and voters. Platforms indicate how party leaders reconciled local, state, and national conflicts and articulated their electoral appeals to various constituencies by showing discussions of their respective policies. Thus, party platforms are a valuable vehicle to assess electoral strategy and party development.</p><p>By focusing on the platforms of the major political parties—Democrats, Whigs, and Republicans—at the state and national levels in presidential elections from 1840 to 1896, the author identifies three salient patterns. First, platforms reference economic policy more frequently and to a greater degree than other policy areas. Second, national policies are discussed more than state policies. And third, over time, the content of the platforms becomes more similar, reflecting the nationalization of the party system.</p><p>This examination of nineteenth-century American party platforms traces political party development as a dynamic process involving partisanship, the presentation of internally coherent and consistent messages to voters, and polarization, the existence of conflicting policy positions across parties.</p><p><strong>Adam M. Silver </strong>is associate professor of political science at Emmanuel College.</p><p><strong><em>Jackson Reinhardt </em></strong><em>is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3238</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[763be682-86f6-11ed-8669-ff40f4f80dc0]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1113380565.mp3?updated=1672263261" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Abdul Alkalimat, "The Future of Black Studies" (Pluto Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The marginalisation of Black voices from the academy is a problem in the Western world. But Black Studies, where it exists, is a powerful, boundary-pushing discipline, grown out of struggle and community action. In The Future of Black Studies (Pluto Press, 2022), Abdul Alkalimat, one of the founders of Black Studies in the US, presents a reimagining of the future trends in the study of the Black experience.
Taking Marxism and Black Experientialism, Afro-Futurist and Diaspora frameworks, he projects a radical future for the discipline at this time of social crisis. Choosing cornerstones of culture, such as the music of Sun Ra, the movie Black Panther and the writer Octavia Butler, he looks at the trajectory of Black liberation thought since slavery, including new research on the rise in the comparative study of Black people all over the world.
Turning to look at how digital tools enhance the study of the discipline, this book is a powerful read that will inform and inspire students and activists.
﻿Amanda Joyce Hall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. She's on Twitter @amandajoycehall.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>345</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Abdul Alkalimat</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The marginalisation of Black voices from the academy is a problem in the Western world. But Black Studies, where it exists, is a powerful, boundary-pushing discipline, grown out of struggle and community action. In The Future of Black Studies (Pluto Press, 2022), Abdul Alkalimat, one of the founders of Black Studies in the US, presents a reimagining of the future trends in the study of the Black experience.
Taking Marxism and Black Experientialism, Afro-Futurist and Diaspora frameworks, he projects a radical future for the discipline at this time of social crisis. Choosing cornerstones of culture, such as the music of Sun Ra, the movie Black Panther and the writer Octavia Butler, he looks at the trajectory of Black liberation thought since slavery, including new research on the rise in the comparative study of Black people all over the world.
Turning to look at how digital tools enhance the study of the discipline, this book is a powerful read that will inform and inspire students and activists.
﻿Amanda Joyce Hall is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. She's on Twitter @amandajoycehall.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The marginalisation of Black voices from the academy is a problem in the Western world. But Black Studies, where it exists, is a powerful, boundary-pushing discipline, grown out of struggle and community action. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780745347004"><em>The Future of Black Studies</em></a> (Pluto Press, 2022), Abdul Alkalimat, one of the founders of Black Studies in the US, presents a reimagining of the future trends in the study of the Black experience.</p><p>Taking Marxism and Black Experientialism, Afro-Futurist and Diaspora frameworks, he projects a radical future for the discipline at this time of social crisis. Choosing cornerstones of culture, such as the music of Sun Ra, the movie <em>Black Panther</em> and the writer Octavia Butler, he looks at the trajectory of Black liberation thought since slavery, including new research on the rise in the comparative study of Black people all over the world.</p><p>Turning to look at how digital tools enhance the study of the discipline, this book is a powerful read that will inform and inspire students and activists.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://history.yale.edu/people/amanda-joyce-hall"><em>Amanda Joyce Hall</em></a><em> is a postdoctoral fellow at Northwestern University in the Department of African American Studies. She's on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/AmandaJoyceHall"><em>@amandajoycehall</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5537</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9258ff9c-85ea-11ed-aa77-db731abce62b]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5563484464.mp3?updated=1672339424" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jefferson Cowie, "Freedom's Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power" (Basic Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>"History recalls Wallace’s inaugural address as a set piece in the larger drama of defending Southern segregation, which it was. But the speech was about something even more profound, more enduring, even more virulent than segregation. Aside from his infamous “Segregation Forever” slogan, Wallace mentioned “segregation” only one other time that afternoon. In contrast, he invoked “freedom” twenty-five times in his speech—more than Martin Luther King Jr. would use the term later that year in his “I Have a Dream” address at the March on Washington. “Let us rise to the call of freedom-loving blood that is in us,” Wallace told his audience, “and send our answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South.” Those rattling shackles of oppression were forged by the enemy of the people of his beloved Barbour County: the federal government."
– Jefferson Cowie, Freedom's Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power (Basic Books, 2022).
Professor Cowie titles his latest book’s introduction ‘George Wallace and American Freedom’, which frames part of the historical narrative within which he reexamines one of our most celebrated values within the purview of local history. But as The New York Times review of the book in December by author Jeff Shesol articulately summarized:
‘Freedom’s Dominion is local history, but in the way that Gettysburg was a local battle or the Montgomery bus boycott was a local protest. The book recounts four peak periods in the conflict between white Alabamians and the federal government: the wild rush, in the early 19th century, to seize and settle lands that belonged to the Creek Nation; Reconstruction; the reassertion of white supremacy under Jim Crow; and the attempts of Wallace and others to nullify the civil rights reforms of the 1950s and 1960s. Throughout, as Cowie reveals, white Southerners portrayed the oppression of Black people and Native Americans not as a repudiation of freedom, but its precondition, its very foundation.’
This book is an engrossing read and check this from Shesol’s review about Wallace and his attraction:
‘Racism was central to his appeal, yet its common note was grievance; the common enemies were elites, the press and the federal government. “Being a Southerner is no longer geographic,” he declared in 1964, during the first of his four runs for the White House. “It’s a philosophy and an attitude.” That attitude, we know, is pervasive now — a primal, animating principle of conservative politics. We hear it in conspiracy theories about the “deep state”; we see it in the actions of Republican officials like Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who built a case for his re-election in 2022 by banning — in the name of “individual freedom” — classroom discussions of gender, sexuality and systemic racism.’
Some of Professor Cowie’s other books mentioned in this interview:


Capital Moves: RCA’s Seventy Year Quest for Cheap Labor (1999) received the 2000 Phillip Taft Prize for the Best Book in Labor History in 2000


Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class (2010) awarded the Francis Parkman Prize for the Best Book in American History in 2011


The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (2016)


Professor Cowie’s work in social and political history focuses on how class, inequality, and labor shape American politics and culture. Formerly at Cornell, he is currently the James G. Stahlman Professor of History at Vanderbilt University.
﻿Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com
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      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>168</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jefferson Cowie</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"History recalls Wallace’s inaugural address as a set piece in the larger drama of defending Southern segregation, which it was. But the speech was about something even more profound, more enduring, even more virulent than segregation. Aside from his infamous “Segregation Forever” slogan, Wallace mentioned “segregation” only one other time that afternoon. In contrast, he invoked “freedom” twenty-five times in his speech—more than Martin Luther King Jr. would use the term later that year in his “I Have a Dream” address at the March on Washington. “Let us rise to the call of freedom-loving blood that is in us,” Wallace told his audience, “and send our answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South.” Those rattling shackles of oppression were forged by the enemy of the people of his beloved Barbour County: the federal government."
– Jefferson Cowie, Freedom's Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power (Basic Books, 2022).
Professor Cowie titles his latest book’s introduction ‘George Wallace and American Freedom’, which frames part of the historical narrative within which he reexamines one of our most celebrated values within the purview of local history. But as The New York Times review of the book in December by author Jeff Shesol articulately summarized:
‘Freedom’s Dominion is local history, but in the way that Gettysburg was a local battle or the Montgomery bus boycott was a local protest. The book recounts four peak periods in the conflict between white Alabamians and the federal government: the wild rush, in the early 19th century, to seize and settle lands that belonged to the Creek Nation; Reconstruction; the reassertion of white supremacy under Jim Crow; and the attempts of Wallace and others to nullify the civil rights reforms of the 1950s and 1960s. Throughout, as Cowie reveals, white Southerners portrayed the oppression of Black people and Native Americans not as a repudiation of freedom, but its precondition, its very foundation.’
This book is an engrossing read and check this from Shesol’s review about Wallace and his attraction:
‘Racism was central to his appeal, yet its common note was grievance; the common enemies were elites, the press and the federal government. “Being a Southerner is no longer geographic,” he declared in 1964, during the first of his four runs for the White House. “It’s a philosophy and an attitude.” That attitude, we know, is pervasive now — a primal, animating principle of conservative politics. We hear it in conspiracy theories about the “deep state”; we see it in the actions of Republican officials like Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who built a case for his re-election in 2022 by banning — in the name of “individual freedom” — classroom discussions of gender, sexuality and systemic racism.’
Some of Professor Cowie’s other books mentioned in this interview:


Capital Moves: RCA’s Seventy Year Quest for Cheap Labor (1999) received the 2000 Phillip Taft Prize for the Best Book in Labor History in 2000


Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class (2010) awarded the Francis Parkman Prize for the Best Book in American History in 2011


The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (2016)


Professor Cowie’s work in social and political history focuses on how class, inequality, and labor shape American politics and culture. Formerly at Cornell, he is currently the James G. Stahlman Professor of History at Vanderbilt University.
﻿Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>"History recalls Wallace’s inaugural address as a set piece in the larger drama of defending Southern segregation, which it was. But the speech was about something even more profound, more enduring, even more virulent than segregation. Aside from his infamous “Segregation Forever” slogan, Wallace mentioned “segregation” only one other time that afternoon. In contrast, he invoked “freedom” twenty-five times in his speech—more than Martin Luther King Jr. would use the term later that year in his “I Have a Dream” address at the March on Washington. “Let us rise to the call of freedom-loving blood that is in us,” Wallace told his audience, “and send our answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South.” Those rattling shackles of oppression were forged by the enemy of the people of his beloved Barbour County: the federal government."</em></p><p>– Jefferson Cowie, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541672802"><em>Freedom's Dominion: A Saga of White Resistance to Federal Power</em></a> (Basic Books, 2022).</p><p>Professor Cowie titles his latest book’s introduction ‘George Wallace and American Freedom’, which frames part of the historical narrative within which he reexamines one of our most celebrated values within the purview of local history. But as <em>The New York Times</em> review of the book in December by author Jeff Shesol articulately summarized:</p><p>‘<em>Freedom’s Dominion</em> is local history, but in the way that Gettysburg was a local battle or the Montgomery bus boycott was a local protest. The book recounts four peak periods in the conflict between white Alabamians and the federal government: the wild rush, in the early 19th century, to seize and settle lands that belonged to the Creek Nation; Reconstruction; the reassertion of white supremacy under Jim Crow; and the attempts of Wallace and others to nullify the civil rights reforms of the 1950s and 1960s. Throughout, as Cowie reveals, white Southerners portrayed the oppression of Black people and Native Americans not as a repudiation of freedom, but its precondition, its very foundation.’</p><p>This book is an engrossing read and check this from Shesol’s review about Wallace and his attraction:</p><p>‘Racism was central to his appeal, yet its common note was grievance; the common enemies were elites, the press and the federal government. “Being a Southerner is no longer geographic,” he declared in 1964, during the first of his four runs for the White House. “It’s a philosophy and an attitude.” That attitude, we know, is pervasive now — a primal, animating principle of conservative politics. We hear it in conspiracy theories about the “deep state”; we see it in the actions of Republican officials like Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who built a case for his re-election in 2022 by banning — in the name of “individual freedom” — classroom discussions of gender, sexuality and systemic racism.’</p><p><u>Some of Professor Cowie’s other books mentioned in this interview</u>:</p><ul>
<li>
<em>Capital Moves: RCA’s Seventy Year Quest for Cheap Labor</em> (1999) received the 2000 Phillip Taft Prize for the Best Book in Labor History in 2000</li>
<li>
<em>Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class</em> (2010) awarded the Francis Parkman Prize for the Best Book in American History in 2011</li>
<li>
<em>The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics</em> (2016)</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Professor Cowie’s work in social and political history focuses on how class, inequality, and labor shape American politics and culture. Formerly at Cornell, he is currently the James G. Stahlman Professor of History at Vanderbilt University.</p><p><em>﻿Sydney Business School at Shanghai University - can be reached at keith.krueger1@uts.edu.au or keithNBn@gmail.com</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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    <item>
      <title>Mary M. Burke, "Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History" (Oxford UP, 2023)</title>
      <description>In this interview, she discusses her book, Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History (Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.
Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.
Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mary M. Burke</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this interview, she discusses her book, Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History (Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.
Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.
Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this interview, she discusses her book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780192859730"><em>Race, Politics, and Irish America: A Gothic History</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2023), which inserts successive Irish-American identities--forcibly transported Irish, Scots-Irish, and post-Famine Irish--into American histories and representations of race.</p><p>Figures from the Scots-Irish Andrew Jackson to the Caribbean-Irish Rihanna, as well as literature, film, caricature, and beauty discourse, convey how the Irish racially transformed multiple times: in the slave-holding Caribbean, on America's frontiers and antebellum plantations, and along its eastern seaboard. This cultural history of race and centuries of Irishness in the Americas examines the forcibly transported Irish, the eighteenth-century Presbyterian Ulster-Scots, and post-1845 Famine immigrants. Their racial transformations are indicated by the designations they acquired in the Americas: 'Redlegs,' 'Scots-Irish,' and 'black Irish.' In literature by Fitzgerald, O'Neill, Mitchell, Glasgow, and Yerby (an African-American author of Scots-Irish heritage), the Irish are both colluders and victims within America's racial structure. Depictions range from Irish encounters with Native and African Americans to competition within America's immigrant hierarchy between 'Saxon' Scots-Irish and 'Celtic' Irish Catholic. Irish-connected presidents feature, but attention to queer and multiracial authors, public women, beauty professionals, and performers complicates the 'Irish whitening' narrative. Thus, 'Irish Princess' Grace Kelly's globally-broadcast ascent to royalty paves the way for 'America's royals,' the Kennedys. The presidencies of the Scots-Irish Jackson and Catholic-Irish Kennedy signalled their respective cohorts' assimilation. Since Gothic literature particularly expresses the complicity that attaining power ('whiteness') entails, subgenres named 'Scots-Irish Gothic' and 'Kennedy Gothic' are identified: in Gothic by Brown, Poe, James, Faulkner, and Welty, the violence of the colonial Irish motherland is visited upon marginalized Americans, including, sometimes, other Irish groupings. History is Gothic in Irish-American narrative because the undead Irish past replays within America's contexts of race.</p><p><em>Aidan Beatty is a historian at the Frederick Honors College of the University of Pittsburgh</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2435</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kevin R. C. Gutzman, "The Jeffersonians: Presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe, 1801-1825" (St. Martin's Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Kevin R. C. Gutzman's The Jeffersonians: Presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe, 1801-1825 (St. Martin's Press, 2022) marks the first chronicle of the only consecutive trio of two-term presidencies of the same political party in American history: Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. 
Before the consecutive two-term administrations of Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, there had only been one other trio of its type: Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe.
Kevin R. C. Gutzman's The Jeffersonians is a complete chronicle of the men, known as The Virginia Dynasty, who served as president from 1801 to 1825 and implemented the foreign policy, domestic, and constitutional agenda of the radical wing of the American Revolution, setting guideposts for later American liberals to follow.
The three close political allies were tightly related: Jefferson and Madison were the closest of friends, and Monroe was Jefferson's former law student. Their achievements were many, including the founding of the opposition Republican Party in the 1790s; the Louisiana Purchase; and the call upon Congress in 1806 to use its constitutional power to ban slave imports beginning on January 1, 1808.
Of course, not everything the Virginia Dynasty undertook was a success: Its chief failure might have been the ineptly planned and led War of 1812. In general, however, when Monroe rode off into the sunset in 1825, his passing and the end of The Virginia Dynasty were much lamented. Kevin R. C. Gutzman's new book details a time in America when three Presidents worked toward common goals to strengthen our Republic in a way we rarely see in American politics today.
﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>210</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin R. C. Gutzman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kevin R. C. Gutzman's The Jeffersonians: Presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe, 1801-1825 (St. Martin's Press, 2022) marks the first chronicle of the only consecutive trio of two-term presidencies of the same political party in American history: Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. 
Before the consecutive two-term administrations of Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, there had only been one other trio of its type: Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe.
Kevin R. C. Gutzman's The Jeffersonians is a complete chronicle of the men, known as The Virginia Dynasty, who served as president from 1801 to 1825 and implemented the foreign policy, domestic, and constitutional agenda of the radical wing of the American Revolution, setting guideposts for later American liberals to follow.
The three close political allies were tightly related: Jefferson and Madison were the closest of friends, and Monroe was Jefferson's former law student. Their achievements were many, including the founding of the opposition Republican Party in the 1790s; the Louisiana Purchase; and the call upon Congress in 1806 to use its constitutional power to ban slave imports beginning on January 1, 1808.
Of course, not everything the Virginia Dynasty undertook was a success: Its chief failure might have been the ineptly planned and led War of 1812. In general, however, when Monroe rode off into the sunset in 1825, his passing and the end of The Virginia Dynasty were much lamented. Kevin R. C. Gutzman's new book details a time in America when three Presidents worked toward common goals to strengthen our Republic in a way we rarely see in American politics today.
﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Kevin R. C. Gutzman's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250135452"><em>The Jeffersonians: Presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe, 1801-1825</em></a> (St. Martin's Press, 2022) marks the first chronicle of the only consecutive trio of two-term presidencies of the same political party in American history: Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. </p><p>Before the consecutive two-term administrations of Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, there had only been one other trio of its type: Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe.</p><p>Kevin R. C. Gutzman's<em> The Jeffersonians</em> is a complete chronicle of the men, known as The Virginia Dynasty, who served as president from 1801 to 1825 and implemented the foreign policy, domestic, and constitutional agenda of the radical wing of the American Revolution, setting guideposts for later American liberals to follow.</p><p>The three close political allies were tightly related: Jefferson and Madison were the closest of friends, and Monroe was Jefferson's former law student. Their achievements were many, including the founding of the opposition Republican Party in the 1790s; the Louisiana Purchase; and the call upon Congress in 1806 to use its constitutional power to ban slave imports beginning on January 1, 1808.</p><p>Of course, not everything the Virginia Dynasty undertook was a success: Its chief failure might have been the ineptly planned and led War of 1812. In general, however, when Monroe rode off into the sunset in 1825, his passing and the end of The Virginia Dynasty were much lamented. Kevin R. C. Gutzman's new book details a time in America when three Presidents worked toward common goals to strengthen our Republic in a way we rarely see in American politics today.</p><p><em>﻿Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3415</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States: Part 3 of 3</title>
      <description>Part 3 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 25 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>342</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bryan D. Palmer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Part 3 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Part 3 of 3.</strong></p><p>In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, <a href="https://www.pathfinderpress.com/products/history-of-american-trotskyism_1928-1938_report-of-a-participant_by-james-p-cannon"><em>The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant</em></a>. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, <em>James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38</em> (Brill, 2021).</p><p>Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-p-cannon-and-the-origins-of-the-american-revolutionary-left-1890-1928#entry:134404@1:url"><em>James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928</em></a>, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.</p><p>Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.</p><p>As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by <a href="https://brill.com/display/title/55848">Brill</a>, with the paperback made available by <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1960-james-p-cannon-and-the-emergence-of-trotskyism-in-the-united-states-1928-38">Haymarket</a>.</p><p>Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of <em>Labour/Le Travail</em>, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1019-marxism-and-historical-practice-vol-i"><em>Marxism and Historical Practice</em></a>, <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/605-revolutionary-teamsters"><em>Revolutionary Teamsters</em></a>, <a href="https://monthlyreview.org/product/cultures_of_darkness/"><em>Cultures of Darkness</em></a> and <a href="https://tupress.temple.edu/books/descent-into-discourse"><em>Descent into Discourse</em></a>. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection <em>US Trotskyism, 1928-65</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>The Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States: Part 2 of 3</title>
      <description>Part 2 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 24 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>341</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bryan D. Palmer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Part 2 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Part 2 of 3.</strong></p><p>In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, <a href="https://www.pathfinderpress.com/products/history-of-american-trotskyism_1928-1938_report-of-a-participant_by-james-p-cannon"><em>The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant</em></a>. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, <em>James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38</em> (Brill, 2021).</p><p>Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-p-cannon-and-the-origins-of-the-american-revolutionary-left-1890-1928#entry:134404@1:url"><em>James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928</em></a>, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.</p><p>Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.</p><p>As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by <a href="https://brill.com/display/title/55848">Brill</a>, with the paperback made available by <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1960-james-p-cannon-and-the-emergence-of-trotskyism-in-the-united-states-1928-38">Haymarket</a>.</p><p>Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of <em>Labour/Le Travail</em>, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1019-marxism-and-historical-practice-vol-i"><em>Marxism and Historical Practice</em></a>, <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/605-revolutionary-teamsters"><em>Revolutionary Teamsters</em></a>, <a href="https://monthlyreview.org/product/cultures_of_darkness/"><em>Cultures of Darkness</em></a> and <a href="https://tupress.temple.edu/books/descent-into-discourse"><em>Descent into Discourse</em></a>. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection <em>US Trotskyism, 1928-65</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>The Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States: Part 1 of 3</title>
      <description>Part 1 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>340</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bryan D. Palmer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Part 1 of 3.
In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38 (Brill, 2021).
Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.
Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.
As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by Brill, with the paperback made available by Haymarket.
Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include Marxism and Historical Practice, Revolutionary Teamsters, Cultures of Darkness and Descent into Discourse. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism, 1928-65.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Part 1 of 3.</strong></p><p>In the spring of 1942, James P. Cannon, the founder of American Trotskyism, gave a series of lectures in New York on the first decade of the movement. The challenges, the setbacks, the accomplishments and the lessons learned were recounted with Cannon’s trademark style that managed to be accessible while also maintaining the revolutionary militancy he was trying to carry on. The lectures would eventually become a book, <a href="https://www.pathfinderpress.com/products/history-of-american-trotskyism_1928-1938_report-of-a-participant_by-james-p-cannon"><em>The History of American Trotskyism, 1928-38: Report of a Participant</em></a>. In a short editorial note, Joseph Hansen remarked “Historians of the future, writing the definitive history of American and world Trotskyism, will undoubtedly round out Cannon's history with additional material delved from original sources; but, while there is no pretension to exhaustive research or extensive documentation in this work, future historians utilizing it as source material will find that they must likewise depend heavily upon it as a guidepost.” This little remark has been proven correct by several later books on labor in the depression, but it now appears almost prophetic with the arrival of Bryan Palmer’s latest work, <em>James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism, 1928-38</em> (Brill, 2021).</p><p>Published as part of the Historical Materialism book series, it starts off right where it’s sequel, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/james-p-cannon-and-the-origins-of-the-american-revolutionary-left-1890-1928#entry:134404@1:url"><em>James P. Cannon and the Origins of the Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928</em></a>, left off, with Cannon and several other comrades expelled from the Communist Party. With hardly a penny to their name, but an urgent political mission, they set about forming an oppositional faction, one that could both challenge the political degeneration emanating from a Moscow that was succumbing to Stalinism while also working to revitalize an American labor movement that was rediscovering it’s own fighting spirit. Through Cannon and his comrades, Palmer is able to tell a story of class struggle that shows what even a small group can do when political militancy and clarity are brought to life, even in the face of obstacles that appear insurmountable.</p><p>Clocking in at 1200 pages, the book is brimming with detail about both the day-to-day minutiae of class struggle in the period, but also spends a fair amount of time giving international and other historical context. Palmer’s capacity to wander through vast archives of material is matched by his storytelling abilities, turning a huge mass of information into a highly readable and compelling narrative. While reading it cover-to-cover will be richly rewarding for those who do, it will also be an excellent resource for those who read it’s chapters more selectively, whether looking to learn about the Minneapolis truckers strike of 1934, the Trotskyists entry into the Socialist Party or Trotsky’s trial in which he defended himself against accusations emanating from Moscow. It deserves to be on the shelf of anyone interested in labor history and radical politics, and anyone who feels the realm of political possibility to be dire. This book itself is not the revolution, but it will provide lessons and inspiration for those who are hoping to bring it about.</p><p>As an entry in the Historical Materialism book series, the book was originally published in hardcover by <a href="https://brill.com/display/title/55848">Brill</a>, with the paperback made available by <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1960-james-p-cannon-and-the-emergence-of-trotskyism-in-the-united-states-1928-38">Haymarket</a>.</p><p>Bryan D. Palmer is Professor Emeritus and former Canada Research Chair of Canadian Studies at Trent University. He is a Fellow of the Royal Canadian Society, former editor of <em>Labour/Le Travail</em>, and has published widely on the history of labour and the revolutionary left. His numerous books include <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/1019-marxism-and-historical-practice-vol-i"><em>Marxism and Historical Practice</em></a>, <a href="https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/605-revolutionary-teamsters"><em>Revolutionary Teamsters</em></a>, <a href="https://monthlyreview.org/product/cultures_of_darkness/"><em>Cultures of Darkness</em></a> and <a href="https://tupress.temple.edu/books/descent-into-discourse"><em>Descent into Discourse</em></a>. He is also the co-editor with Paul LeBlanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection <em>US Trotskyism, 1928-65</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Michael Ayers Trotti, "The End of Public Execution: Race, Religion, and Punishment in the American South" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Michael Ayers Trotti's The End of Public Execution: Race, Religion and Punishment in the American South (The University of North Carolina Press, 2022) documents the complex religious and cultural textures of post-Civil War executions in the U.S. South. Before 1850, all legal executions in the South were performed before crowds that could number in the thousands; the last legal public execution was in 1936. This study focuses on the shift from public executions to ones behind barriers, situating that change within our understandings of lynching and competing visions of justice and religion. Intended to shame and intimidate, public executions after the Civil War had quite a different effect on southern Black communities. Crowds typically consisting of as many Black people as white behaved like congregations before a macabre pulpit, led in prayer and song by a Black minister on the scaffold. Black criminals often proclaimed their innocence and almost always their salvation. This turned the proceedings into public, mixed-race and mixed-gender celebrations of Black religious authority and devotion. In response, southern states rewrote their laws to eliminate these crowds and this Black authority, ultimately turning to electrocutions in the bowels of state penitentiaries. In just the same era when a wave of lynchings crested around the turn of the twentieth century, states transformed the ways that the South's white-dominated governments controlled legal capital punishment, making executions into private affairs witnessed only by white people.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis
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      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>46</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Ayers Trotti</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael Ayers Trotti's The End of Public Execution: Race, Religion and Punishment in the American South (The University of North Carolina Press, 2022) documents the complex religious and cultural textures of post-Civil War executions in the U.S. South. Before 1850, all legal executions in the South were performed before crowds that could number in the thousands; the last legal public execution was in 1936. This study focuses on the shift from public executions to ones behind barriers, situating that change within our understandings of lynching and competing visions of justice and religion. Intended to shame and intimidate, public executions after the Civil War had quite a different effect on southern Black communities. Crowds typically consisting of as many Black people as white behaved like congregations before a macabre pulpit, led in prayer and song by a Black minister on the scaffold. Black criminals often proclaimed their innocence and almost always their salvation. This turned the proceedings into public, mixed-race and mixed-gender celebrations of Black religious authority and devotion. In response, southern states rewrote their laws to eliminate these crowds and this Black authority, ultimately turning to electrocutions in the bowels of state penitentiaries. In just the same era when a wave of lynchings crested around the turn of the twentieth century, states transformed the ways that the South's white-dominated governments controlled legal capital punishment, making executions into private affairs witnessed only by white people.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Michael Ayers Trotti's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469670409"><em>The End of Public Execution: Race, Religion and Punishment in the American South</em></a> (The University of North Carolina Press, 2022) documents the complex religious and cultural textures of post-Civil War executions in the U.S. South. Before 1850, all legal executions in the South were performed before crowds that could number in the thousands; the last legal public execution was in 1936. This study focuses on the shift from public executions to ones behind barriers, situating that change within our understandings of lynching and competing visions of justice and religion. Intended to shame and intimidate, public executions after the Civil War had quite a different effect on southern Black communities. Crowds typically consisting of as many Black people as white behaved like congregations before a macabre pulpit, led in prayer and song by a Black minister on the scaffold. Black criminals often proclaimed their innocence and almost always their salvation. This turned the proceedings into public, mixed-race and mixed-gender celebrations of Black religious authority and devotion. In response, southern states rewrote their laws to eliminate these crowds and this Black authority, ultimately turning to electrocutions in the bowels of state penitentiaries. In just the same era when a wave of lynchings crested around the turn of the twentieth century, states transformed the ways that the South's white-dominated governments controlled legal capital punishment, making executions into private affairs witnessed only by white people.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/laneedwarddavis/"><em>Lane Davis</em></a><em> is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TheeLaneDavis"><em>@TheeLaneDavis</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3776</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Lauren N. Haumesser, "The Democratic Collapse: How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856-1861" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Lauren N. Haumesser's The Democratic Collapse: How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856-1861 (UNC Press, 2022) offers a fresh examination of antebellum politics comprehensively examines the ways that gender issues and gendered discourse exacerbated fissures within the Democratic Party in the critical years between 1856 and 1861. Whereas the cultural politics of gender had bolstered Democratic unity through the 1850s, the Lecompton crisis and John Brown's raid revealed that white manhood and its association with familial and national protection meant disparate--and ultimately incompatible--things in free and slave society. In fierce debates over the extension of slavery, gendered rhetoric hardened conflicts that ultimately led to the outbreak of the Civil War.
Lauren Haumesser here traces how northern and southern Democrats and their partisan media organs used gender to make powerful arguments about slavery as the sectional crisis grew, from the emergence of the Republican Party to secession. Gendered charges and countercharges turned slavery into an intractable cultural debate, raising the stakes of every dispute and making compromise ever more elusive.
Lauren N. Haumesser holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Virginia.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>209</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lauren N. Haumesser</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lauren N. Haumesser's The Democratic Collapse: How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856-1861 (UNC Press, 2022) offers a fresh examination of antebellum politics comprehensively examines the ways that gender issues and gendered discourse exacerbated fissures within the Democratic Party in the critical years between 1856 and 1861. Whereas the cultural politics of gender had bolstered Democratic unity through the 1850s, the Lecompton crisis and John Brown's raid revealed that white manhood and its association with familial and national protection meant disparate--and ultimately incompatible--things in free and slave society. In fierce debates over the extension of slavery, gendered rhetoric hardened conflicts that ultimately led to the outbreak of the Civil War.
Lauren Haumesser here traces how northern and southern Democrats and their partisan media organs used gender to make powerful arguments about slavery as the sectional crisis grew, from the emergence of the Republican Party to secession. Gendered charges and countercharges turned slavery into an intractable cultural debate, raising the stakes of every dispute and making compromise ever more elusive.
Lauren N. Haumesser holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Virginia.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Lauren N. Haumesser's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469671437"><em>The Democratic Collapse: How Gender Politics Broke a Party and a Nation, 1856-1861</em></a> (UNC Press, 2022) offers a fresh examination of antebellum politics comprehensively examines the ways that gender issues and gendered discourse exacerbated fissures within the Democratic Party in the critical years between 1856 and 1861. Whereas the cultural politics of gender had bolstered Democratic unity through the 1850s, the Lecompton crisis and John Brown's raid revealed that white manhood and its association with familial and national protection meant disparate--and ultimately incompatible--things in free and slave society. In fierce debates over the extension of slavery, gendered rhetoric hardened conflicts that ultimately led to the outbreak of the Civil War.</p><p>Lauren Haumesser here traces how northern and southern Democrats and their partisan media organs used gender to make powerful arguments about slavery as the sectional crisis grew, from the emergence of the Republican Party to secession. Gendered charges and countercharges turned slavery into an intractable cultural debate, raising the stakes of every dispute and making compromise ever more elusive.</p><p>Lauren N. Haumesser holds a Ph.D. in History from the University of Virginia.</p><p><em>Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2246</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jacob Kramer, "The New Freedom and the Radicals: Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Views of Radicalism, and the Origins of Repressive Tolerance" (Temple UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>In The New Freedom and the Radicals: Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Views of Radicalism, and the Origins of Repressive Tolerance (Temple University Press, 2015), Jacob Kramer examines how progressivism emerged at a time of critical transformation in American life. Kramer presents a study of Wilsonian-era politics to convey an understanding of the progressives’ views on radical America.
Jacob Kramer is an Associate Professor of History at Borough of Manhattan Community College.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1289</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jacob Kramer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The New Freedom and the Radicals: Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Views of Radicalism, and the Origins of Repressive Tolerance (Temple University Press, 2015), Jacob Kramer examines how progressivism emerged at a time of critical transformation in American life. Kramer presents a study of Wilsonian-era politics to convey an understanding of the progressives’ views on radical America.
Jacob Kramer is an Associate Professor of History at Borough of Manhattan Community College.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439908389"><em>The New Freedom and the Radicals: Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Views of Radicalism, and the Origins of Repressive Tolerance</em></a> (Temple University Press, 2015), Jacob Kramer examines how progressivism emerged at a time of critical transformation in American life. Kramer presents a study of Wilsonian-era politics to convey an understanding of the progressives’ views on radical America.</p><p>Jacob Kramer is an Associate Professor of History at Borough of Manhattan Community College.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3285</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew F. Delmont, "Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad" (Viking, 2022)</title>
      <description>Over one million Black men and women served in World War II. Black troops were at Normandy, Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge, serving in segregated units and performing unheralded but vital support jobs, only to be denied housing and educational opportunities on their return home. Without their crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have won the war. And yet the stories of these Black veterans have long been ignored, cast aside in favor of the myth of the “Good War” fought by the “Greatest Generation.”
Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad (Viking, 2022) is American history as you’ve likely never read it before. In these pages are stories of Black heroes such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated and publicized violence against Black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to Black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for Black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper laying bare the hypocrisy of fighting against fascism abroad when racism still reigned at home set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the Black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing. In a time when the questions World War II raised regarding race and democracy in America remain troublingly relevant and still unanswered, this meticulously researched retelling makes for urgently necessary reading.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 18 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>343</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew F. Delmont</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over one million Black men and women served in World War II. Black troops were at Normandy, Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge, serving in segregated units and performing unheralded but vital support jobs, only to be denied housing and educational opportunities on their return home. Without their crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have won the war. And yet the stories of these Black veterans have long been ignored, cast aside in favor of the myth of the “Good War” fought by the “Greatest Generation.”
Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad (Viking, 2022) is American history as you’ve likely never read it before. In these pages are stories of Black heroes such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated and publicized violence against Black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to Black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for Black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper laying bare the hypocrisy of fighting against fascism abroad when racism still reigned at home set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the Black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing. In a time when the questions World War II raised regarding race and democracy in America remain troublingly relevant and still unanswered, this meticulously researched retelling makes for urgently necessary reading.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over one million Black men and women served in World War II. Black troops were at Normandy, Iwo Jima, and the Battle of the Bulge, serving in segregated units and performing unheralded but vital support jobs, only to be denied housing and educational opportunities on their return home. Without their crucial contributions to the war effort, the United States could not have won the war. And yet the stories of these Black veterans have long been ignored, cast aside in favor of the myth of the “Good War” fought by the “Greatest Generation.”</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781984880390"><em>Half American: The Epic Story of African Americans Fighting World War II at Home and Abroad</em></a> (Viking, 2022) is American history as you’ve likely never read it before. In these pages are stories of Black heroes such as Thurgood Marshall, the chief lawyer for the NAACP, who investigated and publicized violence against Black troops and veterans; Benjamin O. Davis, Jr., leader of the Tuskegee Airmen, who was at the forefront of the years-long fight to open the Air Force to Black pilots; Ella Baker, the civil rights leader who advocated on the home front for Black soldiers, veterans, and their families; James Thompson, the 26-year-old whose letter to a newspaper laying bare the hypocrisy of fighting against fascism abroad when racism still reigned at home set in motion the Double Victory campaign; and poet Langston Hughes, who worked as a war correspondent for the Black press. Their bravery and patriotism in the face of unfathomable racism is both inspiring and galvanizing. In a time when the questions World War II raised regarding race and democracy in America remain troublingly relevant and still unanswered, this meticulously researched retelling makes for urgently necessary reading.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a graduate student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2544</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Gregory Smithsimon, "Liberty Road: Black Middle-Class Suburbs and the Battle Between Civil Rights and Neoliberalism" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Half of Black Americans who live in the one hundred largest metropolitan areas are now living in suburbs, not cities. In Liberty Road: Black Middle-Class Suburbs and the Battle Between Civil Rights and Neoliberalism (NYU Press, 2022), Gregory Smithsimon shows us how this happened, and why it matters, unearthing the hidden role that suburbs played in establishing the Black middle-class.
Focusing on Liberty Road, a Black middle-class suburb of Randallstown, Maryland, Smithsimon tells the remarkable story of how residents broke the color barrier, against all odds, in the face of racial discrimination, tensions with suburban Whites and urban Blacks, and economic crises like the mortgage meltdown of 2008. Drawing on interviews, census data, and archival research he shows us the unique strategies that suburban Black residents in Liberty Road employed, creating a blueprint for other Black middle-class suburbs.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>342</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gregory Smithsimon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Half of Black Americans who live in the one hundred largest metropolitan areas are now living in suburbs, not cities. In Liberty Road: Black Middle-Class Suburbs and the Battle Between Civil Rights and Neoliberalism (NYU Press, 2022), Gregory Smithsimon shows us how this happened, and why it matters, unearthing the hidden role that suburbs played in establishing the Black middle-class.
Focusing on Liberty Road, a Black middle-class suburb of Randallstown, Maryland, Smithsimon tells the remarkable story of how residents broke the color barrier, against all odds, in the face of racial discrimination, tensions with suburban Whites and urban Blacks, and economic crises like the mortgage meltdown of 2008. Drawing on interviews, census data, and archival research he shows us the unique strategies that suburban Black residents in Liberty Road employed, creating a blueprint for other Black middle-class suburbs.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Half of Black Americans who live in the one hundred largest metropolitan areas are now living in suburbs, not cities. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479861491"><em>Liberty Road: Black Middle-Class Suburbs and the Battle Between Civil Rights and Neoliberalism </em></a>(NYU Press, 2022), Gregory Smithsimon shows us how this happened, and why it matters, unearthing the hidden role that suburbs played in establishing the Black middle-class.</p><p>Focusing on Liberty Road, a Black middle-class suburb of Randallstown, Maryland, Smithsimon tells the remarkable story of how residents broke the color barrier, against all odds, in the face of racial discrimination, tensions with suburban Whites and urban Blacks, and economic crises like the mortgage meltdown of 2008. Drawing on interviews, census data, and archival research he shows us the unique strategies that suburban Black residents in Liberty Road employed, creating a blueprint for other Black middle-class suburbs.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4852</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Alison L. Gash and Daniel J. Tichenor, "Democracy's Child: Young People and the Politics of Control, Leverage, and Agency" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Alison Gash and Dan Tichenor have a new book, Democracy's Child: Young People and the Politics of Control, Leverage, and Agency (Oxford UP, 2022), that centers children and young people within the study of democratic politics, filling in a bit of a gap in the literature, especially in political science literature. Gash and Tichenor note in their research that young people are central in so many policy areas but are often not integrated into the policy discussions or applications. As sketched out in Democracy’s Child, young people are often leveraged within our politics and our political discourse. They have been used as symbols and positioned as in need of protection—or at least some of them have been presented as being in need of protection. Tichenor and Gash dive into the idea of childhood itself, which is a more recent concept—developing over the past 150 years—and how this contextualization of young people is a significant point of political conflict. It is difficult to clearly define “young people”—since this may include children, youth, young adults, teenagers, or some constellation of each of these categories. So, while Gash and Tichenor center their research on young people, they note that who is encompassed within that term often shifts and changes depending on the political issue or policy debate.
Democracy’s Child dives into three specific areas to examine the role, place, and capacity of young people. These three areas are control, leverage, and agency, as noted in the subtitle of the book itself. Control, which guides the reader through the first section of the book, explores the autonomy of young people, or the ways in which they are managed and controlled by policy, by the state, and by adults in context of policy. This section examines differing theories about young people and how autonomous or constrained they are based on different policies and political demands. The next part of the book focuses on how policies often leverage young people to reach specific outcomes. Thus, in this context, young people are often used by competing groups or policy makers to drive towards particular outcomes. The final section looks at agency, specifically how young people have advocated for outcomes on their own, or at odds with those who are working towards separate outcomes but in the name of young people.
This is a fascinating study of democratic politics, policy, and an entire group of people who are both the center of political and policy outcomes and are often seen as such but rarely actually integrated into the dialogue and discussion.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>632</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alison L. Gash and Daniel J. Tichenor</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Alison Gash and Dan Tichenor have a new book, Democracy's Child: Young People and the Politics of Control, Leverage, and Agency (Oxford UP, 2022), that centers children and young people within the study of democratic politics, filling in a bit of a gap in the literature, especially in political science literature. Gash and Tichenor note in their research that young people are central in so many policy areas but are often not integrated into the policy discussions or applications. As sketched out in Democracy’s Child, young people are often leveraged within our politics and our political discourse. They have been used as symbols and positioned as in need of protection—or at least some of them have been presented as being in need of protection. Tichenor and Gash dive into the idea of childhood itself, which is a more recent concept—developing over the past 150 years—and how this contextualization of young people is a significant point of political conflict. It is difficult to clearly define “young people”—since this may include children, youth, young adults, teenagers, or some constellation of each of these categories. So, while Gash and Tichenor center their research on young people, they note that who is encompassed within that term often shifts and changes depending on the political issue or policy debate.
Democracy’s Child dives into three specific areas to examine the role, place, and capacity of young people. These three areas are control, leverage, and agency, as noted in the subtitle of the book itself. Control, which guides the reader through the first section of the book, explores the autonomy of young people, or the ways in which they are managed and controlled by policy, by the state, and by adults in context of policy. This section examines differing theories about young people and how autonomous or constrained they are based on different policies and political demands. The next part of the book focuses on how policies often leverage young people to reach specific outcomes. Thus, in this context, young people are often used by competing groups or policy makers to drive towards particular outcomes. The final section looks at agency, specifically how young people have advocated for outcomes on their own, or at odds with those who are working towards separate outcomes but in the name of young people.
This is a fascinating study of democratic politics, policy, and an entire group of people who are both the center of political and policy outcomes and are often seen as such but rarely actually integrated into the dialogue and discussion.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Alison Gash and Dan Tichenor have a new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197581667"><em>Democracy's Child: Young People and the Politics of Control, Leverage, and Agency</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2022), that centers children and young people within the study of democratic politics, filling in a bit of a gap in the literature, especially in political science literature. Gash and Tichenor note in their research that young people are central in so many policy areas but are often not integrated into the policy discussions or applications. As sketched out in <em>Democracy’s Child</em>, young people are often leveraged within our politics and our political discourse. They have been used as symbols and positioned as in need of protection—or at least some of them have been presented as being in need of protection. Tichenor and Gash dive into the idea of <em>childhood</em> itself, which is a more recent concept—developing over the past 150 years—and how this contextualization of young people is a significant point of political conflict. It is difficult to clearly define “young people”—since this may include children, youth, young adults, teenagers, or some constellation of each of these categories. So, while Gash and Tichenor center their research on young people, they note that who is encompassed within that term often shifts and changes depending on the political issue or policy debate.</p><p><em>Democracy’s Child</em> dives into three specific areas to examine the role, place, and capacity of young people. These three areas are control, leverage, and agency, as noted in the subtitle of the book itself. Control, which guides the reader through the first section of the book, explores the autonomy of young people, or the ways in which they are managed and controlled by policy, by the state, and by adults in context of policy. This section examines differing theories about young people and how autonomous or constrained they are based on different policies and political demands. The next part of the book focuses on how policies often leverage young people to reach specific outcomes. Thus, in this context, young people are often used by competing groups or policy makers to drive towards particular outcomes. The final section looks at agency, specifically how young people have advocated for outcomes on their own, or at odds with those who are working towards separate outcomes but in the name of young people.</p><p>This is a fascinating study of democratic politics, policy, and an entire group of people who are both the center of political and policy outcomes and are often seen as such but rarely actually integrated into the dialogue and discussion.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/the-politics-of-the-marvel-cinematic-universe/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022), as well as co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3755</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Harold Holzer, "The Presidents vs. the Press: The Endless Battle between the White House and the Media" (Dutton, 2020)</title>
      <description>In The Presidents vs. the Press: The Endless Battle between the White House and the Media--from the Founding Fathers to Fake News (Dutton, 2020), Harold Holzer examines the dual rise of the American presidency and the media that shaped it. From Washington to Trump, he chronicles the disputes and distrust between these core institutions that define the United States of America, revealing that the essence of their confrontation is built into the fabric of the nation.
Harold Holzer is one of the country's leading authorities on Abraham Lincoln and the political culture of the Civil War era. Holzer was appointed chairman of the US Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission by President Bill Clinton and awarded the National Humanities Medal by President George W. Bush. He currently serves as the director of the Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at Hunter College, City University of New York.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>208</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Harold Holzer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Presidents vs. the Press: The Endless Battle between the White House and the Media--from the Founding Fathers to Fake News (Dutton, 2020), Harold Holzer examines the dual rise of the American presidency and the media that shaped it. From Washington to Trump, he chronicles the disputes and distrust between these core institutions that define the United States of America, revealing that the essence of their confrontation is built into the fabric of the nation.
Harold Holzer is one of the country's leading authorities on Abraham Lincoln and the political culture of the Civil War era. Holzer was appointed chairman of the US Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission by President Bill Clinton and awarded the National Humanities Medal by President George W. Bush. He currently serves as the director of the Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at Hunter College, City University of New York.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781524745264"><em>The Presidents vs. the Press: The Endless Battle between the White House and the Media--from the Founding Fathers to Fake News</em></a> (Dutton, 2020), Harold Holzer examines the dual rise of the American presidency and the media that shaped it. From Washington to Trump, he chronicles the disputes and distrust between these core institutions that define the United States of America, revealing that the essence of their confrontation is built into the fabric of the nation.</p><p>Harold Holzer is one of the country's leading authorities on Abraham Lincoln and the political culture of the Civil War era. Holzer was appointed chairman of the US Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission by President Bill Clinton and awarded the National Humanities Medal by President George W. Bush. He currently serves as the director of the Roosevelt House Public Policy Institute at Hunter College, City University of New York.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3496</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[04ee0e9e-794d-11ed-b177-cf1f13c2e9c7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5763961995.mp3?updated=1670760845" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William Inboden, "The Peacemaker: Ronald Reagan, the Cold War, and the World on the Brink" (Dutton, 2022)</title>
      <description>With decades of hindsight, the peaceful end of the Cold War seems a foregone conclusion. But in the early 1980s, most experts believed the Soviet Union was strong, stable, and would last into the next century. Ronald Reagan entered the White House with no certainty of what would happen next, only an overriding faith in democracy and an abiding belief that Soviet communism—and the threat of nuclear war—must end.
William Inboden's The Peacemaker: Ronald Reagan, the Cold War, and the World on the Brink (Dutton, 2022) reveals how Reagan’s White House waged the Cold War while managing multiple crises around the globe. From the emergence of global terrorism, wars in the Middle East, the rise of Japan, and the awakening of China to proxy conflicts in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, Reagan’s team oversaw the worldwide expansion of democracy, globalization, free trade, and the information revolution. Yet no issue was greater than the Cold War standoff with the Soviet Union. As president, Reagan remade the four-decades-old policy of containment and challenged the Soviets in an arms race and ideological contest that pushed them toward economic and political collapse, all while extending an olive branch of diplomacy as he sought a peaceful end to the conflict.
Reagan’s revolving team included Secretaries of State Al Haig and George Shultz; Secretaries of Defense Caspar Weinberger and Frank Carlucci; National Security Advisors Bill Clark, John Poindexter, and Bud McFarlane; Chief of Staff James Baker; CIA Director Bill Casey; and United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick. Talented and devoted to their president, they were often at odds with one another as rivalries and backstabbing led to missteps and crises. But over the course of the presidency, Reagan and his team still developed the strategies that brought about the Cold War’s peaceful conclusion and remade the world.
Based on thousands of pages of newly-declassified documents and interviews with senior Reagan officials, The Peacemaker brims with fresh insights into one of America’s most consequential presidents. Along the way, it shows how the pivotal decade of the 1980s shaped the world today.
﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Dec 2022 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William Inboden</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With decades of hindsight, the peaceful end of the Cold War seems a foregone conclusion. But in the early 1980s, most experts believed the Soviet Union was strong, stable, and would last into the next century. Ronald Reagan entered the White House with no certainty of what would happen next, only an overriding faith in democracy and an abiding belief that Soviet communism—and the threat of nuclear war—must end.
William Inboden's The Peacemaker: Ronald Reagan, the Cold War, and the World on the Brink (Dutton, 2022) reveals how Reagan’s White House waged the Cold War while managing multiple crises around the globe. From the emergence of global terrorism, wars in the Middle East, the rise of Japan, and the awakening of China to proxy conflicts in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, Reagan’s team oversaw the worldwide expansion of democracy, globalization, free trade, and the information revolution. Yet no issue was greater than the Cold War standoff with the Soviet Union. As president, Reagan remade the four-decades-old policy of containment and challenged the Soviets in an arms race and ideological contest that pushed them toward economic and political collapse, all while extending an olive branch of diplomacy as he sought a peaceful end to the conflict.
Reagan’s revolving team included Secretaries of State Al Haig and George Shultz; Secretaries of Defense Caspar Weinberger and Frank Carlucci; National Security Advisors Bill Clark, John Poindexter, and Bud McFarlane; Chief of Staff James Baker; CIA Director Bill Casey; and United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick. Talented and devoted to their president, they were often at odds with one another as rivalries and backstabbing led to missteps and crises. But over the course of the presidency, Reagan and his team still developed the strategies that brought about the Cold War’s peaceful conclusion and remade the world.
Based on thousands of pages of newly-declassified documents and interviews with senior Reagan officials, The Peacemaker brims with fresh insights into one of America’s most consequential presidents. Along the way, it shows how the pivotal decade of the 1980s shaped the world today.
﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With decades of hindsight, the peaceful end of the Cold War seems a foregone conclusion. But in the early 1980s, most experts believed the Soviet Union was strong, stable, and would last into the next century. Ronald Reagan entered the White House with no certainty of what would happen next, only an overriding faith in democracy and an abiding belief that Soviet communism—and the threat of nuclear war—must end.</p><p>William Inboden's<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781524745899"><em>The Peacemaker: Ronald Reagan, the Cold War, and the World on the Brink</em></a> (Dutton, 2022) reveals how Reagan’s White House waged the Cold War while managing multiple crises around the globe. From the emergence of global terrorism, wars in the Middle East, the rise of Japan, and the awakening of China to proxy conflicts in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, Reagan’s team oversaw the worldwide expansion of democracy, globalization, free trade, and the information revolution. Yet no issue was greater than the Cold War standoff with the Soviet Union. As president, Reagan remade the four-decades-old policy of containment and challenged the Soviets in an arms race and ideological contest that pushed them toward economic and political collapse, all while extending an olive branch of diplomacy as he sought a peaceful end to the conflict.</p><p>Reagan’s revolving team included Secretaries of State Al Haig and George Shultz; Secretaries of Defense Caspar Weinberger and Frank Carlucci; National Security Advisors Bill Clark, John Poindexter, and Bud McFarlane; Chief of Staff James Baker; CIA Director Bill Casey; and United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick. Talented and devoted to their president, they were often at odds with one another as rivalries and backstabbing led to missteps and crises. But over the course of the presidency, Reagan and his team still developed the strategies that brought about the Cold War’s peaceful conclusion and remade the world.</p><p>Based on thousands of pages of newly-declassified documents and interviews with senior Reagan officials, <em>The Peacemaker</em> brims with fresh insights into one of America’s most consequential presidents. Along the way, it shows how the pivotal decade of the 1980s shaped the world today.</p><p><em>﻿Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4054</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5098571495.mp3?updated=1670692314" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>What Went Wrong in the 1970s in the USA?: A Discussion with Bill McKibben</title>
      <description>In this episode of How To Be Wrong we talk with author, educator, and environmentalist Bill McKibben, founder of Third Act, an organization focused on bringing together people over 60 for action on climate and justice, and also 350.org, a global grassroots climate campaign. Bill’s work regularly appears in periodicals such as Rolling Stone and The New Yorker, and he has written numerous books, the most recent being The Flag, The Cross, and the Station Wagon: A Graying American Looks Back at His Suburban Boyhood and Wonders What the Hell Happened, published by Holt in 2022. Our conversation explores what went wrong in the 1970s in the US, ideas about intellectual humility, and the role people over 60 can play in addressing problems in our society.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of How To Be Wrong we talk with author, educator, and environmentalist Bill McKibben, founder of Third Act, an organization focused on bringing together people over 60 for action on climate and justice, and also 350.org, a global grassroots climate campaign. Bill’s work regularly appears in periodicals such as Rolling Stone and The New Yorker, and he has written numerous books, the most recent being The Flag, The Cross, and the Station Wagon: A Graying American Looks Back at His Suburban Boyhood and Wonders What the Hell Happened, published by Holt in 2022. Our conversation explores what went wrong in the 1970s in the US, ideas about intellectual humility, and the role people over 60 can play in addressing problems in our society.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of <em>How To Be Wrong</em> we talk with author, educator, and environmentalist Bill McKibben, founder of Third Act, an organization focused on bringing together people over 60 for action on climate and justice, and also 350.org, a global grassroots climate campaign. Bill’s work regularly appears in periodicals such as <em>Rolling Stone</em> and <em>The New Yorker</em>, and he has written numerous books, the most recent being <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250823601"><em>The Flag, The Cross, and the Station Wagon: A Graying American Looks Back at His Suburban Boyhood and Wonders What the Hell Happened,</em></a><em> </em>published by Holt in 2022. Our conversation explores what went wrong in the 1970s in the US, ideas about intellectual humility, and the role people over 60 can play in addressing problems in our society.</p><p><a href="https://johnkaag.com/"><em>John Kaag</em></a><em> is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. </em><a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/rs/faculty/jt27"><em>John W. Traphagan</em></a><em>, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2588</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[baf9662e-787c-11ed-8711-5f0ee481fa7e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9503278264.mp3?updated=1670671851" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Barbara Katz Rothman, "The Biomedical Empire: Lessons Learned from the COVID Pandemic" (Stanford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>We are all citizens of the Biomedical Empire, though few of us know it, and even fewer understand the extent of its power. In this book, Barbara Katz Rothman clarifies that critiques of biopower and the "medical industrial complex" have not gone far enough, and asserts that the medical industry is nothing short of an imperial power. Factors as fundamental as one's citizenship and sex identity—drivers of our access to basic goods and services—rely on approval and legitimation by biomedicine. Moreover, a vast and powerful global market has risen up around the empire, making it one of the largest economic forces in the world. 
In The Biomedical Empire: Lessons Learned from the COVID Pandemic (Stanford UP, 2021), Katz Rothman shows that biomedicine has the key elements of an imperial power: economic leverage, the faith of its citizens, and governmental rule. She investigates the Western colonial underpinnings of the empire and its rapid intrusion into everyday life, focusing on the realms of birth and death. This provides her with a powerful vantage point from which to critically examine the current moment, when the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the power structures of the empire in unprecedented ways while sparking the most visible resistance it has ever seen.
Barbara Katz Rothman is Professor of Sociology, at the City University of New York. She has served as President of Sociologists for Women in Society; the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Eastern Sociological Society. Her awards include the Jesse Bernard Award of the American Sociological Association, and an award for "Midwifing the Movement" from the Midwives Alliance of North America, and a distinguished Chair in Health Sciences from the Fulbright Association. She is the author of numerous books, most recently A Bun in the Oven: How the Food and Birth Movements Resist Industrialization (2016).
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is on media representations of people and place at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on his next book where he conducted research on an annual canoeing and kayaking event that takes place on the Upper Mississippi River. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his website, Google Scholar, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 11 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>263</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Barbara Katz Rothman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We are all citizens of the Biomedical Empire, though few of us know it, and even fewer understand the extent of its power. In this book, Barbara Katz Rothman clarifies that critiques of biopower and the "medical industrial complex" have not gone far enough, and asserts that the medical industry is nothing short of an imperial power. Factors as fundamental as one's citizenship and sex identity—drivers of our access to basic goods and services—rely on approval and legitimation by biomedicine. Moreover, a vast and powerful global market has risen up around the empire, making it one of the largest economic forces in the world. 
In The Biomedical Empire: Lessons Learned from the COVID Pandemic (Stanford UP, 2021), Katz Rothman shows that biomedicine has the key elements of an imperial power: economic leverage, the faith of its citizens, and governmental rule. She investigates the Western colonial underpinnings of the empire and its rapid intrusion into everyday life, focusing on the realms of birth and death. This provides her with a powerful vantage point from which to critically examine the current moment, when the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the power structures of the empire in unprecedented ways while sparking the most visible resistance it has ever seen.
Barbara Katz Rothman is Professor of Sociology, at the City University of New York. She has served as President of Sociologists for Women in Society; the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Eastern Sociological Society. Her awards include the Jesse Bernard Award of the American Sociological Association, and an award for "Midwifing the Movement" from the Midwives Alliance of North America, and a distinguished Chair in Health Sciences from the Fulbright Association. She is the author of numerous books, most recently A Bun in the Oven: How the Food and Birth Movements Resist Industrialization (2016).
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is on media representations of people and place at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on his next book where he conducted research on an annual canoeing and kayaking event that takes place on the Upper Mississippi River. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his website, Google Scholar, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We are all citizens of the Biomedical Empire, though few of us know it, and even fewer understand the extent of its power. In this book, <a href="http://www.barbarakatzrothman.com/">Barbara Katz Rothman</a> clarifies that critiques of biopower and the "medical industrial complex" have not gone far enough, and asserts that the medical industry is nothing short of an imperial power. Factors as fundamental as one's citizenship and sex identity—drivers of our access to basic goods and services—rely on approval and legitimation by biomedicine. Moreover, a vast and powerful global market has risen up around the empire, making it one of the largest economic forces in the world. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503628816"><em>The Biomedical Empire: Lessons Learned from the COVID Pandemic</em></a> (Stanford UP, 2021), Katz Rothman shows that biomedicine has the key elements of an imperial power: economic leverage, the faith of its citizens, and governmental rule. She investigates the Western colonial underpinnings of the empire and its rapid intrusion into everyday life, focusing on the realms of birth and death. This provides her with a powerful vantage point from which to critically examine the current moment, when the COVID-19 pandemic has exposed the power structures of the empire in unprecedented ways while sparking the most visible resistance it has ever seen.</p><p><strong>Barbara Katz Rothman</strong> is Professor of Sociology, at the City University of New York. She has served as President of Sociologists for Women in Society; the Society for the Study of Social Problems, and the Eastern Sociological Society. Her awards include the Jesse Bernard Award of the American Sociological Association, and an award for "Midwifing the Movement" from the Midwives Alliance of North America, and a distinguished Chair in Health Sciences from the Fulbright Association. She is the author of numerous books, most recently <em>A Bun in the Oven: How the Food and Birth Movements Resist Industrialization</em> (2016).</p><p><em>Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. He is the author of Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River (Lexington, 2022). His general area of study is on media representations of people and place at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on his next book where he conducted research on an annual canoeing and kayaking event that takes place on the Upper Mississippi River. To learn more about Michael O. Johnston you can go to his </em><a href="https://profjohnston.weebly.com/"><em>website</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=2RfJ6FMAAAAJ&amp;hl=en"><em>Google Scholar</em></a><em>, Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2934</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jake S. Friedman, "The Disney Revolt: The Great Labor War of Animation's Golden Age" (Chicago Review Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Soon after the birth of Mickey Mouse, one animator raised the Disney Studio far beyond Walt’s expectations. That animator also led a union war that almost destroyed it. Art Babbitt animated for the Disney studio throughout the 1930s and through 1941, years in which he and Walt were jointly driven to elevate animation as an art form, up through Snow White, Pinocchio, and Fantasia.
But as America prepared for World War II, labor unions spread across Hollywood. Disney fought the unions while Babbitt embraced them. Soon, angry Disney cartoon characters graced picket signs as hundreds of animation artists went out on strike. Adding fuel to the fire was Willie Bioff, one of Al Capone’s wiseguys who was seizing control of Hollywood workers and vied for the animators’ union.
Using never-before-seen research from previously lost records, including conversation transcriptions from within the studio walls, author and historian Jake S. Friedman reveals the details behind the labor dispute that changed animation and Hollywood forever.
The Disney Revolt: The Great Labor War of Animation's Golden Age (Chicago Review Press, 2022) is an American story of industry and of the underdog, the golden age of animated cartoons at the world’s most famous studio.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>150</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jake S. Friedman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Soon after the birth of Mickey Mouse, one animator raised the Disney Studio far beyond Walt’s expectations. That animator also led a union war that almost destroyed it. Art Babbitt animated for the Disney studio throughout the 1930s and through 1941, years in which he and Walt were jointly driven to elevate animation as an art form, up through Snow White, Pinocchio, and Fantasia.
But as America prepared for World War II, labor unions spread across Hollywood. Disney fought the unions while Babbitt embraced them. Soon, angry Disney cartoon characters graced picket signs as hundreds of animation artists went out on strike. Adding fuel to the fire was Willie Bioff, one of Al Capone’s wiseguys who was seizing control of Hollywood workers and vied for the animators’ union.
Using never-before-seen research from previously lost records, including conversation transcriptions from within the studio walls, author and historian Jake S. Friedman reveals the details behind the labor dispute that changed animation and Hollywood forever.
The Disney Revolt: The Great Labor War of Animation's Golden Age (Chicago Review Press, 2022) is an American story of industry and of the underdog, the golden age of animated cartoons at the world’s most famous studio.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Soon after the birth of Mickey Mouse, one animator raised the Disney Studio far beyond Walt’s expectations. That animator also led a union war that almost destroyed it. Art Babbitt animated for the Disney studio throughout the 1930s and through 1941, years in which he and Walt were jointly driven to elevate animation as an art form, up through <em>Snow White, Pinocchio, and Fantasia.</em></p><p>But as America prepared for World War II, labor unions spread across Hollywood. Disney fought the unions while Babbitt embraced them. Soon, angry Disney cartoon characters graced picket signs as hundreds of animation artists went out on strike. Adding fuel to the fire was Willie Bioff, one of Al Capone’s wiseguys who was seizing control of Hollywood workers and vied for the animators’ union.</p><p>Using never-before-seen research from previously lost records, including conversation transcriptions from within the studio walls, author and historian Jake S. Friedman reveals the details behind the labor dispute that changed animation and Hollywood forever.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641607193"><em>The Disney Revolt: The Great Labor War of Animation's Golden Age</em></a><em> </em>(Chicago Review Press, 2022) is an American story of industry and of the underdog, the golden age of animated cartoons at the world’s most famous studio.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3116</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Daniel Immerwahr, "The Galactic Vietnam: Technology, Modernization, and Empire in George Lucas’s Star Wars" (2022)</title>
      <description>In this episode I got to chat about two of my favorite things: the history of imperialism and Star Wars with Daniel Immerwahr, Professor of History at Northwestern University. Our conversation focused on his recent article “The Galactic Vietnam: Technology, Modernization, and Empire in George Lucas’s Star Wars,” in Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories, edited by David Milne and Christopher Nichols (Columbia University Press, 2022). In the piece her uses the film and the figure of George Lucas to explore various aspects of the United States in the Cold War. Were Ewoks the Viet Cong? Was the Death Star a B-52? Was Alderaan Hanoi? Listen and find out.
Daniel Immerwahr earned his Ph.D. at UC Berkeley in 2011 after undergraduate studies at both Columbia and Cambridge. His previous work includes Thinking Small: The United States and the Lure of Community Development (Harvard, 2015) and the award winning and best-selling How to Hide an Empire: A Short History of the Greater United States (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019), which has been translated into German, Dutch, Italian, Korean, and Chinese so far. Dr. Immerwahr's writings have appeared in the New York Times, The Guardian, the Washington Post, The New Republic, The Nation, Dissent, Jacobin, Slate, and elsewhere.
﻿Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 10 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1286</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Immerwahr</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode I got to chat about two of my favorite things: the history of imperialism and Star Wars with Daniel Immerwahr, Professor of History at Northwestern University. Our conversation focused on his recent article “The Galactic Vietnam: Technology, Modernization, and Empire in George Lucas’s Star Wars,” in Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories, edited by David Milne and Christopher Nichols (Columbia University Press, 2022). In the piece her uses the film and the figure of George Lucas to explore various aspects of the United States in the Cold War. Were Ewoks the Viet Cong? Was the Death Star a B-52? Was Alderaan Hanoi? Listen and find out.
Daniel Immerwahr earned his Ph.D. at UC Berkeley in 2011 after undergraduate studies at both Columbia and Cambridge. His previous work includes Thinking Small: The United States and the Lure of Community Development (Harvard, 2015) and the award winning and best-selling How to Hide an Empire: A Short History of the Greater United States (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019), which has been translated into German, Dutch, Italian, Korean, and Chinese so far. Dr. Immerwahr's writings have appeared in the New York Times, The Guardian, the Washington Post, The New Republic, The Nation, Dissent, Jacobin, Slate, and elsewhere.
﻿Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode I got to chat about two of my favorite things: the history of imperialism and <em>Star Wars</em> with Daniel Immerwahr, Professor of History at Northwestern University. Our conversation focused on his recent article “The Galactic Vietnam: Technology, Modernization, and Empire in George Lucas’s <em>Star Wars</em>,” in<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231201810"> <em>Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories</em></a>, edited by David Milne and Christopher Nichols (Columbia University Press, 2022). In the piece her uses the film and the figure of George Lucas to explore various aspects of the United States in the Cold War. Were Ewoks the Viet Cong? Was the Death Star a B-52? Was Alderaan Hanoi? Listen and find out.</p><p>Daniel Immerwahr earned his Ph.D. at UC Berkeley in 2011 after undergraduate studies at both Columbia and Cambridge. His previous work includes <em>Thinking Small: The United States and the Lure of Community Development</em> (Harvard, 2015) and the award winning and best-selling <em>How to Hide an Empire: A Short History of the Greater United States</em> (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2019), which has been translated into German, Dutch, Italian, Korean, and Chinese so far. Dr. Immerwahr's writings have appeared in the <em>New York Times</em>, <em>The Guardian</em>, the <em>Washington Post</em>, <em>The New Republic</em>, <em>The Nation</em>, <em>Dissent</em>, <em>Jacobin</em>, <em>Slate</em>, and elsewhere.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://michaelvann.academia.edu/"><em>Michael G. Vann</em></a><em> is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/ushe/product/the-great-hanoi-rat-hunt-9780190602697?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3873</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Robert L. Hetzel, "The Federal Reserve: A New History" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In The Federal Reserve: A New History (University of Chicago Press, 2022), Robert Hetzel draws on a 43-year career as an economist in the central bank to trace the influence of the Fed on the American economy. Hetzel compares periods in which the Fed stabilized the economy and periods in which it destabilized the economy. He draws lessons about what monetary rule is stabilizing. Recast through this lens and enriched with archival materials, Hetzel's sweeping history offers a new understanding of the bank's watershed moments since 1913. They include critical accounts of the Great Depression, the Great Inflation, and the Great Recession. The Federal Reserve: A New History arrives as a critical history for a critical moment. It promises to recast our understanding of the central bank in its second century.
Robert L. Hetzel is a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and a senior affiliated scholar at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>125</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert L. Hetzel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Federal Reserve: A New History (University of Chicago Press, 2022), Robert Hetzel draws on a 43-year career as an economist in the central bank to trace the influence of the Fed on the American economy. Hetzel compares periods in which the Fed stabilized the economy and periods in which it destabilized the economy. He draws lessons about what monetary rule is stabilizing. Recast through this lens and enriched with archival materials, Hetzel's sweeping history offers a new understanding of the bank's watershed moments since 1913. They include critical accounts of the Great Depression, the Great Inflation, and the Great Recession. The Federal Reserve: A New History arrives as a critical history for a critical moment. It promises to recast our understanding of the central bank in its second century.
Robert L. Hetzel is a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and a senior affiliated scholar at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226821658"><em>The Federal Reserve: A New History</em></a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2022), Robert Hetzel draws on a 43-year career as an economist in the central bank to trace the influence of the Fed on the American economy. Hetzel compares periods in which the Fed stabilized the economy and periods in which it destabilized the economy. He draws lessons about what monetary rule is stabilizing. Recast through this lens and enriched with archival materials, Hetzel's sweeping history offers a new understanding of the bank's watershed moments since 1913. They include critical accounts of the Great Depression, the Great Inflation, and the Great Recession. <em>The Federal Reserve: A New History</em> arrives as a critical history for a critical moment. It promises to recast our understanding of the central bank in its second century.</p><p>Robert L. Hetzel is a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and a senior affiliated scholar at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6068</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Timothy Shenk, "Realigners: Partisan Hacks, Political Visionaries, and the Struggle to Rule American Democracy" (FSG, 2022)</title>
      <description>These days it seems that nobody is satisfied with American democracy. Critics across the ideological spectrum warn that the country is heading toward catastrophe but also complain that nothing seems to change. At the same time, many have begun to wonder if the gulf between elites and ordinary people has turned democracy itself into a myth. The urge to defend the country’s foundations and to dismantle them coexist―often within the same people. How did we get here? Why does it feel like the country is both grinding to a halt and falling to pieces?
In Realigners: Partisan Hacks, Political Visionaries, and the Struggle to Rule American Democracy (FSG, 2022), the historian Timothy Shenk offers an eye-opening new biography of the American political tradition. In a history that runs from the drafting of the Constitution to the storming of the Capitol, Shenk offers sharp pen portraits of signal characters from James Madison and Charles Sumner to Phyllis Schlafly and Barack Obama. The result is an entertaining and provocative reassessment of the people who built the electoral coalitions that defined American democracy―and a guide for a time when figures ranging from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to MAGA-minded nationalists seek to turn radical dreams into political realities.
In an era when it seems democracy is caught in perpetual crisis, Realigners looks at earlier moments when popular majorities transformed American life. We’ve had those moments before. And if there’s an escape from the doom loop that American politics has become, it’s because we might have one again.
Sean T. Byrnes is a writer, teacher, and historian who lives in middle Tennessee. He is the author of Disunited Nations: US Foreign Policy, Anti-Americanism, and the Rise of the New Right, from LSU Press. Tweet at him @ByrnesSean.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1285</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy Shenk</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>These days it seems that nobody is satisfied with American democracy. Critics across the ideological spectrum warn that the country is heading toward catastrophe but also complain that nothing seems to change. At the same time, many have begun to wonder if the gulf between elites and ordinary people has turned democracy itself into a myth. The urge to defend the country’s foundations and to dismantle them coexist―often within the same people. How did we get here? Why does it feel like the country is both grinding to a halt and falling to pieces?
In Realigners: Partisan Hacks, Political Visionaries, and the Struggle to Rule American Democracy (FSG, 2022), the historian Timothy Shenk offers an eye-opening new biography of the American political tradition. In a history that runs from the drafting of the Constitution to the storming of the Capitol, Shenk offers sharp pen portraits of signal characters from James Madison and Charles Sumner to Phyllis Schlafly and Barack Obama. The result is an entertaining and provocative reassessment of the people who built the electoral coalitions that defined American democracy―and a guide for a time when figures ranging from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to MAGA-minded nationalists seek to turn radical dreams into political realities.
In an era when it seems democracy is caught in perpetual crisis, Realigners looks at earlier moments when popular majorities transformed American life. We’ve had those moments before. And if there’s an escape from the doom loop that American politics has become, it’s because we might have one again.
Sean T. Byrnes is a writer, teacher, and historian who lives in middle Tennessee. He is the author of Disunited Nations: US Foreign Policy, Anti-Americanism, and the Rise of the New Right, from LSU Press. Tweet at him @ByrnesSean.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>These days it seems that nobody is satisfied with American democracy. Critics across the ideological spectrum warn that the country is heading toward catastrophe but also complain that nothing seems to change. At the same time, many have begun to wonder if the gulf between elites and ordinary people has turned democracy itself into a myth. The urge to defend the country’s foundations and to dismantle them coexist―often within the same people. How did we get here? Why does it feel like the country is both grinding to a halt and falling to pieces?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374138004"><em>Realigners: Partisan Hacks, Political Visionaries, and the Struggle to Rule American Democracy</em></a> (FSG, 2022), the historian Timothy Shenk offers an eye-opening new biography of the American political tradition. In a history that runs from the drafting of the Constitution to the storming of the Capitol, Shenk offers sharp pen portraits of signal characters from James Madison and Charles Sumner to Phyllis Schlafly and Barack Obama. The result is an entertaining and provocative reassessment of the people who built the electoral coalitions that defined American democracy―and a guide for a time when figures ranging from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to MAGA-minded nationalists seek to turn radical dreams into political realities.</p><p>In an era when it seems democracy is caught in perpetual crisis, Realigners looks at earlier moments when popular majorities transformed American life. We’ve had those moments before. And if there’s an escape from the doom loop that American politics has become, it’s because we might have one again.</p><p><a href="https://www.seantbyrnes.com/"><em>Sean T. Byrnes</em></a><em> is a writer, teacher, and historian who lives in middle Tennessee. He is the author of </em><a href="https://www.disunitednationsbook.com/"><em>Disunited Nations: US Foreign Policy, Anti-Americanism, and the Rise of the New Right</em></a><em>, from LSU Press. Tweet at him @ByrnesSean.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3914</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Dan Bouk, "Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them" (MCD, 2022)</title>
      <description>Dan Bouk is a writer, professor, and cultural historian of quantification, or as Bouk puts it, the history all fascinating things “shrouded in the cloak of borningness.” In Bouk’s book, Democracy’s Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them (2022), the author invites readers into the social life of 1940 US Census. The stories of the people who wrote the question, asked the questions, and answered them—or refused—is a lesson in how power is negotiated on the ground. Bouk shows that the census questions were—and are—not only queries but also statements about what matters, who counts, and the values and lifeways celebrated and suppressed in American democracy.
The book is written with such humor, tenderness, and insight that it is worth offering friends as a gift. It received a rave review in the New York Times and will be of immediate interest to readers interested in Science &amp; Technology Studies, American History, the data sciences, and social justice.
This interview was a collaborative effort among Professor Laura Stark and graduate students at Vanderbilt University in the course, “American Medicine &amp; the World.” Please email Laura with any feedback on the interview or questions about how to design collaborative interview projects for the classroom. Email: laura.stark@vanderbilt.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>331</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dan Bouk</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dan Bouk is a writer, professor, and cultural historian of quantification, or as Bouk puts it, the history all fascinating things “shrouded in the cloak of borningness.” In Bouk’s book, Democracy’s Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them (2022), the author invites readers into the social life of 1940 US Census. The stories of the people who wrote the question, asked the questions, and answered them—or refused—is a lesson in how power is negotiated on the ground. Bouk shows that the census questions were—and are—not only queries but also statements about what matters, who counts, and the values and lifeways celebrated and suppressed in American democracy.
The book is written with such humor, tenderness, and insight that it is worth offering friends as a gift. It received a rave review in the New York Times and will be of immediate interest to readers interested in Science &amp; Technology Studies, American History, the data sciences, and social justice.
This interview was a collaborative effort among Professor Laura Stark and graduate students at Vanderbilt University in the course, “American Medicine &amp; the World.” Please email Laura with any feedback on the interview or questions about how to design collaborative interview projects for the classroom. Email: laura.stark@vanderbilt.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dan Bouk is a writer, professor, and cultural historian of quantification, or as Bouk puts it, the history all fascinating things “shrouded in the cloak of borningness.” In Bouk’s book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374602543"><em>Democracy’s Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them</em></a> (2022), the author invites readers into the social life of 1940 US Census. The stories of the people who wrote the question, asked the questions, and answered them—or refused—is a lesson in how power is negotiated on the ground. Bouk shows that the census questions were—and are—not only queries but also statements about what matters, who counts, and the values and lifeways celebrated and suppressed in American democracy.</p><p>The book is written with such humor, tenderness, and insight that it is worth offering friends as a gift. It received a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/28/books/democracys-data-dan-bouk.html">rave review in the New York Times</a> and will be of immediate interest to readers interested in Science &amp; Technology Studies, American History, the data sciences, and social justice.</p><p><em>This interview was a collaborative effort among </em><a href="http://www.laura-stark.com/"><em>Professor Laura Stark</em></a><em> and graduate students at Vanderbilt University in the course, “American Medicine &amp; the World.” Please email Laura with any feedback on the interview or questions about how to design </em><a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/286403980_Can_New_Media_Save_the_Book"><em>collaborative interview projects</em></a><em> for the classroom. Email: </em><a href="mailto:laura.stark@vanderbilt.edu"><em>laura.stark@vanderbilt.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3413</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ted Conover, "Cheap Land Colorado: Off-Gridders at America's Edge" (Knopf, 2022)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Ted Conover, author of Cheap Land Colorado: Off-Gridders at America's Edge (Knopf, 2022)
In May 2017, Conover went to Colorado to explore firsthand a rural way of life that is about living cheaply, on your own land—and keeping clear of the mainstream. The failed subdivisions of the enormous San Luis Valley make this possible. Five-acre lots on the high prairie can be had for five thousand dollars, sometimes less.
Conover volunteered for a local group trying to prevent homelessness during the bitter winters. He encountered an unexpected diversity: veterans with PTSD, families homeschooling, addicts young and old, gay people, people of color, lovers of guns and marijuana, people with social anxiety—most of them spurning charity and aiming, and sometimes failing, to be self-sufficient. And more than a few predicting they’ll be the last ones standing when society collapses.
Conover bought his own five acres and immersed himself for parts of four years in the often contentious culture of the far margins. He found many who dislike the government but depend on its subsidies; who love their space but nevertheless find themselves in each other’s business; who are generous but wary of thieves; who endure squalor but appreciate beauty. In their struggles to survive and get along, they tell us about an America riven by difference where the edges speak more and more loudly to the mainstream.
Ted Conover is the author of several books, including Newjack: Guarding Sing Sing, which won the National Book Critics Circle Award for nonfiction and was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize. His writing has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, The Atlantic, The New Yorker, Harper’s Magazine, and National Geographic. He is a professor at, and the former director of, New York University’s Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute.
Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found at https://fifteenminutefilm.podb... and on Twitter @15MinFilm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ted Conover</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Ted Conover, author of Cheap Land Colorado: Off-Gridders at America's Edge (Knopf, 2022)
In May 2017, Conover went to Colorado to explore firsthand a rural way of life that is about living cheaply, on your own land—and keeping clear of the mainstream. The failed subdivisions of the enormous San Luis Valley make this possible. Five-acre lots on the high prairie can be had for five thousand dollars, sometimes less.
Conover volunteered for a local group trying to prevent homelessness during the bitter winters. He encountered an unexpected diversity: veterans with PTSD, families homeschooling, addicts young and old, gay people, people of color, lovers of guns and marijuana, people with social anxiety—most of them spurning charity and aiming, and sometimes failing, to be self-sufficient. And more than a few predicting they’ll be the last ones standing when society collapses.
Conover bought his own five acres and immersed himself for parts of four years in the often contentious culture of the far margins. He found many who dislike the government but depend on its subsidies; who love their space but nevertheless find themselves in each other’s business; who are generous but wary of thieves; who endure squalor but appreciate beauty. In their struggles to survive and get along, they tell us about an America riven by difference where the edges speak more and more loudly to the mainstream.
Ted Conover is the author of several books, including Newjack: Guarding Sing Sing, which won the National Book Critics Circle Award for nonfiction and was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize. His writing has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, The Atlantic, The New Yorker, Harper’s Magazine, and National Geographic. He is a professor at, and the former director of, New York University’s Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute.
Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found at https://fifteenminutefilm.podb... and on Twitter @15MinFilm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Ted Conover, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780525521488"><em>Cheap Land Colorado: Off-Gridders at America's Edge</em></a> (Knopf, 2022)</p><p>In May 2017, Conover went to Colorado to explore firsthand a rural way of life that is about living cheaply, on your own land—and keeping clear of the mainstream. The failed subdivisions of the enormous San Luis Valley make this possible. Five-acre lots on the high prairie can be had for five thousand dollars, sometimes less.</p><p>Conover volunteered for a local group trying to prevent homelessness during the bitter winters. He encountered an unexpected diversity: veterans with PTSD, families homeschooling, addicts young and old, gay people, people of color, lovers of guns and marijuana, people with social anxiety—most of them spurning charity and aiming, and sometimes failing, to be self-sufficient. And more than a few predicting they’ll be the last ones standing when society collapses.</p><p>Conover bought his own five acres and immersed himself for parts of four years in the often contentious culture of the far margins. He found many who dislike the government but depend on its subsidies; who love their space but nevertheless find themselves in each other’s business; who are generous but wary of thieves; who endure squalor but appreciate beauty. In their struggles to survive and get along, they tell us about an America riven by difference where the edges speak more and more loudly to the mainstream.</p><p>Ted Conover is the author of several books, including <em>Newjack: Guarding Sing Sing</em>, which won the National Book Critics Circle Award for nonfiction and was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize. His writing has appeared in <em>The New York Times Magazine, The Atlantic, The New Yorker, Harper’s Magazine, </em>and<em> National Geographic</em>. He is a professor at, and the former director of, New York University’s Arthur L. Carter Journalism Institute.</p><p><em>Daniel Moran earned his B.A. and M.A. in English from Rutgers University and his Ph.D. in History from Drew University. The author of Creating Flannery O’Connor: Her Critics, Her Publishers, Her Readers, he teaches research and writing at Rutgers and co-hosts the podcast Fifteen-Minute Film Fanatics, found at </em><a href="https://fifteenminutefilm.podbean.com/"><em>https://fifteenminutefilm.podb...</em></a><em> and on Twitter @15MinFilm.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3167</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Yoram Hazony, "Conservatism: A Rediscovery" (Regnery Publishing,2022)</title>
      <description>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.
These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022).
It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.
For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.
To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.
This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.
This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.
He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.
Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>158</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Yoram Hazony</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.
These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book Conservatism: A Rediscovery (Regnery Publishing, 2022).
It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.
For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.
To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.
This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.
This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.
He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.
Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Conservatism needs to be rediscovered. That is, it needs to be differentiated from the post WWII concept of liberal democracy and return to its traditional three pillars of religion, nationalism, and economic growth. And it needs to be thought of as Anglo-American conservatism, rooted in the tradition of the English Constitution going back to such thinkers as John Fortescue (c. 1394 –1479) and John Selden (1584 –1654). We need to be a God-fearing nation, with nation and religion at the center of our national belief system. We must live conservative lives.</p><p>These are some of the arguments made by the political theorist and public intellectual Yoram Hazony in his 2022 book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781684511099"><em>Conservatism: A Rediscovery</em></a> (Regnery Publishing, 2022).</p><p>It is a provocative book that even many conservatives may take issue with.</p><p>For example, Hazony puts a great deal of emphasis on the importance of hierarchy both within the family and in society at large. Given that a good deal of the rationale of right-wing thinking in recent years has been predicated on the necessity for non-violent rebellion against the establishment in the Republican party and the left-wing dominance of academia, Hazony’s arguments may not be embraced by large swaths of the right. But to get conservatives and those on the right who do not identify as such thinking about what they stand for, what they want and how to get it is one of the goals of the book. It succeeds.</p><p>To those who might blanch at the embrace of religion in the public sphere, Hazony argues that for all intents and purposes the increasingly powerful political philosophy woke neo-Marxism is itself a religion. Hazony criticizes the right for acquiescing in the relegation of traditional religion to the private sphere. He argues robustly for religion, particularly Christianity, to serve as a countervailing force to wokeism. In the face of a progressive order that leaves people in the position of being unable to distinguish between a man and a woman, Hazony advocates for such measures as ending the ban on the Bible and God in the public school classroom.</p><p>This is a full-throated defense of conservatism and is, therefore, must reading for those on all sides of the political spectrum. Hazony addresses the need for the idea of a nation, its cohesion, and its inherited traditions. For that, he says, you need conservatism. And by conservatism, he means a public conservatism, a public traditionalism in those places where there is a majority that will support it. Hazony maintains that our culture must support parents and congregations in the work of the transmission of values that ensure respect for tradition, nation and hierarchy.</p><p>This book is a substantive intellectual history of conservative thought and profiles significant figures in the conservative movement (e.g., William F. Buckley, Frank Meyer, Russell Kirk). It is also a clarion call for those who claim to be conservatives to live genuinely conservative lives. Hazony urges conservatives to stand up for principles like the public acknowledgment of God and such core values as the honor due parents by their adult children, loyalty within marriage, and observance of the sabbath. In the Hazony version of conservatism, all ten of the Ten Commandments ought to be the basis for our country’s social and political life.</p><p>He includes in his book a memoir of his days at Princeton University in the 1980s, where a campus culture of loose living and rampant drinking led him to seek out a life of faith and family. College students of today and their parents would do well to read this moving chronicle of a young person surrounded by decadence who escapes its ravages via a solid marriage and a return to traditional religion.</p><p>Let’s hear from Mr. Hazony about his book and the path forward for conservatives and America itself.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3998</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, "Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt" (Harvard UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>It didn't always take thirty years to pay off the cost of a bachelor's degree. 
In Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt (Harvard UP, 2021), Elizabeth Tandy Shermer untangles the history that brought us here and discovers that the story of skyrocketing college debt is not merely one of good intentions gone wrong. In fact, the federal student loan program was never supposed to make college affordable.
The earliest federal proposals for college affordability sought to replace tuition with taxpayer funding of institutions. But Southern whites feared that lower costs would undermine segregation, Catholic colleges objected to state support of secular institutions, professors worried that federal dollars would come with regulations hindering academic freedom, and elite-university presidents recoiled at the idea of mass higher education. Cold War congressional fights eventually made access more important than affordability. Rather than freeing colleges from their dependence on tuition, the government created a loan instrument that made college accessible in the short term but even costlier in the long term by charging an interest penalty only to needy students. In the mid-1960s, as bankers wavered over the prospect of uncollected debt, Congress backstopped the loans, provoking runaway inflation in college tuition and resulting in immense lender profits.
Today 45 million Americans owe more than $1.5 trillion in college debt, with the burdens falling disproportionately on borrowers of color, particularly women. Reformers, meanwhile, have been frustrated by colleges and lenders too rich and powerful to contain. Indentured Students makes clear that these are not unforeseen consequences. The federal student loan system is working as designed.

Elizabeth Tandy Shermer has written about labor, politics, and education for the Washington Post, HuffPost, and Dissent. Author of Sunbelt Capitalism: Phoenix and the Transformation of American Politics, she is Associate Professor of History at Loyola University Chicago.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 04 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>184</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Tandy Shermer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It didn't always take thirty years to pay off the cost of a bachelor's degree. 
In Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt (Harvard UP, 2021), Elizabeth Tandy Shermer untangles the history that brought us here and discovers that the story of skyrocketing college debt is not merely one of good intentions gone wrong. In fact, the federal student loan program was never supposed to make college affordable.
The earliest federal proposals for college affordability sought to replace tuition with taxpayer funding of institutions. But Southern whites feared that lower costs would undermine segregation, Catholic colleges objected to state support of secular institutions, professors worried that federal dollars would come with regulations hindering academic freedom, and elite-university presidents recoiled at the idea of mass higher education. Cold War congressional fights eventually made access more important than affordability. Rather than freeing colleges from their dependence on tuition, the government created a loan instrument that made college accessible in the short term but even costlier in the long term by charging an interest penalty only to needy students. In the mid-1960s, as bankers wavered over the prospect of uncollected debt, Congress backstopped the loans, provoking runaway inflation in college tuition and resulting in immense lender profits.
Today 45 million Americans owe more than $1.5 trillion in college debt, with the burdens falling disproportionately on borrowers of color, particularly women. Reformers, meanwhile, have been frustrated by colleges and lenders too rich and powerful to contain. Indentured Students makes clear that these are not unforeseen consequences. The federal student loan system is working as designed.

Elizabeth Tandy Shermer has written about labor, politics, and education for the Washington Post, HuffPost, and Dissent. Author of Sunbelt Capitalism: Phoenix and the Transformation of American Politics, she is Associate Professor of History at Loyola University Chicago.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It didn't always take thirty years to pay off the cost of a bachelor's degree. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674251489"><em>Indentured Students: How Government-Guaranteed Loans Left Generations Drowning in College Debt</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard UP, 2021), Elizabeth Tandy Shermer untangles the history that brought us here and discovers that the story of skyrocketing college debt is not merely one of good intentions gone wrong. In fact, the federal student loan program was never supposed to make college affordable.</p><p>The earliest federal proposals for college affordability sought to replace tuition with taxpayer funding of institutions. But Southern whites feared that lower costs would undermine segregation, Catholic colleges objected to state support of secular institutions, professors worried that federal dollars would come with regulations hindering academic freedom, and elite-university presidents recoiled at the idea of mass higher education. Cold War congressional fights eventually made access more important than affordability. Rather than freeing colleges from their dependence on tuition, the government created a loan instrument that made college accessible in the short term but even costlier in the long term by charging an interest penalty only to needy students. In the mid-1960s, as bankers wavered over the prospect of uncollected debt, Congress backstopped the loans, provoking runaway inflation in college tuition and resulting in immense lender profits.</p><p>Today 45 million Americans owe more than $1.5 trillion in college debt, with the burdens falling disproportionately on borrowers of color, particularly women. Reformers, meanwhile, have been frustrated by colleges and lenders too rich and powerful to contain. <em>Indentured Students</em> makes clear that these are not unforeseen consequences. The federal student loan system is working as designed.</p><p><br></p><p>Elizabeth Tandy Shermer has written about labor, politics, and education for the Washington Post, HuffPost, and Dissent. Author of Sunbelt Capitalism: Phoenix and the Transformation of American Politics, she is Associate Professor of History at Loyola University Chicago.</p><p><em>Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3664</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Char Miller, "West Side Rising: How San Antonio's 1921 Flood Devastated a City and Sparked a Latino Environmental Justice Movement" (Maverick Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>On September 9, 1921, a tropical storm raged above San Antonio, Texas. The rain that night flooded the city's many waterways, distributing unequal destruction throughout its many neighborhoods. For the whiter, wealthier, parts of the city, the flood was an inconvenient detriment to business. For the Latinx West Side, it was a devastating tragedy. 
In West Side Rising: How San Antonio's 1921 Flood Devastated a City and Sparked a Latino Environmental Justice Miller (Maverick Books, 2021), Pomona College professor Char Miller explains why this flood happened, what made it so devastating, and how it galvanized a community activist movement that remade San Antonio politics. Miller uses never-before analyzed sources to explain how flood control and urban redevelopment left the city's most vulnerable population behind in the disaster's aftermath, and how this blatant environmental racism formed the nuclear of several generations of environmental activist organizations. By taking the story of 1921 into the twenty-first century, Miller argues that a story that could be told as simple tragedy in fact represents the best in the human spirit, as people band together to aid one another and seize power for themselves.
﻿Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>114</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Char Miller</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On September 9, 1921, a tropical storm raged above San Antonio, Texas. The rain that night flooded the city's many waterways, distributing unequal destruction throughout its many neighborhoods. For the whiter, wealthier, parts of the city, the flood was an inconvenient detriment to business. For the Latinx West Side, it was a devastating tragedy. 
In West Side Rising: How San Antonio's 1921 Flood Devastated a City and Sparked a Latino Environmental Justice Miller (Maverick Books, 2021), Pomona College professor Char Miller explains why this flood happened, what made it so devastating, and how it galvanized a community activist movement that remade San Antonio politics. Miller uses never-before analyzed sources to explain how flood control and urban redevelopment left the city's most vulnerable population behind in the disaster's aftermath, and how this blatant environmental racism formed the nuclear of several generations of environmental activist organizations. By taking the story of 1921 into the twenty-first century, Miller argues that a story that could be told as simple tragedy in fact represents the best in the human spirit, as people band together to aid one another and seize power for themselves.
﻿Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On September 9, 1921, a tropical storm raged above San Antonio, Texas. The rain that night flooded the city's many waterways, distributing unequal destruction throughout its many neighborhoods. For the whiter, wealthier, parts of the city, the flood was an inconvenient detriment to business. For the Latinx West Side, it was a devastating tragedy. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781595349736"><em>West Side Rising: How San Antonio's 1921 Flood Devastated a City and Sparked a Latino Environmental Justice Miller</em></a> (Maverick Books, 2021), Pomona College professor Char Miller explains why this flood happened, what made it so devastating, and how it galvanized a community activist movement that remade San Antonio politics. Miller uses never-before analyzed sources to explain how flood control and urban redevelopment left the city's most vulnerable population behind in the disaster's aftermath, and how this blatant environmental racism formed the nuclear of several generations of environmental activist organizations. By taking the story of 1921 into the twenty-first century, Miller argues that a story that could be told as simple tragedy in fact represents the best in the human spirit, as people band together to aid one another and seize power for themselves.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4882</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Alexander Kirshner, "Legitimate Opposition" (Yale UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The idea of legitimate political opposition is familiar. A decent political order permits citizens, parties, and coalitions to challenge those in power. Under such conditions, there is an ongoing nonviolent contest for power. Typically, the value of legitimate opposition is understood in terms of democracy. Here, the idea is that democracy is damaged or subverted when practices of legitimate opposition are suppressed. However, this familiar account opens questions about the value of legitimate opposition under conditions that are not satisfactorily democratic. It also obscures real-world practices of legitimate opposition that are themselves not allied with democratic norms of equality.
In Legitimate Opposition (Yale 2022), Alexander Kirshner develops and defends a conception of legitimate opposition that’s not so tightly tethered to democracy. On this view, the value of legitimate opposition lies with the value of political agency.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>301</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alexander Kirshner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The idea of legitimate political opposition is familiar. A decent political order permits citizens, parties, and coalitions to challenge those in power. Under such conditions, there is an ongoing nonviolent contest for power. Typically, the value of legitimate opposition is understood in terms of democracy. Here, the idea is that democracy is damaged or subverted when practices of legitimate opposition are suppressed. However, this familiar account opens questions about the value of legitimate opposition under conditions that are not satisfactorily democratic. It also obscures real-world practices of legitimate opposition that are themselves not allied with democratic norms of equality.
In Legitimate Opposition (Yale 2022), Alexander Kirshner develops and defends a conception of legitimate opposition that’s not so tightly tethered to democracy. On this view, the value of legitimate opposition lies with the value of political agency.
Robert Talisse is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The idea of legitimate political opposition is familiar. A decent political order permits citizens, parties, and coalitions to challenge those in power. Under such conditions, there is an ongoing nonviolent contest for power. Typically, the value of legitimate opposition is understood in terms of democracy. Here, the idea is that democracy is damaged or subverted when practices of legitimate opposition are suppressed. However, this familiar account opens questions about the value of legitimate opposition under conditions that are not satisfactorily democratic. It also obscures real-world practices of legitimate opposition that are themselves not allied with democratic norms of equality.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300243468"><em>Legitimate Opposition</em></a> (Yale 2022), <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/alexander.kirshner">Alexander Kirshner</a> develops and defends a conception of legitimate opposition that’s not so tightly tethered to democracy. On this view, the value of legitimate opposition lies with the value of political agency.</p><p><a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/philosophy/bio/robertb-talisse"><em>Robert Talisse</em></a><em> is the W. Alton Jones Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3715</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Agathe Demarais, "Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. 
Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. 
Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.
Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at https://twitter.com/bucephalus424
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Agathe Demarais</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. 
Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. 
Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.
Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at https://twitter.com/bucephalus424
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Sanctions have become the go-to foreign policy tool for the United States. Coercive economic measures such as trade tariffs, financial penalties, and export controls affect large numbers of companies and states across the globe. Some of these penalties target nonstate actors, such as Colombian drug cartels and Islamist terror groups; others apply to entire countries, including North Korea, Iran, and Russia. U.S. policy makers see sanctions as a low-cost tactic, but in reality these measures often fail to achieve their intended goals--and their potent side effects can even harm American interests. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231199902"><em>Backfire: How Sanctions Reshape the World Against U.S. Interests</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the surprising ways sanctions affect multinational companies, governments, and ultimately millions of people around the world. Drawing on interviews with experts, policy makers, and people in sanctioned countries, Agathe Demarais examines the unintended consequences of the use of sanctions as a diplomatic weapon. The proliferation of sanctions spurs efforts to evade them, as states and firms seek ways to circumvent U.S. penalties. This is only part of the story. Sanctions also reshape relations between countries, pushing governments that are at odds with the U.S. closer to each other--or, increasingly, to Russia and China. </p><p>Full of counterintuitive insights spanning a wide range of topics, from commodities markets in Russia to Iran's COVID response and China's cryptocurrency ambitions, Backfire reveals how sanctions are transforming geopolitics and the global economy--as well as diminishing U.S. influence. This insider's account is an eye-opening, accessible, and timely book that sheds light on the future of sanctions in an increasingly multipolar world.</p><p><em>Mathias Fuelling is a doctoral candidate in History at Temple University, working on a political history of Czechoslovakia in the immediate post-WWII years. He can be found on Twitter at </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bucephalus424"><em>https://twitter.com/bucephalus424</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3988</itunes:duration>
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      <title>William Marling, "Christian Anarchist: Ammon Hennacy, A Life on the Catholic Left" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Ammon Hennacy was arrested over thirty times for opposing US entry in World War 1. Later, when he refused to pay taxes that support war, he lost his wife and daughters, and then his job. For protesting the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, he was hounded by the IRS and driven to migrant labor in the fields of the West. He had a romance with Dorothy Day, founder of the Catholic Worker, who called him a “prophet and a peasant.” He helped the homeless on the Bowery, founded the Joe Hill House of Hospitality in Salt Lake City, and protested the US development of nuclear missiles, becoming in the process one of the most celebrated anarchists of the twentieth century. To our era, when so much “protest” happens on social media, his actual sacrifices seem unworldly.
Ammon Hennacy was a forerunner of contemporary progressive thought, and he remains a beacon for challenges that confront the world and especially the US today. In this exceptional biography, William Marling tells the story of this fascinating figure, who remains particularly important for the Catholic Left. In addition to establishing Hennacy as an exemplar of vegetarianism, ecology, and pacificism, Marling illuminates a broader history of political ideas now largely lost: the late nineteenth-century utopian movements, the grassroots socialist movements before World War I, and the antinuclear protests of the 1960s. A nuanced study of when religion and anarchist theory overlap, Christian Anarchist: Ammon Hennacy, A Life on the Catholic Left (NYU Press, 2022) shows how Hennacy’s life at the heart of radical libertarian and anarchist interventions in American politics not only galvanized the public then, but offers us new insight for today.
William Marling is Professor of English and World Literature at Case Western Reserve University. He is the author of a number of books, most recently Gatekeepers: The Emergence of World Literature and the 1960s (Oxford UP, 2016), which won the Nancy Dasher Prize and was the subject of an international conference in Hannover, Germany.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Nov 2022 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>23</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with William Marling</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ammon Hennacy was arrested over thirty times for opposing US entry in World War 1. Later, when he refused to pay taxes that support war, he lost his wife and daughters, and then his job. For protesting the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, he was hounded by the IRS and driven to migrant labor in the fields of the West. He had a romance with Dorothy Day, founder of the Catholic Worker, who called him a “prophet and a peasant.” He helped the homeless on the Bowery, founded the Joe Hill House of Hospitality in Salt Lake City, and protested the US development of nuclear missiles, becoming in the process one of the most celebrated anarchists of the twentieth century. To our era, when so much “protest” happens on social media, his actual sacrifices seem unworldly.
Ammon Hennacy was a forerunner of contemporary progressive thought, and he remains a beacon for challenges that confront the world and especially the US today. In this exceptional biography, William Marling tells the story of this fascinating figure, who remains particularly important for the Catholic Left. In addition to establishing Hennacy as an exemplar of vegetarianism, ecology, and pacificism, Marling illuminates a broader history of political ideas now largely lost: the late nineteenth-century utopian movements, the grassroots socialist movements before World War I, and the antinuclear protests of the 1960s. A nuanced study of when religion and anarchist theory overlap, Christian Anarchist: Ammon Hennacy, A Life on the Catholic Left (NYU Press, 2022) shows how Hennacy’s life at the heart of radical libertarian and anarchist interventions in American politics not only galvanized the public then, but offers us new insight for today.
William Marling is Professor of English and World Literature at Case Western Reserve University. He is the author of a number of books, most recently Gatekeepers: The Emergence of World Literature and the 1960s (Oxford UP, 2016), which won the Nancy Dasher Prize and was the subject of an international conference in Hannover, Germany.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ammon Hennacy was arrested over thirty times for opposing US entry in World War 1. Later, when he refused to pay taxes that support war, he lost his wife and daughters, and then his job. For protesting the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, he was hounded by the IRS and driven to migrant labor in the fields of the West. He had a romance with Dorothy Day, founder of the <em>Catholic Worker</em>, who called him a “prophet and a peasant.” He helped the homeless on the Bowery, founded the Joe Hill House of Hospitality in Salt Lake City, and protested the US development of nuclear missiles, becoming in the process one of the most celebrated anarchists of the twentieth century. To our era, when so much “protest” happens on social media, his actual sacrifices seem unworldly.</p><p>Ammon Hennacy was a forerunner of contemporary progressive thought, and he remains a beacon for challenges that confront the world and especially the US today. In this exceptional biography, William Marling tells the story of this fascinating figure, who remains particularly important for the Catholic Left. In addition to establishing Hennacy as an exemplar of vegetarianism, ecology, and pacificism, Marling illuminates a broader history of political ideas now largely lost: the late nineteenth-century utopian movements, the grassroots socialist movements before World War I, and the antinuclear protests of the 1960s. A nuanced study of when religion and anarchist theory overlap, <a href="https://nyupress.org/9781479810079/christian-anarchist/"><em>Christian Anarchist: Ammon Hennacy, A Life on the Catholic Left</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2022) shows how Hennacy’s life at the heart of radical libertarian and anarchist interventions in American politics not only galvanized the public then, but offers us new insight for today.</p><p><strong>William Marling </strong>is Professor of English and World Literature at Case Western Reserve University. He is the author of a number of books, most recently <em>Gatekeepers: The Emergence of World Literature and the 1960s</em> (Oxford UP, 2016), which won the Nancy Dasher Prize and was the subject of an international conference in Hannover, Germany.</p><p><strong><em>Jackson Reinhardt </em></strong><em>is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>4185</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Shana Kushner Gadarian et al., "Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>None of us really want to relive our first encounters with COVID-19 and the disruptions to our lives, to say nothing of the anxiety and concern about the life-threatening nature of this virus as it spread around the globe. At the same time, Shana Kushner Gadarian, Sara Wallace Goodman, and Thomas B. Pepinsky ask us to reflect on our experiences and the responses to COVID-19 in the United States in their new book, Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID (Princeton UP, 2022). Kushner Gadarian, Wallace Goodman, and Pepinsky were able to put sizeable surveys into the field starting as early as March 2020, as the pandemic was taking hold in the United States and as our daily lives started to “shut down.” The three authors continued to send out the same survey to the same individuals over the course of the next two years, eventually pulling together data from six waves of surveys of some 3000 Americans. The center of the research design was to try to examine individual attitudes towards COVID-19 itself, and how people responded to the pandemic threat and the mitigation efforts. Because of the capacity to survey the same individuals over time, the authors were able to see the way that people changed their thinking as COVID itself mutated and re-situated itself in different parts of the country. The conclusion from all of this data and information is that, in the United States, partisanship swamped everything else in terms of how individuals thought about, reacted to, and responded to COVID-19.
Pandemic Politics explores the way that citizens were picking up on different signals from partisan leadership because there were differing approaches to how to handle and respond to COVID-19. This was unique in the United States in comparison to other countries. Because of competing messages coming from different authoritative individuals (like the president of the United States, governors, state and local level health authorities, CDC and NIH experts, etc.) and, especially at the beginning of the pandemic, there was a significant knowledge gap as to what to do and how to keep ourselves safe, many Americans found themselves confused and concerned. As a result, the data indicates that Republicans and Democrats were hearing and seeing different information, different advice, and this continued and became more entrenched as the pandemic continued. The authors also note that the structural foundation for these partisan differences were already present before the pandemic—there were pre-existing conditions within the body politic that subsequently led to the sclerotic partisan reactions to the pandemic itself and to the efforts to mitigate the impact of COVID-19.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of the new book, The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>631</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shana Kushner Gadarian, Sara Wallace Goodman, and Thomas B. Pepinsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>None of us really want to relive our first encounters with COVID-19 and the disruptions to our lives, to say nothing of the anxiety and concern about the life-threatening nature of this virus as it spread around the globe. At the same time, Shana Kushner Gadarian, Sara Wallace Goodman, and Thomas B. Pepinsky ask us to reflect on our experiences and the responses to COVID-19 in the United States in their new book, Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID (Princeton UP, 2022). Kushner Gadarian, Wallace Goodman, and Pepinsky were able to put sizeable surveys into the field starting as early as March 2020, as the pandemic was taking hold in the United States and as our daily lives started to “shut down.” The three authors continued to send out the same survey to the same individuals over the course of the next two years, eventually pulling together data from six waves of surveys of some 3000 Americans. The center of the research design was to try to examine individual attitudes towards COVID-19 itself, and how people responded to the pandemic threat and the mitigation efforts. Because of the capacity to survey the same individuals over time, the authors were able to see the way that people changed their thinking as COVID itself mutated and re-situated itself in different parts of the country. The conclusion from all of this data and information is that, in the United States, partisanship swamped everything else in terms of how individuals thought about, reacted to, and responded to COVID-19.
Pandemic Politics explores the way that citizens were picking up on different signals from partisan leadership because there were differing approaches to how to handle and respond to COVID-19. This was unique in the United States in comparison to other countries. Because of competing messages coming from different authoritative individuals (like the president of the United States, governors, state and local level health authorities, CDC and NIH experts, etc.) and, especially at the beginning of the pandemic, there was a significant knowledge gap as to what to do and how to keep ourselves safe, many Americans found themselves confused and concerned. As a result, the data indicates that Republicans and Democrats were hearing and seeing different information, different advice, and this continued and became more entrenched as the pandemic continued. The authors also note that the structural foundation for these partisan differences were already present before the pandemic—there were pre-existing conditions within the body politic that subsequently led to the sclerotic partisan reactions to the pandemic itself and to the efforts to mitigate the impact of COVID-19.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of the new book, The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe (University Press of Kansas, 2022). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>None of us really want to relive our first encounters with COVID-19 and the disruptions to our lives, to say nothing of the anxiety and concern about the life-threatening nature of this virus as it spread around the globe. At the same time, Shana Kushner Gadarian, Sara Wallace Goodman, and Thomas B. Pepinsky ask us to reflect on our experiences and the responses to COVID-19 in the United States in their new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691218991"><em>Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID</em></a><em> (Princeton UP, 2022)</em>. Kushner Gadarian, Wallace Goodman, and Pepinsky were able to put sizeable surveys into the field starting as early as March 2020, as the pandemic was taking hold in the United States and as our daily lives started to “shut down.” The three authors continued to send out the same survey to the same individuals over the course of the next two years, eventually pulling together data from six waves of surveys of some 3000 Americans. The center of the research design was to try to examine individual attitudes towards COVID-19 itself, and how people responded to the pandemic threat and the mitigation efforts. Because of the capacity to survey the same individuals over time, the authors were able to see the way that people changed their thinking as COVID itself mutated and re-situated itself in different parts of the country. The conclusion from all of this data and information is that, in the United States, partisanship swamped everything else in terms of how individuals thought about, reacted to, and responded to COVID-19.</p><p><em>Pandemic Politics</em> explores the way that citizens were picking up on different signals from partisan leadership because there were differing approaches to how to handle and respond to COVID-19. This was unique in the United States in comparison to other countries. Because of competing messages coming from different authoritative individuals (like the president of the United States, governors, state and local level health authorities, CDC and NIH experts, etc.) and, especially at the beginning of the pandemic, there was a significant knowledge gap as to what to do and how to keep ourselves safe, many Americans found themselves confused and concerned. As a result, the data indicates that Republicans and Democrats were hearing and seeing different information, different advice, and this continued and became more entrenched as the pandemic continued. The authors also note that the structural foundation for these partisan differences were already present before the pandemic—there were pre-existing conditions within the body politic that subsequently led to the sclerotic partisan reactions to the pandemic itself and to the efforts to mitigate the impact of COVID-19.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of the new book, </em><a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/9780700633883/"><em>The Politics of the Marvel Cinematic Universe</em></a><em> (University Press of Kansas, 2022)</em>.<em> Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2687</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Multiculturalism: A Discussion with Patti Tamara Lenard and Peter Balint</title>
      <description>What is the best way to achieve societal harmony in a place in which groups of people with different identities are living together. Should minority groups be given exemptions from general policies and laws or is it better to say majority privilege should be removed by finding solutions in which the law applies equally to the minority and the majority. Owen Bennett Jones was joined by co-authors Peter Balint and Patti Lenard who have discussed these issues in Debating Multiculturalism: Should There be Minority Rights? (Oxford UP, 2022).
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>40</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the best way to achieve societal harmony in a place in which groups of people with different identities are living together. Should minority groups be given exemptions from general policies and laws or is it better to say majority privilege should be removed by finding solutions in which the law applies equally to the minority and the majority. Owen Bennett Jones was joined by co-authors Peter Balint and Patti Lenard who have discussed these issues in Debating Multiculturalism: Should There be Minority Rights? (Oxford UP, 2022).
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the best way to achieve societal harmony in a place in which groups of people with different identities are living together. Should minority groups be given exemptions from general policies and laws or is it better to say majority privilege should be removed by finding solutions in which the law applies equally to the minority and the majority. Owen Bennett Jones was joined by co-authors Peter Balint and Patti Lenard who have discussed these issues in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197528372"><em>Debating Multiculturalism: Should There be Minority Rights?</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022).</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3105</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Tara T. Green, "Love, Activism, and the Respectable Life of Alice Dunbar-Nelson" (Bloomsbury, 2022)</title>
      <description>Born in New Orleans in 1875 to a mother who was formerly enslaved and a father of questionable identity, Alice Dunbar-Nelson was a pioneering activist, writer, suffragist, and educator. Until now, Dunbar-Nelson has largely been viewed only in relation to her abusive ex-husband, the poet Paul Laurence Dunbar. Love, Activism, and the Respectable Life of Alice Dunbar-Nelson (Bloomsbury, 2022) is the first book-length look at this major figure in Black women's history, covering her life from the post-reconstruction era through the Harlem Renaissance. Tara T. Green builds on Black feminist, sexuality, historical and cultural studies to create a literary biography that examines Dunbar-Nelson's life and legacy as a respectable activist – a woman who navigated complex challenges associated with resisting racism and sexism, and who defined her sexual identity and sexual agency within the confines of respectability politics. It's a book about the past, but it's also a book about the present that nods to the future.
Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>339</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tara T. Green</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Born in New Orleans in 1875 to a mother who was formerly enslaved and a father of questionable identity, Alice Dunbar-Nelson was a pioneering activist, writer, suffragist, and educator. Until now, Dunbar-Nelson has largely been viewed only in relation to her abusive ex-husband, the poet Paul Laurence Dunbar. Love, Activism, and the Respectable Life of Alice Dunbar-Nelson (Bloomsbury, 2022) is the first book-length look at this major figure in Black women's history, covering her life from the post-reconstruction era through the Harlem Renaissance. Tara T. Green builds on Black feminist, sexuality, historical and cultural studies to create a literary biography that examines Dunbar-Nelson's life and legacy as a respectable activist – a woman who navigated complex challenges associated with resisting racism and sexism, and who defined her sexual identity and sexual agency within the confines of respectability politics. It's a book about the past, but it's also a book about the present that nods to the future.
Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Born in New Orleans in 1875 to a mother who was formerly enslaved and a father of questionable identity, Alice Dunbar-Nelson was a pioneering activist, writer, suffragist, and educator. Until now, Dunbar-Nelson has largely been viewed only in relation to her abusive ex-husband, the poet Paul Laurence Dunbar. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501382307"><em>Love, Activism, and the Respectable Life of Alice Dunbar-Nelson</em></a> (Bloomsbury, 2022) is the first book-length look at this major figure in Black women's history, covering her life from the post-reconstruction era through the Harlem Renaissance. Tara T. Green builds on Black feminist, sexuality, historical and cultural studies to create a literary biography that examines Dunbar-Nelson's life and legacy as a respectable activist – a woman who navigated complex challenges associated with resisting racism and sexism, and who defined her sexual identity and sexual agency within the confines of respectability politics. It's a book about the past, but it's also a book about the present that nods to the future.</p><p><a href="https://history.rutgers.edu/people/graduate-students/grad-student/1155-mcneil-adam"><em>Adam McNeil</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2928</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jennifer Mittelstadt and Mark R. Wilson, "The Military and the Market" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Throughout its history, the U.S. military has worked in close connection to market-based institutions and structures. It has run systems of free and unfree labor, taken over private sector firms, and both spurred and snuffed out economic development. It has created new markets―for consumer products, for sex work, and for new technologies. It has operated as a regulator of industries and firms and an arbitrator of labor practices. And in recent decades it has gone so far as to refashion itself from the inside, so as to become more similar to a for-profit corporation.
The Military and the Market (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) covers two centuries of history of the U.S. military’s vast and varied economic operations, including its often tense relationships with capitalist markets. Collecting new scholarship at the intersection of the fields of military history, business history, policy history, and the history of capitalism, the nine chapters feature important new research on subjects ranging from Civil War soldier-entrepreneurs, to the business of the construction of housing and overseas bases for the Cold War, to the U.S. military’s troubled relationships with markets for sex. The volume enriches scholars’ understandings of the depth and complexity of military-market relations in U.S. history and offers today’s military policymakers novel insights about the origins of current arrangements and how they might be reimagined.
Jennifer Mittelstadt is Professor of History at Rutgers University and author of The Rise of the Military Welfare State.
Mark R. Wilson is Professor of History at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte, and author of Destructive Creation: American Business and the Winning of World War II, also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press.
Alex Beckstrand is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Connecticut, a lecturer at Central Connecticut State University, and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves. He works in the aerospace industry.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>129</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jennifer Mittelstadt and Mark R. Wilson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout its history, the U.S. military has worked in close connection to market-based institutions and structures. It has run systems of free and unfree labor, taken over private sector firms, and both spurred and snuffed out economic development. It has created new markets―for consumer products, for sex work, and for new technologies. It has operated as a regulator of industries and firms and an arbitrator of labor practices. And in recent decades it has gone so far as to refashion itself from the inside, so as to become more similar to a for-profit corporation.
The Military and the Market (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) covers two centuries of history of the U.S. military’s vast and varied economic operations, including its often tense relationships with capitalist markets. Collecting new scholarship at the intersection of the fields of military history, business history, policy history, and the history of capitalism, the nine chapters feature important new research on subjects ranging from Civil War soldier-entrepreneurs, to the business of the construction of housing and overseas bases for the Cold War, to the U.S. military’s troubled relationships with markets for sex. The volume enriches scholars’ understandings of the depth and complexity of military-market relations in U.S. history and offers today’s military policymakers novel insights about the origins of current arrangements and how they might be reimagined.
Jennifer Mittelstadt is Professor of History at Rutgers University and author of The Rise of the Military Welfare State.
Mark R. Wilson is Professor of History at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte, and author of Destructive Creation: American Business and the Winning of World War II, also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press.
Alex Beckstrand is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Connecticut, a lecturer at Central Connecticut State University, and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves. He works in the aerospace industry.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout its history, the U.S. military has worked in close connection to market-based institutions and structures. It has run systems of free and unfree labor, taken over private sector firms, and both spurred and snuffed out economic development. It has created new markets―for consumer products, for sex work, and for new technologies. It has operated as a regulator of industries and firms and an arbitrator of labor practices. And in recent decades it has gone so far as to refashion itself from the inside, so as to become more similar to a for-profit corporation.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781512823233"><em>The Military and the Market</em> </a>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2022) covers two centuries of history of the U.S. military’s vast and varied economic operations, including its often tense relationships with capitalist markets. Collecting new scholarship at the intersection of the fields of military history, business history, policy history, and the history of capitalism, the nine chapters feature important new research on subjects ranging from Civil War soldier-entrepreneurs, to the business of the construction of housing and overseas bases for the Cold War, to the U.S. military’s troubled relationships with markets for sex. The volume enriches scholars’ understandings of the depth and complexity of military-market relations in U.S. history and offers today’s military policymakers novel insights about the origins of current arrangements and how they might be reimagined.</p><p>Jennifer Mittelstadt is Professor of History at Rutgers University and author of <em>The Rise of the Military Welfare State</em>.</p><p>Mark R. Wilson is Professor of History at the University of North Carolina, Charlotte, and author of <em>Destructive Creation: American Business and the Winning of World War II, </em>also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press.</p><p><em>Alex Beckstrand is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Connecticut, a lecturer at Central Connecticut State University, and an officer in the Marine Corps Reserves. He works in the aerospace industry.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2991</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Catherine N. Wineinger, "Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women's Representation in Congress" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women's Representation in Congress (Oxford UP, 2022), Catherine N. Wineinger argues that to truly understand the evolution of women's congressional representation, it is necessary to move beyond an analysis of legislative behavior and toward an analysis of intraparty gender dynamics. Unlike previous research on women in Congress, Wineinger focuses exclusively on the experiences of Republican congresswomen to uncover some of the gendered implications of congressional polarization.
Developing a novel theory of partisan-gender identity, defined as a categorical identity that sits at the intersection of one's partisan affiliation and gender identity, Gendering the GOP argues that Republican women in Congress are not merely gender-blind partisans. In fact, polarization and party competition have incentivized Republican women to organize around their partisan-gender identity and distinguish themselves from both Democratic women and Republican men. In so doing, Republican congresswomen have increased their visibility as party messengers, while simultaneously upholding a party culture that limits women's presence and power in the institution. Through extensive interviews with women members of Congress and in-depth analyses of House floor speeches, Wineinger details how women have both navigated and shaped existing gender dynamics within the House GOP conference.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>217</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Catherine N. Wineinger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women's Representation in Congress (Oxford UP, 2022), Catherine N. Wineinger argues that to truly understand the evolution of women's congressional representation, it is necessary to move beyond an analysis of legislative behavior and toward an analysis of intraparty gender dynamics. Unlike previous research on women in Congress, Wineinger focuses exclusively on the experiences of Republican congresswomen to uncover some of the gendered implications of congressional polarization.
Developing a novel theory of partisan-gender identity, defined as a categorical identity that sits at the intersection of one's partisan affiliation and gender identity, Gendering the GOP argues that Republican women in Congress are not merely gender-blind partisans. In fact, polarization and party competition have incentivized Republican women to organize around their partisan-gender identity and distinguish themselves from both Democratic women and Republican men. In so doing, Republican congresswomen have increased their visibility as party messengers, while simultaneously upholding a party culture that limits women's presence and power in the institution. Through extensive interviews with women members of Congress and in-depth analyses of House floor speeches, Wineinger details how women have both navigated and shaped existing gender dynamics within the House GOP conference.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197556542"><em>Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women's Representation in Congress</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2022), Catherine N. Wineinger argues that to truly understand the evolution of women's congressional representation, it is necessary to move beyond an analysis of legislative behavior and toward an analysis of intraparty gender dynamics. Unlike previous research on women in Congress, Wineinger focuses exclusively on the experiences of Republican congresswomen to uncover some of the gendered implications of congressional polarization.</p><p>Developing a novel theory of partisan-gender identity, defined as a categorical identity that sits at the intersection of one's partisan affiliation and gender identity, <em>Gendering the GOP</em> argues that Republican women in Congress are not merely gender-blind partisans. In fact, polarization and party competition have incentivized Republican women to organize around their partisan-gender identity and distinguish themselves from both Democratic women <em>and</em> Republican men. In so doing, Republican congresswomen have increased their visibility as party messengers, while simultaneously upholding a party culture that limits women's presence and power in the institution. Through extensive interviews with women members of Congress and in-depth analyses of House floor speeches, Wineinger details how women have both navigated and shaped existing gender dynamics within the House GOP conference.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2553</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jeanne Theoharis, "The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks" (Beacon Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks (Beacon Press, 2015) is the definitive political biography of Rosa Parks and the basis for a 2022 documentary, Theoharis's book examines Park's six decades of activism, challenging perceptions of her as an accidental actor in the civil rights movement. 
This interview revisits the original book, as well as Dr. Theoharis's involvement as a consulting producer and participant in the documentary. The film premiered in 2022 at the Tribeca Film Festival and is currently streaming on Peacock Presenting a powerful corrective to the popular iconography of Rosa Parks as the quiet seamstress who with a single act birthed the modern civil rights movement, scholar Jeanne Theoharis excavates Parks’s political philosophy and six decades of activism. Theoharis masterfully details the political depth of a national heroine who dedicated her life to fighting American inequality and, in the process, resurrects a civil rights movement radical who has been hidden in plain sight far too long.
Joel Tscherne is an Adjunct History Professor at Southern New Hampshire University and an Associate Faculty member at University of Arizona Global Campus. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 23 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>146</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeanne Theoharis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks (Beacon Press, 2015) is the definitive political biography of Rosa Parks and the basis for a 2022 documentary, Theoharis's book examines Park's six decades of activism, challenging perceptions of her as an accidental actor in the civil rights movement. 
This interview revisits the original book, as well as Dr. Theoharis's involvement as a consulting producer and participant in the documentary. The film premiered in 2022 at the Tribeca Film Festival and is currently streaming on Peacock Presenting a powerful corrective to the popular iconography of Rosa Parks as the quiet seamstress who with a single act birthed the modern civil rights movement, scholar Jeanne Theoharis excavates Parks’s political philosophy and six decades of activism. Theoharis masterfully details the political depth of a national heroine who dedicated her life to fighting American inequality and, in the process, resurrects a civil rights movement radical who has been hidden in plain sight far too long.
Joel Tscherne is an Adjunct History Professor at Southern New Hampshire University and an Associate Faculty member at University of Arizona Global Campus. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807076927"><em>The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks</em></a> (Beacon Press, 2015) is the definitive political biography of Rosa Parks and the basis for a 2022 documentary, Theoharis's book examines Park's six decades of activism, challenging perceptions of her as an accidental actor in the civil rights movement. </p><p>This interview revisits the original book, as well as Dr. Theoharis's involvement as a consulting producer and participant in the documentary. The film premiered in 2022 at the Tribeca Film Festival and is currently streaming on Peacock Presenting a powerful corrective to the popular iconography of Rosa Parks as the quiet seamstress who with a single act birthed the modern civil rights movement, scholar Jeanne Theoharis excavates Parks’s political philosophy and six decades of activism. Theoharis masterfully details the political depth of a national heroine who dedicated her life to fighting American inequality and, in the process, resurrects a civil rights movement radical who has been hidden in plain sight far too long.</p><p><em>Joel Tscherne is an Adjunct History Professor at Southern New Hampshire University and an Associate Faculty member at University of Arizona Global Campus. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3690</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Eric MacGilvray, "Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The liberalism that is defended here is therefore itself an object of political contestation, and not just the background against which such contestation takes place. If we can look to the past achievements of liberal polities – the widespread (but still imperfect) acceptance of religious toleration and free inquiry, the relative (but still woefully incomplete) deconstruction of class, gender, and racial hierarchies, the (possibly temporary) defeat of totalitarianisms, left and right – to remind ourselves of the promise of a liberal politics, we can look to our many remaining failings, and to the fact that even our achievements are preserved only through our own vigilance, to remind ourselves how fallible our ideals, and the institutions that we have built upon them, actually are. Liberal freedom is, in short, both a richer and a more fragile ideal than many of its supporters – and critics – realize.
– Eric MacGilvray, Liberal Freedom (2022)
Professor MacGilvray has been studying the concept of freedom for over 15 years culminating in his latest Cambridge University Press publication: Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics. For anyone interested in the importance of freedom and liberalism and the key concepts and thinkers written as intellectual history from the discerning eye of a political theorist and analytic philosopher you will find this book most engaging. His explanation of its relevant issues are well worth your time in this interview. Here is the publisher’s description which provides a nice synopsis of the book’s main focus:
"We seem to be losing the ability to talk to each other about – and despite – our political differences. The liberal tradition, with its emphasis on open-mindedness, toleration, and inclusion, is ideally suited to respond to this challenge. Yet liberalism is often seen today as a barrier to constructive dialogue: narrowly focused on individual rights, indifferent to the communal sources of human well-being, and deeply implicated in structures of economic and social domination. This book provides a novel defense of liberalism that weaves together a commitment to republican self-government, an emphasis on the value of unregulated choice, and an appreciation of how hard it is to strike a balance between them. By treating freedom rather than justice as the central liberal value this important book, critical to the times, provides an indispensable resource for constructive dialogue in a time of political polarization."
Eric’s thoughtful book recommendation pairings from this interview for interested listeners:

Political philosophy – 1) Philip Pettit’s Just Freedom; 2) Elizabeth Anderson’s Private Government


Political thought – 1) Mill’s Considerations of Representative Government; 2) L.T. Hobhouse’s Liberalism


Popular political – 1) Gopnik’s A Thousand Small Sanities; 2) Rosenblatt’s The Lost History of Liberalism


Also, as discussed, The Atlantic article based on Packer’s book: Last Best Hope - America in Crisis and Renewal


﻿
Eric MacGilvray is a political theorist at Ohio State University whose research and teaching interests focus on liberal, republican, and democratic theory as well as the pragmatic philosophical tradition. He is a pragmatist whose scholarly journal articles have appeared in the American Journal of Political Science, the Journal of Political Philosophy, Political Theory, and Social Philosophy and Policy, among others. Liberal Freedom is his third book and builds on his second, The Invention of Market Freedom.
Keith Krueger lectures part-time in the Sydney Business School at Shanghai University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 23 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>166</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric MacGilvray</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The liberalism that is defended here is therefore itself an object of political contestation, and not just the background against which such contestation takes place. If we can look to the past achievements of liberal polities – the widespread (but still imperfect) acceptance of religious toleration and free inquiry, the relative (but still woefully incomplete) deconstruction of class, gender, and racial hierarchies, the (possibly temporary) defeat of totalitarianisms, left and right – to remind ourselves of the promise of a liberal politics, we can look to our many remaining failings, and to the fact that even our achievements are preserved only through our own vigilance, to remind ourselves how fallible our ideals, and the institutions that we have built upon them, actually are. Liberal freedom is, in short, both a richer and a more fragile ideal than many of its supporters – and critics – realize.
– Eric MacGilvray, Liberal Freedom (2022)
Professor MacGilvray has been studying the concept of freedom for over 15 years culminating in his latest Cambridge University Press publication: Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics. For anyone interested in the importance of freedom and liberalism and the key concepts and thinkers written as intellectual history from the discerning eye of a political theorist and analytic philosopher you will find this book most engaging. His explanation of its relevant issues are well worth your time in this interview. Here is the publisher’s description which provides a nice synopsis of the book’s main focus:
"We seem to be losing the ability to talk to each other about – and despite – our political differences. The liberal tradition, with its emphasis on open-mindedness, toleration, and inclusion, is ideally suited to respond to this challenge. Yet liberalism is often seen today as a barrier to constructive dialogue: narrowly focused on individual rights, indifferent to the communal sources of human well-being, and deeply implicated in structures of economic and social domination. This book provides a novel defense of liberalism that weaves together a commitment to republican self-government, an emphasis on the value of unregulated choice, and an appreciation of how hard it is to strike a balance between them. By treating freedom rather than justice as the central liberal value this important book, critical to the times, provides an indispensable resource for constructive dialogue in a time of political polarization."
Eric’s thoughtful book recommendation pairings from this interview for interested listeners:

Political philosophy – 1) Philip Pettit’s Just Freedom; 2) Elizabeth Anderson’s Private Government


Political thought – 1) Mill’s Considerations of Representative Government; 2) L.T. Hobhouse’s Liberalism


Popular political – 1) Gopnik’s A Thousand Small Sanities; 2) Rosenblatt’s The Lost History of Liberalism


Also, as discussed, The Atlantic article based on Packer’s book: Last Best Hope - America in Crisis and Renewal


﻿
Eric MacGilvray is a political theorist at Ohio State University whose research and teaching interests focus on liberal, republican, and democratic theory as well as the pragmatic philosophical tradition. He is a pragmatist whose scholarly journal articles have appeared in the American Journal of Political Science, the Journal of Political Philosophy, Political Theory, and Social Philosophy and Policy, among others. Liberal Freedom is his third book and builds on his second, The Invention of Market Freedom.
Keith Krueger lectures part-time in the Sydney Business School at Shanghai University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>The liberalism that is defended here is therefore itself an object of political contestation, and not just the background against which such contestation takes place. If we can look to the past achievements of liberal polities – the widespread (but still imperfect) acceptance of religious toleration and free inquiry, the relative (but still woefully incomplete) deconstruction of class, gender, and racial hierarchies, the (possibly temporary) defeat of totalitarianisms, left and right – to remind ourselves of the promise of a liberal politics, we can look to our many remaining failings, and to the fact that even our achievements are preserved only through our own vigilance, to remind ourselves how fallible our ideals, and the institutions that we have built upon them, actually are. Liberal freedom is, in short, both a richer and a more fragile ideal than many of its supporters – and critics – realize.</em></p><p>– Eric MacGilvray, <em>Liberal Freedom</em> (2022)</p><p>Professor MacGilvray has been studying the concept of freedom for over 15 years culminating in his latest Cambridge University Press publication:<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108836951"> <em>Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics</em></a>. For anyone interested in the importance of freedom and liberalism and the key concepts and thinkers written as intellectual history from the discerning eye of a political theorist and analytic philosopher you will find this book most engaging. His explanation of its relevant issues are well worth your time in this interview. Here is the publisher’s description which provides a nice synopsis of the book’s main focus:</p><p>"We seem to be losing the ability to talk to each other about – and despite – our political differences. The liberal tradition, with its emphasis on open-mindedness, toleration, and inclusion, is ideally suited to respond to this challenge. Yet liberalism is often seen today as a barrier to constructive dialogue: narrowly focused on individual rights, indifferent to the communal sources of human well-being, and deeply implicated in structures of economic and social domination. This book provides a novel defense of liberalism that weaves together a commitment to republican self-government, an emphasis on the value of unregulated choice, and an appreciation of how hard it is to strike a balance between them. By treating freedom rather than justice as the central liberal value this important book, critical to the times, provides an indispensable resource for constructive dialogue in a time of political polarization."</p><p>Eric’s thoughtful book recommendation pairings from this interview for interested listeners:</p><ul>
<li>Political philosophy – 1) Philip Pettit’s <em>Just Freedom</em>; 2) Elizabeth Anderson’s <em>Private Government</em>
</li>
<li>Political thought – 1) Mill’s <em>Considerations of Representative Government</em>; 2) L.T. Hobhouse’s <em>Liberalism</em>
</li>
<li>Popular political – 1) Gopnik’s <em>A Thousand Small Sanities</em>; 2) Rosenblatt’s <em>The Lost History of Liberalism</em>
</li>
<li>Also, as discussed, <em>The Atlantic</em> article based on Packer’s book:<em> </em><a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2021/07/george-packer-four-americas/619012/"><em>Last Best Hope - America in Crisis and Renewal</em></a>
</li>
</ul><p><em>﻿</em></p><p>Eric MacGilvray is a political theorist at Ohio State University whose research and teaching interests focus on liberal, republican, and democratic theory as well as the pragmatic philosophical tradition. He is a pragmatist whose scholarly journal articles have appeared in the <em>American Journal of Political Science</em>, the <em>Journal of Political Philosophy, Political Theory</em>, and <em>Social Philosophy and Policy</em>, among others. <em>Liberal Freedom</em> is his third book and builds on his second, <em>The Invention of Market Freedom</em>.</p><p><em>Keith Krueger lectures part-time in the Sydney Business School at Shanghai University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3774</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Amy Gajda, "Seek and Hide: The Tangled History of the Right to Privacy" (Viking, 2022)</title>
      <description>Should everyone have privacy in their personal lives? Can privacy exist in a public place? Is there a right to be left alone, even in the United States?
The battle between an individual’s right to privacy and the public’s right to know has been fought for centuries. You may be surprised to realize that the original framers were sensitive to the importance of privacy interests relating to sexuality and intimate life, but mostly just for the powerful and the privileged.
The founders demanded privacy for all the wrong press-quashing reasons. Supreme Court jus­tice Louis Brandeis famously promoted First Amend­ment freedoms but argued strongly for privacy too; and presidents from Thomas Jefferson through Don­ald Trump confidently hid behind privacy despite the public interest in their lives.
Today privacy seems simultaneously under siege and surging. And that’s doubly dangerous, as author Amy Gajda argues. Too little privacy leaves ordinary people vulnerable to those who deal in and publish soul-crushing secrets. Too much means the famous and infamous can cloak themselves in secrecy and dodge accountability. Seek and Hide: The Tangled History of the Right to Privacy (Viking, 2022) carries us from the very start, when privacy concepts first entered American law and society, to now, when the law al­lows a Silicon Valley titan to destroy a media site like Gawker out of spite. Muckraker Upton Sinclair, like Nellie Bly before him, pushed the envelope of privacy and propriety and then became a privacy advocate when journalists used the same techniques against him. By the early 2000s we were on our way to today’s full-blown crisis in the digital age, worrying that smartphones, webcams, basement publishers, and the forever internet had erased privacy completely.
Renee Garfinkel, Ph.D. is a psychologist, writer, Middle East television commentator and host of The New Books Network’s Van Leer Jerusalem Series on Ideas. Write her at reneeg@vanleer.org.il. She's on Twitter @embracingwisdom. She blogs here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>85</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amy Gajda</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Should everyone have privacy in their personal lives? Can privacy exist in a public place? Is there a right to be left alone, even in the United States?
The battle between an individual’s right to privacy and the public’s right to know has been fought for centuries. You may be surprised to realize that the original framers were sensitive to the importance of privacy interests relating to sexuality and intimate life, but mostly just for the powerful and the privileged.
The founders demanded privacy for all the wrong press-quashing reasons. Supreme Court jus­tice Louis Brandeis famously promoted First Amend­ment freedoms but argued strongly for privacy too; and presidents from Thomas Jefferson through Don­ald Trump confidently hid behind privacy despite the public interest in their lives.
Today privacy seems simultaneously under siege and surging. And that’s doubly dangerous, as author Amy Gajda argues. Too little privacy leaves ordinary people vulnerable to those who deal in and publish soul-crushing secrets. Too much means the famous and infamous can cloak themselves in secrecy and dodge accountability. Seek and Hide: The Tangled History of the Right to Privacy (Viking, 2022) carries us from the very start, when privacy concepts first entered American law and society, to now, when the law al­lows a Silicon Valley titan to destroy a media site like Gawker out of spite. Muckraker Upton Sinclair, like Nellie Bly before him, pushed the envelope of privacy and propriety and then became a privacy advocate when journalists used the same techniques against him. By the early 2000s we were on our way to today’s full-blown crisis in the digital age, worrying that smartphones, webcams, basement publishers, and the forever internet had erased privacy completely.
Renee Garfinkel, Ph.D. is a psychologist, writer, Middle East television commentator and host of The New Books Network’s Van Leer Jerusalem Series on Ideas. Write her at reneeg@vanleer.org.il. She's on Twitter @embracingwisdom. She blogs here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Should everyone have privacy in their personal lives? Can privacy exist in a public place? Is there a right to be left alone, even in the United States?</p><p>The battle between an individual’s right to privacy and the public’s right to know has been fought for centuries. You may be surprised to realize that the original framers were sensitive to the importance of privacy interests relating to sexuality and intimate life, but mostly just for the powerful and the privileged.</p><p>The founders demanded privacy for all the wrong press-quashing reasons. Supreme Court jus­tice Louis Brandeis famously promoted First Amend­ment freedoms but argued strongly for privacy too; and presidents from Thomas Jefferson through Don­ald Trump confidently hid behind privacy despite the public interest in their lives.</p><p>Today privacy seems simultaneously under siege and surging. And that’s doubly dangerous, as author Amy Gajda argues. Too little privacy leaves ordinary people vulnerable to those who deal in and publish soul-crushing secrets. Too much means the famous and infamous can cloak themselves in secrecy and dodge accountability. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781984880741"><em>Seek and Hide: The Tangled History of the Right to Privacy</em></a><em> </em>(Viking, 2022) carries us from the very start, when privacy concepts first entered American law and society, to now, when the law al­lows a Silicon Valley titan to destroy a media site like Gawker out of spite. Muckraker Upton Sinclair, like Nellie Bly before him, pushed the envelope of privacy and propriety and then became a privacy advocate when journalists used the same techniques against him. By the early 2000s we were on our way to today’s full-blown crisis in the digital age, worrying that smartphones, webcams, basement publishers, and the forever internet had erased privacy completely.</p><p><em>Renee Garfinkel, Ph.D. is a psychologist, writer, Middle East television commentator and host of The New Books Network’s </em><a href="https://www.vanleer.org.il/en/"><em>Van Leer Jerusalem</em></a><em> Series on Ideas. Write her at reneeg@vanleer.org.il. She's on Twitter @embracingwisdom. She blogs </em><a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/intl/blog/time-out"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2913</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Genovese, "The Modern Presidency: Six Debates That Define the Institution" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Modern Presidency: Six Debates That Define the Institution (Columbia University Press, 2022) is a concisely written book that helps makes sense of the most powerful office in America. Michael frames each chapter through a key conundrum about the nature of the presidency. He presents the strongest cases for the sides of every major debate, along with his own view. In addition to providing insight into the modern American presidency, Michael demonstrates how to think about tough issues with remarkable clarity.
Michael A. Genovese is professor of political science and president of the global policy institute at Loyola Marymount University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>630</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Genovese</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Modern Presidency: Six Debates That Define the Institution (Columbia University Press, 2022) is a concisely written book that helps makes sense of the most powerful office in America. Michael frames each chapter through a key conundrum about the nature of the presidency. He presents the strongest cases for the sides of every major debate, along with his own view. In addition to providing insight into the modern American presidency, Michael demonstrates how to think about tough issues with remarkable clarity.
Michael A. Genovese is professor of political science and president of the global policy institute at Loyola Marymount University.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231206662"><em>The Modern Presidency: Six Debates That Define the Institution</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia University Press, 2022) is a concisely written book that helps makes sense of the most powerful office in America. Michael frames each chapter through a key conundrum about the nature of the presidency. He presents the strongest cases for the sides of every major debate, along with his own view. In addition to providing insight into the modern American presidency, Michael demonstrates how to think about tough issues with remarkable clarity.</p><p>Michael A. Genovese is professor of political science and president of the global policy institute at Loyola Marymount University.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3612</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6703ee8e-6438-11ed-b8d2-bbbaebb3872f]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lyndsie Bourgon, "Tree Thieves: Crime and Survival in North America's Woods" (Little, Brown Spark, 2022)</title>
      <description>There's a strong chance that chair you are sitting on was made from stolen lumber. In Tree Thieves: Crime And Survival In North America's Woods (Little, Brown Spark, 2022), Lyndsie Bourgon takes us deep into the underbelly of the illegal timber market. As she traces three timber poaching cases, she introduces us to tree poachers, law enforcement, forensic wood specialists, the enigmatic residents of former logging communities, environmental activists, international timber cartels, and indigenous communities along the way.
Old-growth trees are invaluable and irreplaceable for both humans and wildlife, and are the oldest living things on earth. But the morality of tree poaching is not as simple as we might think: stealing trees is a form of deeply rooted protest, and a side effect of environmental preservation and protection that doesn't include communities that have been uprooted or marginalized when park boundaries are drawn. As Bourgon discovers, failing to include working class and rural communities in the preservation of these awe-inducing ecosystems can lead to catastrophic results.
Featuring excellent investigative reporting, fascinating characters, logging history, political analysis, and cutting-edge tree science, Tree Thieves takes readers on a thrilling journey into the intrigue, crime, and incredible complexity sheltered under the forest canopy.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>206</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lyndsie Bourgon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There's a strong chance that chair you are sitting on was made from stolen lumber. In Tree Thieves: Crime And Survival In North America's Woods (Little, Brown Spark, 2022), Lyndsie Bourgon takes us deep into the underbelly of the illegal timber market. As she traces three timber poaching cases, she introduces us to tree poachers, law enforcement, forensic wood specialists, the enigmatic residents of former logging communities, environmental activists, international timber cartels, and indigenous communities along the way.
Old-growth trees are invaluable and irreplaceable for both humans and wildlife, and are the oldest living things on earth. But the morality of tree poaching is not as simple as we might think: stealing trees is a form of deeply rooted protest, and a side effect of environmental preservation and protection that doesn't include communities that have been uprooted or marginalized when park boundaries are drawn. As Bourgon discovers, failing to include working class and rural communities in the preservation of these awe-inducing ecosystems can lead to catastrophic results.
Featuring excellent investigative reporting, fascinating characters, logging history, political analysis, and cutting-edge tree science, Tree Thieves takes readers on a thrilling journey into the intrigue, crime, and incredible complexity sheltered under the forest canopy.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There's a strong chance that chair you are sitting on was made from stolen lumber. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780316497442"><em>Tree Thieves: Crime And Survival In North America's Woods</em></a> (Little, Brown Spark, 2022), Lyndsie Bourgon takes us deep into the underbelly of the illegal timber market. As she traces three timber poaching cases, she introduces us to tree poachers, law enforcement, forensic wood specialists, the enigmatic residents of former logging communities, environmental activists, international timber cartels, and indigenous communities along the way.</p><p>Old-growth trees are invaluable and irreplaceable for both humans and wildlife, and are the oldest living things on earth. But the morality of tree poaching is not as simple as we might think: stealing trees is a form of deeply rooted protest, and a side effect of environmental preservation and protection that doesn't include communities that have been uprooted or marginalized when park boundaries are drawn. As Bourgon discovers, failing to include working class and rural communities in the preservation of these awe-inducing ecosystems can lead to catastrophic results.</p><p>Featuring excellent investigative reporting, fascinating characters, logging history, political analysis, and cutting-edge tree science, Tree Thieves takes readers on a thrilling journey into the intrigue, crime, and incredible complexity sheltered under the forest canopy.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2211</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>What is the Future of Populism?</title>
      <description>The world's wealthier countries have in recent years faced challenges from right-wing populist parties and movements that may rejuvenate origins from relatively far in the past, such as in the case of Italy, or they may constitute new formations disturbingly reminiscent of earlier movements of their kinds. So, for example, the Alternative for Germany, in Germany. So where does populism go from here?
This week on International Horizons, Umut Korkut from Glasgow Caledonian University discusses the goals and findings of the D.Rad De-Radicalization project in Europe and why and how people become radicalized from being alienated from the rest of society. Korkut also delves into other causes of radicalization, such as educational policies and political literacy gap and the manipulation by the elites. He goes on to discuss the nuances of populism in Europe and its variations in the imaginary of people. Finally, he argues that, because of trauma of recent events, voters are paralyzed and cannot see different political alternatives, which is applicable to the American, European, and Turkish cases.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>103</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Umut Korkut</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The world's wealthier countries have in recent years faced challenges from right-wing populist parties and movements that may rejuvenate origins from relatively far in the past, such as in the case of Italy, or they may constitute new formations disturbingly reminiscent of earlier movements of their kinds. So, for example, the Alternative for Germany, in Germany. So where does populism go from here?
This week on International Horizons, Umut Korkut from Glasgow Caledonian University discusses the goals and findings of the D.Rad De-Radicalization project in Europe and why and how people become radicalized from being alienated from the rest of society. Korkut also delves into other causes of radicalization, such as educational policies and political literacy gap and the manipulation by the elites. He goes on to discuss the nuances of populism in Europe and its variations in the imaginary of people. Finally, he argues that, because of trauma of recent events, voters are paralyzed and cannot see different political alternatives, which is applicable to the American, European, and Turkish cases.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The world's wealthier countries have in recent years faced challenges from right-wing populist parties and movements that may rejuvenate origins from relatively far in the past, such as in the case of Italy, or they may constitute new formations disturbingly reminiscent of earlier movements of their kinds. So, for example, the Alternative for Germany, in Germany. So where does populism go from here?</p><p>This week on International Horizons, Umut Korkut from Glasgow Caledonian University discusses the goals and findings of the D.Rad De-Radicalization project in Europe and why and how people become radicalized from being alienated from the rest of society. Korkut also delves into other causes of radicalization, such as educational policies and political literacy gap and the manipulation by the elites. He goes on to discuss the nuances of populism in Europe and its variations in the imaginary of people. Finally, he argues that, because of trauma of recent events, voters are paralyzed and cannot see different political alternatives, which is applicable to the American, European, and Turkish cases.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3045</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert P. Crease with Peter D. Bond, "The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory" (MIT Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.
A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 18 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>330</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert P. Crease</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.
A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.</p><p>A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262047180"><em>The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory</em></a> (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.</p><p><em>Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3258</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e4056ca8-5887-11ed-ab90-234ca555b18d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2387039397.mp3?updated=1667158356" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ethnonationalism since 1973: A Discussion with Quinn Slobodian</title>
      <description>What’s the relationship between immigration, globalization and demographics? And what is woke particularism?
John and Elizabeth turn for answers to Quinn Slobodian, professor of history at Wellesley College and author, most recently, of Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism.
In a 2019 discussion that proves eerily prescient of politics in 2022, first discuss Jean Raspail‘s racist 1973 novel The Camp of the Saints, a book whose popularity in certain quarters since its publication might explain how Europe has gone from Thatcher to Brexit, from Vaclav Havel to Viktor Orban. How is this xenophobic screed related to science fiction of the same period–and to John Locke? Pat Buchanan, American early adapter of Raspail’s hate-mongering, figures prominently.
They then turn to Garrett Hardin’s “Living on a Lifeboat” and John Lanchester’s recent novel The Wall to work out the ideas of forming a society beyond or beneath the state in less obviously racist terms than Raspail’s. What kind of hard choices need to be made in allocating resources? What claims about hard choices are just a screen for the powerful to make choices that, for them, aren’t actually that hard? Does gold make things more or less nationalized?
Finally, in Recallable Books, Quinn recommends Mutant Neoliberalism, edited by William Callison and Zachary Manfredi, for an attempt to really understand the politics of 2016 and beyond; Elizabeth recommends Douglas Holmes’s Economy of Words, an ethnography of central banks; and John recommends Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed, a novel of solitary solidarity.
Discussed in this episode:


The Camp of the Saints, Jean Raspail


A Republic, Not an Empire and The Death of the West, Pat Buchanan


Dune, Frank Herbert

“Living on a Lifeboat,” Garrett Hardin


The Lobster Gangs of Maine, James M. Acheson


The Limits to Growth, the Club of Rome


Libra, dir. Patty Newman

“Slaveship Earth &amp; the World-Historical Imagination in the Age of Climate Crisis,” Jason W. Moore


The Wall, John Lanchester


Mutant Neoliberalism: Market Rule and Political Rupture, eds. William Callison and Zachary Manfredi


Economy of Words: Communicative Imperatives in Central Banks, Douglas R. Holmes


The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia, Ursula K. Le Guin


Read here: RTB Slobodian
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>93</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What’s the relationship between immigration, globalization and demographics? And what is woke particularism?
John and Elizabeth turn for answers to Quinn Slobodian, professor of history at Wellesley College and author, most recently, of Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism.
In a 2019 discussion that proves eerily prescient of politics in 2022, first discuss Jean Raspail‘s racist 1973 novel The Camp of the Saints, a book whose popularity in certain quarters since its publication might explain how Europe has gone from Thatcher to Brexit, from Vaclav Havel to Viktor Orban. How is this xenophobic screed related to science fiction of the same period–and to John Locke? Pat Buchanan, American early adapter of Raspail’s hate-mongering, figures prominently.
They then turn to Garrett Hardin’s “Living on a Lifeboat” and John Lanchester’s recent novel The Wall to work out the ideas of forming a society beyond or beneath the state in less obviously racist terms than Raspail’s. What kind of hard choices need to be made in allocating resources? What claims about hard choices are just a screen for the powerful to make choices that, for them, aren’t actually that hard? Does gold make things more or less nationalized?
Finally, in Recallable Books, Quinn recommends Mutant Neoliberalism, edited by William Callison and Zachary Manfredi, for an attempt to really understand the politics of 2016 and beyond; Elizabeth recommends Douglas Holmes’s Economy of Words, an ethnography of central banks; and John recommends Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed, a novel of solitary solidarity.
Discussed in this episode:


The Camp of the Saints, Jean Raspail


A Republic, Not an Empire and The Death of the West, Pat Buchanan


Dune, Frank Herbert

“Living on a Lifeboat,” Garrett Hardin


The Lobster Gangs of Maine, James M. Acheson


The Limits to Growth, the Club of Rome


Libra, dir. Patty Newman

“Slaveship Earth &amp; the World-Historical Imagination in the Age of Climate Crisis,” Jason W. Moore


The Wall, John Lanchester


Mutant Neoliberalism: Market Rule and Political Rupture, eds. William Callison and Zachary Manfredi


Economy of Words: Communicative Imperatives in Central Banks, Douglas R. Holmes


The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia, Ursula K. Le Guin


Read here: RTB Slobodian
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What’s the relationship between immigration, globalization and demographics? And what is <em>woke particularism</em>?</p><p>John and Elizabeth turn for answers to <a href="https://www.wellesley.edu/history/faculty/slobodian">Quinn Slobodian</a>, professor of history at Wellesley College and author, most recently, of <a href="http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674979529"><em>Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism</em></a>.</p><p>In a 2019 discussion that proves eerily prescient of politics in 2022, first discuss <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean_Raspail">Jean Raspail</a>‘s racist 1973 novel <em>The Camp of the Saints</em>, a book whose popularity in certain quarters since its publication might explain how Europe has gone from Thatcher to Brexit, from Vaclav Havel to Viktor Orban. How is this xenophobic screed related to science fiction of the same period–and to John Locke? Pat Buchanan, American early adapter of Raspail’s hate-mongering, figures prominently.</p><p>They then turn to Garrett Hardin’s “Living on a Lifeboat” and John Lanchester’s recent novel <em>The Wall</em> to work out the ideas of forming a society beyond or beneath the state in less obviously racist terms than Raspail’s. What kind of hard choices need to be made in allocating resources? What claims about hard choices are just a screen for the powerful to make choices that, for them, aren’t actually that hard? Does gold make things more or less nationalized?</p><p>Finally, in Recallable Books, Quinn recommends <a href="https://www.fordhampress.com/9780823285723/mutant-neoliberalism/"><em>Mutant Neoliberalism</em></a>, edited by William Callison and Zachary Manfredi, for an attempt to really understand the politics of 2016 and beyond; Elizabeth recommends Douglas Holmes’s <em>Economy of Words</em>, an ethnography of central banks; and John recommends Ursula K. Le Guin’s <em>The Dispossessed</em>, a novel of solitary solidarity.</p><p>Discussed in this episode:</p><ul>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Camp_of_the_Saints"><em>The Camp of the Saints</em></a>, Jean Raspail</li>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/A_Republic,_Not_an_Empire"><em>A Republic, Not an</em> <em>Empire</em></a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Death_of_the_West"><em>The Death of the West</em></a>, Pat Buchanan</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.dunenovels.com/"><em>Dune</em></a>, Frank Herbert</li>
<li>“<a href="https://www.garretthardinsociety.org/articles/art_living_on_a_lifeboat.html">Living on a Lifeboat</a>,” Garrett Hardin</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.upne.com/8740506.html"><em>The Lobster Gangs of Maine</em></a>, James M. Acheson</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.clubofrome.org/report/the-limits-to-growth/"><em>The Limits to Growth</em></a>, the Club of Rome</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt3748012/"><em>Libra</em></a>, dir. Patty Newman</li>
<li>“<a href="https://jasonwmoore.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Moore-Slaveship-Earth-The-World-Historical-Imagination-in-an-Age-of-Climate-Crisis-2018-for-upload.pdf">Slaveship Earth &amp; the World-Historical Imagination in the Age of Climate Crisis</a>,” Jason W. Moore</li>
<li>
<a href="https://books.wwnorton.com/books/The-Wall/"><em>The Wall</em></a>, John Lanchester</li>
<li>
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Camp_of_the_Saints"><em>Mutant Neoliberalism: Market Rule and Political Rupture</em></a>, eds. William Callison and Zachary Manfredi</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/E/bo16956421.html"><em>Economy of Words: Communicative Imperatives in Central Banks</em></a>, Douglas R. Holmes</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.harpercollins.com/9780061054884/the-dispossessed/"><em>The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia</em></a>, Ursula K. Le Guin</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Read here: <a href="https://recallthisbookorg.files.wordpress.com/2019/06/rtb-slobodian-episode-11-6.15.19.pdf">RTB Slobodian</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2712</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c22f934c-65f2-11ed-93dc-37e0510bf330]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7945988481.mp3?updated=1668633493" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Bellin, "Mass Incarceration Nation: How the United States Became Addicted to Prisons and Jails and How it Can Recover" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The United States imprisons a higher proportion of its population than any other nation. Mass Incarceration Nation offers a novel, in-the-trenches perspective to explain the factors - historical, political, and institutional - that led to the current system of mass imprisonment. Jeffrey Bellin's book Mass Incarceration Nation: How the United States Became Addicted to Prisons and Jails and How it Can Recover (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the causes and impacts of mass incarceration on both the political and criminal justice systems. With accessible language and straightforward statistical analysis, former prosecutor turned law professor Jeffery Bellin provides a formula for reform to return to the low incarceration rates that characterized the United States prior to the 1970s.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 15 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>144</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey Bellin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States imprisons a higher proportion of its population than any other nation. Mass Incarceration Nation offers a novel, in-the-trenches perspective to explain the factors - historical, political, and institutional - that led to the current system of mass imprisonment. Jeffrey Bellin's book Mass Incarceration Nation: How the United States Became Addicted to Prisons and Jails and How it Can Recover (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the causes and impacts of mass incarceration on both the political and criminal justice systems. With accessible language and straightforward statistical analysis, former prosecutor turned law professor Jeffery Bellin provides a formula for reform to return to the low incarceration rates that characterized the United States prior to the 1970s.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States imprisons a higher proportion of its population than any other nation. Mass Incarceration Nation offers a novel, in-the-trenches perspective to explain the factors - historical, political, and institutional - that led to the current system of mass imprisonment. Jeffrey Bellin's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009267540"><em>Mass Incarceration Nation: How the United States Became Addicted to Prisons and Jails and How it Can Recover</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the causes and impacts of mass incarceration on both the political and criminal justice systems. With accessible language and straightforward statistical analysis, former prosecutor turned law professor Jeffery Bellin provides a formula for reform to return to the low incarceration rates that characterized the United States prior to the 1970s.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1975</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c3175cec-605f-11ed-b449-87ef42e6d261]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1710582537.mp3?updated=1668019877" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sara Rich, "Shipwreck Hauntography: Underwater Ruins and the Uncanny" (Amsterdam UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Drawing on a broad theoretical range from speculative realism to feminist psychoanalysis and anti-colonialism, this book represents a radical departure from traditional scholarship on maritime archaeology.
Shipwreck Hauntography: Underwater Ruins and the Uncanny (Amsterdam UP, 2021) asserts that nautical archaeology bears the legacy of Early Modern theological imperialism, most evident through the savior-scholar model that resurrects—physically or virtually—ships from wrecks. Instead of construing shipwrecks as dead, awaiting resurrection from the seafloor, this book presents them as vibrant if not recalcitrant objects, having shaken off anthropogenesis through varying stages of ruination. Sara Rich illustrates this anarchic condition with 'hauntographs' of five Age of 'Discovery' shipwrecks, each of which elucidates the wonder of failure and finitude, alongside an intimate brush with the eerie, horrific, and uncanny. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1274</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Rich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Drawing on a broad theoretical range from speculative realism to feminist psychoanalysis and anti-colonialism, this book represents a radical departure from traditional scholarship on maritime archaeology.
Shipwreck Hauntography: Underwater Ruins and the Uncanny (Amsterdam UP, 2021) asserts that nautical archaeology bears the legacy of Early Modern theological imperialism, most evident through the savior-scholar model that resurrects—physically or virtually—ships from wrecks. Instead of construing shipwrecks as dead, awaiting resurrection from the seafloor, this book presents them as vibrant if not recalcitrant objects, having shaken off anthropogenesis through varying stages of ruination. Sara Rich illustrates this anarchic condition with 'hauntographs' of five Age of 'Discovery' shipwrecks, each of which elucidates the wonder of failure and finitude, alongside an intimate brush with the eerie, horrific, and uncanny. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Drawing on a broad theoretical range from speculative realism to feminist psychoanalysis and anti-colonialism, this book represents a radical departure from traditional scholarship on maritime archaeology.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9789463727709"><em>Shipwreck Hauntography: Underwater Ruins and the Uncanny</em></a><em> </em>(Amsterdam UP, 2021) asserts that nautical archaeology bears the legacy of Early Modern theological imperialism, most evident through the savior-scholar model that resurrects—physically or virtually—ships from wrecks. Instead of construing shipwrecks as dead, awaiting resurrection from the seafloor, this book presents them as vibrant if not recalcitrant objects, having shaken off anthropogenesis through varying stages of ruination. Sara Rich illustrates this anarchic condition with 'hauntographs' of five Age of 'Discovery' shipwrecks, each of which elucidates the wonder of failure and finitude, alongside an intimate brush with the eerie, horrific, and uncanny. </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3224</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dc685a76-553c-11ed-a13a-1f597f332f57]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1933551032.mp3?updated=1666265189" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bruce W. Dearstyne, "The Crucible of Public Policy: New York Courts in the Progressive Era" (SUNY Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>During the early twentieth century New York State, with its settlement houses, muckraking journalists, labor unions and national political leaders like Theodore Roosevelt, was central to the political ferment of the Progressive Era. And in that time, the New York State Court of Appeals—the state’ highest court--made vitally important decisions on the constitutional legitimacy of laws relating to public health, personal liberty, privacy, the regulation of businesses, working hours for women, and compensation for workers injured on the job.
The Court of Appeals, Bruce Dearstyne argues in his new book, was in these years a crucible where new and complex public issues were debated and decided. New York State was large in population (and thus spoke loudly in Congress and the Electoral College) and was at the center of fierce debates over topics such as corporate power, labor rights, public health.
In The Crucible of Public Policy: New York Courts in the Progressive Era (SUNY Press, 2022), Dearstyne argues that the court’s pathbreaking decisions in the Progressive Era echo into our own times. Indeed, he concludes, it was second in importance only to the United States Supreme Court.
Robert W. Snyder, Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>203</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bruce W. Dearstyne</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>During the early twentieth century New York State, with its settlement houses, muckraking journalists, labor unions and national political leaders like Theodore Roosevelt, was central to the political ferment of the Progressive Era. And in that time, the New York State Court of Appeals—the state’ highest court--made vitally important decisions on the constitutional legitimacy of laws relating to public health, personal liberty, privacy, the regulation of businesses, working hours for women, and compensation for workers injured on the job.
The Court of Appeals, Bruce Dearstyne argues in his new book, was in these years a crucible where new and complex public issues were debated and decided. New York State was large in population (and thus spoke loudly in Congress and the Electoral College) and was at the center of fierce debates over topics such as corporate power, labor rights, public health.
In The Crucible of Public Policy: New York Courts in the Progressive Era (SUNY Press, 2022), Dearstyne argues that the court’s pathbreaking decisions in the Progressive Era echo into our own times. Indeed, he concludes, it was second in importance only to the United States Supreme Court.
Robert W. Snyder, Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>During the early twentieth century New York State, with its settlement houses, muckraking journalists, labor unions and national political leaders like Theodore Roosevelt, was central to the political ferment of the Progressive Era. And in that time, the New York State Court of Appeals—the state’ highest court--made vitally important decisions on the constitutional legitimacy of laws relating to public health, personal liberty, privacy, the regulation of businesses, working hours for women, and compensation for workers injured on the job.</p><p>The Court of Appeals, Bruce Dearstyne argues in his new book, was in these years a crucible where new and complex public issues were debated and decided. New York State was large in population (and thus spoke loudly in Congress and the Electoral College) and was at the center of fierce debates over topics such as corporate power, labor rights, public health.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781438488585"><em>The Crucible of Public Policy: New York Courts in the Progressive Era</em></a> (SUNY Press, 2022), Dearstyne argues that the court’s pathbreaking decisions in the Progressive Era echo into our own times. Indeed, he concludes, it was second in importance only to the United States Supreme Court.</p><p><em>Robert W. Snyder, Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University. Email: rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2815</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[146862de-5bac-11ed-9ddb-8bbfd7105f82]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4171638984.mp3?updated=1667503119" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rachael Hanel, "Not the Camilla We Knew: One Woman's Life from Small-Town America to the Symbionese Liberation Army" (U Minnesota Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>How could an artist and former social worker from small-town Minnesota become one of the most wanted domestic terrorists in the United States? Camilla Hall was a pastor's daughter who eventually joined the notorious Symbionese Liberation Army before dying in a shootout with Los Angeles Police in May 1974. 
In Not the Camilla We Knew: One Woman's Path from Small-town America to the Symbionese Liberation Army (University of Minnesota Press, 2022), Rachael Hanel traces Hall’s path from her Minnesota home to her final, radical SLA family—through welfare offices, political campaigns, union organizing, and a love affair that would be her introduction to the SLA. Through in-depth research and extensive interviews, Hanel pieces together Camilla's bewildering transformation from a "gentle, zaftig, arty, otherworldy" young woman (as one observer remarked), working for social change within the system, into a gun-wielding criminal involved in the kidnapping of Patty Hearst. As Hanel writes, contemporary reporters “struggled to find an easy narrative for her life and when they couldn’t find one, they made one up.” Moving past these thin, often salacious narratives that paint Camilla as a duped ex-girlfriend or a militant radical, this book recovers both the deep humanity and the extraordinary circumstances of Camilla Hall's life. At a time of mounting unrest and violence, Hall’s story is a reminder of how the forces of radicalization can operate in an individual life
Rebecca Turkington is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>39</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rachael Hanel</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How could an artist and former social worker from small-town Minnesota become one of the most wanted domestic terrorists in the United States? Camilla Hall was a pastor's daughter who eventually joined the notorious Symbionese Liberation Army before dying in a shootout with Los Angeles Police in May 1974. 
In Not the Camilla We Knew: One Woman's Path from Small-town America to the Symbionese Liberation Army (University of Minnesota Press, 2022), Rachael Hanel traces Hall’s path from her Minnesota home to her final, radical SLA family—through welfare offices, political campaigns, union organizing, and a love affair that would be her introduction to the SLA. Through in-depth research and extensive interviews, Hanel pieces together Camilla's bewildering transformation from a "gentle, zaftig, arty, otherworldy" young woman (as one observer remarked), working for social change within the system, into a gun-wielding criminal involved in the kidnapping of Patty Hearst. As Hanel writes, contemporary reporters “struggled to find an easy narrative for her life and when they couldn’t find one, they made one up.” Moving past these thin, often salacious narratives that paint Camilla as a duped ex-girlfriend or a militant radical, this book recovers both the deep humanity and the extraordinary circumstances of Camilla Hall's life. At a time of mounting unrest and violence, Hall’s story is a reminder of how the forces of radicalization can operate in an individual life
Rebecca Turkington is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How could an artist and former social worker from small-town Minnesota become one of the most wanted domestic terrorists in the United States? Camilla Hall was a pastor's daughter who eventually joined the notorious Symbionese Liberation Army before dying in a shootout with Los Angeles Police in May 1974. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517913458"><em>Not the Camilla We Knew: One Woman's Path from Small-town America to the Symbionese Liberation Army</em></a><em> </em>(University of Minnesota Press, 2022)<em>,</em> Rachael Hanel traces Hall’s path from her Minnesota home to her final, radical SLA family—through welfare offices, political campaigns, union organizing, and a love affair that would be her introduction to the SLA. Through in-depth research and extensive interviews, Hanel pieces together Camilla's bewildering transformation from a "gentle, zaftig, arty, otherworldy" young woman (as one observer remarked), working for social change within the system, into a gun-wielding criminal involved in the kidnapping of Patty Hearst. As Hanel writes, contemporary reporters “struggled to find an easy narrative for her life and when they couldn’t find one, they made one up.” Moving past these thin, often salacious narratives that paint Camilla as a duped ex-girlfriend or a militant radical, this book recovers both the deep humanity and the extraordinary circumstances of Camilla Hall's life. At a time of mounting unrest and violence, Hall’s story is a reminder of how the forces of radicalization can operate in an individual life</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/rcturk"><em>Rebecca Turkington</em></a><em> is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2746</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Bradley Onishi, "Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism--And What Comes Next" (Broadleaf Books, 2023)</title>
      <description>The insurrection at the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, was not a blip or an aberration. It was the logical outcome of years of a White evangelical subculture's preparation for war. Religion scholar and former insider Bradley Onishi maps the origins of White Christian nationalism and traces its offshoots in Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism--And What Comes Next (Broadleaf Books, 2023).
Combining his own experiences in the youth groups and prayer meetings of the 1990s with an immersive look at the steady blending of White grievance politics with evangelicalism, Onishi crafts an engrossing account of the years-long campaign of White Christian nationalism that led to January 6. How did the rise of what Onishi calls the New Religious Right, between 1960 and 2015, give birth to violent White Christian nationalism during the Trump presidency and beyond? What propelled some of the most conservative religious communities in the country--communities of which Onishi was once a part--to ignite a cold civil war?
Through chapters on White supremacy and segregationist theologies, conspiracy theories, the Christian-school movement, purity culture, and the right-wing media ecosystem, Onishi pulls back the curtain on a subculture that birthed a movement and has taken a dangerous turn. In taut and unsparing prose, Onishi traces the migration of many White Christians to Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming in what is known as the American Redoubt. Learning the troubling history of the New Religious Right and the longings and logic of White Christian nationalism is deeply alarming. It is also critical for preserving the shape of our democracy for years to come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>247</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bradley Onishi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The insurrection at the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, was not a blip or an aberration. It was the logical outcome of years of a White evangelical subculture's preparation for war. Religion scholar and former insider Bradley Onishi maps the origins of White Christian nationalism and traces its offshoots in Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism--And What Comes Next (Broadleaf Books, 2023).
Combining his own experiences in the youth groups and prayer meetings of the 1990s with an immersive look at the steady blending of White grievance politics with evangelicalism, Onishi crafts an engrossing account of the years-long campaign of White Christian nationalism that led to January 6. How did the rise of what Onishi calls the New Religious Right, between 1960 and 2015, give birth to violent White Christian nationalism during the Trump presidency and beyond? What propelled some of the most conservative religious communities in the country--communities of which Onishi was once a part--to ignite a cold civil war?
Through chapters on White supremacy and segregationist theologies, conspiracy theories, the Christian-school movement, purity culture, and the right-wing media ecosystem, Onishi pulls back the curtain on a subculture that birthed a movement and has taken a dangerous turn. In taut and unsparing prose, Onishi traces the migration of many White Christians to Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming in what is known as the American Redoubt. Learning the troubling history of the New Religious Right and the longings and logic of White Christian nationalism is deeply alarming. It is also critical for preserving the shape of our democracy for years to come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The insurrection at the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, was not a blip or an aberration. It was the logical outcome of years of a White evangelical subculture's preparation for war. Religion scholar and former insider Bradley Onishi maps the origins of White Christian nationalism and traces its offshoots in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781506482163"><em>Preparing for War: The Extremist History of White Christian Nationalism--And What Comes Next</em> </a>(Broadleaf Books, 2023).</p><p>Combining his own experiences in the youth groups and prayer meetings of the 1990s with an immersive look at the steady blending of White grievance politics with evangelicalism, Onishi crafts an engrossing account of the years-long campaign of White Christian nationalism that led to January 6. How did the rise of what Onishi calls the New Religious Right, between 1960 and 2015, give birth to violent White Christian nationalism during the Trump presidency and beyond? What propelled some of the most conservative religious communities in the country--communities of which Onishi was once a part--to ignite a cold civil war?</p><p>Through chapters on White supremacy and segregationist theologies, conspiracy theories, the Christian-school movement, purity culture, and the right-wing media ecosystem, Onishi pulls back the curtain on a subculture that birthed a movement and has taken a dangerous turn. In taut and unsparing prose, Onishi traces the migration of many White Christians to Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming in what is known as the American Redoubt. Learning the troubling history of the New Religious Right and the longings and logic of White Christian nationalism is deeply alarming. It is also critical for preserving the shape of our democracy for years to come.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3036</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher Howard, "Who Cares: The Social Safety Net in America" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Societies are often judged by how they treat their most vulnerable members: the poor and near poor. In the United States, this responsibility belongs not only to governments, but also to charities, businesses, individuals, and family members. Their combined efforts generate a social safety net. 
In Who Cares: The Social Safety Net in America (Oxford UP, 2022), Christopher Howard offers the first comprehensive map of the US social safety net. He chronicles how different parts of American society talk about poverty-related needs. And he shows what Americans do to provide basic levels of income, food, housing, medical care, and daily care. Although the US social safety net is extensive, major gaps remain, particularly impacting Blacks, Hispanics, and individuals who are not employed full-time. Drawing heavily upon evidence from the years right before the COVID-19 pandemic, Howard demonstrates that these problems persist even when the economy seems healthy. Who Cares concludes with an initial assessment of how the social safety net performed during the pandemic.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 08 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2022</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Societies are often judged by how they treat their most vulnerable members: the poor and near poor. In the United States, this responsibility belongs not only to governments, but also to charities, businesses, individuals, and family members. Their combined efforts generate a social safety net. 
In Who Cares: The Social Safety Net in America (Oxford UP, 2022), Christopher Howard offers the first comprehensive map of the US social safety net. He chronicles how different parts of American society talk about poverty-related needs. And he shows what Americans do to provide basic levels of income, food, housing, medical care, and daily care. Although the US social safety net is extensive, major gaps remain, particularly impacting Blacks, Hispanics, and individuals who are not employed full-time. Drawing heavily upon evidence from the years right before the COVID-19 pandemic, Howard demonstrates that these problems persist even when the economy seems healthy. Who Cares concludes with an initial assessment of how the social safety net performed during the pandemic.
﻿Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Societies are often judged by how they treat their most vulnerable members: the poor and near poor. In the United States, this responsibility belongs not only to governments, but also to charities, businesses, individuals, and family members. Their combined efforts generate a social safety net. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190074463"><em>Who Cares: The Social Safety Net in America</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022), Christopher Howard offers the first comprehensive map of the US social safety net. He chronicles how different parts of American society talk about poverty-related needs. And he shows what Americans do to provide basic levels of income, food, housing, medical care, and daily care. Although the US social safety net is extensive, major gaps remain, particularly impacting Blacks, Hispanics, and individuals who are not employed full-time. Drawing heavily upon evidence from the years right before the COVID-19 pandemic, Howard demonstrates that these problems persist even when the economy seems healthy. Who Cares concludes with an initial assessment of how the social safety net performed during the pandemic.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1916</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Dan Bouk, "Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them" (MCD, 2022)</title>
      <description>The census isn't just a data-collection process; it's a ritual, and a tool, of American democracy. Behind every neat grid of numbers is a collage of messy, human stories--you just have to know how to read them.
In Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them (MCD, 2022), the data historian Dan Bouk examines the 1940 U.S. census, uncovering what those numbers both condense and cleverly abstract: a universe of meaning and uncertainty, of cultural negotiation and political struggle. He introduces us to the men and women employed as census takers, bringing us with them as they go door to door, recording the lives of their neighbors. He takes us into the makeshift halls of the Census Bureau, where hundreds of civil servants, not to mention machines, labored with pencil and paper to divide and conquer the nation's data. And he uses these little points to paint bigger pictures, such as of the ruling hand of white supremacy, the place of queer people in straight systems, and the struggle of ordinary people to be seen by the state as they see themselves.
The 1940 census is a crucial entry in American history, a controversial dataset that enabled the creation of New Deal era social programs, but that also, with the advent of World War Two, would be weaponized against many of the citizens whom it was supposed to serve. In our age of quantification, Democracy's Data not only teaches us how to read between the lines but gives us a new perspective on the relationship between representation, identity, and governance today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 08 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>204</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dan Bouk</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The census isn't just a data-collection process; it's a ritual, and a tool, of American democracy. Behind every neat grid of numbers is a collage of messy, human stories--you just have to know how to read them.
In Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them (MCD, 2022), the data historian Dan Bouk examines the 1940 U.S. census, uncovering what those numbers both condense and cleverly abstract: a universe of meaning and uncertainty, of cultural negotiation and political struggle. He introduces us to the men and women employed as census takers, bringing us with them as they go door to door, recording the lives of their neighbors. He takes us into the makeshift halls of the Census Bureau, where hundreds of civil servants, not to mention machines, labored with pencil and paper to divide and conquer the nation's data. And he uses these little points to paint bigger pictures, such as of the ruling hand of white supremacy, the place of queer people in straight systems, and the struggle of ordinary people to be seen by the state as they see themselves.
The 1940 census is a crucial entry in American history, a controversial dataset that enabled the creation of New Deal era social programs, but that also, with the advent of World War Two, would be weaponized against many of the citizens whom it was supposed to serve. In our age of quantification, Democracy's Data not only teaches us how to read between the lines but gives us a new perspective on the relationship between representation, identity, and governance today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The census isn't just a data-collection process; it's a ritual, and a tool, of American democracy. Behind every neat grid of numbers is a collage of messy, human stories--you just have to know how to read them.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374602543"><em>Democracy's Data: The Hidden Stories in the U.S. Census and How to Read Them</em></a><em> </em>(MCD, 2022), the data historian Dan Bouk examines the 1940 U.S. census, uncovering what those numbers both condense and cleverly abstract: a universe of meaning and uncertainty, of cultural negotiation and political struggle. He introduces us to the men and women employed as census takers, bringing us with them as they go door to door, recording the lives of their neighbors. He takes us into the makeshift halls of the Census Bureau, where hundreds of civil servants, not to mention machines, labored with pencil and paper to divide and conquer the nation's data. And he uses these little points to paint bigger pictures, such as of the ruling hand of white supremacy, the place of queer people in straight systems, and the struggle of ordinary people to be seen by the state as they see themselves.</p><p>The 1940 census is a crucial entry in American history, a controversial dataset that enabled the creation of New Deal era social programs, but that also, with the advent of World War Two, would be weaponized against many of the citizens whom it was supposed to serve. In our age of quantification, <em>Democracy's Data</em> not only teaches us how to read between the lines but gives us a new perspective on the relationship between representation, identity, and governance today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2792</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrew S. Rosenberg, "Undesirable Immigrants: Why Racism Persists in International Migration" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 officially ended the explicit prejudice in American immigration policy that began with the 1790 restriction on naturalization to free White persons of “good character.” By the 1980s, the rest of the Anglo-European world had followed suit, purging discriminatory language from their immigration laws and achieving what many believe to be a colorblind international system. Undesirable Immigrants: Why Racism Persists in International Migration (Princeton UP, 2022) challenges this notion, revealing how racial inequality persists in global migration despite the end of formally racist laws.

In this eye-opening book, Andrew Rosenberg argues that while today’s leaders claim that their policies are objective and seek only to restrict obviously dangerous migrants, these policies are still correlated with race. He traces how colonialism and White supremacy catalyzed violence and sabotaged institutions around the world, and how this historical legacy has produced migrants that the former imperial powers and their allies now deem unfit to enter. Rosenberg shows how postcolonial states remain embedded in a Western culture that requires them to continuously perform their statehood, and how the closing and policing of international borders has become an important symbol of sovereignty, one that imposes harsher restrictions on non-White migrants.

Drawing on a wealth of original quantitative evidence, Undesirable Immigrants demonstrates that we cannot address the challenges of international migration without coming to terms with the brutal history of colonialism.
Andrew Rosenberg is an assistant of political science at the University of Florida. His research examines racial inequality in the international system, the politics of migration, and global inequality. His current projects empirically break down the ideologies that maintain racial inequality in international migration. His research has been published in the American Journal of Political Science, International Studies Quarterly, Political Analysis, and Security Dialogue. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the Ohio State University and is originally from Des Moines, Iowa.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>628</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew S. Rosenberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 officially ended the explicit prejudice in American immigration policy that began with the 1790 restriction on naturalization to free White persons of “good character.” By the 1980s, the rest of the Anglo-European world had followed suit, purging discriminatory language from their immigration laws and achieving what many believe to be a colorblind international system. Undesirable Immigrants: Why Racism Persists in International Migration (Princeton UP, 2022) challenges this notion, revealing how racial inequality persists in global migration despite the end of formally racist laws.

In this eye-opening book, Andrew Rosenberg argues that while today’s leaders claim that their policies are objective and seek only to restrict obviously dangerous migrants, these policies are still correlated with race. He traces how colonialism and White supremacy catalyzed violence and sabotaged institutions around the world, and how this historical legacy has produced migrants that the former imperial powers and their allies now deem unfit to enter. Rosenberg shows how postcolonial states remain embedded in a Western culture that requires them to continuously perform their statehood, and how the closing and policing of international borders has become an important symbol of sovereignty, one that imposes harsher restrictions on non-White migrants.

Drawing on a wealth of original quantitative evidence, Undesirable Immigrants demonstrates that we cannot address the challenges of international migration without coming to terms with the brutal history of colonialism.
Andrew Rosenberg is an assistant of political science at the University of Florida. His research examines racial inequality in the international system, the politics of migration, and global inequality. His current projects empirically break down the ideologies that maintain racial inequality in international migration. His research has been published in the American Journal of Political Science, International Studies Quarterly, Political Analysis, and Security Dialogue. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the Ohio State University and is originally from Des Moines, Iowa.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 officially ended the explicit prejudice in American immigration policy that began with the 1790 restriction on naturalization to free White persons of “good character.” By the 1980s, the rest of the Anglo-European world had followed suit, purging discriminatory language from their immigration laws and achieving what many believe to be a colorblind international system. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691238746"><em>Undesirable Immigrants: Why Racism Persists in International Migration</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2022) challenges this notion, revealing how racial inequality persists in global migration despite the end of formally racist laws.</p><p><br></p><p>In this eye-opening book, Andrew Rosenberg argues that while today’s leaders claim that their policies are objective and seek only to restrict obviously dangerous migrants, these policies are still correlated with race. He traces how colonialism and White supremacy catalyzed violence and sabotaged institutions around the world, and how this historical legacy has produced migrants that the former imperial powers and their allies now deem unfit to enter. Rosenberg shows how postcolonial states remain embedded in a Western culture that requires them to continuously perform their statehood, and how the closing and policing of international borders has become an important symbol of sovereignty, one that imposes harsher restrictions on non-White migrants.</p><p><br></p><p>Drawing on a wealth of original quantitative evidence, <em>Undesirable Immigrants</em> demonstrates that we cannot address the challenges of international migration without coming to terms with the brutal history of colonialism.</p><p>Andrew Rosenberg is an assistant of political science at the University of Florida. His research examines racial inequality in the international system, the politics of migration, and global inequality. His current projects empirically break down the ideologies that maintain racial inequality in international migration. His research has been published in the <em>American Journal of Political Science</em>, <em>International Studies Quarterly</em>, <em>Political Analysis</em>, and <em>Security Dialogue</em>. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the Ohio State University and is originally from Des Moines, Iowa.</p><p><a href="https://labdelaa.expressions.syr.edu/"><em>Lamis Abdelaaty</em></a><em> is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/discrimination-and-delegation-9780197530061"><em>Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:labdelaa@syr.edu"><em>labdelaa@syr.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/LAbdelaaty"><em>@LAbdelaaty</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2869</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7a32613a-5703-11ed-8c03-db0a543a5735]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On "The U.S. Constitution"</title>
      <link>https://www.writlarge.fm/</link>
      <description>The story of the Constitution of the United States began long before the American Revolutionary War. This document was influenced by centuries old English law, and the final product was the result of months of debate, arguing, and compromises from representatives of 12 states, including its essential recognition of slavery, leading to further debates and conflict after the document was signed. Interpretation of the U.S. Constitution remains a fundamental part of U.S. politics. We ask ourselves: Do we move forward, or must we return to our roots? How can we remember the origins of the Constitution while we live in a society that would have been unimaginable when it was written? Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor of History at Stanford University. He specializes in Revolutionary and early republican America, and he is the author of The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Nov 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>71</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/9e174142-18e7-11ed-b323-b3e82d2a02f8/image/File.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Jonathan Gienapp</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The story of the Constitution of the United States began long before the American Revolutionary War. This document was influenced by centuries old English law, and the final product was the result of months of debate, arguing, and compromises from representatives of 12 states, including its essential recognition of slavery, leading to further debates and conflict after the document was signed. Interpretation of the U.S. Constitution remains a fundamental part of U.S. politics. We ask ourselves: Do we move forward, or must we return to our roots? How can we remember the origins of the Constitution while we live in a society that would have been unimaginable when it was written? Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor of History at Stanford University. He specializes in Revolutionary and early republican America, and he is the author of The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The story of the Constitution of the United States began long before the American Revolutionary War. This document was influenced by centuries old English law, and the final product was the result of months of debate, arguing, and compromises from representatives of 12 states, including its essential recognition of slavery, leading to further debates and conflict after the document was signed. Interpretation of the U.S. Constitution remains a fundamental part of U.S. politics. We ask ourselves: Do we move forward, or must we return to our roots? How can we remember the origins of the Constitution while we live in a society that would have been unimaginable when it was written? Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor of History at Stanford University. He specializes in Revolutionary and early republican America, and he is the author of The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2575</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e0a3df98-ace1-11eb-9d93-5b43683c84a7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6255635738.mp3?updated=1656511230" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mikkael A. Sekeres, "Drugs and the FDA: Safety, Efficacy, and the Public's Trust" (MIT Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>How the FDA was shaped by public health crises and patient advocacy, told against a background of the contentious hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin.
Food and Drug Administration approval for COVID-19 vaccines and the controversial Alzheimer's drug Aduhelm made headlines, but few of us know much about how the agency does its work. Why is the FDA the ultimate US authority on a drug's safety and efficacy? In Drugs and the FDA: Safety, Efficacy, and the Public's Trust (MIT Press, 2022), Mikkael Sekeres--a leading oncologist and former chair of the FDA's cancer drug advisory committee--tells the story of how the FDA became the most trusted regulatory agency in the world. It took a series of tragedies and health crises, as well as patient advocacy, for the government to take responsibility for ensuring the efficacy and safety of drugs and medical devices. Before the FDA existed, drug makers could hawk any potion, claim treatment of any ailment, and make any promise on a label. But then, throughout the twentieth century, the government was forced to take action when children were poisoned by contaminated diphtheria and smallpox vaccines, an early antibiotic contained antifreeze, a drug prescribed for morning sickness in pregnancy caused babies to be born disfigured, and access to AIDS drugs was limited to a few clinical trials while thousands died. Sekeres describes all these events against the backdrop of the contentious 2011 hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin, in which he participated as a panel member. The Avastin hearings, he says, put to the test a century of the FDA's evolution, demonstrating how its system of checks and balances works--or doesn't work.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 04 Nov 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>176</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mikkael A. Sekeres</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How the FDA was shaped by public health crises and patient advocacy, told against a background of the contentious hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin.
Food and Drug Administration approval for COVID-19 vaccines and the controversial Alzheimer's drug Aduhelm made headlines, but few of us know much about how the agency does its work. Why is the FDA the ultimate US authority on a drug's safety and efficacy? In Drugs and the FDA: Safety, Efficacy, and the Public's Trust (MIT Press, 2022), Mikkael Sekeres--a leading oncologist and former chair of the FDA's cancer drug advisory committee--tells the story of how the FDA became the most trusted regulatory agency in the world. It took a series of tragedies and health crises, as well as patient advocacy, for the government to take responsibility for ensuring the efficacy and safety of drugs and medical devices. Before the FDA existed, drug makers could hawk any potion, claim treatment of any ailment, and make any promise on a label. But then, throughout the twentieth century, the government was forced to take action when children were poisoned by contaminated diphtheria and smallpox vaccines, an early antibiotic contained antifreeze, a drug prescribed for morning sickness in pregnancy caused babies to be born disfigured, and access to AIDS drugs was limited to a few clinical trials while thousands died. Sekeres describes all these events against the backdrop of the contentious 2011 hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin, in which he participated as a panel member. The Avastin hearings, he says, put to the test a century of the FDA's evolution, demonstrating how its system of checks and balances works--or doesn't work.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How the FDA was shaped by public health crises and patient advocacy, told against a background of the contentious hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin.</p><p>Food and Drug Administration approval for COVID-19 vaccines and the controversial Alzheimer's drug Aduhelm made headlines, but few of us know much about how the agency does its work. Why is the FDA the ultimate US authority on a drug's safety and efficacy? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262047319"><em>Drugs and the FDA: Safety, Efficacy, and the Public's Trust</em></a><em> </em>(MIT Press, 2022), Mikkael Sekeres--a leading oncologist and former chair of the FDA's cancer drug advisory committee--tells the story of how the FDA became the most trusted regulatory agency in the world. It took a series of tragedies and health crises, as well as patient advocacy, for the government to take responsibility for ensuring the efficacy and safety of drugs and medical devices. Before the FDA existed, drug makers could hawk any potion, claim treatment of any ailment, and make any promise on a label. But then, throughout the twentieth century, the government was forced to take action when children were poisoned by contaminated diphtheria and smallpox vaccines, an early antibiotic contained antifreeze, a drug prescribed for morning sickness in pregnancy caused babies to be born disfigured, and access to AIDS drugs was limited to a few clinical trials while thousands died. Sekeres describes all these events against the backdrop of the contentious 2011 hearings on the breast cancer drug Avastin, in which he participated as a panel member. The Avastin hearings, he says, put to the test a century of the FDA's evolution, demonstrating how its system of checks and balances works--or doesn't work.</p><p><em>Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3255</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[093abdca-587e-11ed-a72c-936d05decdcb]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7208527372.mp3?updated=1667153963" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>92 Janet McIntosh on "Let's Go Brandon," QAnon and Alt-Right Language (EF, JP)</title>
      <description>Elizabeth and John talk with Brandeis linguistic anthropologist Janet McIntosh about the language of US alt-right movements. Janet's current book project on language in the military has prompted thoughts about the "implausible deniability" of "Let's Go Brandon"--a phrase that "mocks the idea we have to mince words."
The three of them unpack the "regimentation" of the phrase, the way it rubs off on associated signs, and discusses what drill sergeants on Parris Island really do say. They speculates on the creepy, Dark Mirror-esque similarity between the deciphering of "Q-drops" and academic critique. Turning back to her work on basic training, Janet unpacks the power of "semiotic callousing."
Mentioned in this episode:

"Code Words and Crumbs," Brandeis Magazine



"Crybabies and Snowflakes," Download from Language in the Trump Era: Scandals and Emergencies, edited by Janet McIntosh and Norma Mendoza-Denton, Cambridge University Press, 2020.

Theodor Adorno, The Stars Down to Earth.


Hofstadter, Richard The paranoid style in American politics." 1964.


Lepselter, Susan, The Resonance of Unseen Things: Poetics, Power, Captivity, and UFOs in the American Uncanny. University of Michigan, 2016

Trollope, Anthony. Marion Fay: a Novel. Vol. 29. Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly, 1883.

Silverstein, Michael. "Language and the culture of gender: At the intersection of structure, usage, and ideology." In Semiotic mediation, pp. 219-259. Academic Press, 1985.


Listen to the episode here
Read the transcript here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Nov 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>92</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Janet McIntosh</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Elizabeth and John talk with Brandeis linguistic anthropologist Janet McIntosh about the language of US alt-right movements. Janet's current book project on language in the military has prompted thoughts about the "implausible deniability" of "Let's Go Brandon"--a phrase that "mocks the idea we have to mince words."
The three of them unpack the "regimentation" of the phrase, the way it rubs off on associated signs, and discusses what drill sergeants on Parris Island really do say. They speculates on the creepy, Dark Mirror-esque similarity between the deciphering of "Q-drops" and academic critique. Turning back to her work on basic training, Janet unpacks the power of "semiotic callousing."
Mentioned in this episode:

"Code Words and Crumbs," Brandeis Magazine



"Crybabies and Snowflakes," Download from Language in the Trump Era: Scandals and Emergencies, edited by Janet McIntosh and Norma Mendoza-Denton, Cambridge University Press, 2020.

Theodor Adorno, The Stars Down to Earth.


Hofstadter, Richard The paranoid style in American politics." 1964.


Lepselter, Susan, The Resonance of Unseen Things: Poetics, Power, Captivity, and UFOs in the American Uncanny. University of Michigan, 2016

Trollope, Anthony. Marion Fay: a Novel. Vol. 29. Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly, 1883.

Silverstein, Michael. "Language and the culture of gender: At the intersection of structure, usage, and ideology." In Semiotic mediation, pp. 219-259. Academic Press, 1985.


Listen to the episode here
Read the transcript here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Elizabeth and John talk with Brandeis linguistic anthropologist <a href="https://www.brandeis.edu/facultyguide/person.html?emplid=99b385fb9b50f50302c06002d7a7a5d200379933">Janet McIntosh</a> about the language of US alt-right movements. Janet's current book project on language in the military has prompted thoughts about the "implausible deniability" of "Let's Go Brandon"--a phrase that "mocks the idea we have to mince words."</p><p>The three of them unpack the "regimentation" of the phrase, the way it rubs off on associated signs, and discusses what drill sergeants on Parris Island really do say. They speculates on the creepy, Dark Mirror-esque similarity between the deciphering of "Q-drops" and academic critique. Turning back to her work on basic training, Janet unpacks the power of "semiotic callousing."</p><p><em>Mentioned in this episode:</em></p><ul>
<li>"<a href="https://www.brandeis.edu/magazine/2022/summer/inquiry/qanon.html">Code Words and Crumbs," Brandeis Magazine</a>
</li>
<li>
<a href="https://recallthisbookorg.files.wordpress.com/2022/10/crybabies_and_snowflakes.pdf">"Crybabies and Snowflakes," Download</a> from <a href="https://anthro.ucla.edu/publication/1531/"><em>Language in the Trump Era</em>: <em>Scandals and Emergencies</em></a>, edited by Janet McIntosh and Norma Mendoza-Denton, Cambridge University Press, 2020.</li>
<li>Theodor Adorno, <a href="https://www.routledge.com/The-Stars-Down-to-Earth/Adorno/p/book/9780415271004"><em>The Stars Down to Earth</em></a><em>.</em>
</li>
<li>Hofstadter, Richard <u>The paranoid style in American politics." 1964.</u>
</li>
<li>Lepselter, Susan, <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/7172850/resonance_of_unseen_things"><em>The Resonance of Unseen Things</em></a><em>: Poetics, Power, Captivity, and UFOs in the American Uncanny</em>. University of Michigan, 2016</li>
<li>Trollope, Anthony. <a href="https://trollopesociety.org/book/marion-fay/">Marion Fay</a>: a Novel. Vol. 29. Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly, 1883.</li>
<li>Silverstein, Michael. "Language and the culture of gender: At the intersection of structure, usage, and ideology." In <em>Semiotic mediation</em>, pp. 219-259. Academic Press, 1985.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>Listen to the episode here</p><p><a href="https://recallthisbookorg.files.wordpress.com/2022/11/rtb-92-janet-mcintosh-.pdf">Read the transcript here</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[af659de6-5b71-11ed-bd5e-e372fafe7c68]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5529377143.mp3?updated=1667478443" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Timothy W. Burns, "Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education" (SUNY Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>There are few thinkers who engender as much debate about their legacy as Leo Strauss (1899 –1973). His critics and biographers often don’t even agree about what scholarly discipline he practiced. Political theory or philosophy? Was he a proto-neoconservative or a middle-of-the-road Cold War defender of liberal democracy? He is often depicted as a major intellectual influence on sections of the national security state right, especially during the presidency of George W. Bush when he was portrayed as a puppeteer pulling from the grave the strings of such notable hawks as Paul Wolfowitz.
But the writings of Strauss often go unexamined. That is partly because they lean towards the abstruse. Strauss was not a general-audience-friendly public intellectual in his day and much of the homage to and attacks on him at this point are to be found in the pages of academic journals and in the halls of think tanks.
We are fortunate, therefore, that we can turn to the 2021 book, Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education by Timothy W. Burns for elucidation of Strauss's thinking about how we can preserve liberal democracy in the face of apathy from moderates, classical liberals and traditional conservatives flummoxed by the rise of an aggressive left that questions whether the United States is a democracy at all and an alienated alt-right that regards liberal democracy as now practiced as a character-sapping anachronism leading to civilizational decline.
We learn from Burns of Strauss's admiration for Winston Churchill and touting of him as an exemplar of greatness within democracy. In one of the most absorbing sections of the book we learn of a 1941 lecture by Strauss entitled, “German Nihilism” in which he examined the arguments of such groups as rightist German students in the 1920s that liberal democracy fostered moral mediocrity.
Burns contrasts in detail the ideas of Strauss and Martin Heidegger and shows that Strauss foresaw that the other man’s emphasis on resoluteness would metastasize into Heidegger’s support for Nazism. Burns tells us that Strauss can speak to us today via his call to defend democratic constitutionalism and its spiritual and religious traditions.
That call can lead to charges of elitism against Strauss because it entailed his championing of the idea of an “aristocracy within democracy,” a cadre of cultivated, well-educated leaders who would help maintain the intellectual and cultural moorings of democracies.
Let’s hear now from Professor Burns about who Leo Strauss was and what he actually wrote and thought.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Nov 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy W. Burns</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There are few thinkers who engender as much debate about their legacy as Leo Strauss (1899 –1973). His critics and biographers often don’t even agree about what scholarly discipline he practiced. Political theory or philosophy? Was he a proto-neoconservative or a middle-of-the-road Cold War defender of liberal democracy? He is often depicted as a major intellectual influence on sections of the national security state right, especially during the presidency of George W. Bush when he was portrayed as a puppeteer pulling from the grave the strings of such notable hawks as Paul Wolfowitz.
But the writings of Strauss often go unexamined. That is partly because they lean towards the abstruse. Strauss was not a general-audience-friendly public intellectual in his day and much of the homage to and attacks on him at this point are to be found in the pages of academic journals and in the halls of think tanks.
We are fortunate, therefore, that we can turn to the 2021 book, Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education by Timothy W. Burns for elucidation of Strauss's thinking about how we can preserve liberal democracy in the face of apathy from moderates, classical liberals and traditional conservatives flummoxed by the rise of an aggressive left that questions whether the United States is a democracy at all and an alienated alt-right that regards liberal democracy as now practiced as a character-sapping anachronism leading to civilizational decline.
We learn from Burns of Strauss's admiration for Winston Churchill and touting of him as an exemplar of greatness within democracy. In one of the most absorbing sections of the book we learn of a 1941 lecture by Strauss entitled, “German Nihilism” in which he examined the arguments of such groups as rightist German students in the 1920s that liberal democracy fostered moral mediocrity.
Burns contrasts in detail the ideas of Strauss and Martin Heidegger and shows that Strauss foresaw that the other man’s emphasis on resoluteness would metastasize into Heidegger’s support for Nazism. Burns tells us that Strauss can speak to us today via his call to defend democratic constitutionalism and its spiritual and religious traditions.
That call can lead to charges of elitism against Strauss because it entailed his championing of the idea of an “aristocracy within democracy,” a cadre of cultivated, well-educated leaders who would help maintain the intellectual and cultural moorings of democracies.
Let’s hear now from Professor Burns about who Leo Strauss was and what he actually wrote and thought.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There are few thinkers who engender as much debate about their legacy as Leo Strauss (1899 –1973). His critics and biographers often don’t even agree about what scholarly discipline he practiced. Political theory or philosophy? Was he a proto-neoconservative or a middle-of-the-road Cold War defender of liberal democracy? He is often depicted as a major intellectual influence on sections of the national security state right, especially during the presidency of George W. Bush when he was portrayed as a puppeteer pulling from the grave the strings of such notable hawks as Paul Wolfowitz.</p><p>But the writings of Strauss often go unexamined. That is partly because they lean towards the abstruse. Strauss was not a general-audience-friendly public intellectual in his day and much of the homage to and attacks on him at this point are to be found in the pages of academic journals and in the halls of think tanks.</p><p>We are fortunate, therefore, that we can turn to the 2021 book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Strauss-Democracy-Technology-Liberal-Education/dp/1438486138">Leo Strauss on Democracy, Technology, and Liberal Education</a> by Timothy W. Burns for elucidation of Strauss's thinking about how we can preserve liberal democracy in the face of apathy from moderates, classical liberals and traditional conservatives flummoxed by the rise of an aggressive left that questions whether the United States is a democracy at all and an alienated alt-right that regards liberal democracy as now practiced as a character-sapping anachronism leading to civilizational decline.</p><p>We learn from Burns of Strauss's admiration for Winston Churchill and touting of him as an exemplar of greatness within democracy. In one of the most absorbing sections of the book we learn of a 1941 lecture by Strauss entitled, “German Nihilism” in which he examined the arguments of such groups as rightist German students in the 1920s that liberal democracy fostered moral mediocrity.</p><p>Burns contrasts in detail the ideas of Strauss and Martin Heidegger and shows that Strauss foresaw that the other man’s emphasis on resoluteness would metastasize into Heidegger’s support for Nazism. Burns tells us that Strauss can speak to us today via his call to defend democratic constitutionalism and its spiritual and religious traditions.</p><p>That call can lead to charges of elitism against Strauss because it entailed his championing of the idea of an “aristocracy within democracy,” a cadre of cultivated, well-educated leaders who would help maintain the intellectual and cultural moorings of democracies.</p><p>Let’s hear now from Professor Burns about who Leo Strauss was and what he actually wrote and thought.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6442</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[50bdb252-5792-11ed-910c-6bf6ef4fefc8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1301765094.mp3?updated=1667485795" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bruce G. Carruthers, "The Economy of Promises: Trust, Power, and Credit in America" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>A comprehensive and illuminating account of the history of credit in America, The Economy of Promises: Trust, Power &amp; Credit in America (Princeton UP, 2022) by Northwestern University Professor Bruce Carruthers is a far-reaching study of credit in nineteenth- and twentieth-century America. Synthesizing and surveying economic and social history, Bruce Carruthers examines how issues of trust stitched together the modern U.S. economy. In the case of credit, that trust involves a commitment by debtors to repay money they have borrowed from lenders. Each promise poses a fundamental question: why does the lender trust the borrower? The book tracks the dramatic shift from personal qualitative judgments to the impersonal quantitative measurements of credit scores and ratings, which make lending and economic activity on a much greater scale possible. It discusses how lending is shaped by the shadow of failure, and the possibility that borrowers will break their promises and fail to repay their debts. It reveals how credit markets have been shaped by public policy, regulatory changes, and various political factors. Bringing to life the complicated and abstract terrain of human interaction we call the economy, The Economy of Promises is an important study of the tangle of indebtedness that, for better or worse, shapes and defines American lives.
﻿Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>43</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bruce G. Carruthers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A comprehensive and illuminating account of the history of credit in America, The Economy of Promises: Trust, Power &amp; Credit in America (Princeton UP, 2022) by Northwestern University Professor Bruce Carruthers is a far-reaching study of credit in nineteenth- and twentieth-century America. Synthesizing and surveying economic and social history, Bruce Carruthers examines how issues of trust stitched together the modern U.S. economy. In the case of credit, that trust involves a commitment by debtors to repay money they have borrowed from lenders. Each promise poses a fundamental question: why does the lender trust the borrower? The book tracks the dramatic shift from personal qualitative judgments to the impersonal quantitative measurements of credit scores and ratings, which make lending and economic activity on a much greater scale possible. It discusses how lending is shaped by the shadow of failure, and the possibility that borrowers will break their promises and fail to repay their debts. It reveals how credit markets have been shaped by public policy, regulatory changes, and various political factors. Bringing to life the complicated and abstract terrain of human interaction we call the economy, The Economy of Promises is an important study of the tangle of indebtedness that, for better or worse, shapes and defines American lives.
﻿Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A comprehensive and illuminating account of the history of credit in America, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691235387"><em>The Economy of Promises: Trust, Power &amp; Credit in America</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2022) by Northwestern University Professor <a href="https://sociology.northwestern.edu/people/faculty/core/bruce-carruthers.html">Bruce Carruthers</a> is a far-reaching study of credit in nineteenth- and twentieth-century America. Synthesizing and surveying economic and social history, Bruce Carruthers examines how issues of trust stitched together the modern U.S. economy. In the case of credit, that trust involves a commitment by debtors to repay money they have borrowed from lenders. Each promise poses a fundamental question: why does the lender trust the borrower? The book tracks the dramatic shift from personal qualitative judgments to the impersonal quantitative measurements of credit scores and ratings, which make lending and economic activity on a much greater scale possible. It discusses how lending is shaped by the shadow of failure, and the possibility that borrowers will break their promises and fail to repay their debts. It reveals how credit markets have been shaped by public policy, regulatory changes, and various political factors. Bringing to life the complicated and abstract terrain of human interaction we call the economy, <em>The Economy of Promises</em> is an important study of the tangle of indebtedness that, for better or worse, shapes and defines American lives.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/daniel-peris-7290891/"><em>Daniel Peris</em></a><em> is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are </em><a href="https://strategicdividendinvestor.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2462</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9949fc5c-552a-11ed-b54d-1ba0518261ae]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7475035281.mp3?updated=1666788009" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeremi Suri, "Civil War by Other Means: America's Long and Unfinished Fight for Democracy" (PublicAffairs, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1865, the Confederacy was defeated, but the military victory did not end the tensions of the war or signal acceptance of a new, more equal nation. In Civil War by Other Means: America's Long and Unfinished Fight for Democracy (PublicAffairs, 2022), Jeremi Suri argues that, instead, efforts to bolster white supremacy began immediately. The big questions and conflicts of the Civil War lingered, continuing to cause other types of conflict among Americans. From conflicting interpretations of Abraham Lincoln's assassination by John Wilkes Booth to postwar riots to contested elections and stymied presidential agendas, Suri shows how the battles of the Civil War continued in other forms in the decades after the military conflict ended. Suri argues that, in fact, competing visions of democracy, freedom, and race still evident today have their roots in this period. In this episode of the podcast, Suri, who is the Mack Brown Distinguished Professor for Global Leadership, History, and Public Policy at the University of Texas at Austin, discusses this historical moment, what led him to research and write about it, and what it means for understanding the current challenges facing American democracy.
Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. She’s currently working on a book manuscript about the role of violence in shaping U.S. political culture in the 1960s and 1970s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1275</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeremi Suri</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1865, the Confederacy was defeated, but the military victory did not end the tensions of the war or signal acceptance of a new, more equal nation. In Civil War by Other Means: America's Long and Unfinished Fight for Democracy (PublicAffairs, 2022), Jeremi Suri argues that, instead, efforts to bolster white supremacy began immediately. The big questions and conflicts of the Civil War lingered, continuing to cause other types of conflict among Americans. From conflicting interpretations of Abraham Lincoln's assassination by John Wilkes Booth to postwar riots to contested elections and stymied presidential agendas, Suri shows how the battles of the Civil War continued in other forms in the decades after the military conflict ended. Suri argues that, in fact, competing visions of democracy, freedom, and race still evident today have their roots in this period. In this episode of the podcast, Suri, who is the Mack Brown Distinguished Professor for Global Leadership, History, and Public Policy at the University of Texas at Austin, discusses this historical moment, what led him to research and write about it, and what it means for understanding the current challenges facing American democracy.
Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. She’s currently working on a book manuscript about the role of violence in shaping U.S. political culture in the 1960s and 1970s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1865, the Confederacy was defeated, but the military victory did not end the tensions of the war or signal acceptance of a new, more equal nation. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541758544"><em>Civil War by Other Means: America's Long and Unfinished Fight for Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(PublicAffairs, 2022), Jeremi Suri argues that, instead, efforts to bolster white supremacy began immediately. The big questions and conflicts of the Civil War lingered, continuing to cause other types of conflict among Americans. From conflicting interpretations of Abraham Lincoln's assassination by John Wilkes Booth to postwar riots to contested elections and stymied presidential agendas, Suri shows how the battles of the Civil War continued in other forms in the decades after the military conflict ended. Suri argues that, in fact, competing visions of democracy, freedom, and race still evident today have their roots in this period. In this episode of the podcast, Suri, who is the Mack Brown Distinguished Professor for Global Leadership, History, and Public Policy at the University of Texas at Austin, discusses this historical moment, what led him to research and write about it, and what it means for understanding the current challenges facing American democracy.</p><p><em>Christine Lamberson, PhD, is a historian. Her research focuses on 20th century U.S. legal, political, and cultural history. She’s currently working on a book manuscript about the role of violence in shaping U.S. political culture in the 1960s and 1970s.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3377</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4b4b2ef6-5519-11ed-a0a1-9f6dc4623291]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6217060712.mp3?updated=1666785094" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Regina L. Wagner, "Electoral Patterns in Alabama: Local Change and Continuity Amid National Trends" (Palgrave MacmIllan, 2022)</title>
      <description>While significant attention in political science is devoted to national level elections, a comprehensive look at state level political dynamics in the United States is so far sorely missing, and state level electoral developments and shifts are treated as mere reflections of national-level dynamics and patterns. 
Regina L. Wagner's book Electoral Patterns in Alabama: Local Change and Continuity Amid National Trends (Palgrave MacmIllan, 2022) argues that this significantly impacts our ability to understand macro-level electoral shifts in the United States in general. The book analyzes gubernatorial, congressional, and presidential election results in the state of Alabama from 1945 through 2020. Comprehensive maps of county-level partisan shifts over time and comparisons between trends for different offices make it possible to isolate pivotal elections and compare state-level and national trends over time. When and where did Alabama’s electorate break with the Democratic Party, and were these breaks uniform across the state? Which counties shifted the most over time, and was this shift gradual or characterized by change elections? Comprehensive electoral data, on the county- and precinct-level, make it possible to answer these questions and place state-level electoral behavior in its regional and national context. Detailed county level demographic and economic data is used to provide local context for electoral patterns, shifts, and continuities.
Regina L. Wagner is assistant professor of political science at the University of Alabama.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>43</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Regina L. Wagner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While significant attention in political science is devoted to national level elections, a comprehensive look at state level political dynamics in the United States is so far sorely missing, and state level electoral developments and shifts are treated as mere reflections of national-level dynamics and patterns. 
Regina L. Wagner's book Electoral Patterns in Alabama: Local Change and Continuity Amid National Trends (Palgrave MacmIllan, 2022) argues that this significantly impacts our ability to understand macro-level electoral shifts in the United States in general. The book analyzes gubernatorial, congressional, and presidential election results in the state of Alabama from 1945 through 2020. Comprehensive maps of county-level partisan shifts over time and comparisons between trends for different offices make it possible to isolate pivotal elections and compare state-level and national trends over time. When and where did Alabama’s electorate break with the Democratic Party, and were these breaks uniform across the state? Which counties shifted the most over time, and was this shift gradual or characterized by change elections? Comprehensive electoral data, on the county- and precinct-level, make it possible to answer these questions and place state-level electoral behavior in its regional and national context. Detailed county level demographic and economic data is used to provide local context for electoral patterns, shifts, and continuities.
Regina L. Wagner is assistant professor of political science at the University of Alabama.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While significant attention in political science is devoted to national level elections, a comprehensive look at state level political dynamics in the United States is so far sorely missing, and state level electoral developments and shifts are treated as mere reflections of national-level dynamics and patterns. </p><p>Regina L. Wagner's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783031067693"><em>Electoral Patterns in Alabama: Local Change and Continuity Amid National Trends</em></a> (Palgrave MacmIllan, 2022) argues that this significantly impacts our ability to understand macro-level electoral shifts in the United States in general. The book analyzes gubernatorial, congressional, and presidential election results in the state of Alabama from 1945 through 2020. Comprehensive maps of county-level partisan shifts over time and comparisons between trends for different offices make it possible to isolate pivotal elections and compare state-level and national trends over time. When and where did Alabama’s electorate break with the Democratic Party, and were these breaks uniform across the state? Which counties shifted the most over time, and was this shift gradual or characterized by change elections? Comprehensive electoral data, on the county- and precinct-level, make it possible to answer these questions and place state-level electoral behavior in its regional and national context. Detailed county level demographic and economic data is used to provide local context for electoral patterns, shifts, and continuities.</p><p>Regina L. Wagner is assistant professor of political science at the University of Alabama.</p><p>Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2374</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6526185472.mp3?updated=1666444097" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ross Cole, "The Folk: Music, Modernity, and the Political Imagination" (U California Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In The Folk: Music, Modernity, and the Political Imagination (U California Press, 2021), Ross Cole revisits the remarkable upswell of interest in folk songs in fin de siècle Britain and America. While the work of folk collectors such as John Lomax, Cecil Sharp and Hubert Parry seems primarily about the preservation of premodern musical cultures, Cole suggests that the anxieties about the disappearance of these traditions were inseparable from – and constitutive of – a critique of industrial modernity. That is, the preoccupation with folk culture in this period was as much about discontent with the present and imagining new visions for the future as it was motivated by a socio-historical interest in the vernacular musics of the past. Cole shows how the desire for ‘folk culture’ actually occluded the messy, hybrid reality of vernacular music making, and the lives of those who made it, as a result.
Cole makes the compelling case that what he calls the ‘folkloric imagination’ is shot through with a twinned politics of nostalgia and utopia, with both radical and reactionary elements lying just beneath the surface. The Folk traces how the invention of folk song by the collectors of the late 19th and early 20th Century was tightly bound up with contentious questions of race, nation, and empire that would come to an ugly head with the advent of fascism. By pursuing these threads into the present day, Cole shows how the same tensions continue to permeate the use and abuse of ‘the folk’ in contemporary political culture.
Dr Ross Cole is Lecturer in Popular Music at the University of Leeds.
﻿Gummo Clare is a PhD researcher in the School of Media and Communications, University of Leeds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ross Cole</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Folk: Music, Modernity, and the Political Imagination (U California Press, 2021), Ross Cole revisits the remarkable upswell of interest in folk songs in fin de siècle Britain and America. While the work of folk collectors such as John Lomax, Cecil Sharp and Hubert Parry seems primarily about the preservation of premodern musical cultures, Cole suggests that the anxieties about the disappearance of these traditions were inseparable from – and constitutive of – a critique of industrial modernity. That is, the preoccupation with folk culture in this period was as much about discontent with the present and imagining new visions for the future as it was motivated by a socio-historical interest in the vernacular musics of the past. Cole shows how the desire for ‘folk culture’ actually occluded the messy, hybrid reality of vernacular music making, and the lives of those who made it, as a result.
Cole makes the compelling case that what he calls the ‘folkloric imagination’ is shot through with a twinned politics of nostalgia and utopia, with both radical and reactionary elements lying just beneath the surface. The Folk traces how the invention of folk song by the collectors of the late 19th and early 20th Century was tightly bound up with contentious questions of race, nation, and empire that would come to an ugly head with the advent of fascism. By pursuing these threads into the present day, Cole shows how the same tensions continue to permeate the use and abuse of ‘the folk’ in contemporary political culture.
Dr Ross Cole is Lecturer in Popular Music at the University of Leeds.
﻿Gummo Clare is a PhD researcher in the School of Media and Communications, University of Leeds.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520383746"><em>The Folk: Music, Modernity, and the Political Imagination</em></a><em> </em>(U California Press, 2021)<em>, </em>Ross Cole revisits the remarkable upswell of interest in folk songs in fin de siècle Britain and America. While the work of folk collectors such as John Lomax, Cecil Sharp and Hubert Parry seems primarily about the preservation of premodern musical cultures, Cole suggests that the anxieties about the disappearance of these traditions were inseparable from – and constitutive of – a critique of industrial modernity. That is, the preoccupation with folk culture in this period was as much about discontent with the present and imagining new visions for the future as it was motivated by a socio-historical interest in the vernacular musics of the past. Cole shows how the desire for ‘folk culture’ actually occluded the messy, hybrid reality of vernacular music making, and the lives of those who made it, as a result.</p><p>Cole makes the compelling case that what he calls the ‘folkloric imagination’ is shot through with a twinned politics of nostalgia and utopia, with both radical and reactionary elements lying just beneath the surface. <em>The Folk</em> traces how the invention of folk song by the collectors of the late 19th and early 20th Century was tightly bound up with contentious questions of race, nation, and empire that would come to an ugly head with the advent of fascism. By pursuing these threads into the present day, Cole shows how the same tensions continue to permeate the use and abuse of ‘the folk’ in contemporary political culture.</p><p>Dr Ross Cole is Lecturer in Popular Music at the University of Leeds.</p><p><em>﻿Gummo Clare is a PhD researcher in the School of Media and Communications, University of Leeds.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3684</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8648216444.mp3?updated=1666291659" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lynn M. Hudson, "West of Jim Crow: The Fight Against California's Color Line" (U Illinois Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>California was born "under the shadow of slavery," writes Lynn Hudson, professor of history at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In West of Jim Crow: The Fight Against California's Color Line (U of Illinois Press, 2020), Hudson argues that despite its reputation as a land of opportunity and freedom, California's deeply racist past extended well into the twentieth century. As one Black Californian put it, the only difference between California and Mississippi was the way they were spelled. Yet, African Americans in the state nonetheless resisted Jim Crow in the West at every turn, from founding all Black communities to struggling to integrate public facilities such as swimming pools. West of Jim Crow is a fascinating look at how the myths about where Jim Crow segregation began and ended hide important truth's about segregation and discrimination's extent.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lynn M. Hudson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>California was born "under the shadow of slavery," writes Lynn Hudson, professor of history at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In West of Jim Crow: The Fight Against California's Color Line (U of Illinois Press, 2020), Hudson argues that despite its reputation as a land of opportunity and freedom, California's deeply racist past extended well into the twentieth century. As one Black Californian put it, the only difference between California and Mississippi was the way they were spelled. Yet, African Americans in the state nonetheless resisted Jim Crow in the West at every turn, from founding all Black communities to struggling to integrate public facilities such as swimming pools. West of Jim Crow is a fascinating look at how the myths about where Jim Crow segregation began and ended hide important truth's about segregation and discrimination's extent.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>California was born "under the shadow of slavery," writes Lynn Hudson, professor of history at the University of Illinois at Chicago. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252085253"><em>West of Jim Crow: The Fight Against California's Color Line</em></a><em> </em>(U of Illinois Press, 2020), Hudson argues that despite its reputation as a land of opportunity and freedom, California's deeply racist past extended well into the twentieth century. As one Black Californian put it, the only difference between California and Mississippi was the way they were spelled. Yet, African Americans in the state nonetheless resisted Jim Crow in the West at every turn, from founding all Black communities to struggling to integrate public facilities such as swimming pools. <em>West of Jim Crow</em> is a fascinating look at how the myths about where Jim Crow segregation began and ended hide important truth's about segregation and discrimination's extent.</p><p><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3715</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4bdbab00-4fd0-11ed-a805-4b7eb9378bae]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8855436095.mp3?updated=1666199867" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Shall We Play A Game?</title>
      <description>Remember Khrushchev-Nixon Kitchen Debate? America recognized its consumer culture was a Cold War weapon. By the early 80s, the home computer in the hands of teenagers further demonstrated American dominance on the economic and cultural fronts. But what happens when teenagers check out of real life and responsibilities too much? We look at films that can be taken as cautionary tales about the dangers of teenagers (or young adults) who don’t take the Cold War seriously. The focus is on the seemingly apolitical, irresponsible and anti-social nature of the modern, video game playing white, affluent American youth. Our more serious films are Wargames, from 1983, and The Falcon and the Snowman, from 1985. But we also throw in a little bit of The Last Starfighter (1984) and Ferris Bueller’s Day Off (1986) just to spice things up.
﻿Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>25</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On "War Games" (1983), "The Falcon and the Snowman" (1985), "The Last Starfighter" (1984), and "Ferris Bueller’s Day Off" (1986)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Remember Khrushchev-Nixon Kitchen Debate? America recognized its consumer culture was a Cold War weapon. By the early 80s, the home computer in the hands of teenagers further demonstrated American dominance on the economic and cultural fronts. But what happens when teenagers check out of real life and responsibilities too much? We look at films that can be taken as cautionary tales about the dangers of teenagers (or young adults) who don’t take the Cold War seriously. The focus is on the seemingly apolitical, irresponsible and anti-social nature of the modern, video game playing white, affluent American youth. Our more serious films are Wargames, from 1983, and The Falcon and the Snowman, from 1985. But we also throw in a little bit of The Last Starfighter (1984) and Ferris Bueller’s Day Off (1986) just to spice things up.
﻿Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Remember Khrushchev-Nixon Kitchen Debate? America recognized its consumer culture was a Cold War weapon. By the early 80s, the home computer in the hands of teenagers further demonstrated American dominance on the economic and cultural fronts. But what happens when teenagers check out of real life and responsibilities too much? We look at films that can be taken as cautionary tales about the dangers of teenagers (or young adults) who don’t take the Cold War seriously. The focus is on the seemingly apolitical, irresponsible and anti-social nature of the modern, video game playing white, affluent American youth. Our more serious films are <em>Wargames</em>, from 1983, and <em>The Falcon and the Snowman</em>, from 1985. But we also throw in a little bit of <em>The Last Starfighter</em> (1984) and <em>Ferris Bueller’s Day Off</em> (1986) just to spice things up.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3012</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[765dd4a8-5493-11ed-a13a-c7c401117b25]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Larry Ceplair, "The Hollywood Motion Picture Blacklist: Seventy-Five Years Later" (UP of Kentucky, 2022)</title>
      <description>Seventy-five years ago, the Hollywood blacklist ruined lives, stifled creativity, and sent waves of proscription and censorship throughout United States culture. When the Hollywood Ten refused to answer the questions of the House Committee on Un-American Activities about their membership in the Communist Party, they were sentenced to prison, the five who were under contract were fired by their studios, and all were blacklisted from reemployment until they "purged themselves of their communist taint." By the 1950s, this blacklist publicly stigmatized nearly three hundred other Americans in the entertainment industry who invoked the First and Fifth Amendments in their refusal to apologize for their Communist ties or provide the names of other members. Dozens of others were graylisted as the result of rumors. In The Hollywood Motion Picture Blacklist: Seventy-Five Years Later (University Press of Kentucky, 2022), Larry Ceplair offers new insights on the origins of the blacklist, the characteristics of those blacklisted, and the probability of future proscriptions of the blacklist type.
Larry Ceplair is professor emeritus of history at Santa Monica College, California.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>141</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Larry Ceplair</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Seventy-five years ago, the Hollywood blacklist ruined lives, stifled creativity, and sent waves of proscription and censorship throughout United States culture. When the Hollywood Ten refused to answer the questions of the House Committee on Un-American Activities about their membership in the Communist Party, they were sentenced to prison, the five who were under contract were fired by their studios, and all were blacklisted from reemployment until they "purged themselves of their communist taint." By the 1950s, this blacklist publicly stigmatized nearly three hundred other Americans in the entertainment industry who invoked the First and Fifth Amendments in their refusal to apologize for their Communist ties or provide the names of other members. Dozens of others were graylisted as the result of rumors. In The Hollywood Motion Picture Blacklist: Seventy-Five Years Later (University Press of Kentucky, 2022), Larry Ceplair offers new insights on the origins of the blacklist, the characteristics of those blacklisted, and the probability of future proscriptions of the blacklist type.
Larry Ceplair is professor emeritus of history at Santa Monica College, California.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Seventy-five years ago, the Hollywood blacklist ruined lives, stifled creativity, and sent waves of proscription and censorship throughout United States culture. When the Hollywood Ten refused to answer the questions of the House Committee on Un-American Activities about their membership in the Communist Party, they were sentenced to prison, the five who were under contract were fired by their studios, and all were blacklisted from reemployment until they "purged themselves of their communist taint." By the 1950s, this blacklist publicly stigmatized nearly three hundred other Americans in the entertainment industry who invoked the First and Fifth Amendments in their refusal to apologize for their Communist ties or provide the names of other members. Dozens of others were graylisted as the result of rumors. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813195889"><em>The Hollywood Motion Picture Blacklist: Seventy-Five Years Later</em></a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2022), Larry Ceplair offers new insights on the origins of the blacklist, the characteristics of those blacklisted, and the probability of future proscriptions of the blacklist type.</p><p>Larry Ceplair is professor emeritus of history at Santa Monica College, California.</p><p><a href="https://zalmannewfield.com/"><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3435</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kenyon Gradert, "Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination" (U Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Modern imagination of the Puritans typically casts them in a repressive, conservative light. But that wasn't always the case. Abolitionist activists in the nineteenth century, especially in New England, understood their Puritan heritage as one with radical political and spiritual responsibilities. Kenyon Gradert's new book, Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination (U Chicago Press, 2020) tells the surprising story of unexpected connections between the English Civil Wars and the literary drumbeats for a holy war in late antebellum America. 
﻿Your host, Ryan Shelton (@_ryanshelton) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>209</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kenyon Gradert</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Modern imagination of the Puritans typically casts them in a repressive, conservative light. But that wasn't always the case. Abolitionist activists in the nineteenth century, especially in New England, understood their Puritan heritage as one with radical political and spiritual responsibilities. Kenyon Gradert's new book, Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination (U Chicago Press, 2020) tells the surprising story of unexpected connections between the English Civil Wars and the literary drumbeats for a holy war in late antebellum America. 
﻿Your host, Ryan Shelton (@_ryanshelton) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Modern imagination of the Puritans typically casts them in a repressive, conservative light. But that wasn't always the case. Abolitionist activists in the nineteenth century, especially in New England, understood their Puritan heritage as one with radical political and spiritual responsibilities. Kenyon Gradert's new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226694023"><em>Puritan Spirits in the Abolitionist Imagination</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2020) tells the surprising story of unexpected connections between the English Civil Wars and the literary drumbeats for a holy war in late antebellum America. </p><p><em>﻿Your host, </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ryandavidshelton/"><em>Ryan Shelton</em></a><em> (@_ryanshelton) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2128</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ahmed White, "Under the Iron Heel: The Wobblies and the Capitalist War on Radical Workers" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1917, the Industrial Workers of the World was rapidly gaining strength and members. Within a decade, this radical union was effectively destroyed, the victim of the most remarkable campaign of legal repression and vigilantism in American history. Under the Iron Heel is the first comprehensive account of this campaign.
Founded in 1905, the IWW offered to the millions of workers aggrieved by industrial capitalism the promise of a better world. But its growth, coinciding with World War I and the Russian Revolution and driven by uncompromising militancy, was seen by powerful capitalists and government officials as an existential threat that had to be eliminated. In Under the Iron Heel: The Wobblies and the Capitalist War on Radical Workers (U California Press, 2022), Ahmed White documents the torrent of legal persecution and extralegal, sometimes lethal violence that shattered the IWW. In so doing, he reveals the remarkable courage of those who faced this campaign, lays bare the origins of the profoundly unequal and conflicted nation we know today, and uncovers disturbing truths about the law, political repression, and the limits of free speech and association in class society.
Ahmed White teaches labor and criminal law at the University of Colorado Boulder and is author of The Last Great Strike: Little Steel, the CIO, and the Struggle for Labor Rights in New Deal America.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>202</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ahmed White</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1917, the Industrial Workers of the World was rapidly gaining strength and members. Within a decade, this radical union was effectively destroyed, the victim of the most remarkable campaign of legal repression and vigilantism in American history. Under the Iron Heel is the first comprehensive account of this campaign.
Founded in 1905, the IWW offered to the millions of workers aggrieved by industrial capitalism the promise of a better world. But its growth, coinciding with World War I and the Russian Revolution and driven by uncompromising militancy, was seen by powerful capitalists and government officials as an existential threat that had to be eliminated. In Under the Iron Heel: The Wobblies and the Capitalist War on Radical Workers (U California Press, 2022), Ahmed White documents the torrent of legal persecution and extralegal, sometimes lethal violence that shattered the IWW. In so doing, he reveals the remarkable courage of those who faced this campaign, lays bare the origins of the profoundly unequal and conflicted nation we know today, and uncovers disturbing truths about the law, political repression, and the limits of free speech and association in class society.
Ahmed White teaches labor and criminal law at the University of Colorado Boulder and is author of The Last Great Strike: Little Steel, the CIO, and the Struggle for Labor Rights in New Deal America.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1917, the Industrial Workers of the World was rapidly gaining strength and members. Within a decade, this radical union was effectively destroyed, the victim of the most remarkable campaign of legal repression and vigilantism in American history. Under the Iron Heel is the first comprehensive account of this campaign.</p><p>Founded in 1905, the IWW offered to the millions of workers aggrieved by industrial capitalism the promise of a better world. But its growth, coinciding with World War I and the Russian Revolution and driven by uncompromising militancy, was seen by powerful capitalists and government officials as an existential threat that had to be eliminated. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520382404"><em>Under the Iron Heel: The Wobblies and the Capitalist War on Radical Workers</em></a> (U California Press, 2022), Ahmed White documents the torrent of legal persecution and extralegal, sometimes lethal violence that shattered the IWW. In so doing, he reveals the remarkable courage of those who faced this campaign, lays bare the origins of the profoundly unequal and conflicted nation we know today, and uncovers disturbing truths about the law, political repression, and the limits of free speech and association in class society.</p><p><strong>Ahmed White </strong>teaches labor and criminal law at the University of Colorado Boulder and is author of <em>The Last Great Strike: Little Steel, the CIO, and the Struggle for Labor Rights in New Deal America</em>.</p><p><strong><em>Jackson Reinhardt </em></strong><em>is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4310</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sara Wallace Goodman, "Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>What do citizens do in response to threats to democracy? Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the mass politics of civic obligation in the US, UK, and Germany. Exploring threats like foreign interference in elections and polarization, Sara Wallace Goodman shows that citizens respond to threats to democracy as partisans, interpreting civic obligation through a partisan lens that is shaped by their country's political institutions. This divided, partisan citizenship makes democratic problems worse by eroding the national unity required for democratic stability. Employing novel survey experiments in a cross-national research design, this book presents the first comprehensive and comparative analysis of citizenship norms in the face of democratic threat. In showing partisan citizens are not a reliable bulwark against democratic backsliding, Goodman identifies a key vulnerability in the mass politics of democratic order. In times of democratic crisis, defenders of democracy must work to fortify the shared foundations of democratic citizenship.
Sara Wallace Goodman is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine (UCI). Her research examines citizenship and the shaping of political identity through immigrant integration. She is the co-author of Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID (Princeton University Press, 2022), and author of Immigration and Membership Politics in Western Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2014). Goodman’s research has been cited in major news outlets, including The New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and Vox. Her research has been supported by the National Science Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>626</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Wallace Goodman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What do citizens do in response to threats to democracy? Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the mass politics of civic obligation in the US, UK, and Germany. Exploring threats like foreign interference in elections and polarization, Sara Wallace Goodman shows that citizens respond to threats to democracy as partisans, interpreting civic obligation through a partisan lens that is shaped by their country's political institutions. This divided, partisan citizenship makes democratic problems worse by eroding the national unity required for democratic stability. Employing novel survey experiments in a cross-national research design, this book presents the first comprehensive and comparative analysis of citizenship norms in the face of democratic threat. In showing partisan citizens are not a reliable bulwark against democratic backsliding, Goodman identifies a key vulnerability in the mass politics of democratic order. In times of democratic crisis, defenders of democracy must work to fortify the shared foundations of democratic citizenship.
Sara Wallace Goodman is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine (UCI). Her research examines citizenship and the shaping of political identity through immigrant integration. She is the co-author of Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID (Princeton University Press, 2022), and author of Immigration and Membership Politics in Western Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2014). Goodman’s research has been cited in major news outlets, including The New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and Vox. Her research has been supported by the National Science Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What do citizens do in response to threats to democracy? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009061049"><em>Citizenship in Hard Times: How Ordinary People Respond to Democratic Threat</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the mass politics of civic obligation in the US, UK, and Germany. Exploring threats like foreign interference in elections and polarization, Sara Wallace Goodman shows that citizens respond to threats to democracy as partisans, interpreting civic obligation through a partisan lens that is shaped by their country's political institutions. This divided, partisan citizenship makes democratic problems worse by eroding the national unity required for democratic stability. Employing novel survey experiments in a cross-national research design, this book presents the first comprehensive and comparative analysis of citizenship norms in the face of democratic threat. In showing partisan citizens are not a reliable bulwark against democratic backsliding, Goodman identifies a key vulnerability in the mass politics of democratic order. In times of democratic crisis, defenders of democracy must work to fortify the shared foundations of democratic citizenship.</p><p>Sara Wallace Goodman is Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine (UCI). Her research examines citizenship and the shaping of political identity through immigrant integration. She is the co-author of <em>Pandemic Politics: The Deadly Toll of Partisanship in the Age of COVID</em> (Princeton University Press, 2022), and author of <em>Immigration and Membership Politics in Western Europe</em> (Cambridge University Press, 2014)<em>.</em> Goodman’s research has been cited in major news outlets, including <em>The New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, </em>and <em>Vox. </em>Her research has been supported by the National Science Foundation and the Russell Sage Foundation.</p><p><a href="https://labdelaa.expressions.syr.edu/">Lamis Abdelaaty</a><em> is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/discrimination-and-delegation-9780197530061">Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees</a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:labdelaa@syr.edu">labdelaa@syr.edu</a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/LAbdelaaty">@LAbdelaaty</a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3323</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Gwen Shuni D'Arcangelis, "Bio-Imperialism: Disease, Terror, and the Construction of National Fragility" (Rutgers UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Gwen Shuni D'Arcangelis's book Bio-Imperialism: Disease, Terror, and the Construction of National Fragility (Rutgers UP, 2020) focuses on an understudied dimension of the war on terror: the fight against bioterrorism. This component of the war enlisted the biosciences and public health fields to build up the U.S. biodefense industry and U.S. global disease control. The book argues that U.S. imperial ambitions drove these shifts in focus, aided by gendered and racialized discourses on terrorism, disease, and science. These narratives helped rationalize American research expansion into dangerous germs and bioweapons in the name of biodefense and bolstered the U.S. rationale for increased interference in the disease control decisions of Global South nations. Bio-Imperialism is a sobering look at how the war on terror impacted the world in ways that we are only just starting to grapple with.
Rachel Pagones is an acupuncturist, educator, and author. Before moving to the UK in 2021 she was chair of the doctoral program in acupuncture and Chinese medicine at Pacific College of Health and Science in San Diego.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>174</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gwen Shuni D'Arcangelis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gwen Shuni D'Arcangelis's book Bio-Imperialism: Disease, Terror, and the Construction of National Fragility (Rutgers UP, 2020) focuses on an understudied dimension of the war on terror: the fight against bioterrorism. This component of the war enlisted the biosciences and public health fields to build up the U.S. biodefense industry and U.S. global disease control. The book argues that U.S. imperial ambitions drove these shifts in focus, aided by gendered and racialized discourses on terrorism, disease, and science. These narratives helped rationalize American research expansion into dangerous germs and bioweapons in the name of biodefense and bolstered the U.S. rationale for increased interference in the disease control decisions of Global South nations. Bio-Imperialism is a sobering look at how the war on terror impacted the world in ways that we are only just starting to grapple with.
Rachel Pagones is an acupuncturist, educator, and author. Before moving to the UK in 2021 she was chair of the doctoral program in acupuncture and Chinese medicine at Pacific College of Health and Science in San Diego.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Gwen Shuni D'Arcangelis's book<a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978814790"> <em>Bio-Imperialism: Disease, Terror, and the Construction of National Fragility </em></a>(Rutgers UP, 2020) focuses on an understudied dimension of the war on terror: the fight against bioterrorism. This component of the war enlisted the biosciences and public health fields to build up the U.S. biodefense industry and U.S. global disease control. The book argues that U.S. imperial ambitions drove these shifts in focus, aided by gendered and racialized discourses on terrorism, disease, and science. These narratives helped rationalize American research expansion into dangerous germs and bioweapons in the name of biodefense and bolstered the U.S. rationale for increased interference in the disease control decisions of Global South nations. <em>Bio-Imperialism</em> is a sobering look at how the war on terror impacted the world in ways that we are only just starting to grapple with.</p><p><em>Rachel Pagones is an acupuncturist, educator, and author. Before moving to the UK in 2021 she was chair of the doctoral program in acupuncture and Chinese medicine at Pacific College of Health and Science in San Diego.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3736</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Scott Bukatman, "Black Panther" (U Texas Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Black Panther was the first Black superhero in mainstream American comics. Black Panther was a cultural phenomenon that broke box office records. Yet it wasn’t just a movie led by and starring Black artists. It grappled with ideas and conflicts central to Black life in America and helped redress the racial dynamics of the Hollywood blockbuster.
Scott Bukatman, one of the foremost scholars of superheroes and cinematic spectacle, brings his impeccable pedigree to this lively and accessible study, finding in the utopianism of Black Panther (University of Texas Press, 2022) a way of re-envisioning what a superhero movie can and should be while centering the Black creators, performers, and issues behind it. He considers the superheroic Black body; the Pan-African fantasy, feminism, and Afrofuturism of Wakanda; the African American relationship to Africa; the political influence of director Ryan Coogler’s earlier movies; and the entwined performances of Chadwick Boseman’s T’Challa and Michael B. Jordan’s Killmonger. Bukatman argues that Black Panther is escapism of the best kind, offering a fantasy of liberation and social justice while demonstrating the power of popular culture to articulate ideals and raise vital questions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>137</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Scott Bukatman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Black Panther was the first Black superhero in mainstream American comics. Black Panther was a cultural phenomenon that broke box office records. Yet it wasn’t just a movie led by and starring Black artists. It grappled with ideas and conflicts central to Black life in America and helped redress the racial dynamics of the Hollywood blockbuster.
Scott Bukatman, one of the foremost scholars of superheroes and cinematic spectacle, brings his impeccable pedigree to this lively and accessible study, finding in the utopianism of Black Panther (University of Texas Press, 2022) a way of re-envisioning what a superhero movie can and should be while centering the Black creators, performers, and issues behind it. He considers the superheroic Black body; the Pan-African fantasy, feminism, and Afrofuturism of Wakanda; the African American relationship to Africa; the political influence of director Ryan Coogler’s earlier movies; and the entwined performances of Chadwick Boseman’s T’Challa and Michael B. Jordan’s Killmonger. Bukatman argues that Black Panther is escapism of the best kind, offering a fantasy of liberation and social justice while demonstrating the power of popular culture to articulate ideals and raise vital questions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Black Panther was the first Black superhero in mainstream American comics. <em>Black Panther</em> was a cultural phenomenon that broke box office records. Yet it wasn’t just a movie led by and starring Black artists. It grappled with ideas and conflicts central to Black life in America and helped redress the racial dynamics of the Hollywood blockbuster.</p><p>Scott Bukatman, one of the foremost scholars of superheroes and cinematic spectacle, brings his impeccable pedigree to this lively and accessible study, finding in the utopianism of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477325353"><em>Black Panther</em></a><em> </em>(University of Texas Press, 2022) a way of re-envisioning what a superhero movie can and should be while centering the Black creators, performers, and issues behind it. He considers the superheroic Black body; the Pan-African fantasy, feminism, and Afrofuturism of Wakanda; the African American relationship to Africa; the political influence of director Ryan Coogler’s earlier movies; and the entwined performances of Chadwick Boseman’s T’Challa and Michael B. Jordan’s Killmonger. Bukatman argues that Black Panther is escapism of the best kind, offering a fantasy of liberation and social justice while demonstrating the power of popular culture to articulate ideals and raise vital questions.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4284</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>John Suval, "Dangerous Ground: Squatters, Statesmen, and the Antebellum Rupture of American Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The squatter—defined by Noah Webster as "one that settles on new land without a title"—had long been a fixture of America's frontier past. In the antebellum period, white squatters propelled the Jacksonian Democratic Party to dominance and the United States to the shores of the Pacific. In a bold reframing of the era's political history, John Suval explores how Squatter Democracy transformed the partisan landscape and the map of North America, hastening clashes that ultimately sundered the nation.
With one eye on Washington and the other on flashpoints across the West, Dangerous Ground: Squatters, Statesmen, and the Antebellum Rupture of American Democracy (Oxford UP, 2022) tracks squatters from the Mississippi Valley and cotton lands of Texas, to Oregon, Gold Rush-era California, and, finally, Bleeding Kansas. The sweeping narrative reveals how claiming western domains became stubbornly intertwined with partisan politics and fights over the extension of slavery. While previous generations of statesmen had maligned and sought to contain illegal settlers, Democrats celebrated squatters as pioneering yeomen and encouraged their land grabs through preemption laws, Indian removal, and hawkish diplomacy. As America expanded, the party's power grew. The US-Mexican War led many to ask whether these squatters were genuine yeomen or forerunners of slavery expansion. Some northern Democrats bolted to form the Free Soil Party, while southerners denounced any hindrance to slavery's spread. Faced with a fracturing party, Democratic leaders allowed territorial inhabitants to determine whether new lands would be slave or free, leading to a destabilizing transfer of authority from Congress to frontier settlers. Squatters thus morphed from agents of Manifest Destiny into foot soldiers in battles that ruptured the party and the country.
Deeply researched and vividly written, Dangerous Ground illuminates the overlooked role of squatters in the United States' growth into a continent-spanning juggernaut and in the onset of the Civil War, casting crucial light on the promises and vulnerabilities of American democracy.
John Suval holds a Ph.D. in U.S. History from the University of Wisconsin–Madison and is a former editor of the Papers of Andrew Jackson and Research Assistant Professor of History at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. He lives in West Virginia. Website.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>134</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John Suval</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The squatter—defined by Noah Webster as "one that settles on new land without a title"—had long been a fixture of America's frontier past. In the antebellum period, white squatters propelled the Jacksonian Democratic Party to dominance and the United States to the shores of the Pacific. In a bold reframing of the era's political history, John Suval explores how Squatter Democracy transformed the partisan landscape and the map of North America, hastening clashes that ultimately sundered the nation.
With one eye on Washington and the other on flashpoints across the West, Dangerous Ground: Squatters, Statesmen, and the Antebellum Rupture of American Democracy (Oxford UP, 2022) tracks squatters from the Mississippi Valley and cotton lands of Texas, to Oregon, Gold Rush-era California, and, finally, Bleeding Kansas. The sweeping narrative reveals how claiming western domains became stubbornly intertwined with partisan politics and fights over the extension of slavery. While previous generations of statesmen had maligned and sought to contain illegal settlers, Democrats celebrated squatters as pioneering yeomen and encouraged their land grabs through preemption laws, Indian removal, and hawkish diplomacy. As America expanded, the party's power grew. The US-Mexican War led many to ask whether these squatters were genuine yeomen or forerunners of slavery expansion. Some northern Democrats bolted to form the Free Soil Party, while southerners denounced any hindrance to slavery's spread. Faced with a fracturing party, Democratic leaders allowed territorial inhabitants to determine whether new lands would be slave or free, leading to a destabilizing transfer of authority from Congress to frontier settlers. Squatters thus morphed from agents of Manifest Destiny into foot soldiers in battles that ruptured the party and the country.
Deeply researched and vividly written, Dangerous Ground illuminates the overlooked role of squatters in the United States' growth into a continent-spanning juggernaut and in the onset of the Civil War, casting crucial light on the promises and vulnerabilities of American democracy.
John Suval holds a Ph.D. in U.S. History from the University of Wisconsin–Madison and is a former editor of the Papers of Andrew Jackson and Research Assistant Professor of History at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. He lives in West Virginia. Website.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The squatter—defined by Noah Webster as "one that settles on new land without a title"—had long been a fixture of America's frontier past. In the antebellum period, white squatters propelled the Jacksonian Democratic Party to dominance and the United States to the shores of the Pacific. In a bold reframing of the era's political history, John Suval explores how Squatter Democracy transformed the partisan landscape and the map of North America, hastening clashes that ultimately sundered the nation.</p><p>With one eye on Washington and the other on flashpoints across the West, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197531426"><em>Dangerous Ground: Squatters, Statesmen, and the Antebellum Rupture of American Democracy</em></a><em> (Oxford UP, 2022)</em> tracks squatters from the Mississippi Valley and cotton lands of Texas, to Oregon, Gold Rush-era California, and, finally, Bleeding Kansas. The sweeping narrative reveals how claiming western domains became stubbornly intertwined with partisan politics and fights over the extension of slavery. While previous generations of statesmen had maligned and sought to contain illegal settlers, Democrats celebrated squatters as pioneering yeomen and encouraged their land grabs through preemption laws, Indian removal, and hawkish diplomacy. As America expanded, the party's power grew. The US-Mexican War led many to ask whether these squatters were genuine yeomen or forerunners of slavery expansion. Some northern Democrats bolted to form the Free Soil Party, while southerners denounced any hindrance to slavery's spread. Faced with a fracturing party, Democratic leaders allowed territorial inhabitants to determine whether new lands would be slave or free, leading to a destabilizing transfer of authority from Congress to frontier settlers. Squatters thus morphed from agents of Manifest Destiny into foot soldiers in battles that ruptured the party and the country.</p><p>Deeply researched and vividly written, <em>Dangerous Ground</em> illuminates the overlooked role of squatters in the United States' growth into a continent-spanning juggernaut and in the onset of the Civil War, casting crucial light on the promises and vulnerabilities of American democracy.</p><p>John Suval holds a Ph.D. in U.S. History from the University of Wisconsin–Madison and is a former editor of the Papers of Andrew Jackson and Research Assistant Professor of History at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. He lives in West Virginia. <a href="https://johnsuval.com/">Website</a>.</p><p><em>Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. </em><a href="http://twitter.com/brianfhamilton"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>. </em><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/"><em>Website</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3234</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[785f0a4a-4ca7-11ed-9953-bfa85acc99bd]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Wolverines!</title>
      <description>This episode and the next look back at films that came out in the 1980s, a decade when Hollywood seemed to cater to teenage audiences like never before. So it makes sense that the geo-political structure that shaped and influenced so much of global political action - the Cold War - would show up in movies targeting teen audiences. In the broader media landscape, the question was being asked: Could these post-Vietnam teenagers hack the reality of conflict like their dads and granddads had to? We break down two films about teenagers as soldiers - Taps, released in 1981, and Red Dawn, released in 1984. In both cases, what we see is a conversation about American military culture, whether it can still be counted on when times get tough. And if it can’t, if America’s youth reject it, is that a good thing or a bad thing?
﻿Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On "Taps" (1981) and "Red Dawn" (1984)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This episode and the next look back at films that came out in the 1980s, a decade when Hollywood seemed to cater to teenage audiences like never before. So it makes sense that the geo-political structure that shaped and influenced so much of global political action - the Cold War - would show up in movies targeting teen audiences. In the broader media landscape, the question was being asked: Could these post-Vietnam teenagers hack the reality of conflict like their dads and granddads had to? We break down two films about teenagers as soldiers - Taps, released in 1981, and Red Dawn, released in 1984. In both cases, what we see is a conversation about American military culture, whether it can still be counted on when times get tough. And if it can’t, if America’s youth reject it, is that a good thing or a bad thing?
﻿Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This episode and the next look back at films that came out in the 1980s, a decade when Hollywood seemed to cater to teenage audiences like never before. So it makes sense that the geo-political structure that shaped and influenced so much of global political action - the Cold War - would show up in movies targeting teen audiences. In the broader media landscape, the question was being asked: Could these post-Vietnam teenagers hack the reality of conflict like their dads and granddads had to? We break down two films about teenagers as soldiers - <em>Taps</em>, released in 1981, and <em>Red Dawn</em>, released in 1984. In both cases, what we see is a conversation about American military culture, whether it can still be counted on when times get tough. And if it can’t, if America’s youth reject it, is that a good thing or a bad thing?</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3307</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>The Future of Cold War: A Discussion with Sergey Radchenko</title>
      <description>Are we in a new cold war? And if so, is the US up against China or Russia? Join Owen Bennett Jones for a discussion with Sergey Radchenko, the Wilson E. Schmidt Distinguished Professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.
Radchenko is the author of Unwanted Visionaries: The Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War and Two Suns in the Heavens: The Sino-Soviet Struggle for Supremacy, 1962-1967 among other works. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>35</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sergey Radchenko</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Are we in a new cold war? And if so, is the US up against China or Russia? Join Owen Bennett Jones for a discussion with Sergey Radchenko, the Wilson E. Schmidt Distinguished Professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.
Radchenko is the author of Unwanted Visionaries: The Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War and Two Suns in the Heavens: The Sino-Soviet Struggle for Supremacy, 1962-1967 among other works. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Are we in a new cold war? And if so, is the US up against China or Russia? Join Owen Bennett Jones for a discussion with Sergey Radchenko, the Wilson E. Schmidt Distinguished Professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.</p><p>Radchenko is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780199938773"><em>Unwanted Visionaries: The Soviet Failure in Asia at the End of the Cold War</em></a> and <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780804758796"><em>Two Suns in the Heavens: The Sino-Soviet Struggle for Supremacy, 1962-1967</em></a> among other works. </p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2849</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Arthur Bradley, "Unbearable Life: A Genealogy of Political Erasure" (Columbia UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In ancient Rome, any citizen who had brought disgrace upon the state could be subject to a judgment believed to be worse than death: damnatio memoriae, condemnation of memory. The Senate would decree that every trace of the citizen's existence be removed from the city as if they had never existed in the first place. Once reserved for individuals, damnatio memoriae in different forms now extends to social classes, racial and ethnic groups, and even entire peoples. In modern times, the condemned go by different names-"enemies of the people;" the "missing," the "disappeared," "ghost" detainees in "black sites"-but they are subject to the same fate of political erasure. 
Arthur Bradley explores the power to render life unlived from ancient Rome through the War on Terror. He argues that sovereignty is the power to decide what counts as being alive and what does not: to make life "unbearable," unrecognized as having lived or died. In readings of Augustine, Shakespeare, Hobbes, Robespierre, Schmitt, and Benjamin, Bradley asks: What is the "life" of this unbearable life? How does it change and endure across sovereign time and space, from empires to republics, from kings to presidents? To what extent can it be resisted or lived otherwise? A profoundly interdisciplinary and ambitious work, Unbearable Life rethinks sovereignty, biopolitics, and political theology to find the radical potential of a life that neither lives or dies.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel. Twitter.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>323</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Arthur Bradley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In ancient Rome, any citizen who had brought disgrace upon the state could be subject to a judgment believed to be worse than death: damnatio memoriae, condemnation of memory. The Senate would decree that every trace of the citizen's existence be removed from the city as if they had never existed in the first place. Once reserved for individuals, damnatio memoriae in different forms now extends to social classes, racial and ethnic groups, and even entire peoples. In modern times, the condemned go by different names-"enemies of the people;" the "missing," the "disappeared," "ghost" detainees in "black sites"-but they are subject to the same fate of political erasure. 
Arthur Bradley explores the power to render life unlived from ancient Rome through the War on Terror. He argues that sovereignty is the power to decide what counts as being alive and what does not: to make life "unbearable," unrecognized as having lived or died. In readings of Augustine, Shakespeare, Hobbes, Robespierre, Schmitt, and Benjamin, Bradley asks: What is the "life" of this unbearable life? How does it change and endure across sovereign time and space, from empires to republics, from kings to presidents? To what extent can it be resisted or lived otherwise? A profoundly interdisciplinary and ambitious work, Unbearable Life rethinks sovereignty, biopolitics, and political theology to find the radical potential of a life that neither lives or dies.

Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube Channel. Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In ancient Rome, any citizen who had brought disgrace upon the state could be subject to a judgment believed to be worse than death: damnatio memoriae, condemnation of memory. The Senate would decree that every trace of the citizen's existence be removed from the city as if they had never existed in the first place. Once reserved for individuals, damnatio memoriae in different forms now extends to social classes, racial and ethnic groups, and even entire peoples. In modern times, the condemned go by different names-"enemies of the people;" the "missing," the "disappeared," "ghost" detainees in "black sites"-but they are subject to the same fate of political erasure. </p><p>Arthur Bradley explores the power to render life unlived from ancient Rome through the War on Terror. He argues that sovereignty is the power to decide what counts as being alive and what does not: to make life "unbearable," unrecognized as having lived or died. In readings of Augustine, Shakespeare, Hobbes, Robespierre, Schmitt, and Benjamin, Bradley asks: What is the "life" of this unbearable life? How does it change and endure across sovereign time and space, from empires to republics, from kings to presidents? To what extent can it be resisted or lived otherwise? A profoundly interdisciplinary and ambitious work, Unbearable Life rethinks sovereignty, biopolitics, and political theology to find the radical potential of a life that neither lives or dies.</p><p><br></p><p><em>Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/user/a48266/videos"><em>YouTube Channel</em></a><em>. </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TalkArtCulture"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4989</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1754030240.mp3?updated=1665499094" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Robert P. Crease, "The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory" (MIT Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.
A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.
Peter Bond is a retired physicist who worked at Brookhaven National Laboratory for 43 years in a wide variety of roles, including interim laboratory director during much of the period covered by this book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>329</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert P. Crease</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.
A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.
Peter Bond is a retired physicist who worked at Brookhaven National Laboratory for 43 years in a wide variety of roles, including interim laboratory director during much of the period covered by this book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1997, scientists at Brookhaven National Laboratory found a small leak of radioactive water near their research reactor. Brookhaven was--and is--a world-class, Nobel Prize-winning lab, and its reactor was the cornerstone of US materials science and one of the world's finest research facilities. The leak, harmless to health, came from a storage pool rather than the reactor. But its discovery triggered a media and political firestorm that resulted in the reactor's shutdown, and even attempts to close the entire laboratory.</p><p>A quarter century later, the episode reveals the dynamics of today's controversies in which fears and the dismissal of science disrupt serious discussion and research of vital issues such as vaccines, climate change, and toxic chemicals. This story has all the elements of a thriller, with vivid characters and dramatic twists and turns. Key players include congressmen and scientists; journalists and university presidents; actors, supermodels, and anti-nuclear activists, all interacting and teaming up in surprising ways. The authors, each with insider knowledge of and access to confidential documents and the key players, reveal how a fact of no health significance could be portrayed as a Chernobyl-like disaster. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780262047180"><em>The Leak: Politics, Activists, and Loss of Trust at Brookhaven National Laboratory</em></a> (MIT Press, 2022) reveals the gaps between scientists, politicians, media, and the public that have only gotten more dangerous since 1997.</p><p>Peter Bond is a retired physicist who worked at Brookhaven National Laboratory for 43 years in a wide variety of roles, including interim laboratory director during much of the period covered by this book.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5371</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7487845877.mp3?updated=1665920800" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>David Weinfeld, "An American Friendship: Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In An American Friendship: Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism (Cornell UP, 2022), David Weinfeld presents the biography of an idea, cultural pluralism, the intellectual precursor to modern multiculturalism. He roots its origins in the friendship between two philosophers, Jewish immigrant Horace Kallen and African American Alain Locke, who advanced cultural pluralism in opposition to both racist nativism and the assimilationist "melting pot." It is a simple idea—different ethnic groups can and should coexist in the United States, perpetuating their cultures for the betterment of the country as whole—and it grew out of the lived experience of this friendship between two remarkable individuals.
Kallen, a founding faculty member of the New School for Social Research, became a leading American Zionist. Locke, the first Black Rhodes Scholar, taught at Howard University and is best known as the intellectual godfather of the Harlem Renaissance and the editor of The New Negro in 1925. Their friendship began at Harvard and Oxford during the years 1906 through 1908 and was rekindled during the Great Depression, growing stronger until Locke's death in 1954. To Locke and Kallen, friendship itself was a metaphor for cultural pluralism, exemplified by people who found common ground while appreciating each other's differences. Weinfeld demonstrates how this understanding of cultural pluralism offers a new vision for diverse societies across the globe. An American Friendship provides critical background for understanding the conflicts over identity politics that polarize US society today.
Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>160</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Weinfeld</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In An American Friendship: Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism (Cornell UP, 2022), David Weinfeld presents the biography of an idea, cultural pluralism, the intellectual precursor to modern multiculturalism. He roots its origins in the friendship between two philosophers, Jewish immigrant Horace Kallen and African American Alain Locke, who advanced cultural pluralism in opposition to both racist nativism and the assimilationist "melting pot." It is a simple idea—different ethnic groups can and should coexist in the United States, perpetuating their cultures for the betterment of the country as whole—and it grew out of the lived experience of this friendship between two remarkable individuals.
Kallen, a founding faculty member of the New School for Social Research, became a leading American Zionist. Locke, the first Black Rhodes Scholar, taught at Howard University and is best known as the intellectual godfather of the Harlem Renaissance and the editor of The New Negro in 1925. Their friendship began at Harvard and Oxford during the years 1906 through 1908 and was rekindled during the Great Depression, growing stronger until Locke's death in 1954. To Locke and Kallen, friendship itself was a metaphor for cultural pluralism, exemplified by people who found common ground while appreciating each other's differences. Weinfeld demonstrates how this understanding of cultural pluralism offers a new vision for diverse societies across the globe. An American Friendship provides critical background for understanding the conflicts over identity politics that polarize US society today.
Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501763090"><em>An American Friendship: Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2022), David Weinfeld presents the biography of an idea, cultural pluralism, the intellectual precursor to modern multiculturalism. He roots its origins in the friendship between two philosophers, Jewish immigrant Horace Kallen and African American Alain Locke, who advanced cultural pluralism in opposition to both racist nativism and the assimilationist "melting pot." It is a simple idea—different ethnic groups can and should coexist in the United States, perpetuating their cultures for the betterment of the country as whole—and it grew out of the lived experience of this friendship between two remarkable individuals.</p><p>Kallen, a founding faculty member of the New School for Social Research, became a leading American Zionist. Locke, the first Black Rhodes Scholar, taught at Howard University and is best known as the intellectual godfather of the Harlem Renaissance and the editor of The New Negro in 1925. Their friendship began at Harvard and Oxford during the years 1906 through 1908 and was rekindled during the Great Depression, growing stronger until Locke's death in 1954. To Locke and Kallen, friendship itself was a metaphor for cultural pluralism, exemplified by people who found common ground while appreciating each other's differences. Weinfeld demonstrates how this understanding of cultural pluralism offers a new vision for diverse societies across the globe. <em>An American Friendship</em> provides critical background for understanding the conflicts over identity politics that polarize US society today.</p><p><a href="http://hettiewilliams.com/"><em>Hettie V. Williams</em></a><em> Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3744</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1500611757.mp3?updated=1665944836" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>John F. Lyons, "Joy and Fear: The Beatles, Chicago and the 1960s" (Permuted Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>For many, the Beatles offered a delightful alternative to the dull and the staid, while for others, the mop-top haircuts, the unsettling music, and the hysterical girls that greeted the British imports wherever they went were a symbol of unwelcome social and cultural change. This opposition to the group--more widespread and deeper rooted in Chicago than in any other major American city--increased as the decade wore on, especially when the Beatles adopted more extreme countercultural values.
At the center of this book is a cast of characters engulfed by the whirlwind of Beatlemania, including the unyielding figure of Mayor Richard J. Daley who deemed the Beatles a threat to the well-being of his city; the Chicago Tribune editor who first warned the nation about the Beatle menace; George Harrison's sister, Louise, who became a regular presence on Chicago radio; the socialist revolutionary who staged all of the Beatles' concerts in the city and used much of the profits from the shows to fund left-wing causes; the African-American girl who braved an intimidating environment to see the Beatles in concert; a fan club founder who disbelievingly found herself occupying a room opposite her heroes when they stayed at her father's hotel; the University of Chicago medical student who spent his summer vacation playing in a group that opened for the Beatles' on their last tour; and the suburban record store owner who opened a teen club modeled on the Cavern in Liverpool that hosted some of the biggest bands in the world.
Drawing on historical and contemporary accounts, Joy and Fear: The Beatles, Chicago and the 1960s (Permuted Press, 2020) brings to life the frenzied excitement of Beatlemania in 1960s Chicago, while also illustrating the deep-seated hostility from the establishment toward the Beatles.
John F. Lyons is a Professor of History at Joliet Junior College in Illinois where he teaches classes in British and American history. John on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John F. Lyons</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For many, the Beatles offered a delightful alternative to the dull and the staid, while for others, the mop-top haircuts, the unsettling music, and the hysterical girls that greeted the British imports wherever they went were a symbol of unwelcome social and cultural change. This opposition to the group--more widespread and deeper rooted in Chicago than in any other major American city--increased as the decade wore on, especially when the Beatles adopted more extreme countercultural values.
At the center of this book is a cast of characters engulfed by the whirlwind of Beatlemania, including the unyielding figure of Mayor Richard J. Daley who deemed the Beatles a threat to the well-being of his city; the Chicago Tribune editor who first warned the nation about the Beatle menace; George Harrison's sister, Louise, who became a regular presence on Chicago radio; the socialist revolutionary who staged all of the Beatles' concerts in the city and used much of the profits from the shows to fund left-wing causes; the African-American girl who braved an intimidating environment to see the Beatles in concert; a fan club founder who disbelievingly found herself occupying a room opposite her heroes when they stayed at her father's hotel; the University of Chicago medical student who spent his summer vacation playing in a group that opened for the Beatles' on their last tour; and the suburban record store owner who opened a teen club modeled on the Cavern in Liverpool that hosted some of the biggest bands in the world.
Drawing on historical and contemporary accounts, Joy and Fear: The Beatles, Chicago and the 1960s (Permuted Press, 2020) brings to life the frenzied excitement of Beatlemania in 1960s Chicago, while also illustrating the deep-seated hostility from the establishment toward the Beatles.
John F. Lyons is a Professor of History at Joliet Junior College in Illinois where he teaches classes in British and American history. John on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For many, the Beatles offered a delightful alternative to the dull and the staid, while for others, the mop-top haircuts, the unsettling music, and the hysterical girls that greeted the British imports wherever they went were a symbol of unwelcome social and cultural change. This opposition to the group--more widespread and deeper rooted in Chicago than in any other major American city--increased as the decade wore on, especially when the Beatles adopted more extreme countercultural values.</p><p>At the center of this book is a cast of characters engulfed by the whirlwind of Beatlemania, including the unyielding figure of Mayor Richard J. Daley who deemed the Beatles a threat to the well-being of his city; the Chicago Tribune editor who first warned the nation about the Beatle menace; George Harrison's sister, Louise, who became a regular presence on Chicago radio; the socialist revolutionary who staged all of the Beatles' concerts in the city and used much of the profits from the shows to fund left-wing causes; the African-American girl who braved an intimidating environment to see the Beatles in concert; a fan club founder who disbelievingly found herself occupying a room opposite her heroes when they stayed at her father's hotel; the University of Chicago medical student who spent his summer vacation playing in a group that opened for the Beatles' on their last tour; and the suburban record store owner who opened a teen club modeled on the Cavern in Liverpool that hosted some of the biggest bands in the world.</p><p>Drawing on historical and contemporary accounts, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781682619322"><em>Joy and Fear: The Beatles, Chicago and the 1960s</em></a> (Permuted Press, 2020) brings to life the frenzied excitement of Beatlemania in 1960s Chicago, while also illustrating the deep-seated hostility from the establishment toward the Beatles.</p><p>John F. Lyons is a Professor of History at Joliet Junior College in Illinois where he teaches classes in British and American history. John on <a href="https://twitter.com/JohnFLyons2">Twitter</a>.</p><p><a href="https://www.bradley-morgan.com/"><em>Bradley Morgan</em></a><em> is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493061174"><em>U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America</em></a><em>. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bradleysmorgan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4009</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7873011784.mp3?updated=1665832142" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Patricia A. Turner, "Trash Talk: Anti-Obama Lore and Race in the Twenty-First Century" (U California Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Barack Obama and his family have been the objects of rumors, legends, and conspiracy theories unprecedented in US politics. Outbreaks of anti-Obama lore have occurred in every national election cycle since 2004 and continue to the present day--two elections after his presidency ended. In Trash Talk: Anti-Obama Lore and Race in the Twenty-First Century (U California Press, 2022), folklorist Patricia A. Turner examines how these thought patterns have grown ever more vitriolic and persistent and what this means for American political culture.
Through the lens of attacks on Obama, Trash Talk explores how racist tropes circulate and gain currency. As internet communications expand in reach, rumors and conspiracy theories have become powerful political tools, and new types of lore like the hoax and fake news have taken root. The mainstream press and political establishment dismissed anti-Obama mythology for years, registering concern only when it became difficult to deny how much power those who circulated it could command. Trash Talk demonstrates that the ascendancy of Barack Obama was never a signal of a postracial America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>199</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Patricia A. Turner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Barack Obama and his family have been the objects of rumors, legends, and conspiracy theories unprecedented in US politics. Outbreaks of anti-Obama lore have occurred in every national election cycle since 2004 and continue to the present day--two elections after his presidency ended. In Trash Talk: Anti-Obama Lore and Race in the Twenty-First Century (U California Press, 2022), folklorist Patricia A. Turner examines how these thought patterns have grown ever more vitriolic and persistent and what this means for American political culture.
Through the lens of attacks on Obama, Trash Talk explores how racist tropes circulate and gain currency. As internet communications expand in reach, rumors and conspiracy theories have become powerful political tools, and new types of lore like the hoax and fake news have taken root. The mainstream press and political establishment dismissed anti-Obama mythology for years, registering concern only when it became difficult to deny how much power those who circulated it could command. Trash Talk demonstrates that the ascendancy of Barack Obama was never a signal of a postracial America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Barack Obama and his family have been the objects of rumors, legends, and conspiracy theories unprecedented in US politics. Outbreaks of anti-Obama lore have occurred in every national election cycle since 2004 and continue to the present day--two elections after his presidency ended. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520389243"><em>Trash Talk: Anti-Obama Lore and Race in the Twenty-First Century</em></a><em> </em>(U California Press, 2022), folklorist Patricia A. Turner examines how these thought patterns have grown ever more vitriolic and persistent and what this means for American political culture.</p><p>Through the lens of attacks on Obama, <em>Trash Talk</em> explores how racist tropes circulate and gain currency. As internet communications expand in reach, rumors and conspiracy theories have become powerful political tools, and new types of lore like the hoax and fake news have taken root. The mainstream press and political establishment dismissed anti-Obama mythology for years, registering concern only when it became difficult to deny how much power those who circulated it could command. <em>Trash Talk</em> demonstrates that the ascendancy of Barack Obama was never a signal of a postracial America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1949</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Radicalism, Humility, and Racism in America</title>
      <description>Today’s episode focuses on the new book by Lydia Moland, who is a Professor of Philosophy at Colby College. Her book, Lydia Maria Child: A Radical American Life (U Chicago Press, 2022) offers a powerful window into questions of humility and its relationship to racism and other forms of discrimination in American history. We talk about Child’s ideas, particularly as they relate to many of the issue facing contemporary American society.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Conversation with Philosopher Lydia Moland</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s episode focuses on the new book by Lydia Moland, who is a Professor of Philosophy at Colby College. Her book, Lydia Maria Child: A Radical American Life (U Chicago Press, 2022) offers a powerful window into questions of humility and its relationship to racism and other forms of discrimination in American history. We talk about Child’s ideas, particularly as they relate to many of the issue facing contemporary American society.
John Kaag is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. John W. Traphagan, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s episode focuses on the new book by Lydia Moland, who is a Professor of Philosophy at Colby College. Her book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226715711"><em>Lydia Maria Child: A Radical American Life</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2022) offers a powerful window into questions of humility and its relationship to racism and other forms of discrimination in American history. We talk about Child’s ideas, particularly as they relate to many of the issue facing contemporary American society.</p><p><a href="https://www.uml.edu/fahss/philosophy/faculty/kaag-john.aspx"><em>John Kaag</em></a><em> is Professor and Chair of Philosophy at UMass Lowell and External Professor at the Santa Fe Institute. </em><a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/rs/faculty/jt27"><em>John W. Traphagan</em></a><em>, Ph.D. is Professor and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Fellow in the Department of Religious Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he is also a professor in the Program in Human Dimensions of Organizations.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3862</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f5bb84b6-4d54-11ed-b032-fba03c1fcc88]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5050434187.mp3?updated=1665926841" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>What is the Role of Minorities in the Modern State?</title>
      <description>The existence of minorities has been an unavoidable reality of the creation of nation states that almost always have a dominant national group inscribed in their names. From this perspective, Germany is a country for Germans and Australia is a country for Australians. But there are invariably others who don't fit the heritage or the stereotype of German or Italian, or Australian, or whatever the country might be. So how do we deal with the reality that minorities are a normal feature of basically all countries of the world?
In this episode of International Horizons, UN Special Rapporteur for Minority Issues Fernand de Varennes discusses the job of special rapporteurs on the field, the conceptual evolution of the word minority, how the existence of minority groups in a state can provoke both political turmoil and peaceful coexistence. de Varennes also explains the role of international organizations in the protection of minorities and the new surge in populist nationalism in which minorities are targeted as the enemies of the society. Finally, he presents cases of countries that have embraced diversity and became stable and just societies.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>99</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/ca72b774-4e22-11ed-8c97-33b1fff14469/image/43457d.jpg?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Fernand de Varennes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The existence of minorities has been an unavoidable reality of the creation of nation states that almost always have a dominant national group inscribed in their names. From this perspective, Germany is a country for Germans and Australia is a country for Australians. But there are invariably others who don't fit the heritage or the stereotype of German or Italian, or Australian, or whatever the country might be. So how do we deal with the reality that minorities are a normal feature of basically all countries of the world?
In this episode of International Horizons, UN Special Rapporteur for Minority Issues Fernand de Varennes discusses the job of special rapporteurs on the field, the conceptual evolution of the word minority, how the existence of minority groups in a state can provoke both political turmoil and peaceful coexistence. de Varennes also explains the role of international organizations in the protection of minorities and the new surge in populist nationalism in which minorities are targeted as the enemies of the society. Finally, he presents cases of countries that have embraced diversity and became stable and just societies.
﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. John Torpey, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The existence of minorities has been an unavoidable reality of the creation of nation states that almost always have a dominant national group inscribed in their names. From this perspective, Germany is a country for Germans and Australia is a country for Australians. But there are invariably others who don't fit the heritage or the stereotype of German or Italian, or Australian, or whatever the country might be. So how do we deal with the reality that minorities are a normal feature of basically all countries of the world?</p><p>In this episode of International Horizons, UN Special Rapporteur for Minority Issues Fernand de Varennes discusses the job of special rapporteurs on the field, the conceptual evolution of the word minority, how the existence of minority groups in a state can provoke both political turmoil and peaceful coexistence. de Varennes also explains the role of international organizations in the protection of minorities and the new surge in populist nationalism in which minorities are targeted as the enemies of the society. Finally, he presents cases of countries that have embraced diversity and became stable and just societies.</p><p><em>﻿International Horizons is a podcast of the </em><a href="http://ralphbuncheinstitute.org/"><em>Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies</em></a><em> that brings scholarly expertise to bear on our understanding of international issues. </em><a href="https://www.gc.cuny.edu/people/john-torpey"><em>John Torpey</em></a><em>, the host of the podcast and director of the Ralph Bunche Institute, holds conversations with prominent scholars and figures in state-of-the-art international issues in our weekly episodes.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sherry Boschert, "37 Words: Title IX and Fifty Years of Fighting Sex Discrimination" (New Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>A sweeping history of the federal legislation that prohibits sex discrimination in education, published on the fiftieth anniversary of Title IX.
“No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” —Title IX’s first thirty-seven words
By prohibiting sex discrimination in federally funded education, the 1972 legislation popularly known as Title IX profoundly changed the lives of women and girls in the United States, accelerating a movement for equal education in classrooms, on sports fields, and in all of campus life.
Sherry Boschert's book 37 Words: Title IX and Fifty Years of Fighting Sex Discrimination (New Press, 2022) is the story of Title IX. Filled with rich characters—from Bernice Resnick Sandler, an early organizer for the law, to her trans grandchild—the story of Title IX is a legislative and legal drama with conflicts over regulations and challenges to the law. It’s also a human story about women denied opportunities, students struggling for an education free from sexual harassment, and activists defying sexist discrimination. These intersecting narratives of women seeking an education, playing sports, and wanting protection from sexual harassment and assault map gains and setbacks for feminism in the last fifty years and show how some women benefit more than others. Award-winning journalist Sherry Boschert beautifully explores the gripping history of Title IX through the gutsy people behind it.
In the tradition of the acclaimed documentary She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry, 37 Words offers a crucial playbook for anyone who wants to understand how we got here and who is horrified by current attacks on women’s rights.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>35</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sherry Boschert</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A sweeping history of the federal legislation that prohibits sex discrimination in education, published on the fiftieth anniversary of Title IX.
“No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” —Title IX’s first thirty-seven words
By prohibiting sex discrimination in federally funded education, the 1972 legislation popularly known as Title IX profoundly changed the lives of women and girls in the United States, accelerating a movement for equal education in classrooms, on sports fields, and in all of campus life.
Sherry Boschert's book 37 Words: Title IX and Fifty Years of Fighting Sex Discrimination (New Press, 2022) is the story of Title IX. Filled with rich characters—from Bernice Resnick Sandler, an early organizer for the law, to her trans grandchild—the story of Title IX is a legislative and legal drama with conflicts over regulations and challenges to the law. It’s also a human story about women denied opportunities, students struggling for an education free from sexual harassment, and activists defying sexist discrimination. These intersecting narratives of women seeking an education, playing sports, and wanting protection from sexual harassment and assault map gains and setbacks for feminism in the last fifty years and show how some women benefit more than others. Award-winning journalist Sherry Boschert beautifully explores the gripping history of Title IX through the gutsy people behind it.
In the tradition of the acclaimed documentary She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry, 37 Words offers a crucial playbook for anyone who wants to understand how we got here and who is horrified by current attacks on women’s rights.
Jane Scimeca is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A sweeping history of the federal legislation that prohibits sex discrimination in education, published on the fiftieth anniversary of Title IX.</p><p>“No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal financial assistance.” —Title IX’s first thirty-seven words</p><p>By prohibiting sex discrimination in federally funded education, the 1972 legislation popularly known as Title IX profoundly changed the lives of women and girls in the United States, accelerating a movement for equal education in classrooms, on sports fields, and in all of campus life.</p><p>Sherry Boschert's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620975831"><em>37 Words: Title IX and Fifty Years of Fighting Sex Discrimination</em></a> (New Press, 2022) is the story of Title IX. Filled with rich characters—from Bernice Resnick Sandler, an early organizer for the law, to her trans grandchild—the story of Title IX is a legislative and legal drama with conflicts over regulations and challenges to the law. It’s also a human story about women denied opportunities, students struggling for an education free from sexual harassment, and activists defying sexist discrimination. These intersecting narratives of women seeking an education, playing sports, and wanting protection from sexual harassment and assault map gains and setbacks for feminism in the last fifty years and show how some women benefit more than others. Award-winning journalist Sherry Boschert beautifully explores the gripping history of Title IX through the gutsy people behind it.</p><p>In the tradition of the acclaimed documentary <em>She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry</em>, <em>37 Words</em> offers a crucial playbook for anyone who wants to understand how we got here and who is horrified by current attacks on women’s rights.</p><p><a href="https://www.brookdalecc.edu/academic-institutes-and-departments/business-social-sciences/history/history-faculty/jane-scimeca/"><em>Jane Scimeca</em></a><em> is Professor of History at Brookdale Community College.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4453</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Maria Adele Carrai and Jennifer Rudolph, "The China Questions 2: Critical Insights Into US-China Relations" (Harvard UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>For decades Americans have described China as a rising power. That description no longer fits: China has already risen. What does this mean for the U.S.–China relationship? For the global economy and international security?
In this conversation, Julie Yu-Wen Chen, Professor of Chinese Studies at the University of Helsinki discusses with Maria Adele Carrai from New York University Shanghai. Maria Adele Carrai is co-creator of a website called Mapping Global China. She recently co-edited “The China Questions 2: Critical Insights into US-China Relations” (Harvard University Press, 2022) with Jennifer Rudolph and Michzel Szonyi to offer essential insights into the many dimensions of the world’s most important bilateral relationship between the US and China. The voices included in The China Questions 2 recognize that the U.S.–China relationship has changed, and that the policy of engagement needs to change too. But they argue that zero-sum thinking is not the answer. Much that is good for one society is good for both—we are facing not another Cold War but rather a complex and contextually rooted mixture of conflict, competition, and cooperation that needs to be understood on its own terms.
One unique feature of this book is that it even includes discussion of Chinese literature. In this episode, Maria Adele Carrai read a short passage from Xudong Zhang’s chapter, illuminating how Chinese writers, with “their freedom, irreverence, and subversiveness undermine the suffocating (self-)censorship, stifling conformism and the formulaic media coverage. Like a spinning gyro rotating on an invisible axis, their work points to an aesthetically determined North Star, constant and free-standing, all the while attentive to and capable of absorbing the sound and fury, sighs, and laughter around this single-minded movement (Zhang, page 393).
Julie Yu-Wen Chen is Professor of Chinese Studies at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland). Dr. Chen serves as one of the editors of the Journal of Chinese Political Science (Springer, SSCI). Formerly, she was chair of Nordic Association of China Studies (NACS) and Editor-in-Chief of Asian Ethnicity (Taylor &amp; Francis). You can find her on University of Helsinki Chinese Studies’ website, Youtube and Facebook, and her personal Twitter.
The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) based at the University of Copenhagen, along with our academic partners: the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku, and Asianettverket at the University of Oslo.
We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.
About NIAS: www.nias.ku.dk
Transcripts of the Nordic Asia Podcasts: http://www.nias.ku.dk/nordic-asia-podcast
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>152</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Maria Adele Carrai</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For decades Americans have described China as a rising power. That description no longer fits: China has already risen. What does this mean for the U.S.–China relationship? For the global economy and international security?
In this conversation, Julie Yu-Wen Chen, Professor of Chinese Studies at the University of Helsinki discusses with Maria Adele Carrai from New York University Shanghai. Maria Adele Carrai is co-creator of a website called Mapping Global China. She recently co-edited “The China Questions 2: Critical Insights into US-China Relations” (Harvard University Press, 2022) with Jennifer Rudolph and Michzel Szonyi to offer essential insights into the many dimensions of the world’s most important bilateral relationship between the US and China. The voices included in The China Questions 2 recognize that the U.S.–China relationship has changed, and that the policy of engagement needs to change too. But they argue that zero-sum thinking is not the answer. Much that is good for one society is good for both—we are facing not another Cold War but rather a complex and contextually rooted mixture of conflict, competition, and cooperation that needs to be understood on its own terms.
One unique feature of this book is that it even includes discussion of Chinese literature. In this episode, Maria Adele Carrai read a short passage from Xudong Zhang’s chapter, illuminating how Chinese writers, with “their freedom, irreverence, and subversiveness undermine the suffocating (self-)censorship, stifling conformism and the formulaic media coverage. Like a spinning gyro rotating on an invisible axis, their work points to an aesthetically determined North Star, constant and free-standing, all the while attentive to and capable of absorbing the sound and fury, sighs, and laughter around this single-minded movement (Zhang, page 393).
Julie Yu-Wen Chen is Professor of Chinese Studies at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland). Dr. Chen serves as one of the editors of the Journal of Chinese Political Science (Springer, SSCI). Formerly, she was chair of Nordic Association of China Studies (NACS) and Editor-in-Chief of Asian Ethnicity (Taylor &amp; Francis). You can find her on University of Helsinki Chinese Studies’ website, Youtube and Facebook, and her personal Twitter.
The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) based at the University of Copenhagen, along with our academic partners: the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku, and Asianettverket at the University of Oslo.
We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.
About NIAS: www.nias.ku.dk
Transcripts of the Nordic Asia Podcasts: http://www.nias.ku.dk/nordic-asia-podcast
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For decades Americans have described China as a rising power. That description no longer fits: China has already risen. What does this mean for the U.S.–China relationship? For the global economy and international security?</p><p>In this conversation, Julie Yu-Wen Chen, Professor of Chinese Studies at the University of Helsinki discusses with Maria Adele Carrai from New York University Shanghai. Maria Adele Carrai is co-creator of a website called <a href="https://mapglobalchina.com/">Mapping Global China</a>. She recently co-edited “<a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674270336">The China Questions 2: Critical Insights into US-China Relations</a>” (Harvard University Press, 2022) with Jennifer Rudolph and Michzel Szonyi to offer essential insights into the many dimensions of the world’s most important bilateral relationship between the US and China. The voices included in <em>The China Questions 2</em> recognize that the U.S.–China relationship has changed, and that the policy of engagement needs to change too. But they argue that zero-sum thinking is not the answer. Much that is good for one society is good for both—we are facing not another Cold War but rather a complex and contextually rooted mixture of conflict, competition, and cooperation that needs to be understood on its own terms.</p><p>One unique feature of this book is that it even includes discussion of Chinese literature. In this episode, Maria Adele Carrai read a short passage from Xudong Zhang’s chapter, illuminating how Chinese writers, with “their freedom, irreverence, and subversiveness undermine the suffocating (self-)censorship, stifling conformism and the formulaic media coverage. Like a spinning gyro rotating on an invisible axis, their work points to an aesthetically determined North Star, constant and free-standing, all the while attentive to and capable of absorbing the sound and fury, sighs, and laughter around this single-minded movement (Zhang, page 393).</p><p>Julie Yu-Wen Chen is <a href="http://blogs.helsinki.fi/chinastudies/team/">Professor of Chinese Studies</a> at the Department of Cultures at the University of Helsinki (Finland). Dr. Chen serves as one of the editors of the <a href="http://link.springer.com/journal/11366">Journal of Chinese Political Science</a> (Springer, SSCI). Formerly, she was chair of Nordic Association of China Studies (NACS) and Editor-in-Chief of Asian Ethnicity (Taylor &amp; Francis). You can find her on University of Helsinki Chinese Studies’ <a href="https://blogs.helsinki.fi/chinastudies/">website</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCNC6pmD2bl1Ij2AmNxSlMKQ/featured">Youtube</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/helsinkichinastudies">Facebook</a>, and her personal <a href="https://twitter.com/julieyuwenchen">Twitter</a>.</p><p>The Nordic Asia Podcast is a collaboration sharing expertise on Asia across the Nordic region, brought to you by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) based at the University of Copenhagen, along with our academic partners: the Centre for East Asian Studies at the University of Turku, and Asianettverket at the University of Oslo.</p><p>We aim to produce timely, topical and well-edited discussions of new research and developments about Asia.</p><p>About NIAS: <a href="http://www.nias.ku.dk/">www.nias.ku.dk</a></p><p>Transcripts of the Nordic Asia Podcasts: <a href="http://www.nias.ku.dk/nordic-asia-podcast">http://www.nias.ku.dk/nordic-asia-podcast</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1310</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Bhaskar Sunkara, "The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality" (Basic Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>In The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality (Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of Jacobin magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>152</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bhaskar Sunkara</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality (Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of Jacobin magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541647107"><em>The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2020), Bhaskar Sunkara explores socialism's history since the mid-1800s and presents a realistic vision for its future. With the stunning popularity of Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Americans are embracing the class politics of socialism. But what, exactly, is socialism? And what would a socialist system in America look like? The editor of <em>Jacobin</em> magazine, Sunkara shows that socialism, though often seen primarily as an economic system, in fact offers the means to fight all forms of oppression, including racism and sexism. The ultimate goal is not Soviet-style planning, but to win rights to healthcare, education, and housing, and to create new democratic institutions in workplaces and communities. A primer on socialism for the 21st century, this is a book for anyone seeking an end to the vast inequities of our age.</p><p><a href="https://independent.academia.edu/KirkMeighoo"><em>Kirk Meighoo</em></a><em> is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3915</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ramzi Fawaz, "Queer Forms" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Ramzi Fawaz, Professor of English at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that weaves together the more contemporary history of feminism and women’s liberation, the gay liberation movement, feminist and queer theory, and iconic popular culture artifacts in order to understand gendered and sexual forms in context of gender and sexual fluidity. This is a brilliant book, interdisciplinary in scope and approach, taking the reader on a journey through theoretical frameworks and interpretive understandings of where we often see queer forms, and what we think about those forms. Fawaz notes that he is working to tell a story, interpreting cultural artifacts to forefront the ideas from feminist and queer theory, knitting these approaches together to guide us through a fascinating understanding of what we see when we watch films, or television, or read comics, or enjoy Broadway performances. These interpretations provide us with ways of seeing identity and shape within narrative forms and creative storytelling. But Fawaz is also pushing against an excess of thinking that all identities and forms are fluid—instead, Queer Forms (NYU Press, 2022) examines the capacity of identity and forms to, essentially, shapeshift, which is not the same as being fluid, since shapeshifting is an adaption, and thus is not without form itself. Form has little meaning until or unless they are/it is interpreted by others.
The thrust of the work that Fawaz is doing in Queer Forms ultimately is about freedom and how we can each exist as free individuals, especially when there are often social and legal rules that constrain us as individuals with distinct identities that traverse a host of markers and qualities. Popular culture artifacts can provide the room and opportunity to imagine identities in different forms and contexts. Queer Forms provides the reader with an archive of culture forms as a kind of gift, helping us to see and understand how we might interpret or reinterpret the queer and feminist past so that we approach our daily contemporary life with that understanding. Fawaz explains the variegated theories that frame these interpretations and gets at this historical foundation—especially of the liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s—in order to engage in a valuable consideration of freedom.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>624</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ramzi Fawaz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ramzi Fawaz, Professor of English at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that weaves together the more contemporary history of feminism and women’s liberation, the gay liberation movement, feminist and queer theory, and iconic popular culture artifacts in order to understand gendered and sexual forms in context of gender and sexual fluidity. This is a brilliant book, interdisciplinary in scope and approach, taking the reader on a journey through theoretical frameworks and interpretive understandings of where we often see queer forms, and what we think about those forms. Fawaz notes that he is working to tell a story, interpreting cultural artifacts to forefront the ideas from feminist and queer theory, knitting these approaches together to guide us through a fascinating understanding of what we see when we watch films, or television, or read comics, or enjoy Broadway performances. These interpretations provide us with ways of seeing identity and shape within narrative forms and creative storytelling. But Fawaz is also pushing against an excess of thinking that all identities and forms are fluid—instead, Queer Forms (NYU Press, 2022) examines the capacity of identity and forms to, essentially, shapeshift, which is not the same as being fluid, since shapeshifting is an adaption, and thus is not without form itself. Form has little meaning until or unless they are/it is interpreted by others.
The thrust of the work that Fawaz is doing in Queer Forms ultimately is about freedom and how we can each exist as free individuals, especially when there are often social and legal rules that constrain us as individuals with distinct identities that traverse a host of markers and qualities. Popular culture artifacts can provide the room and opportunity to imagine identities in different forms and contexts. Queer Forms provides the reader with an archive of culture forms as a kind of gift, helping us to see and understand how we might interpret or reinterpret the queer and feminist past so that we approach our daily contemporary life with that understanding. Fawaz explains the variegated theories that frame these interpretations and gets at this historical foundation—especially of the liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s—in order to engage in a valuable consideration of freedom.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ramzi Fawaz, Professor of English at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has a new book that weaves together the more contemporary history of feminism and women’s liberation, the gay liberation movement, feminist and queer theory, and iconic popular culture artifacts in order to understand gendered and sexual forms in context of gender and sexual fluidity. This is a brilliant book, interdisciplinary in scope and approach, taking the reader on a journey through theoretical frameworks and interpretive understandings of where we often see queer forms, and what we think about those forms. Fawaz notes that he is working to tell a story, interpreting cultural artifacts to forefront the ideas from feminist and queer theory, knitting these approaches together to guide us through a fascinating understanding of what we see when we watch films, or television, or read comics, or enjoy Broadway performances. These interpretations provide us with ways of seeing identity and shape within narrative forms and creative storytelling. But Fawaz is also pushing against an excess of thinking that all identities and forms are fluid—instead, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479829828"><em>Queer Forms</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2022) examines the capacity of identity and forms to, essentially, shapeshift, which is not the same as being fluid, since shapeshifting is an adaption, and thus is not without form itself. Form has little meaning until or unless they are/it is interpreted by others.</p><p>The thrust of the work that Fawaz is doing in <em>Queer Forms</em> ultimately is about freedom and how we can each exist as free individuals, especially when there are often social and legal rules that constrain us as individuals with distinct identities that traverse a host of markers and qualities. Popular culture artifacts can provide the room and opportunity to imagine identities in different forms and contexts. <em>Queer Forms</em> provides the reader with an archive of culture forms as a kind of gift, helping us to see and understand how we might interpret or reinterpret the queer and feminist past so that we approach our daily contemporary life with that understanding. Fawaz explains the variegated theories that frame these interpretations and gets at this historical foundation—especially of the liberation movements in the 1960s and 1970s—in order to engage in a valuable consideration of freedom.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3636</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jill Hicks-Keeton and Cavan W. Concannon, "Does Scripture Speak for Itself?: The Museum of the Bible and the Politics of Interpretation" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Is the Bible the unembellished Word of God or the product of human agency? There are different answers to that question. And they lie at the heart of this book's powerful exploration of the fraught ways in which money, race and power shape the story of Christianity in American public life. The authors' subject is the Museum of the Bible in Washington, DC: arguably the latest example of a long line of white evangelical institutions aiming to amplify and promote a religious, political, and moral agenda of their own. 
In Does Scripture Speak for Itself?: The Museum of the Bible and the Politics of Interpretation (Cambridge UP, 2022), Jill Hicks-Keeton and Cavan Concannon disclose the ways in which the Museum's exhibits reinforce a particularized and partial interpretation of the Bible's meaning. Bringing to light the Museum's implicit messaging about scriptural provenance and audience, the authors reveal how the MOTB produces a version of the Bible that in essence authorizes a certain sort of white evangelical privilege; promotes a view of history aligned with that same evangelical aspiration; and above all protects a cohort of white evangelicals from critique. They show too how the Museum collapses vital conceptual distinctions between its own conservative vision of the Bible and 'The Bible' as a cultural icon. This revelatory volume above all confirms that scripture – for all the claims made for it that it speaks only divine truth – can in the end never be separated from human politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>4</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jill Hicks-Keeton and Cavan W. Concannon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is the Bible the unembellished Word of God or the product of human agency? There are different answers to that question. And they lie at the heart of this book's powerful exploration of the fraught ways in which money, race and power shape the story of Christianity in American public life. The authors' subject is the Museum of the Bible in Washington, DC: arguably the latest example of a long line of white evangelical institutions aiming to amplify and promote a religious, political, and moral agenda of their own. 
In Does Scripture Speak for Itself?: The Museum of the Bible and the Politics of Interpretation (Cambridge UP, 2022), Jill Hicks-Keeton and Cavan Concannon disclose the ways in which the Museum's exhibits reinforce a particularized and partial interpretation of the Bible's meaning. Bringing to light the Museum's implicit messaging about scriptural provenance and audience, the authors reveal how the MOTB produces a version of the Bible that in essence authorizes a certain sort of white evangelical privilege; promotes a view of history aligned with that same evangelical aspiration; and above all protects a cohort of white evangelicals from critique. They show too how the Museum collapses vital conceptual distinctions between its own conservative vision of the Bible and 'The Bible' as a cultural icon. This revelatory volume above all confirms that scripture – for all the claims made for it that it speaks only divine truth – can in the end never be separated from human politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is the Bible the unembellished Word of God or the product of human agency? There are different answers to that question. And they lie at the heart of this book's powerful exploration of the fraught ways in which money, race and power shape the story of Christianity in American public life. The authors' subject is the Museum of the Bible in Washington, DC: arguably the latest example of a long line of white evangelical institutions aiming to amplify and promote a religious, political, and moral agenda of their own. </p><p>In <a href="https://www.cambridgebookshop.co.uk/collections/new-books/products/does-scripture-speak-for-itself"><em>Does Scripture Speak for Itself?: The Museum of the Bible and the Politics of Interpretation </em></a>(Cambridge UP, 2022), Jill Hicks-Keeton and Cavan Concannon disclose the ways in which the Museum's exhibits reinforce a particularized and partial interpretation of the Bible's meaning. Bringing to light the Museum's implicit messaging about scriptural provenance and audience, the authors reveal how the MOTB produces a version of the Bible that in essence authorizes a certain sort of white evangelical privilege; promotes a view of history aligned with that same evangelical aspiration; and above all protects a cohort of white evangelicals from critique. They show too how the Museum collapses vital conceptual distinctions between its own conservative vision of the Bible and 'The Bible' as a cultural icon. This revelatory volume above all confirms that scripture – for all the claims made for it that it speaks only divine truth – can in the end never be separated from human politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3052</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Gabriel Debenedetti, "The Long Alliance: The Imperfect Union of Joe Biden and Barack Obama" (Henry Holt, 2022)</title>
      <description>In The Long Alliance: The Imperfect Union of Joe Biden and Barack Obama (Henry Holt, 2022) New York Magazine national correspondent Gabriel Debenedetti reveals an inside look at the historically close, complicated, occasionally co-dependent, and at-times uncertain relationship between Joe Biden and Barack Obama. Delving far deeper than the simplistic “bromance” narrative that’s long held the public eye, The Long Alliance reveals the past, present, and future of the unusual partnership, detailing its development, its twists and turns, its ruptures and reunions, and its path to this pivotal moment for each man’s legacy. The true story of this relationship, from 2003 into 2022, is significantly more layered and consequential than is widely understood. The original mismatch between the veteran Washington traditionalist and the once-in-a-generation outsider has transformed repeatedly in ways that have molded not just four different presidential campaigns and two different political parties, but also wars, a devastating near-depression, movements for social equality, and the fight for the future of American democracy. The bond between them has been, at various times over the past two decades, tense, affectionate, nonexistent, and ironclad — but it has always been surprising. Now it is shaping a second presidential administration, and the future of the world as we know it.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>150</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gabriel Debenedetti</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Long Alliance: The Imperfect Union of Joe Biden and Barack Obama (Henry Holt, 2022) New York Magazine national correspondent Gabriel Debenedetti reveals an inside look at the historically close, complicated, occasionally co-dependent, and at-times uncertain relationship between Joe Biden and Barack Obama. Delving far deeper than the simplistic “bromance” narrative that’s long held the public eye, The Long Alliance reveals the past, present, and future of the unusual partnership, detailing its development, its twists and turns, its ruptures and reunions, and its path to this pivotal moment for each man’s legacy. The true story of this relationship, from 2003 into 2022, is significantly more layered and consequential than is widely understood. The original mismatch between the veteran Washington traditionalist and the once-in-a-generation outsider has transformed repeatedly in ways that have molded not just four different presidential campaigns and two different political parties, but also wars, a devastating near-depression, movements for social equality, and the fight for the future of American democracy. The bond between them has been, at various times over the past two decades, tense, affectionate, nonexistent, and ironclad — but it has always been surprising. Now it is shaping a second presidential administration, and the future of the world as we know it.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250829979"><em>The Long Alliance: The Imperfect Union of Joe Biden and Barack Obama</em></a><em> </em>(Henry Holt, 2022)<em> </em>New York Magazine national correspondent Gabriel Debenedetti reveals an inside look at the historically close, complicated, occasionally co-dependent, and at-times uncertain relationship between Joe Biden and Barack Obama. Delving far deeper than the simplistic “bromance” narrative that’s long held the public eye, The Long Alliance reveals the past, present, and future of the unusual partnership, detailing its development, its twists and turns, its ruptures and reunions, and its path to this pivotal moment for each man’s legacy. The true story of this relationship, from 2003 into 2022, is significantly more layered and consequential than is widely understood. The original mismatch between the veteran Washington traditionalist and the once-in-a-generation outsider has transformed repeatedly in ways that have molded not just four different presidential campaigns and two different political parties, but also wars, a devastating near-depression, movements for social equality, and the fight for the future of American democracy. The bond between them has been, at various times over the past two decades, tense, affectionate, nonexistent, and ironclad — but it has always been surprising. Now it is shaping a second presidential administration, and the future of the world as we know it.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4847747570.mp3?updated=1664991725" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Suzana Sawyer, "The Small Matter of Suing Chevron" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 2011, an Ecuadorian court issued the world’s largest environmental contamination liability: a $9.5 billion judgment against Chevron. Within years, a US federal court and an international tribunal determined that the Ecuadorian judgment had been procured through fraud and was unenforceable.
In The Small Matter of Suing Chevron (Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Suzana Sawyer delves into this legal trilogy to explore how distinct legal truths were relationally composed of, with, and through crude oil. In Sawyer’s analysis, chemistry proves crucial. Analytically, it affords a grammar for appreciating how molecular, technical, and legal agencies catalyzed distinct jurisdictional renderings. Empirically, the chemistry of hydrocarbons (its complexity, unfathomability, and misattribution) significantly shaped competing judicial determinations. Ultimately, chemical, scientific, contractual, and litigating techniques precipitated this legal saga’s metamorphic transformation, transmuting a contamination claim into an environmental liability, then a racketeering scheme, and then a breach of treaty.
Holding the paradoxes of complicity in suspension, Dr. Sawyer deftly demonstrates how crude matters, technoscience, and liberal legality configure how risk and reward, deprivation and disavowal, suffering and surfeit become legally and unevenly distributed.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>169</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Suzana Sawyer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2011, an Ecuadorian court issued the world’s largest environmental contamination liability: a $9.5 billion judgment against Chevron. Within years, a US federal court and an international tribunal determined that the Ecuadorian judgment had been procured through fraud and was unenforceable.
In The Small Matter of Suing Chevron (Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Suzana Sawyer delves into this legal trilogy to explore how distinct legal truths were relationally composed of, with, and through crude oil. In Sawyer’s analysis, chemistry proves crucial. Analytically, it affords a grammar for appreciating how molecular, technical, and legal agencies catalyzed distinct jurisdictional renderings. Empirically, the chemistry of hydrocarbons (its complexity, unfathomability, and misattribution) significantly shaped competing judicial determinations. Ultimately, chemical, scientific, contractual, and litigating techniques precipitated this legal saga’s metamorphic transformation, transmuting a contamination claim into an environmental liability, then a racketeering scheme, and then a breach of treaty.
Holding the paradoxes of complicity in suspension, Dr. Sawyer deftly demonstrates how crude matters, technoscience, and liberal legality configure how risk and reward, deprivation and disavowal, suffering and surfeit become legally and unevenly distributed.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2011, an Ecuadorian court issued the world’s largest environmental contamination liability: a $9.5 billion judgment against Chevron. Within years, a US federal court and an international tribunal determined that the Ecuadorian judgment had been procured through fraud and was unenforceable.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478017950"><em>The Small Matter of Suing Chevron</em></a><em> </em>(Duke University Press, 2022) Dr. Suzana Sawyer delves into this legal trilogy to explore how distinct legal truths were relationally composed of, with, and through crude oil. In Sawyer’s analysis, chemistry proves crucial. Analytically, it affords a grammar for appreciating how molecular, technical, and legal agencies catalyzed distinct jurisdictional renderings. Empirically, the chemistry of hydrocarbons (its complexity, unfathomability, and misattribution) significantly shaped competing judicial determinations. Ultimately, chemical, scientific, contractual, and litigating techniques precipitated this legal saga’s metamorphic transformation, transmuting a contamination claim into an environmental liability, then a racketeering scheme, and then a breach of treaty.</p><p>Holding the paradoxes of complicity in suspension, Dr. Sawyer deftly demonstrates how crude matters, technoscience, and liberal legality configure how risk and reward, deprivation and disavowal, suffering and surfeit become legally and unevenly distributed.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5171</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e789d870-4426-11ed-8497-c7eeb397d7af]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sami Schalk, "Black Disability Politics" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Black Disability Politics (Duke UP, 2022) Sami Schalk explores how issues of disability have been and continue to be central to Black activism from the 1970s to the present. Dr. Schalk shows how Black people have long engaged with disability as a political issue deeply tied to race and racism. She points out that this work has not been recognized as part of the legacy of disability justice and liberation because Black disability politics differ in language and approach from the mainstream white-dominant disability rights movement. Drawing on the archives of the Black Panther Party and the National Black Women’s Health Project alongside interviews with contemporary Black disabled cultural workers, Dr. Schalk identifies common qualities of Black disability politics, including the need to ground public health initiatives in the experience and expertise of marginalized disabled people so that they can work in antiracist, feminist, and anti-ableist ways. Prioritizing an understanding of disability within the context of white supremacy, Dr. Schalk demonstrates that the work of Black disability politics not only exists but is essential to the future of Black liberation movements.
Dr. Sami Schalk is Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and is the author of Bodymind Reimagined: Disability, Race, Gender in Black Women’s Speculative Fiction (Duke University Press, 2018).
Sohini Chatterjee is a PhD Candidate in Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies at Western University, Canada. Her work has recently appeared in Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal, South Asian Popular Culture and Fat Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Black Disability Politics (Duke UP, 2022) Sami Schalk explores how issues of disability have been and continue to be central to Black activism from the 1970s to the present. Dr. Schalk shows how Black people have long engaged with disability as a political issue deeply tied to race and racism. She points out that this work has not been recognized as part of the legacy of disability justice and liberation because Black disability politics differ in language and approach from the mainstream white-dominant disability rights movement. Drawing on the archives of the Black Panther Party and the National Black Women’s Health Project alongside interviews with contemporary Black disabled cultural workers, Dr. Schalk identifies common qualities of Black disability politics, including the need to ground public health initiatives in the experience and expertise of marginalized disabled people so that they can work in antiracist, feminist, and anti-ableist ways. Prioritizing an understanding of disability within the context of white supremacy, Dr. Schalk demonstrates that the work of Black disability politics not only exists but is essential to the future of Black liberation movements.
Dr. Sami Schalk is Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and is the author of Bodymind Reimagined: Disability, Race, Gender in Black Women’s Speculative Fiction (Duke University Press, 2018).
Sohini Chatterjee is a PhD Candidate in Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies at Western University, Canada. Her work has recently appeared in Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal, South Asian Popular Culture and Fat Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478025009"><em>Black Disability Politics</em></a> (Duke UP, 2022) Sami Schalk explores how issues of disability have been and continue to be central to Black activism from the 1970s to the present. Dr. Schalk shows how Black people have long engaged with disability as a political issue deeply tied to race and racism. She points out that this work has not been recognized as part of the legacy of disability justice and liberation because Black disability politics differ in language and approach from the mainstream white-dominant disability rights movement. Drawing on the archives of the Black Panther Party and the National Black Women’s Health Project alongside interviews with contemporary Black disabled cultural workers, Dr. Schalk identifies common qualities of Black disability politics, including the need to ground public health initiatives in the experience and expertise of marginalized disabled people so that they can work in antiracist, feminist, and anti-ableist ways. Prioritizing an understanding of disability within the context of white supremacy, Dr. Schalk demonstrates that the work of Black disability politics not only exists but is essential to the future of Black liberation movements.</p><p>Dr. Sami Schalk is Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and is the author of <em>Bodymind Reimagined: Disability, Race, Gender in Black Women’s Speculative Fiction</em> (Duke University Press, 2018).</p><p><a href="https://in.linkedin.com/in/sohini-chatterjee-763b39110"><em>Sohini Chatterjee</em></a><em> is a PhD Candidate in Gender, Sexuality, and Women's Studies at Western University, Canada. Her work has recently appeared in Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal, South Asian Popular Culture and Fat Studies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2350</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4346200272.mp3?updated=1665219498" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mitch Troutman, "Bootleg Coal Rebellion: The Pennsylvania Miners Who Seized an Industry, 1925-1942" (PM Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Told with great intimacy and compassion, Bootleg Coal Rebellion: The Pennsylvania Miners Who Seized an Industry, 1925-1942 (PM Press, 2022) uncovers a long-buried history of resistance and resilience among depression-era miners in Pennsylvania, who sunk their own mines on company grounds and fought police, bankers, coal companies and courts to form a union that would safeguard not just their livelihoods, but protect their collective autonomy as citizens and workers for decades. Community and Labor organizer Mitch Troutman brings this explosive and accessible American tale to life through the bootleggers' own words. Scholars, historians, organizers and activists will celebrate this story of the people who literally seized mountains and stood their ground to create the Equalization movement, the miners' union democracy movement, and the Communist-led Unemployed Councils of the anthracite region. This epic story of work, love, and community stands as a testament to the power of collective action; a story that is sorely needed as communities today rise to confront neoliberal policies ravaging our planet.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1272</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mitch Troutman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Told with great intimacy and compassion, Bootleg Coal Rebellion: The Pennsylvania Miners Who Seized an Industry, 1925-1942 (PM Press, 2022) uncovers a long-buried history of resistance and resilience among depression-era miners in Pennsylvania, who sunk their own mines on company grounds and fought police, bankers, coal companies and courts to form a union that would safeguard not just their livelihoods, but protect their collective autonomy as citizens and workers for decades. Community and Labor organizer Mitch Troutman brings this explosive and accessible American tale to life through the bootleggers' own words. Scholars, historians, organizers and activists will celebrate this story of the people who literally seized mountains and stood their ground to create the Equalization movement, the miners' union democracy movement, and the Communist-led Unemployed Councils of the anthracite region. This epic story of work, love, and community stands as a testament to the power of collective action; a story that is sorely needed as communities today rise to confront neoliberal policies ravaging our planet.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Told with great intimacy and compassion, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781629639338"><em>Bootleg Coal Rebellion: The Pennsylvania Miners Who Seized an Industry, 1925-1942</em></a> (PM Press, 2022) uncovers a long-buried history of resistance and resilience among depression-era miners in Pennsylvania, who sunk their own mines on company grounds and fought police, bankers, coal companies and courts to form a union that would safeguard not just their livelihoods, but protect their collective autonomy as citizens and workers for decades. Community and Labor organizer Mitch Troutman brings this explosive and accessible American tale to life through the bootleggers' own words. Scholars, historians, organizers and activists will celebrate this story of the people who literally seized mountains and stood their ground to create the Equalization movement, the miners' union democracy movement, and the Communist-led Unemployed Councils of the anthracite region. This epic story of work, love, and community stands as a testament to the power of collective action; a story that is sorely needed as communities today rise to confront neoliberal policies ravaging our planet.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2477</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andrew Porwancher et al., "The Prophet of Harvard Law: James Bradley Thayer and His Legal Legacy" (UP of Kansas, 2022)</title>
      <description>Though relatively short, the 2022 book The Prophet of Harvard Law: James Bradley Thayer and His Legal Legacy (UP of Kansas, 2022) by Andrew Porwancher, Austin Coffey, Taylor Jipp, and Jake Mazeitis, is jam-packed with information about late 19th and early 20th Century legal history and the professionalization of American legal education.
This is a moving tale of a professor whose acolytes included some of the giants of American jurisprudence (e.g., the judges and justices Oliver Wendell Holmes, Louis Brandeis, Learned Hand and the legal scholars John Henry Wigmore and Roscoe Pound). Even those not directly taught by Thayer, such as Felix Frankfurter, lauded him as an intellectual influence.
You may be thinking, “Why should I take the time to read a book about a long-dead Harvard law professor?” Well, because many of the issues that James Bradley Thayer (1831-1902) and his students grappled with have shaped almost every encounter Americans have with the law and affect our rights from the workplace to the schoolroom to the courtroom.
Thayer and Wigmore, for example, did pioneering work on the laws of evidence. Hand did the same on the topic of expert testimony. Holmes and Thayer thrashed out the meaning of the word “presumption” as it was used in trials. And on a grander scale, Holmes, Brandeis, and Hand were trained as thinkers on Constitutional law by Thayer. We could all do with a primer on what “living constitutionalism” is, for example.
The book is also valuable for its contributions to the field of the history of education and will benefit those researching the development of professional associations and the transformation of universities like Harvard from small liberal arts institutions into major research universities. This is social history at its best.
We read about how Thayer attracted bright young men from across the country who applied what they learned under their beloved mentor once they left Harvard and took up posts elsewhere (as Wigmore did as dean at Northwestern Law School) and/or played key roles in major legal cases in the Progressive Era and beyond. Economics. Labor Law. Free speech. They’re all here.
And “beloved” is not too strong a word for the way these titans of American law regarded Thayer. Early career academics in any field who need a role model of a dedicated teacher could do worse than study the life of James Bradley Thayer. He was the subject of admiration and gratitude decades later by influential men who credited him with providing moral support and practical help when they were first starting out and for setting a standard of learning and hard work that they applied in their judicial and academic careers. Thayer was a networker and mentor par excellence.
The book is interesting in itself apart from its subject in that it is a joint work by a professor (Andrew Porwancher) and three of his former students. That is a project worthy of note and something Thayer would almost certainly have endorsed, given how closely he worked with his students when they were at Harvard and, in many cases, for years afterward. It is no exaggeration to say that our lives today were affected by the active law-related personal correspondence between Thayer and his men.
Let’s hear from Professor Porwancher about what might be called the Thayer Effect and what co-authorship with students entails.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Porwancher</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Though relatively short, the 2022 book The Prophet of Harvard Law: James Bradley Thayer and His Legal Legacy (UP of Kansas, 2022) by Andrew Porwancher, Austin Coffey, Taylor Jipp, and Jake Mazeitis, is jam-packed with information about late 19th and early 20th Century legal history and the professionalization of American legal education.
This is a moving tale of a professor whose acolytes included some of the giants of American jurisprudence (e.g., the judges and justices Oliver Wendell Holmes, Louis Brandeis, Learned Hand and the legal scholars John Henry Wigmore and Roscoe Pound). Even those not directly taught by Thayer, such as Felix Frankfurter, lauded him as an intellectual influence.
You may be thinking, “Why should I take the time to read a book about a long-dead Harvard law professor?” Well, because many of the issues that James Bradley Thayer (1831-1902) and his students grappled with have shaped almost every encounter Americans have with the law and affect our rights from the workplace to the schoolroom to the courtroom.
Thayer and Wigmore, for example, did pioneering work on the laws of evidence. Hand did the same on the topic of expert testimony. Holmes and Thayer thrashed out the meaning of the word “presumption” as it was used in trials. And on a grander scale, Holmes, Brandeis, and Hand were trained as thinkers on Constitutional law by Thayer. We could all do with a primer on what “living constitutionalism” is, for example.
The book is also valuable for its contributions to the field of the history of education and will benefit those researching the development of professional associations and the transformation of universities like Harvard from small liberal arts institutions into major research universities. This is social history at its best.
We read about how Thayer attracted bright young men from across the country who applied what they learned under their beloved mentor once they left Harvard and took up posts elsewhere (as Wigmore did as dean at Northwestern Law School) and/or played key roles in major legal cases in the Progressive Era and beyond. Economics. Labor Law. Free speech. They’re all here.
And “beloved” is not too strong a word for the way these titans of American law regarded Thayer. Early career academics in any field who need a role model of a dedicated teacher could do worse than study the life of James Bradley Thayer. He was the subject of admiration and gratitude decades later by influential men who credited him with providing moral support and practical help when they were first starting out and for setting a standard of learning and hard work that they applied in their judicial and academic careers. Thayer was a networker and mentor par excellence.
The book is interesting in itself apart from its subject in that it is a joint work by a professor (Andrew Porwancher) and three of his former students. That is a project worthy of note and something Thayer would almost certainly have endorsed, given how closely he worked with his students when they were at Harvard and, in many cases, for years afterward. It is no exaggeration to say that our lives today were affected by the active law-related personal correspondence between Thayer and his men.
Let’s hear from Professor Porwancher about what might be called the Thayer Effect and what co-authorship with students entails.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Though relatively short, the 2022 book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700633593"><em>The Prophet of Harvard Law: James Bradley Thayer and His Legal Legacy</em></a><em> </em>(UP of Kansas, 2022) by Andrew Porwancher, Austin Coffey, Taylor Jipp, and Jake Mazeitis, is jam-packed with information about late 19th and early 20th Century legal history and the professionalization of American legal education.</p><p>This is a moving tale of a professor whose acolytes included some of the giants of American jurisprudence (e.g., the judges and justices Oliver Wendell Holmes, Louis Brandeis, Learned Hand and the legal scholars John Henry Wigmore and Roscoe Pound). Even those not directly taught by Thayer, such as Felix Frankfurter, lauded him as an intellectual influence.</p><p>You may be thinking, “Why should I take the time to read a book about a long-dead Harvard law professor?” Well, because many of the issues that James Bradley Thayer (1831-1902) and his students grappled with have shaped almost every encounter Americans have with the law and affect our rights from the workplace to the schoolroom to the courtroom.</p><p>Thayer and Wigmore, for example, did pioneering work on the laws of evidence. Hand did the same on the topic of expert testimony. Holmes and Thayer thrashed out the meaning of the word “presumption” as it was used in trials. And on a grander scale, Holmes, Brandeis, and Hand were trained as thinkers on Constitutional law by Thayer. We could all do with a primer on what “living constitutionalism” is, for example.</p><p>The book is also valuable for its contributions to the field of the history of education and will benefit those researching the development of professional associations and the transformation of universities like Harvard from small liberal arts institutions into major research universities. This is social history at its best.</p><p>We read about how Thayer attracted bright young men from across the country who applied what they learned under their beloved mentor once they left Harvard and took up posts elsewhere (as Wigmore did as dean at Northwestern Law School) and/or played key roles in major legal cases in the Progressive Era and beyond. Economics. Labor Law. Free speech. They’re all here.</p><p>And “beloved” is not too strong a word for the way these titans of American law regarded Thayer. Early career academics in any field who need a role model of a dedicated teacher could do worse than study the life of James Bradley Thayer. He was the subject of admiration and gratitude decades later by influential men who credited him with providing moral support and practical help when they were first starting out and for setting a standard of learning and hard work that they applied in their judicial and academic careers. Thayer was a networker and mentor par excellence.</p><p>The book is interesting in itself apart from its subject in that it is a joint work by a professor (Andrew Porwancher) and three of his former students. That is a project worthy of note and something Thayer would almost certainly have endorsed, given how closely he worked with his students when they were at Harvard and, in many cases, for years afterward. It is no exaggeration to say that our lives today were affected by the active law-related personal correspondence between Thayer and his men.</p><p>Let’s hear from Professor Porwancher about what might be called the Thayer Effect and what co-authorship with students entails.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4590</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1df8b6fc-4679-11ed-8f12-4ffe68e2bdb3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6532302752.mp3?updated=1665172862" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Montoya, "The Second Civil War: A Citizen's Guide to Healing Our Fractured Nation" (RH Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>America is on the brink of disaster. You've seen it -- on television, social media, at work, and even in your personal life. We're in the midst of a cold civil war, and the tension is mounting. We've lost friends and damaged relationships over opposing political views, and many of us now struggle with anxiety, anger, media addiction, or depression as we cope with the toxic weapons of cancel culture, unfriending, shunning, doxing, intimidation, and even threats of violence.
The Second Civil War: A Citizen's Guide to Healing Our Fractured Nation (RH Press, 2021) is a guidebook for every American troubled by our growing national divide. Peter Montoya provides meaningful tools and practical strategies you can implement to end political bigotry, repair broken relationships, recognize misinformation and resist fearmongering, use social media in a way that it doesn't use you, coexist with those who hold opposing views, embrace positive patriotism, and help reunify the United States of America.
While the wars of the 20th century were waged by countries or institutions, the rise of unethical media, combined with the accessible power of technology, has placed us, as individuals, both on the front lines and within the command bunkers. We're not just fighting this war; we're running it -- and it's up to each and every one of us to end it. The Second Civil War shows you how.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>150</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter Montoya</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America is on the brink of disaster. You've seen it -- on television, social media, at work, and even in your personal life. We're in the midst of a cold civil war, and the tension is mounting. We've lost friends and damaged relationships over opposing political views, and many of us now struggle with anxiety, anger, media addiction, or depression as we cope with the toxic weapons of cancel culture, unfriending, shunning, doxing, intimidation, and even threats of violence.
The Second Civil War: A Citizen's Guide to Healing Our Fractured Nation (RH Press, 2021) is a guidebook for every American troubled by our growing national divide. Peter Montoya provides meaningful tools and practical strategies you can implement to end political bigotry, repair broken relationships, recognize misinformation and resist fearmongering, use social media in a way that it doesn't use you, coexist with those who hold opposing views, embrace positive patriotism, and help reunify the United States of America.
While the wars of the 20th century were waged by countries or institutions, the rise of unethical media, combined with the accessible power of technology, has placed us, as individuals, both on the front lines and within the command bunkers. We're not just fighting this war; we're running it -- and it's up to each and every one of us to end it. The Second Civil War shows you how.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America is on the brink of disaster. You've seen it -- on television, social media, at work, and even in your personal life. We're in the midst of a cold civil war, and the tension is mounting. We've lost friends and damaged relationships over opposing political views, and many of us now struggle with anxiety, anger, media addiction, or depression as we cope with the toxic weapons of cancel culture, unfriending, shunning, doxing, intimidation, and even threats of violence.</p><p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Second-Civil-War-citizens-fractured/dp/1737206730"><em>The Second Civil War: A Citizen's Guide to Healing Our Fractured Nation</em></a><em> </em>(RH Press, 2021) is a guidebook for every American troubled by our growing national divide. Peter Montoya provides meaningful tools and practical strategies you can implement to end political bigotry, repair broken relationships, recognize misinformation and resist fearmongering, use social media in a way that it doesn't use you, coexist with those who hold opposing views, embrace positive patriotism, and help reunify the United States of America.</p><p>While the wars of the 20th century were waged by countries or institutions, the rise of unethical media, combined with the accessible power of technology, has placed us, as individuals, both on the front lines and within the command bunkers. We're not just fighting this war; we're running it -- and it's up to each and every one of us to end it. <em>The Second Civil War</em> shows you how.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1326</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>M. Margaret McKeown, "Citizen Justice: The Environmental Legacy of William O. Douglas" (Potomac Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas was a giant in the legal world, even if he is often remembered for his four wives, as a potential vice-presidential nominee, as a target of impeachment proceedings, and for his tenure as the longest-serving justice from 1939 to 1975. His most enduring legacy, however, is perhaps his advocacy for the environment.
Douglas was the spiritual heir to early twentieth-century conservation pioneers such as Teddy Roosevelt and John Muir. His personal spiritual mantra embraced nature as a place of solitude, sanctuary, and refuge. Caught in the giant expansion of America's urban and transportation infrastructure after World War II, Douglas became a powerful leader in forging the ambitious goals of today's environmental movement. And, in doing so, Douglas became a true citizen justice.
In a way unthinkable today, Douglas ran a one-man lobby shop from his chambers at the U.S. Supreme Court, bringing him admiration from allies in conservation groups but raising ethical issues with his colleagues. He became a national figure through his books, articles, and speeches warning against environmental dangers. Douglas organized protest hikes to leverage his position as a national icon, he lobbied politicians and policymakers privately about everything from logging to highway construction and pollution, and he protested at the Supreme Court through his voluminous and passionate dissents.
Douglas made a lasting contribution to both the physical environment and environmental law--with trees still standing, dams unbuilt, and beaches protected as a result of his work. His merged roles as citizen advocate and justice also put him squarely in the center of ethical dilemmas that he never fully resolved. M. Margaret McKeown's Citizen Justice: The Environmental Legacy of William O. Douglas (Potomac Books, 2022) elucidates the why and how of these tensions and their contemporary lessons against the backdrop of Douglas's unparalleled commitment to the environment.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>171</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with M. Margaret McKeown</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas was a giant in the legal world, even if he is often remembered for his four wives, as a potential vice-presidential nominee, as a target of impeachment proceedings, and for his tenure as the longest-serving justice from 1939 to 1975. His most enduring legacy, however, is perhaps his advocacy for the environment.
Douglas was the spiritual heir to early twentieth-century conservation pioneers such as Teddy Roosevelt and John Muir. His personal spiritual mantra embraced nature as a place of solitude, sanctuary, and refuge. Caught in the giant expansion of America's urban and transportation infrastructure after World War II, Douglas became a powerful leader in forging the ambitious goals of today's environmental movement. And, in doing so, Douglas became a true citizen justice.
In a way unthinkable today, Douglas ran a one-man lobby shop from his chambers at the U.S. Supreme Court, bringing him admiration from allies in conservation groups but raising ethical issues with his colleagues. He became a national figure through his books, articles, and speeches warning against environmental dangers. Douglas organized protest hikes to leverage his position as a national icon, he lobbied politicians and policymakers privately about everything from logging to highway construction and pollution, and he protested at the Supreme Court through his voluminous and passionate dissents.
Douglas made a lasting contribution to both the physical environment and environmental law--with trees still standing, dams unbuilt, and beaches protected as a result of his work. His merged roles as citizen advocate and justice also put him squarely in the center of ethical dilemmas that he never fully resolved. M. Margaret McKeown's Citizen Justice: The Environmental Legacy of William O. Douglas (Potomac Books, 2022) elucidates the why and how of these tensions and their contemporary lessons against the backdrop of Douglas's unparalleled commitment to the environment.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>U.S. Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas was a giant in the legal world, even if he is often remembered for his four wives, as a potential vice-presidential nominee, as a target of impeachment proceedings, and for his tenure as the longest-serving justice from 1939 to 1975. His most enduring legacy, however, is perhaps his advocacy for the environment.</p><p>Douglas was the spiritual heir to early twentieth-century conservation pioneers such as Teddy Roosevelt and John Muir. His personal spiritual mantra embraced nature as a place of solitude, sanctuary, and refuge. Caught in the giant expansion of America's urban and transportation infrastructure after World War II, Douglas became a powerful leader in forging the ambitious goals of today's environmental movement. And, in doing so, Douglas became a true citizen justice.</p><p>In a way unthinkable today, Douglas ran a one-man lobby shop from his chambers at the U.S. Supreme Court, bringing him admiration from allies in conservation groups but raising ethical issues with his colleagues. He became a national figure through his books, articles, and speeches warning against environmental dangers. Douglas organized protest hikes to leverage his position as a national icon, he lobbied politicians and policymakers privately about everything from logging to highway construction and pollution, and he protested at the Supreme Court through his voluminous and passionate dissents.</p><p>Douglas made a lasting contribution to both the physical environment and environmental law--with trees still standing, dams unbuilt, and beaches protected as a result of his work. His merged roles as citizen advocate and justice also put him squarely in the center of ethical dilemmas that he never fully resolved. M. Margaret McKeown's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781640123007"><em>Citizen Justice: The Environmental Legacy of William O. Douglas</em></a><em> </em>(Potomac Books, 2022) elucidates the why and how of these tensions and their contemporary lessons against the backdrop of Douglas's unparalleled commitment to the environment.</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3085</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dc63cf36-473d-11ed-af70-b3deb1a5fb32]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>How to Avoid More Damage from the Russian War on Ukraine</title>
      <description>The Western coalition supporting Ukraine in its war with Russia has so far been thought to be solid and reliable, but there may be vulnerabilities in that support. Even as Russia seems to be in disarray on the battlefield and elsewhere, it's been believed all along that Vladimir Putin would use his control over oil and gas resources on which Europe depends to assert leverage over the West in the conflict and heating costs are indeed rising just as the cold weather is descending. The US is less affected by the vicissitudes of energy supplies, but it is hardly immune to these concerns either.
This week on International Horizons, Marcus Stanley from Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft discusses the attitudes of Americans towards the war on Ukraine and how they seem to be more concerned with inflation than the war. Stanley also delves into the challenges of reaching an agreement between Russia and Ukraine and the possible solutions where mediation seems the only way out. He also warns about the need for intervention before an escalation with devastating consequences for Ukrainians and effects on the US and NATO, the prospects of winter without gas in Europe, and the consequences for Russia of the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>98</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Martin Stanley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Western coalition supporting Ukraine in its war with Russia has so far been thought to be solid and reliable, but there may be vulnerabilities in that support. Even as Russia seems to be in disarray on the battlefield and elsewhere, it's been believed all along that Vladimir Putin would use his control over oil and gas resources on which Europe depends to assert leverage over the West in the conflict and heating costs are indeed rising just as the cold weather is descending. The US is less affected by the vicissitudes of energy supplies, but it is hardly immune to these concerns either.
This week on International Horizons, Marcus Stanley from Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft discusses the attitudes of Americans towards the war on Ukraine and how they seem to be more concerned with inflation than the war. Stanley also delves into the challenges of reaching an agreement between Russia and Ukraine and the possible solutions where mediation seems the only way out. He also warns about the need for intervention before an escalation with devastating consequences for Ukrainians and effects on the US and NATO, the prospects of winter without gas in Europe, and the consequences for Russia of the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Western coalition supporting Ukraine in its war with Russia has so far been thought to be solid and reliable, but there may be vulnerabilities in that support. Even as Russia seems to be in disarray on the battlefield and elsewhere, it's been believed all along that Vladimir Putin would use his control over oil and gas resources on which Europe depends to assert leverage over the West in the conflict and heating costs are indeed rising just as the cold weather is descending. The US is less affected by the vicissitudes of energy supplies, but it is hardly immune to these concerns either.</p><p>This week on International Horizons, Marcus Stanley from Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft discusses the attitudes of Americans towards the war on Ukraine and how they seem to be more concerned with inflation than the war. Stanley also delves into the challenges of reaching an agreement between Russia and Ukraine and the possible solutions where mediation seems the only way out. He also warns about the need for intervention before an escalation with devastating consequences for Ukrainians and effects on the US and NATO, the prospects of winter without gas in Europe, and the consequences for Russia of the sabotage of the Nord Stream pipeline.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1976</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Gwendolyn Mink, "Fierce and Fearless: Patsy Takemoto Mink, First Woman of Color in Congress" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The first biography of trailblazing legislator Patsy Takemoto Mink, best known as the legislative champion of Title IX.
"Every girl in Little League, every woman playing college sports, and every parent-including Michelle and myself-who watches their daughter on a field or in the classroom is forever grateful to the late Patsy Takemoto Mink."-President Barack Obama, on posthumously awarding Mink the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2014
Patsy Takemoto Mink was the first woman of color and the first Asian American woman elected to Congress. Fierce and Fearless is the first biography of this remarkable woman, who first won election to Congress in 1964 and went on to serve in the House for twenty-four years, her final term ending with her death in 2002. Mink was an advocate for girls and women, best known for her work shepherding and defending Title IX, the legislation that changed the face of education in America, making it possible for girls and women to participate in school sports, and in education more broadly, at the same level as boys and men.
Mink's life is wonderfully chronicled by eminent historian Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Gwendolyn Mink, Patsy's daughter, a noted political science scholar and first-hand witness to the many political struggles that her mother had to overcome. Featuring family anecdotes, vignettes, and photographs, Fierce and Fearless offers new insight into who Mink was, and the progressive principles that fueled her mission. Wu and Mink provide readers with an up-close understanding of her life as a third-generation Japanese American from Hawaii-from her childhood on Maui to her decades-long career in the House, working with noted legislators like Shirley Chisholm, Bella Abzug, and Nancy Pelosi. They follow the evolution of her politics, including her advocacy for race, gender, and class equality and her work to promote peace and environmental justice.
Fierce and Fearless provides vivid details of how Patsy Takemoto Mink changed the future of American politics. Celebrating the life and legacy of a woman, activist, and politician ahead of her time, this book illuminates the life of a trailblazing icon who made history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>59</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Gwendolyn Mink</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The first biography of trailblazing legislator Patsy Takemoto Mink, best known as the legislative champion of Title IX.
"Every girl in Little League, every woman playing college sports, and every parent-including Michelle and myself-who watches their daughter on a field or in the classroom is forever grateful to the late Patsy Takemoto Mink."-President Barack Obama, on posthumously awarding Mink the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2014
Patsy Takemoto Mink was the first woman of color and the first Asian American woman elected to Congress. Fierce and Fearless is the first biography of this remarkable woman, who first won election to Congress in 1964 and went on to serve in the House for twenty-four years, her final term ending with her death in 2002. Mink was an advocate for girls and women, best known for her work shepherding and defending Title IX, the legislation that changed the face of education in America, making it possible for girls and women to participate in school sports, and in education more broadly, at the same level as boys and men.
Mink's life is wonderfully chronicled by eminent historian Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Gwendolyn Mink, Patsy's daughter, a noted political science scholar and first-hand witness to the many political struggles that her mother had to overcome. Featuring family anecdotes, vignettes, and photographs, Fierce and Fearless offers new insight into who Mink was, and the progressive principles that fueled her mission. Wu and Mink provide readers with an up-close understanding of her life as a third-generation Japanese American from Hawaii-from her childhood on Maui to her decades-long career in the House, working with noted legislators like Shirley Chisholm, Bella Abzug, and Nancy Pelosi. They follow the evolution of her politics, including her advocacy for race, gender, and class equality and her work to promote peace and environmental justice.
Fierce and Fearless provides vivid details of how Patsy Takemoto Mink changed the future of American politics. Celebrating the life and legacy of a woman, activist, and politician ahead of her time, this book illuminates the life of a trailblazing icon who made history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The first biography of trailblazing legislator Patsy Takemoto Mink, best known as the legislative champion of Title IX.</p><p>"Every girl in Little League, every woman playing college sports, and every parent-including Michelle and myself-who watches their daughter on a field or in the classroom is forever grateful to the late Patsy Takemoto Mink."-President Barack Obama, on posthumously awarding Mink the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2014</p><p>Patsy Takemoto Mink was the first woman of color and the first Asian American woman elected to Congress. <em>Fierce and Fearless </em>is the first biography of this remarkable woman, who first won election to Congress in 1964 and went on to serve in the House for twenty-four years, her final term ending with her death in 2002. Mink was an advocate for girls and women, best known for her work shepherding and defending Title IX, the legislation that changed the face of education in America, making it possible for girls and women to participate in school sports, and in education more broadly, at the same level as boys and men.</p><p>Mink's life is wonderfully chronicled by eminent historian Judy Tzu-Chun Wu and Gwendolyn Mink, Patsy's daughter, a noted political science scholar and first-hand witness to the many political struggles that her mother had to overcome. Featuring family anecdotes, vignettes, and photographs, <em>Fierce and Fearless</em> offers new insight into who Mink was, and the progressive principles that fueled her mission. Wu and Mink provide readers with an up-close understanding of her life as a third-generation Japanese American from Hawaii-from her childhood on Maui to her decades-long career in the House, working with noted legislators like Shirley Chisholm, Bella Abzug, and Nancy Pelosi. They follow the evolution of her politics, including her advocacy for race, gender, and class equality and her work to promote peace and environmental justice.</p><p><em>Fierce and Fearless </em>provides vivid details of how Patsy Takemoto Mink changed the future of American politics. Celebrating the life and legacy of a woman, activist, and politician ahead of her time, this book illuminates the life of a trailblazing icon who made history.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3729</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Legitimate Opposition: A Discussion with Alexander S. Kirshner</title>
      <description>Alexander Kirshner’s book Legitimate Opposition (Yale UP, 2022) can be seen as a reaction to the politics of Donald Trump and the questions he has raised about the nature of modern democracy. Advocates of western democracy have traditionally pointed to the role of the opposition in holding government to account. The deal has been that oppositions can criticise those in power without going to jail or worse but, in return, they have to offer loser’s consent – if they don’t win an election, they accept someone else governs. What happens when that consent is withdrawn?
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 04 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>33</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alexander S. Kirshner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Alexander Kirshner’s book Legitimate Opposition (Yale UP, 2022) can be seen as a reaction to the politics of Donald Trump and the questions he has raised about the nature of modern democracy. Advocates of western democracy have traditionally pointed to the role of the opposition in holding government to account. The deal has been that oppositions can criticise those in power without going to jail or worse but, in return, they have to offer loser’s consent – if they don’t win an election, they accept someone else governs. What happens when that consent is withdrawn?
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Alexander Kirshner’s book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300243468"><em>Legitimate Opposition</em></a> (Yale UP, 2022) can be seen as a reaction to the politics of Donald Trump and the questions he has raised about the nature of modern democracy. Advocates of western democracy have traditionally pointed to the role of the opposition in holding government to account. The deal has been that oppositions can criticise those in power without going to jail or worse but, in return, they have to offer loser’s consent – if they don’t win an election, they accept someone else governs. What happens when that consent is withdrawn?</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2362</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>On Thomas Paine's "Common Sense"</title>
      <link>https://www.writlarge.fm/</link>
      <description>In the 1770s, the American colonies were working up to a revolution. But while the colonists were increasingly dissatisfied with British rule, there was no general consensus on what to do about it. Thomas Paine saw a clear solution. In 1776, he published Common Sense. Caroline Winterer discusses Common Sense, a pamphlet that uses the language of the people to denounce monarchical rule and advocate for a new, independent government. Caroline Winterer is a professor of History at Stanford where she teaches early American history, particularly the history of ideas, political theory, and the history of science. She co-edited Time in Maps: From the Age of Discovery to Our Digital Era and is the author of American Enlightenments: Pursuing Happiness in the Age of Reason, among other works. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod. Join the conversation on the Lyceum app.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>46</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Caroline Winterer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the 1770s, the American colonies were working up to a revolution. But while the colonists were increasingly dissatisfied with British rule, there was no general consensus on what to do about it. Thomas Paine saw a clear solution. In 1776, he published Common Sense. Caroline Winterer discusses Common Sense, a pamphlet that uses the language of the people to denounce monarchical rule and advocate for a new, independent government. Caroline Winterer is a professor of History at Stanford where she teaches early American history, particularly the history of ideas, political theory, and the history of science. She co-edited Time in Maps: From the Age of Discovery to Our Digital Era and is the author of American Enlightenments: Pursuing Happiness in the Age of Reason, among other works. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod. Join the conversation on the Lyceum app.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the 1770s, the American colonies were working up to a revolution. But while the colonists were increasingly dissatisfied with British rule, there was no general consensus on what to do about it. Thomas Paine saw a clear solution. In 1776, he published Common Sense. Caroline Winterer discusses Common Sense, a pamphlet that uses the language of the people to denounce monarchical rule and advocate for a new, independent government. Caroline Winterer is a professor of History at Stanford where she teaches early American history, particularly the history of ideas, political theory, and the history of science. She co-edited Time in Maps: From the Age of Discovery to Our Digital Era and is the author of American Enlightenments: Pursuing Happiness in the Age of Reason, among other works. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm. Follow us on Twitter @WritLargePod. Join the conversation on the Lyceum app.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1743</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Erin A. Snider, "Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of Democracy Aid in the Middle East" (Cambridge UP. 2022)</title>
      <description>For nearly two decades, the United States devoted more than $2 billion towards democracy promotion in the Middle East with seemingly little impact. To understand the limited impact of this aid and the decision of authoritarian regimes to allow democracy programs whose ultimate aim is to challenge the power of such regimes, Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of Democracy Aid in the Middle East (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the construction and practice of democracy aid in Washington DC and in Egypt and Morocco, two of the highest recipients of US democracy aid in the region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, novel new data on the professional histories of democracy promoters, archival research and recently declassified government documents, Erin A. Snider focuses on the voices and practices of those engaged in democracy work over the last three decades to offer a new framework for understanding the political economy of democracy aid. Her research shows how democracy aid can work to strengthen rather than challenge authoritarian regimes. Marketing Democracy fundamentally challenges scholars to rethink how we study democracy aid and how the ideas of democracy that underlie democracy programs come to reflect the views of donors and recipient regimes rather than indigenous demand.
Erin A. Snider is an assistant professor of international affairs at Texas A&amp;M University’s Bush School of Government and Public Service. She was a Carnegie Fellow with the New America Foundation, a Fulbright Fellow in Egypt, and a postdoctoral fellow at Princeton University’s Niehaus Center for Globalization and Governance. Her research focuses on the political economy of development in the Middle East, democratization, and foreign aid. Her research has been published in International Studies Quarterly, PS: Political Science and Politics, and Middle East Policy, among other outlets. She holds a PhD in politics from the University of Cambridge, where she was a Gates Scholar.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Oct 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>622</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erin A. Snider</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For nearly two decades, the United States devoted more than $2 billion towards democracy promotion in the Middle East with seemingly little impact. To understand the limited impact of this aid and the decision of authoritarian regimes to allow democracy programs whose ultimate aim is to challenge the power of such regimes, Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of Democracy Aid in the Middle East (Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the construction and practice of democracy aid in Washington DC and in Egypt and Morocco, two of the highest recipients of US democracy aid in the region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, novel new data on the professional histories of democracy promoters, archival research and recently declassified government documents, Erin A. Snider focuses on the voices and practices of those engaged in democracy work over the last three decades to offer a new framework for understanding the political economy of democracy aid. Her research shows how democracy aid can work to strengthen rather than challenge authoritarian regimes. Marketing Democracy fundamentally challenges scholars to rethink how we study democracy aid and how the ideas of democracy that underlie democracy programs come to reflect the views of donors and recipient regimes rather than indigenous demand.
Erin A. Snider is an assistant professor of international affairs at Texas A&amp;M University’s Bush School of Government and Public Service. She was a Carnegie Fellow with the New America Foundation, a Fulbright Fellow in Egypt, and a postdoctoral fellow at Princeton University’s Niehaus Center for Globalization and Governance. Her research focuses on the political economy of development in the Middle East, democratization, and foreign aid. Her research has been published in International Studies Quarterly, PS: Political Science and Politics, and Middle East Policy, among other outlets. She holds a PhD in politics from the University of Cambridge, where she was a Gates Scholar.
Lamis Abdelaaty is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at labdelaa@syr.edu or tweet to @LAbdelaaty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For nearly two decades, the United States devoted more than $2 billion towards democracy promotion in the Middle East with seemingly little impact. To understand the limited impact of this aid and the decision of authoritarian regimes to allow democracy programs whose ultimate aim is to challenge the power of such regimes, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108844260"><em>Marketing Democracy: The Political Economy of Democracy Aid in the Middle East</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2022) examines the construction and practice of democracy aid in Washington DC and in Egypt and Morocco, two of the highest recipients of US democracy aid in the region. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, novel new data on the professional histories of democracy promoters, archival research and recently declassified government documents, Erin A. Snider focuses on the voices and practices of those engaged in democracy work over the last three decades to offer a new framework for understanding the political economy of democracy aid. Her research shows how democracy aid can work to strengthen rather than challenge authoritarian regimes. <em>Marketing Democracy</em> fundamentally challenges scholars to rethink how we study democracy aid and how the ideas of democracy that underlie democracy programs come to reflect the views of donors and recipient regimes rather than indigenous demand.</p><p>Erin A. Snider is an assistant professor of international affairs at Texas A&amp;M University’s Bush School of Government and Public Service. She was a Carnegie Fellow with the New America Foundation, a Fulbright Fellow in Egypt, and a postdoctoral fellow at Princeton University’s Niehaus Center for Globalization and Governance. Her research focuses on the political economy of development in the Middle East, democratization, and foreign aid. Her research has been published in <em>International Studies Quarterly</em>, <em>PS: Political Science and Politics</em>, and <em>Middle East Policy</em>, among other outlets. She holds a PhD in politics from the University of Cambridge, where she was a Gates Scholar.</p><p><a href="https://labdelaa.expressions.syr.edu/"><em>Lamis Abdelaaty</em></a><em> is an associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University. She is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/discrimination-and-delegation-9780197530061"><em>Discrimination and Delegation: Explaining State Responses to Refugees</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2021). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:labdelaa@syr.edu"><em>labdelaa@syr.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/LAbdelaaty"><em>@LAbdelaaty</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3425</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Noah Shusterman, "Armed Citizens: The Road from Ancient Rome to the Second Amendment" (U Virginia Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Although much has changed in the United States since the eighteenth century, our framework for gun laws still largely relies on the Second Amendment and the patterns that emerged in the colonial era. America has long been a heavily armed, and racially divided, society, yet few citizens understand either why militias appealed to the Founding Fathers or the role that militias played in North American rebellions, in which they often functioned as repressive--and racist--domestic forces. 
Armed Citizens: The Road from Ancient Rome to the Second Amendment (U Virginia Press, 2020) begins and ends with the statement that the Second Amendment no longer makes sense. Noah Shusterman then sets about proving this point with a chronological journey to the Second Amendment. While that might seem a clear and straight-froward path, it starts in an unexpected place and time: Italy over 2,000 years ago with stops in France and England, but it gets to what will become the United States of America. In many ways this is an Atlantic history of the Second Amendment. Armed Citizens works in several different genres of history, including intellectual and political. The book also engages the history of race, racism, and white supremacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1270</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Noah Shusterman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Although much has changed in the United States since the eighteenth century, our framework for gun laws still largely relies on the Second Amendment and the patterns that emerged in the colonial era. America has long been a heavily armed, and racially divided, society, yet few citizens understand either why militias appealed to the Founding Fathers or the role that militias played in North American rebellions, in which they often functioned as repressive--and racist--domestic forces. 
Armed Citizens: The Road from Ancient Rome to the Second Amendment (U Virginia Press, 2020) begins and ends with the statement that the Second Amendment no longer makes sense. Noah Shusterman then sets about proving this point with a chronological journey to the Second Amendment. While that might seem a clear and straight-froward path, it starts in an unexpected place and time: Italy over 2,000 years ago with stops in France and England, but it gets to what will become the United States of America. In many ways this is an Atlantic history of the Second Amendment. Armed Citizens works in several different genres of history, including intellectual and political. The book also engages the history of race, racism, and white supremacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Although much has changed in the United States since the eighteenth century, our framework for gun laws still largely relies on the Second Amendment and the patterns that emerged in the colonial era. America has long been a heavily armed, and racially divided, society, yet few citizens understand either why militias appealed to the Founding Fathers or the role that militias played in North American rebellions, in which they often functioned as repressive--and racist--domestic forces. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813944616"><em>Armed Citizens: The Road from Ancient Rome to the Second Amendment</em></a> (U Virginia Press, 2020) begins and ends with the statement that the Second Amendment no longer makes sense. Noah Shusterman then sets about proving this point with a chronological journey to the Second Amendment. While that might seem a clear and straight-froward path, it starts in an unexpected place and time: Italy over 2,000 years ago with stops in France and England, but it gets to what will become the United States of America. In many ways this is an Atlantic history of the Second Amendment.<em> Armed Citizens </em>works in several different genres of history, including intellectual and political. The book also engages the history of race, racism, and white supremacy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4994</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cc1f6c68-3c28-11ed-bcb0-b765c5e408f3]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7642476770.mp3?updated=1664040408" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Kermit Roosevelt III, "The Nation That Never Was: Reconstructing America's Story" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>There's a common story we tell about America: that our fundamental values as a country were stated in the Declaration of Independence, fought for in the Revolution, and made law in the Constitution. But, with the country increasingly divided, this story isn't working for us anymore--what's more, it's not even true. As Kermit Roosevelt argues in this eye-opening reinterpretation of the American story, our fundamental values, particularly equality, are not part of the vision of the Founders. Instead, they were stated in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and were the hope of Reconstruction, when it was possible to envision the emergence of the nation committed to liberty and equality.
We face a dilemma these days. We want to be honest about our history and the racism and oppression that Americans have both inflicted and endured. But we want to be proud of our country, too. In The Nation That Never Was: Reconstructing America's Story (U Chicago Press, 2022), Roosevelt shows how we can do both those things by realizing we're not the country we thought we were. Reconstruction, Roosevelt argues, was not a fulfillment of the ideals of the Founding but rather a repudiation: we modern Americans are not the heirs of the Founders but of the people who overthrew and destroyed that political order. This alternate understanding of American identity opens the door to a new understanding of ourselves and our story, and ultimately to a better America.
America today is not the Founders' America, but it can be Lincoln's America. Roosevelt offers a powerful and inspirational rethinking of our country's history and uncovers a shared past that we can be proud to claim and use as a foundation to work toward a country that fully embodies equality for all.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>167</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kermit Roosevelt III</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There's a common story we tell about America: that our fundamental values as a country were stated in the Declaration of Independence, fought for in the Revolution, and made law in the Constitution. But, with the country increasingly divided, this story isn't working for us anymore--what's more, it's not even true. As Kermit Roosevelt argues in this eye-opening reinterpretation of the American story, our fundamental values, particularly equality, are not part of the vision of the Founders. Instead, they were stated in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and were the hope of Reconstruction, when it was possible to envision the emergence of the nation committed to liberty and equality.
We face a dilemma these days. We want to be honest about our history and the racism and oppression that Americans have both inflicted and endured. But we want to be proud of our country, too. In The Nation That Never Was: Reconstructing America's Story (U Chicago Press, 2022), Roosevelt shows how we can do both those things by realizing we're not the country we thought we were. Reconstruction, Roosevelt argues, was not a fulfillment of the ideals of the Founding but rather a repudiation: we modern Americans are not the heirs of the Founders but of the people who overthrew and destroyed that political order. This alternate understanding of American identity opens the door to a new understanding of ourselves and our story, and ultimately to a better America.
America today is not the Founders' America, but it can be Lincoln's America. Roosevelt offers a powerful and inspirational rethinking of our country's history and uncovers a shared past that we can be proud to claim and use as a foundation to work toward a country that fully embodies equality for all.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There's a common story we tell about America: that our fundamental values as a country were stated in the Declaration of Independence, fought for in the Revolution, and made law in the Constitution. But, with the country increasingly divided, this story isn't working for us anymore--what's more, it's not even true. As Kermit Roosevelt argues in this eye-opening reinterpretation of the American story, our fundamental values, particularly equality, are not part of the vision of the Founders. Instead, they were stated in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address and were the hope of Reconstruction, when it was possible to envision the emergence of the nation committed to liberty and equality.</p><p>We face a dilemma these days. We want to be honest about our history and the racism and oppression that Americans have both inflicted and endured. But we want to be proud of our country, too. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226817613"><em>The Nation That Never Was: Reconstructing America's Story</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2022), Roosevelt shows how we can do both those things by realizing we're not the country we thought we were. Reconstruction, Roosevelt argues, was not a fulfillment of the ideals of the Founding but rather a repudiation: we modern Americans are not the heirs of the Founders but of the people who overthrew and destroyed that political order. This alternate understanding of American identity opens the door to a new understanding of ourselves and our story, and ultimately to a better America.</p><p>America today is not the Founders' America, but it can be Lincoln's America. Roosevelt offers a powerful and inspirational rethinking of our country's history and uncovers a shared past that we can be proud to claim and use as a foundation to work toward a country that fully embodies equality for all.</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3649</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher Nichols and David Milne, "Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Ideology drives American foreign policy in ways seen and unseen. Racialized notions of subjecthood and civilization underlay the political revolution of eighteenth-century white colonizers; neoconservatism, neoliberalism, and unilateralism propelled the post–Cold War United States to unleash catastrophe in the Middle East. Ideologies order and explain the world, project the illusion of controllable outcomes, and often explain success and failure. How does the history of U.S. foreign relations appear differently when viewed through the lens of ideology?
Christopher Nichols and David Milne's Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the ideological landscape of international relations from the colonial era to the present. Contributors examine ideologies developed to justify—or resist—white settler colonialism and free-trade imperialism, and they discuss the role of nationalism in immigration policy. The book reveals new insights on the role of ideas at the intersection of U.S. foreign and domestic policy and politics. It shows how the ideals coded as “civilization,” “freedom,” and “democracy” legitimized U.S. military interventions and enabled foreign leaders to turn American power to their benefit. The book traces the ideological struggle over competing visions of democracy and of American democracy’s place in the world and in history. It highlights sources beyond the realm of traditional diplomatic history, including nonstate actors and historically marginalized voices. Featuring the foremost specialists as well as rising stars, this book offers a foundational statement on the intellectual history of U.S. foreign policy.
Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher Nichols and David Milne</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ideology drives American foreign policy in ways seen and unseen. Racialized notions of subjecthood and civilization underlay the political revolution of eighteenth-century white colonizers; neoconservatism, neoliberalism, and unilateralism propelled the post–Cold War United States to unleash catastrophe in the Middle East. Ideologies order and explain the world, project the illusion of controllable outcomes, and often explain success and failure. How does the history of U.S. foreign relations appear differently when viewed through the lens of ideology?
Christopher Nichols and David Milne's Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories (Columbia UP, 2022) explores the ideological landscape of international relations from the colonial era to the present. Contributors examine ideologies developed to justify—or resist—white settler colonialism and free-trade imperialism, and they discuss the role of nationalism in immigration policy. The book reveals new insights on the role of ideas at the intersection of U.S. foreign and domestic policy and politics. It shows how the ideals coded as “civilization,” “freedom,” and “democracy” legitimized U.S. military interventions and enabled foreign leaders to turn American power to their benefit. The book traces the ideological struggle over competing visions of democracy and of American democracy’s place in the world and in history. It highlights sources beyond the realm of traditional diplomatic history, including nonstate actors and historically marginalized voices. Featuring the foremost specialists as well as rising stars, this book offers a foundational statement on the intellectual history of U.S. foreign policy.
Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ideology drives American foreign policy in ways seen and unseen. Racialized notions of subjecthood and civilization underlay the political revolution of eighteenth-century white colonizers; neoconservatism, neoliberalism, and unilateralism propelled the post–Cold War United States to unleash catastrophe in the Middle East. Ideologies order and explain the world, project the illusion of controllable outcomes, and often explain success and failure. How does the history of U.S. foreign relations appear differently when viewed through the lens of ideology?</p><p>Christopher Nichols and David Milne's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231201810"><em>Ideology in U.S. Foreign Relations: New Histories</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2022) explores the ideological landscape of international relations from the colonial era to the present. Contributors examine ideologies developed to justify—or resist—white settler colonialism and free-trade imperialism, and they discuss the role of nationalism in immigration policy. The book reveals new insights on the role of ideas at the intersection of U.S. foreign and domestic policy and politics. It shows how the ideals coded as “civilization,” “freedom,” and “democracy” legitimized U.S. military interventions and enabled foreign leaders to turn American power to their benefit. The book traces the ideological struggle over competing visions of democracy and of American democracy’s place in the world and in history. It highlights sources beyond the realm of traditional diplomatic history, including nonstate actors and historically marginalized voices. Featuring the foremost specialists as well as rising stars, this book offers a foundational statement on the intellectual history of U.S. foreign policy.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is an Ernest May Fellow in History and Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School and a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3571</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Cold War Homefront</title>
      <description>We could do a whole season on Vietnam war films, but in this episode we chose three films that highlight the Cold War’s omnipresence in daily life. You wouldn’t associate any of these films with how Vietnam figured into the Cold War dynamic because they are about the homefront. The Deer Hunter (1978), Coming Home (1978), and Da Five Bloods (2020) are reminders (or are they revelations?) that the Vietnam War deeply wounded American society from top to bottom. Whether it’s working class immigrants in rural Pennsylvania, severely wounded veterans and their caretakers, or Black and Brown soldiers contending with racism and shattered lives decades removed from the war, our three films depict the Cold War homefront in vivid detail. We often think of the Cold War as an impersonal contest between global powers that nearly ended the world, but the Vietnam War was incredibly personal for millions of Americans and Vietnamese.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On The Deer Hunter (1978), Coming Home (1978), and Da Five Bloods (2020)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We could do a whole season on Vietnam war films, but in this episode we chose three films that highlight the Cold War’s omnipresence in daily life. You wouldn’t associate any of these films with how Vietnam figured into the Cold War dynamic because they are about the homefront. The Deer Hunter (1978), Coming Home (1978), and Da Five Bloods (2020) are reminders (or are they revelations?) that the Vietnam War deeply wounded American society from top to bottom. Whether it’s working class immigrants in rural Pennsylvania, severely wounded veterans and their caretakers, or Black and Brown soldiers contending with racism and shattered lives decades removed from the war, our three films depict the Cold War homefront in vivid detail. We often think of the Cold War as an impersonal contest between global powers that nearly ended the world, but the Vietnam War was incredibly personal for millions of Americans and Vietnamese.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We could do a whole season on Vietnam war films, but in this episode we chose three films that highlight the Cold War’s omnipresence in daily life. You wouldn’t associate any of these films with how Vietnam figured into the Cold War dynamic because they are about the homefront. <em>The Deer Hunter </em>(1978), <em>Coming Home</em> (1978), and <em>Da Five Bloods</em> (2020) are reminders (or are they revelations?) that the Vietnam War deeply wounded American society from top to bottom. Whether it’s working class immigrants in rural Pennsylvania, severely wounded veterans and their caretakers, or Black and Brown soldiers contending with racism and shattered lives decades removed from the war, our three films depict the Cold War homefront in vivid detail. We often think of the Cold War as an impersonal contest between global powers that nearly ended the world, but the Vietnam War was incredibly personal for millions of Americans and Vietnamese.</p><p><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3730</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean, "Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing" (Verso, 2022)</title>
      <description>Black Communist women throughout the early to mid-twentieth century fought for and led mass campaigns in the service of building collective power in the fight for liberation. Through concrete materialist analysis of the conditions of Black workers, these women argued that racial and economic equality can only be achieved by overthrowing capitalism.
The first collection of its kind, Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing (Verso, 2022) brings together three decades of Black Communist women’s political writings. In doing so, it highlights the link between Communism and Black liberation. Likewise, it makes clear how Black women fundamentally shaped, and were shaped by, Communist praxis in the twentieth century.
Organize, Fight, Win includes writings from card-carrying Communists like Dorothy Burnham, Williana Burroughs, Grace P. Campbell, Alice Childress, Marvel Cooke, Esther Cooper Jackson, Thelma Dale Perkins, Vicki Garvin, Yvonne Gregory, Claudia Jones, Maude White Katz, and Louise Thompson Patterson, and writings by those who organized alongside the Communist Party, like Ella Baker, Charlotta Bass, Thyra Edwards, Lorraine Hansberry, and Dorothy Hunton.
In this interview, I spoke with the editors of this collection, Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean. 
Charisse Burden-Stelly (@blackleftaf) is Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Wayne State University. She is the author, with Gerald Horne, of W. E. B. Du Bois: A Life in American History.
Jodi Dean (@Jodi7768) is a professor in the Political Science Department at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in Geneva, New York. She has written or edited thirteen books, including recent Verso title Comrade: An Essay on Political Belonging.

Catriona Gold (@cat__gold) is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>318</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Black Communist women throughout the early to mid-twentieth century fought for and led mass campaigns in the service of building collective power in the fight for liberation. Through concrete materialist analysis of the conditions of Black workers, these women argued that racial and economic equality can only be achieved by overthrowing capitalism.
The first collection of its kind, Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing (Verso, 2022) brings together three decades of Black Communist women’s political writings. In doing so, it highlights the link between Communism and Black liberation. Likewise, it makes clear how Black women fundamentally shaped, and were shaped by, Communist praxis in the twentieth century.
Organize, Fight, Win includes writings from card-carrying Communists like Dorothy Burnham, Williana Burroughs, Grace P. Campbell, Alice Childress, Marvel Cooke, Esther Cooper Jackson, Thelma Dale Perkins, Vicki Garvin, Yvonne Gregory, Claudia Jones, Maude White Katz, and Louise Thompson Patterson, and writings by those who organized alongside the Communist Party, like Ella Baker, Charlotta Bass, Thyra Edwards, Lorraine Hansberry, and Dorothy Hunton.
In this interview, I spoke with the editors of this collection, Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean. 
Charisse Burden-Stelly (@blackleftaf) is Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Wayne State University. She is the author, with Gerald Horne, of W. E. B. Du Bois: A Life in American History.
Jodi Dean (@Jodi7768) is a professor in the Political Science Department at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in Geneva, New York. She has written or edited thirteen books, including recent Verso title Comrade: An Essay on Political Belonging.

Catriona Gold (@cat__gold) is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Black Communist women throughout the early to mid-twentieth century fought for and led mass campaigns in the service of building collective power in the fight for liberation. Through concrete materialist analysis of the conditions of Black workers, these women argued that racial and economic equality can only be achieved by overthrowing capitalism.</p><p>The first collection of its kind, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839764974"><em>Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writing</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2022) brings together three decades of Black Communist women’s political writings. In doing so, it highlights the link between Communism and Black liberation. Likewise, it makes clear how Black women fundamentally shaped, and were shaped by, Communist praxis in the twentieth century.</p><p><em>Organize, Fight, Win</em> includes writings from card-carrying Communists like Dorothy Burnham, Williana Burroughs, Grace P. Campbell, Alice Childress, Marvel Cooke, Esther Cooper Jackson, Thelma Dale Perkins, Vicki Garvin, Yvonne Gregory, Claudia Jones, Maude White Katz, and Louise Thompson Patterson, and writings by those who organized alongside the Communist Party, like Ella Baker, Charlotta Bass, Thyra Edwards, Lorraine Hansberry, and Dorothy Hunton.</p><p>In this interview, I spoke with the editors of this collection, Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean. </p><p><a href="https://www.charisseburdenstelly.com/">Charisse Burden-Stelly</a> (<a href="https://twitter.com/blackleftaf">@blackleftaf</a>) is Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Wayne State University. She is the author, with Gerald Horne, of <em>W. E. B. Du Bois: A Life in American History</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www2.hws.edu/academics/political-science/faculty/faculty-biography/?facultyID=95">Jodi Dean</a> (<a href="https://twitter.com/Jodi7768">@Jodi7768</a>) is a professor in the Political Science Department at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in Geneva, New York. She has written or edited thirteen books, including recent Verso title <em>Comrade: An Essay on Political Belonging.</em></p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.geog.ucl.ac.uk/people/research-students/catriona-gold"><em>Catriona Gold</em></a> (<a href="https://twitter.com/cat__gold">@cat__gold</a>) <em>is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in governing Cold War travel.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2680</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jim Cullen, "1980: America's Pivotal Year" (Rutgers UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.
1980: America's Pivotal Year (Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.
Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation, Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters, and From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>196</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jim Cullen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.
1980: America's Pivotal Year (Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.
Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation, Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters, and From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>1980 was a turning point in American history. When the year began, it was still very much the 1970s, with Jimmy Carter in the White House, a sluggish economy marked by high inflation, and the disco still riding the airwaves. When it ended, Ronald Reagan won the presidency in a landslide, inaugurating a rightward turn in American politics and culture. We still feel the effects of this tectonic shift today, as even subsequent Democratic administrations have offered neoliberal economic and social policies that owe more to Reagan than to FDR or LBJ. To understand what the American public was thinking during this pivotal year, we need to examine what they were reading, listening to, and watching.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978831179"><em>1980: America's Pivotal Year</em></a><em> </em>(Rutgers UP, 2022) puts the news events of the era—everything from the Iran hostage crisis to the rise of televangelism—into conversation with the year’s popular culture. Separate chapters focus on the movies, television shows, songs, and books that Americans were talking about that year, including both the biggest hits and some notable flops that failed to capture the shifting zeitgeist. As he looks at the events that had Americans glued to their screens, from the Miracle on Ice to the mystery of Who Shot JR, cultural historian Jim Cullen garners surprising insights about how Americans’ attitudes were changing as they entered the 1980s.</p><p>Jim Cullen is the author of numerous books, including <em>The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation</em>, <em>Those Were the Days: Why ‘All in the Family’ Still Matters</em>, and <em>From Memory to History: Television Versions of the Twentieth Century. </em>He teaches history at the newly-founded upper division of Greenwich Country Day School.</p><p><em>Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2339</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Doug Greene, "Failure of Vision: Michael Harrington and the Limits of Democratic Socialism" (Zero Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Democratic Socialists of America have exploded in the last few years, going from just a couple thousand members to close to a hundred thousand. This was from a combination of factors; two insurgent presidential campaigns by Bernie Sanders, a proto-fascistic movement coalescing around Donald Trump, the specter of climate change, a worldwide pandemic, general increasing economic inequality and a general sense that this world is bad but a better one might be possible. But what exactly is the underlying political philosophy of this organization? Is it actually for socialism, or capitalism with a stronger safety net? Is it a subsection of the Democratic party, or an independent movement? And how does it see political and historical change actually happening?
In order to answer these questions, my guest Doug Greene has written a biography of the organizations founder, Michael Harrington. Starting with his early life in Jesuit education, Greene tracks Harrington’s political development through the 1950’s all the way up to 1982 when he founded DSA. Along the way, Harrington developed a conception of political change that would happen within the Democratic party, a conception that still clearly animates the approach of many on the left today. Written as a comradely critique, Failure of Vision: Michael Harrington and the Limits of Democratic Socialism (Zero Books, 2022) manages to give a genealogy of many of the tensions that still run through the contemporary left, and offers a sobering assessment of what can actually be accomplished when playing by realism’s rules.
Doug Greene is a freelance writer and historian in Boston. He is also the author of Communist Insurgent: Blanqui’s Politics of Revolution. His writing has also appeared in a number of outlets, including Left Voice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 23 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>315</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Doug Greene</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Democratic Socialists of America have exploded in the last few years, going from just a couple thousand members to close to a hundred thousand. This was from a combination of factors; two insurgent presidential campaigns by Bernie Sanders, a proto-fascistic movement coalescing around Donald Trump, the specter of climate change, a worldwide pandemic, general increasing economic inequality and a general sense that this world is bad but a better one might be possible. But what exactly is the underlying political philosophy of this organization? Is it actually for socialism, or capitalism with a stronger safety net? Is it a subsection of the Democratic party, or an independent movement? And how does it see political and historical change actually happening?
In order to answer these questions, my guest Doug Greene has written a biography of the organizations founder, Michael Harrington. Starting with his early life in Jesuit education, Greene tracks Harrington’s political development through the 1950’s all the way up to 1982 when he founded DSA. Along the way, Harrington developed a conception of political change that would happen within the Democratic party, a conception that still clearly animates the approach of many on the left today. Written as a comradely critique, Failure of Vision: Michael Harrington and the Limits of Democratic Socialism (Zero Books, 2022) manages to give a genealogy of many of the tensions that still run through the contemporary left, and offers a sobering assessment of what can actually be accomplished when playing by realism’s rules.
Doug Greene is a freelance writer and historian in Boston. He is also the author of Communist Insurgent: Blanqui’s Politics of Revolution. His writing has also appeared in a number of outlets, including Left Voice.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Democratic Socialists of America have exploded in the last few years, going from just a couple thousand members to close to a hundred thousand. This was from a combination of factors; two insurgent presidential campaigns by Bernie Sanders, a proto-fascistic movement coalescing around Donald Trump, the specter of climate change, a worldwide pandemic, general increasing economic inequality and a general sense that this world is bad but a better one might be possible. But what exactly is the underlying political philosophy of this organization? Is it actually for socialism, or capitalism with a stronger safety net? Is it a subsection of the Democratic party, or an independent movement? And how does it see political and historical change actually happening?</p><p>In order to answer these questions, my guest Doug Greene has written a biography of the organizations founder, Michael Harrington. Starting with his early life in Jesuit education, Greene tracks Harrington’s political development through the 1950’s all the way up to 1982 when he founded DSA. Along the way, Harrington developed a conception of political change that would happen within the Democratic party, a conception that still clearly animates the approach of many on the left today. Written as a comradely critique, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781789047233"><em>Failure of Vision: Michael Harrington and the Limits of Democratic Socialism</em></a> (Zero Books, 2022) manages to give a genealogy of many of the tensions that still run through the contemporary left, and offers a sobering assessment of what can actually be accomplished when playing by realism’s rules.</p><p><em>Doug Greene is a freelance writer and historian in Boston. He is also the author of Communist Insurgent: Blanqui’s Politics of Revolution. His writing has also appeared in a number of outlets, including Left Voice.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4324</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Patrick O. Cohrs, "The New Atlantic Order: The Transformation of International Politics, 1860-1933" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The New Atlantic Order: The Transformation of International Politics, 1860-1933 (Cambridge UP, 2022) elucidates a momentous transformation process that changed the world: the struggle to create, for the first time, a modern Atlantic order in the long twentieth century (1860-2020). Placing it in a broader historical and global context, Patrick O. Cohrs reinterprets the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 as the original attempt to supersede the Eurocentric 'world order' of the age of imperialism and found a more legitimate peace system - a system that could not yet be global but had to be essentially transatlantic. Yet he also sheds new light on why, despite remarkable learning-processes, it proved impossible to forge a durable Atlantic peace after a First World War that became the long twentieth century's cathartic catastrophe. In a broader perspective this ground-breaking study shows what a decisive impact this epochal struggle has had not only for modern conceptions of peace, collective security and an integrative, rule-based international order but also for formative ideas of self-determination, liberal-democratic government and the West.
Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Patrick O. Cohrs</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The New Atlantic Order: The Transformation of International Politics, 1860-1933 (Cambridge UP, 2022) elucidates a momentous transformation process that changed the world: the struggle to create, for the first time, a modern Atlantic order in the long twentieth century (1860-2020). Placing it in a broader historical and global context, Patrick O. Cohrs reinterprets the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 as the original attempt to supersede the Eurocentric 'world order' of the age of imperialism and found a more legitimate peace system - a system that could not yet be global but had to be essentially transatlantic. Yet he also sheds new light on why, despite remarkable learning-processes, it proved impossible to forge a durable Atlantic peace after a First World War that became the long twentieth century's cathartic catastrophe. In a broader perspective this ground-breaking study shows what a decisive impact this epochal struggle has had not only for modern conceptions of peace, collective security and an integrative, rule-based international order but also for formative ideas of self-determination, liberal-democratic government and the West.
Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781107117976"><em>The New Atlantic Order: The Transformation of International Politics, 1860-1933</em> </a>(Cambridge UP, 2022) elucidates a momentous transformation process that changed the world: the struggle to create, for the first time, a modern Atlantic order in the long twentieth century (1860-2020). Placing it in a broader historical and global context, Patrick O. Cohrs reinterprets the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 as the original attempt to supersede the Eurocentric 'world order' of the age of imperialism and found a more legitimate peace system - a system that could not yet be global but had to be essentially transatlantic. Yet he also sheds new light on why, despite remarkable learning-processes, it proved impossible to forge a durable Atlantic peace after a First World War that became the long twentieth century's cathartic catastrophe. In a broader perspective this ground-breaking study shows what a decisive impact this epochal struggle has had not only for modern conceptions of peace, collective security and an integrative, rule-based international order but also for formative ideas of self-determination, liberal-democratic government and the West.</p><p><em>Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3992</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Charles L. Chavis Jr., "The Silent Shore: The Lynching of Matthew Williams and the Politics of Racism in the Free State" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>On December 4, 1931, a mob of white men in Salisbury, Maryland, lynched and set ablaze a twenty-three-year-old Black man named Matthew Williams. His gruesome murder was part of a wave of silent white terrorism in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929, which exposed Black laborers to white rage in response to economic anxieties. For nearly a century, the lynching of Matthew Williams has lived in the shadows of the more well-known incidents of racial terror in the deep South, haunting both the Eastern Shore and the state of Maryland as a whole. In The Silent Shore: The Lynching of Matthew Williams and the Politics of Racism in the Free State (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), author Charles L. Chavis Jr. draws on his discovery of previously unreleased investigative documents to meticulously reconstruct the full story of one of the last lynchings in Maryland.
Bringing the painful truth of anti-Black violence to light, Chavis breaks the silence that surrounded Williams's death. Though Maryland lacked the notoriety for racial violence of Alabama or Mississippi, he writes, it nonetheless was the site of at least 40 spectacle lynchings after the abolition of slavery in 1864. Families of lynching victims rarely obtained any form of actual justice, but Williams's death would have a curious afterlife: Maryland's politically ambitious governor Albert C. Ritchie would, in an attempt to position himself as a viable challenger to FDR, become one of the first governors in the United States to investigate the lynching death of a Black person. Ritchie tasked Patsy Johnson, a member of the Pinkerton detective agency and a former prizefighter, with going undercover in Salisbury and infiltrating the mob that murdered Williams. Johnson would eventually befriend a young local who admitted to participating in the lynching and who also named several local law enforcement officers as ringleaders. Despite this, a grand jury, after hearing 124 witness statements, declined to indict the perpetrators. But this denial of justice galvanized Governor Ritchie's Interracial Commission, which would become one of the pioneering forces in the early civil rights movement in Maryland.
Complicating historical narratives associated with the history of lynching in the city of Salisbury, The Silent Shore explores the immediate and lingering effect of Williams's death on the politics of racism in the United States, the Black community in Salisbury, the broader Eastern Shore, the state of Maryland, and the legacy of "modern-day lynchings."
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>325</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charles L. Chavis Jr.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On December 4, 1931, a mob of white men in Salisbury, Maryland, lynched and set ablaze a twenty-three-year-old Black man named Matthew Williams. His gruesome murder was part of a wave of silent white terrorism in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929, which exposed Black laborers to white rage in response to economic anxieties. For nearly a century, the lynching of Matthew Williams has lived in the shadows of the more well-known incidents of racial terror in the deep South, haunting both the Eastern Shore and the state of Maryland as a whole. In The Silent Shore: The Lynching of Matthew Williams and the Politics of Racism in the Free State (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), author Charles L. Chavis Jr. draws on his discovery of previously unreleased investigative documents to meticulously reconstruct the full story of one of the last lynchings in Maryland.
Bringing the painful truth of anti-Black violence to light, Chavis breaks the silence that surrounded Williams's death. Though Maryland lacked the notoriety for racial violence of Alabama or Mississippi, he writes, it nonetheless was the site of at least 40 spectacle lynchings after the abolition of slavery in 1864. Families of lynching victims rarely obtained any form of actual justice, but Williams's death would have a curious afterlife: Maryland's politically ambitious governor Albert C. Ritchie would, in an attempt to position himself as a viable challenger to FDR, become one of the first governors in the United States to investigate the lynching death of a Black person. Ritchie tasked Patsy Johnson, a member of the Pinkerton detective agency and a former prizefighter, with going undercover in Salisbury and infiltrating the mob that murdered Williams. Johnson would eventually befriend a young local who admitted to participating in the lynching and who also named several local law enforcement officers as ringleaders. Despite this, a grand jury, after hearing 124 witness statements, declined to indict the perpetrators. But this denial of justice galvanized Governor Ritchie's Interracial Commission, which would become one of the pioneering forces in the early civil rights movement in Maryland.
Complicating historical narratives associated with the history of lynching in the city of Salisbury, The Silent Shore explores the immediate and lingering effect of Williams's death on the politics of racism in the United States, the Black community in Salisbury, the broader Eastern Shore, the state of Maryland, and the legacy of "modern-day lynchings."
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On December 4, 1931, a mob of white men in Salisbury, Maryland, lynched and set ablaze a twenty-three-year-old Black man named Matthew Williams. His gruesome murder was part of a wave of silent white terrorism in the wake of the stock market crash of 1929, which exposed Black laborers to white rage in response to economic anxieties. For nearly a century, the lynching of Matthew Williams has lived in the shadows of the more well-known incidents of racial terror in the deep South, haunting both the Eastern Shore and the state of Maryland as a whole. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421442921"><em>The Silent Shore: The Lynching of Matthew Williams and the Politics of Racism in the Free State</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022), author Charles L. Chavis Jr. draws on his discovery of previously unreleased investigative documents to meticulously reconstruct the full story of one of the last lynchings in Maryland.</p><p>Bringing the painful truth of anti-Black violence to light, Chavis breaks the silence that surrounded Williams's death. Though Maryland lacked the notoriety for racial violence of Alabama or Mississippi, he writes, it nonetheless was the site of at least 40 spectacle lynchings after the abolition of slavery in 1864. Families of lynching victims rarely obtained any form of actual justice, but Williams's death would have a curious afterlife: Maryland's politically ambitious governor Albert C. Ritchie would, in an attempt to position himself as a viable challenger to FDR, become one of the first governors in the United States to investigate the lynching death of a Black person. Ritchie tasked Patsy Johnson, a member of the Pinkerton detective agency and a former prizefighter, with going undercover in Salisbury and infiltrating the mob that murdered Williams. Johnson would eventually befriend a young local who admitted to participating in the lynching and who also named several local law enforcement officers as ringleaders. Despite this, a grand jury, after hearing 124 witness statements, declined to indict the perpetrators. But this denial of justice galvanized Governor Ritchie's Interracial Commission, which would become one of the pioneering forces in the early civil rights movement in Maryland.</p><p>Complicating historical narratives associated with the history of lynching in the city of Salisbury, The Silent Shore explores the immediate and lingering effect of Williams's death on the politics of racism in the United States, the Black community in Salisbury, the broader Eastern Shore, the state of Maryland, and the legacy of "modern-day lynchings."</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu"><em>okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2349</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Michael S. Green, "Lincoln and Native Americans" (Southern Illinois UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>President Abraham Lincoln ordered the largest mass execution of Indigenous people in American history, following the 1862 uprising of hungry Dakota in Minnesota and suspiciously speedy trials. He also issued the largest commutation of executions in American history for the same act. But there is much more to the story of Lincoln’s interactions and involvement, personal and political, with Native Americans, as Michael S. Green shows. Lincoln and Native Americans (Southern Illinois UP, 2021) explains how Lincoln thought about Native Americans, interacted with them, and was affected by them.
Although ignorant of Native customs, Lincoln revealed none of the hatred or single-minded opposition to Native culture that animated other leaders and some of his own political and military officials. Lincoln did far too little to ease the problems afflicting Indigenous people at the time, but he also expressed more sympathy for their situation than most other politicians of the day. Still, he was not what those who wanted legitimate improvements in the lives of Native Americans would have liked him to be.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael S. Green</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>President Abraham Lincoln ordered the largest mass execution of Indigenous people in American history, following the 1862 uprising of hungry Dakota in Minnesota and suspiciously speedy trials. He also issued the largest commutation of executions in American history for the same act. But there is much more to the story of Lincoln’s interactions and involvement, personal and political, with Native Americans, as Michael S. Green shows. Lincoln and Native Americans (Southern Illinois UP, 2021) explains how Lincoln thought about Native Americans, interacted with them, and was affected by them.
Although ignorant of Native customs, Lincoln revealed none of the hatred or single-minded opposition to Native culture that animated other leaders and some of his own political and military officials. Lincoln did far too little to ease the problems afflicting Indigenous people at the time, but he also expressed more sympathy for their situation than most other politicians of the day. Still, he was not what those who wanted legitimate improvements in the lives of Native Americans would have liked him to be.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>President Abraham Lincoln ordered the largest mass execution of Indigenous people in American history, following the 1862 uprising of hungry Dakota in Minnesota and suspiciously speedy trials. He also issued the largest commutation of executions in American history for the same act. But there is much more to the story of Lincoln’s interactions and involvement, personal and political, with Native Americans, as Michael S. Green shows. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809338252">Lincoln and Native Americans</a> (Southern Illinois UP, 2021) explains how Lincoln thought about Native Americans, interacted with them, and was affected by them.</p><p>Although ignorant of Native customs, Lincoln revealed none of the hatred or single-minded opposition to Native culture that animated other leaders and some of his own political and military officials. Lincoln did far too little to ease the problems afflicting Indigenous people at the time, but he also expressed more sympathy for their situation than most other politicians of the day. Still, he was not what those who wanted legitimate improvements in the lives of Native Americans would have liked him to be.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3613</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e6423174-36c5-11ed-be60-ff1e702a2a0e]]></guid>
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      <title>Michael R. Gordon, "Degrade and Destroy: The Inside Story of the War Against the Islamic State, from Barack Obama to Donald Trump" (FSG, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Degrade and Destroy: The Inside Story of the War Against the Islamic State, from Barack Obama to Donald Trump (FSG, 2022), Wall Street Journal national security correspondent Michael R. Gordon reveals the strategy debates, diplomatic gambits, and military operations that shaped the struggle against the Islamic State. With extraordinary access to top U.S. officials and military commanders and to the forces on the battlefield, Gordon offers a riveting narrative that ferrets out some of the war's most guarded secrets.
Degrade and Destroy takes us inside National Security Council meetings at which Obama and his top aides grapple with early setbacks and discuss whether the war can be won. It also offers the most detailed account to date of how President Donald Trump waged war--delegating greater authority to the Pentagon but jeopardizing the outcome with a rush for the exit. Drawing on his reporting in Iraq and Syria, Gordon documents the closed-door deliberations of U.S. generals with their Iraqi and Syrian counterparts and describes some of the toughest urban battles since World War II. As Americans debate the future of using force abroad, Gordon's book offers vital insights into how our wars today are fought against militant foes, and the enduring lessons we can draw from them.
Michael R. Gordon is the national security correspondent for The Wall Street Journal and former chief military correspondent for The New York Times.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael R. Gordon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Degrade and Destroy: The Inside Story of the War Against the Islamic State, from Barack Obama to Donald Trump (FSG, 2022), Wall Street Journal national security correspondent Michael R. Gordon reveals the strategy debates, diplomatic gambits, and military operations that shaped the struggle against the Islamic State. With extraordinary access to top U.S. officials and military commanders and to the forces on the battlefield, Gordon offers a riveting narrative that ferrets out some of the war's most guarded secrets.
Degrade and Destroy takes us inside National Security Council meetings at which Obama and his top aides grapple with early setbacks and discuss whether the war can be won. It also offers the most detailed account to date of how President Donald Trump waged war--delegating greater authority to the Pentagon but jeopardizing the outcome with a rush for the exit. Drawing on his reporting in Iraq and Syria, Gordon documents the closed-door deliberations of U.S. generals with their Iraqi and Syrian counterparts and describes some of the toughest urban battles since World War II. As Americans debate the future of using force abroad, Gordon's book offers vital insights into how our wars today are fought against militant foes, and the enduring lessons we can draw from them.
Michael R. Gordon is the national security correspondent for The Wall Street Journal and former chief military correspondent for The New York Times.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374279899"><em>Degrade and Destroy: The Inside Story of the War Against the Islamic State, from Barack Obama to Donald Trump</em></a><em> </em>(FSG, 2022), Wall Street Journal national security correspondent Michael R. Gordon reveals the strategy debates, diplomatic gambits, and military operations that shaped the struggle against the Islamic State. With extraordinary access to top U.S. officials and military commanders and to the forces on the battlefield, Gordon offers a riveting narrative that ferrets out some of the war's most guarded secrets.</p><p>Degrade and Destroy takes us inside National Security Council meetings at which Obama and his top aides grapple with early setbacks and discuss whether the war can be won. It also offers the most detailed account to date of how President Donald Trump waged war--delegating greater authority to the Pentagon but jeopardizing the outcome with a rush for the exit. Drawing on his reporting in Iraq and Syria, Gordon documents the closed-door deliberations of U.S. generals with their Iraqi and Syrian counterparts and describes some of the toughest urban battles since World War II. As Americans debate the future of using force abroad, Gordon's book offers vital insights into how our wars today are fought against militant foes, and the enduring lessons we can draw from them.</p><p>Michael R. Gordon is the national security correspondent for The Wall Street Journal and former chief military correspondent for The New York Times.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3659</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3fe821f6-36b3-11ed-a832-579a3d0a3043]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>It’s The End Of The World As We Know It</title>
      <description>Last episode we discussed films about how a nuclear war would start, particularly the insane logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). In this episode we explore how American, British, and Australian filmmakers imagined the unimaginable - Armageddon and the literal and figurative fallout. We look at On the Beach (1959), The Day After (1983), and Threads (1984). We challenge the conventional wisdom that the West only seriously worried about nuclear after the Cuban Missile Crisis, provide some background on the history of anti-nuclear social movements, and compare how these three unforgettable films chose to depict nuclear destruction. How accurate were they? Did they make a difference? And, how many of us are still traumatized by seeing them?
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>20</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On On the Beach (1959), The Day After (1983), and Threads (1984)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Last episode we discussed films about how a nuclear war would start, particularly the insane logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). In this episode we explore how American, British, and Australian filmmakers imagined the unimaginable - Armageddon and the literal and figurative fallout. We look at On the Beach (1959), The Day After (1983), and Threads (1984). We challenge the conventional wisdom that the West only seriously worried about nuclear after the Cuban Missile Crisis, provide some background on the history of anti-nuclear social movements, and compare how these three unforgettable films chose to depict nuclear destruction. How accurate were they? Did they make a difference? And, how many of us are still traumatized by seeing them?
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Last episode we discussed films about how a nuclear war would start, particularly the insane logic of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD). In this episode we explore how American, British, and Australian filmmakers imagined the unimaginable - Armageddon and the literal and figurative fallout. We look at <em>On the Beach</em> (1959), <em>The Day After</em> (1983), and <em>Threads</em> (1984). We challenge the conventional wisdom that the West only seriously worried about nuclear after the Cuban Missile Crisis, provide some background on the history of anti-nuclear social movements, and compare how these three unforgettable films chose to depict nuclear destruction. How accurate were they? Did they make a difference? And, how many of us are still traumatized by seeing them?</p><p><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4365</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[575043ba-2140-11ed-a3d9-87bc57a1ee04]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1152650854.mp3?updated=1661081353" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>David Enrich, "Servants of the Damned: Giant Law Firms, Donald Trump, and the Corruption of Justice" (Mariner Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>In his acclaimed #1 bestseller Dark Towers, David Enrich presented the never-before-told saga of how Deutsche Bank became the global face of financial recklessness and criminality. Now Enrich turns his eye towards the world of "Big Law" and the nearly unchecked influence these firms wield to shield the wealthy and powerful--and bury their secrets. To tell this story, Enrich focuses on Jones Day, one of the world's largest law firms. Jones Day's narrative arc--founded in Cleveland in 1893, it became the first law firm to expand nationally and is now a global juggernaut with deep ties to corporate interests and conservative politics--is a powerful encapsulation of the changes that have swept the legal industry in recent decades.
Since 2016, Jones Day has been in the spotlight for representing Donald Trump and his campaigns (and now his PACs)--and for the fleet of Jones Day attorneys who joined his administration, including White House Counsel Don McGahn. Jones Day helped Trump fend off the Mueller investigation and challenged Obamacare. Its once and future lawyers defended Trump's Muslim ban and border policies and handled his judicial nominations. Jones Day even laid some of the legal groundwork for Trump to challenge the legitimacy of the 2020 election.
But the Trump work is but one chapter in the firm's checkered history. Jones Day, like many of its peers, have become highly effective enablers of the business world's worst misbehavior. The firm has for decades represented Big Tobacco in its fight to avoid liability for its products. Jones Day worked tirelessly for the Catholic Church as it tried to minimize its sexual-abuse scandals. And for Purdue Pharma, the maker of OxyContin, as it sought to protect its right to make and market its dangerously addictive drug. And for Fox News as it waged war against employees who were the victims of sexual harassment and retaliation. And for Russian oligarchs as their companies sought to expand internationally.
In Servants of the Damned: Giant Law Firms, Donald Trump, and the Corruption of Justice (Mariner Books, 2022), Enrich makes the compelling central argument that law firms like Jones Day play a crucial yet largely hidden role in enabling and protecting powerful bad actors in our society, housing their darkest secrets, and earning billions in revenue for themselves.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>166</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Enrich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his acclaimed #1 bestseller Dark Towers, David Enrich presented the never-before-told saga of how Deutsche Bank became the global face of financial recklessness and criminality. Now Enrich turns his eye towards the world of "Big Law" and the nearly unchecked influence these firms wield to shield the wealthy and powerful--and bury their secrets. To tell this story, Enrich focuses on Jones Day, one of the world's largest law firms. Jones Day's narrative arc--founded in Cleveland in 1893, it became the first law firm to expand nationally and is now a global juggernaut with deep ties to corporate interests and conservative politics--is a powerful encapsulation of the changes that have swept the legal industry in recent decades.
Since 2016, Jones Day has been in the spotlight for representing Donald Trump and his campaigns (and now his PACs)--and for the fleet of Jones Day attorneys who joined his administration, including White House Counsel Don McGahn. Jones Day helped Trump fend off the Mueller investigation and challenged Obamacare. Its once and future lawyers defended Trump's Muslim ban and border policies and handled his judicial nominations. Jones Day even laid some of the legal groundwork for Trump to challenge the legitimacy of the 2020 election.
But the Trump work is but one chapter in the firm's checkered history. Jones Day, like many of its peers, have become highly effective enablers of the business world's worst misbehavior. The firm has for decades represented Big Tobacco in its fight to avoid liability for its products. Jones Day worked tirelessly for the Catholic Church as it tried to minimize its sexual-abuse scandals. And for Purdue Pharma, the maker of OxyContin, as it sought to protect its right to make and market its dangerously addictive drug. And for Fox News as it waged war against employees who were the victims of sexual harassment and retaliation. And for Russian oligarchs as their companies sought to expand internationally.
In Servants of the Damned: Giant Law Firms, Donald Trump, and the Corruption of Justice (Mariner Books, 2022), Enrich makes the compelling central argument that law firms like Jones Day play a crucial yet largely hidden role in enabling and protecting powerful bad actors in our society, housing their darkest secrets, and earning billions in revenue for themselves.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his acclaimed #1 bestseller <em>Dark Towers</em>, David Enrich presented the never-before-told saga of how Deutsche Bank became the global face of financial recklessness and criminality. Now Enrich turns his eye towards the world of "Big Law" and the nearly unchecked influence these firms wield to shield the wealthy and powerful--and bury their secrets. To tell this story, Enrich focuses on Jones Day, one of the world's largest law firms. Jones Day's narrative arc--founded in Cleveland in 1893, it became the first law firm to expand nationally and is now a global juggernaut with deep ties to corporate interests and conservative politics--is a powerful encapsulation of the changes that have swept the legal industry in recent decades.</p><p>Since 2016, Jones Day has been in the spotlight for representing Donald Trump and his campaigns (and now his PACs)--and for the fleet of Jones Day attorneys who joined his administration, including White House Counsel Don McGahn. Jones Day helped Trump fend off the Mueller investigation and challenged Obamacare. Its once and future lawyers defended Trump's Muslim ban and border policies and handled his judicial nominations. Jones Day even laid some of the legal groundwork for Trump to challenge the legitimacy of the 2020 election.</p><p>But the Trump work is but one chapter in the firm's checkered history. Jones Day, like many of its peers, have become highly effective enablers of the business world's worst misbehavior. The firm has for decades represented Big Tobacco in its fight to avoid liability for its products. Jones Day worked tirelessly for the Catholic Church as it tried to minimize its sexual-abuse scandals. And for Purdue Pharma, the maker of OxyContin, as it sought to protect its right to make and market its dangerously addictive drug. And for Fox News as it waged war against employees who were the victims of sexual harassment and retaliation. And for Russian oligarchs as their companies sought to expand internationally.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063142176"><em>Servants of the Damned: Giant Law Firms, Donald Trump, and the Corruption of Justice</em></a> (Mariner Books, 2022), Enrich makes the compelling central argument that law firms like Jones Day play a crucial yet largely hidden role in enabling and protecting powerful bad actors in our society, housing their darkest secrets, and earning billions in revenue for themselves.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3790</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[726f2166-345a-11ed-ab4f-073291877fcb]]></guid>
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      <title>Nancy Fraser, "Cannibal Capitalism: How our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It" (Verso, 2022)</title>
      <description>Capital is currently cannibalizing every sphere of life–guzzling wealth from nature and racialized populations, sucking up our ability to care for each other, and gutting the practice of politics. In Cannibal Capitalism: How our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It (Verso, 2022), leading Marxist feminist theorist Nancy Fraser charts the voracious appetite of capital, tracking it from crisis point to crisis point, from ecological devastation to the collapse of democracy, from racial violence to the devaluing of care work. These crisis points all come to a head in Covid-19, which Fraser argues can help us envision the resistance we need to end the feeding frenzy.
What we need, she argues, is a wide-ranging socialist movement that can recognize the rapaciousness of capital - and starve it to death.
Nancy Fraser is Henry and Louise A. Loeb Professor of Philosophy and Politics at the New School for Social Research. She is the author of Fortunes of Feminism and The Old is Dying and the New Cannot be Born, and co-author of Capitalism: A Conversation and Feminism for the 99%.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>129</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nancy Fraser</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Capital is currently cannibalizing every sphere of life–guzzling wealth from nature and racialized populations, sucking up our ability to care for each other, and gutting the practice of politics. In Cannibal Capitalism: How our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It (Verso, 2022), leading Marxist feminist theorist Nancy Fraser charts the voracious appetite of capital, tracking it from crisis point to crisis point, from ecological devastation to the collapse of democracy, from racial violence to the devaluing of care work. These crisis points all come to a head in Covid-19, which Fraser argues can help us envision the resistance we need to end the feeding frenzy.
What we need, she argues, is a wide-ranging socialist movement that can recognize the rapaciousness of capital - and starve it to death.
Nancy Fraser is Henry and Louise A. Loeb Professor of Philosophy and Politics at the New School for Social Research. She is the author of Fortunes of Feminism and The Old is Dying and the New Cannot be Born, and co-author of Capitalism: A Conversation and Feminism for the 99%.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. Twitter. Website.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Capital is currently cannibalizing every sphere of life–guzzling wealth from nature and racialized populations, sucking up our ability to care for each other, and gutting the practice of politics. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839761232"><em>Cannibal Capitalism: How our System is Devouring Democracy, Care, and the Planet and What We Can Do About It</em></a> (Verso, 2022), leading Marxist feminist theorist Nancy Fraser charts the voracious appetite of capital, tracking it from crisis point to crisis point, from ecological devastation to the collapse of democracy, from racial violence to the devaluing of care work. These crisis points all come to a head in Covid-19, which Fraser argues can help us envision the resistance we need to end the feeding frenzy.</p><p>What we need, she argues, is a wide-ranging socialist movement that can recognize the rapaciousness of capital - and starve it to death.</p><p>Nancy Fraser is Henry and Louise A. Loeb Professor of Philosophy and Politics at the New School for Social Research. She is the author of <em>Fortunes of Feminism</em> and <em>The Old is Dying and the New Cannot be Born</em>, and co-author of <em>Capitalism: A Conversation</em> and <em>Feminism for the 99%</em>.</p><p><em>Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy. </em><a href="http://twitter.com/brianfhamilton"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>. </em><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/"><em>Website</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3324</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ad2d8f34-3033-11ed-896d-fbfde8391481]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2835515151.mp3?updated=1662724393" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Timothy Paul Bowman, "You Will Never Be One of Us: A Teacher, a Texas Town, and the Rural Roots of Radical Conservatism" (U of Oklahoma Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>As the 1974 school year began, Wayne Woodward was a beloved high school teacher in a rural Texas town. By the following spring, he was embroiled in a local political firestorm that would ultimately cost him his job. Woodward's sin was, in his own words, naively trying to found a chapter of the ACLU in his Hereford, Texas community. In You Will Never Be One of Us: A Teacher, A Texas Town, and the Rural Roots of Radical Conservatism (University of Oklahoma Press, 2022) West Texas A&amp;M Professor Timothy Bowman tells the remarkable story of Woodward's teaching career, his fight over the ACLU chapter, and the nationally-covered wrongful termination trial that followed. Woodward's story casts shifts the story of American conservatism away from the suburbs and toward rural places like Hereford, where local frontier identities helped create distrust of outsiders and a strong streak of libertarianism. The central question of the book is one of human behavior: why otherwise average Americans would work so hard to run an idealistic young person and beloved teacher out of town? The answer has everything to do with Mexican immigration, labor unrest, and the roiling culture wars, and speaks directly to our present political moment.
Timothy Paul Bowman is Associate Professor of History and Chair of the Department of History at West Texas A&amp;M University in Canyon and the author of Blood Oranges: Colonialism and Agriculture in the South Texas Borderlands.
﻿Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>108</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy Paul Bowman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the 1974 school year began, Wayne Woodward was a beloved high school teacher in a rural Texas town. By the following spring, he was embroiled in a local political firestorm that would ultimately cost him his job. Woodward's sin was, in his own words, naively trying to found a chapter of the ACLU in his Hereford, Texas community. In You Will Never Be One of Us: A Teacher, A Texas Town, and the Rural Roots of Radical Conservatism (University of Oklahoma Press, 2022) West Texas A&amp;M Professor Timothy Bowman tells the remarkable story of Woodward's teaching career, his fight over the ACLU chapter, and the nationally-covered wrongful termination trial that followed. Woodward's story casts shifts the story of American conservatism away from the suburbs and toward rural places like Hereford, where local frontier identities helped create distrust of outsiders and a strong streak of libertarianism. The central question of the book is one of human behavior: why otherwise average Americans would work so hard to run an idealistic young person and beloved teacher out of town? The answer has everything to do with Mexican immigration, labor unrest, and the roiling culture wars, and speaks directly to our present political moment.
Timothy Paul Bowman is Associate Professor of History and Chair of the Department of History at West Texas A&amp;M University in Canyon and the author of Blood Oranges: Colonialism and Agriculture in the South Texas Borderlands.
﻿Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the 1974 school year began, Wayne Woodward was a beloved high school teacher in a rural Texas town. By the following spring, he was embroiled in a local political firestorm that would ultimately cost him his job. Woodward's sin was, in his own words, naively trying to found a chapter of the ACLU in his Hereford, Texas community. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780806190389"><em>You Will Never Be One of Us: A Teacher, A Texas Town, and the Rural Roots of Radical Conservatism</em></a> (University of Oklahoma Press, 2022) West Texas A&amp;M Professor Timothy Bowman tells the remarkable story of Woodward's teaching career, his fight over the ACLU chapter, and the nationally-covered wrongful termination trial that followed. Woodward's story casts shifts the story of American conservatism away from the suburbs and toward rural places like Hereford, where local frontier identities helped create distrust of outsiders and a strong streak of libertarianism. The central question of the book is one of human behavior: why otherwise average Americans would work so hard to run an idealistic young person and beloved teacher out of town? The answer has everything to do with Mexican immigration, labor unrest, and the roiling culture wars, and speaks directly to our present political moment.</p><p>Timothy Paul Bowman is Associate Professor of History and Chair of the Department of History at West Texas A&amp;M University in Canyon and the author of Blood Oranges: Colonialism and Agriculture in the South Texas Borderlands.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4224</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c17e6ae0-3825-11ed-ab4a-7b055c87610e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4355064948.mp3?updated=1663596136" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tod Gitlin on the Recovery of American Ideals</title>
      <description>In this episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Tod Gitlin. Gitlin was president of the Students for a Democratic Society, and went on to become a sociologist, political activist, and journalist, teaching at Berkeley, NYU and Columbia. He wrote sixteen books, and spoke at the Institute in 2007 about his book, The Bulldozer and the Big Tent: Blind Republicans, Lame Democrats, and the Recovery of American Ideals. Gitlin died in February 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>45</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Lecture by Tod Gitlin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Tod Gitlin. Gitlin was president of the Students for a Democratic Society, and went on to become a sociologist, political activist, and journalist, teaching at Berkeley, NYU and Columbia. He wrote sixteen books, and spoke at the Institute in 2007 about his book, The Bulldozer and the Big Tent: Blind Republicans, Lame Democrats, and the Recovery of American Ideals. Gitlin died in February 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode from the Institute’s Vault, we hear from Tod Gitlin. Gitlin was president of the Students for a Democratic Society, and went on to become a sociologist, political activist, and journalist, teaching at Berkeley, NYU and Columbia. He wrote sixteen books, and spoke at the Institute in 2007 about his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780471748533"><em>The Bulldozer and the Big Tent:</em> <em>Blind Republicans, Lame Democrats, and the Recovery of American Ideals</em></a><em>.</em> Gitlin died in February 2022.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2465</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[757c539c-378e-11ed-b40e-770189353582]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4502751240.mp3?updated=1663532235" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brad Snyder, "Democratic Justice: Felix Frankfurter, the Supreme Court, and the Making of the Liberal Establishment" (Norton, 2022)</title>
      <description>The conventional wisdom about Felix Frankfurter--Harvard law professor and Supreme Court justice--is that he struggled to fill the seat once held by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Scholars have portrayed Frankfurter as a judicial failure, a liberal lawyer turned conservative justice, and the Warren Court's principal villain. And yet none of these characterizations rings true.
A pro-government, pro-civil rights liberal who rejected shifting political labels, Frankfurter advocated for judicial restraint--he believed that people should seek change not from the courts but through the democratic political process. Indeed, he knew American presidents from Theodore Roosevelt to Lyndon Johnson, advised Franklin Roosevelt, and inspired his students and law clerks to enter government service.
Organized around presidential administrations and major political and world events, this definitive biography chronicles Frankfurter's impact on American life. As a young government lawyer, he befriended Theodore Roosevelt, Louis Brandeis, and Holmes. As a Harvard law professor, he earned fame as a civil libertarian, Zionist, and New Deal power broker. As a justice, he hired the first African American law clerk and helped the Court achieve unanimity in outlawing racially segregated schools in Brown v. Board of Education.
In Democratic Justice: Felix Frankfurter, the Supreme Court, and the Making of the Liberal Establishment (Norton, 2022), Brad Snyder offers a full and fascinating portrait of the remarkable life and legacy of a long misunderstood American figure. This is the biography of an Austrian Jewish immigrant who arrived in the United States at age eleven speaking not a word of English, who by age twenty-six befriended former president Theodore Roosevelt, and who by age fifty was one of Franklin Roosevelt's most trusted advisers. It is the story of a man devoted to democratic ideals, a natural orator and often overbearing justice, whose passion allowed him to amass highly influential friends and helped create the liberal establishment.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>165</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Brad Snyder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The conventional wisdom about Felix Frankfurter--Harvard law professor and Supreme Court justice--is that he struggled to fill the seat once held by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Scholars have portrayed Frankfurter as a judicial failure, a liberal lawyer turned conservative justice, and the Warren Court's principal villain. And yet none of these characterizations rings true.
A pro-government, pro-civil rights liberal who rejected shifting political labels, Frankfurter advocated for judicial restraint--he believed that people should seek change not from the courts but through the democratic political process. Indeed, he knew American presidents from Theodore Roosevelt to Lyndon Johnson, advised Franklin Roosevelt, and inspired his students and law clerks to enter government service.
Organized around presidential administrations and major political and world events, this definitive biography chronicles Frankfurter's impact on American life. As a young government lawyer, he befriended Theodore Roosevelt, Louis Brandeis, and Holmes. As a Harvard law professor, he earned fame as a civil libertarian, Zionist, and New Deal power broker. As a justice, he hired the first African American law clerk and helped the Court achieve unanimity in outlawing racially segregated schools in Brown v. Board of Education.
In Democratic Justice: Felix Frankfurter, the Supreme Court, and the Making of the Liberal Establishment (Norton, 2022), Brad Snyder offers a full and fascinating portrait of the remarkable life and legacy of a long misunderstood American figure. This is the biography of an Austrian Jewish immigrant who arrived in the United States at age eleven speaking not a word of English, who by age twenty-six befriended former president Theodore Roosevelt, and who by age fifty was one of Franklin Roosevelt's most trusted advisers. It is the story of a man devoted to democratic ideals, a natural orator and often overbearing justice, whose passion allowed him to amass highly influential friends and helped create the liberal establishment.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The conventional wisdom about Felix Frankfurter--Harvard law professor and Supreme Court justice--is that he struggled to fill the seat once held by Oliver Wendell Holmes. Scholars have portrayed Frankfurter as a judicial failure, a liberal lawyer turned conservative justice, and the Warren Court's principal villain. And yet none of these characterizations rings true.</p><p>A pro-government, pro-civil rights liberal who rejected shifting political labels, Frankfurter advocated for judicial restraint--he believed that people should seek change not from the courts but through the democratic political process. Indeed, he knew American presidents from Theodore Roosevelt to Lyndon Johnson, advised Franklin Roosevelt, and inspired his students and law clerks to enter government service.</p><p>Organized around presidential administrations and major political and world events, this definitive biography chronicles Frankfurter's impact on American life. As a young government lawyer, he befriended Theodore Roosevelt, Louis Brandeis, and Holmes. As a Harvard law professor, he earned fame as a civil libertarian, Zionist, and New Deal power broker. As a justice, he hired the first African American law clerk and helped the Court achieve unanimity in outlawing racially segregated schools in <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em>.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324004875"><em>Democratic Justice: Felix Frankfurter, the Supreme Court, and the Making of the Liberal Establishment </em></a>(Norton, 2022), Brad Snyder offers a full and fascinating portrait of the remarkable life and legacy of a long misunderstood American figure. This is the biography of an Austrian Jewish immigrant who arrived in the United States at age eleven speaking not a word of English, who by age twenty-six befriended former president Theodore Roosevelt, and who by age fifty was one of Franklin Roosevelt's most trusted advisers. It is the story of a man devoted to democratic ideals, a natural orator and often overbearing justice, whose passion allowed him to amass highly influential friends and helped create the liberal establishment.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4647</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9d7e8432-313a-11ed-91e5-7f864a1f0188]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7691545773.mp3?updated=1662837964" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A MAD, MAD, World</title>
      <description>The world lived under the shadow of the acronym MAD for forty years. Mutually Assured Destruction was no laughing matter, but Stanley Kubrick thought dark comedy was the only way to approach a topic as ridiculous as MAD. In this episode we compare and contrast Dr. Strangelove (1964) with Failsafe, a serious film about the same subject that came out the same year. We reveal just how spot on Dr. Strangelove was about MAD versus Failsafe’s unwarranted optimism that limited nuclear war was possible. An army of political scientists and bureaucrats game theoried fighting and winning a nuclear war like it was just another social science problem. Civilians are the warmongers in our MAD films. Dr. Strangelove may be a deranged Nazi freak, but everything he said was seriously considered by real life MAD Men.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>19</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On Dr. Strangelove (1964), and Failsafe (1964)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The world lived under the shadow of the acronym MAD for forty years. Mutually Assured Destruction was no laughing matter, but Stanley Kubrick thought dark comedy was the only way to approach a topic as ridiculous as MAD. In this episode we compare and contrast Dr. Strangelove (1964) with Failsafe, a serious film about the same subject that came out the same year. We reveal just how spot on Dr. Strangelove was about MAD versus Failsafe’s unwarranted optimism that limited nuclear war was possible. An army of political scientists and bureaucrats game theoried fighting and winning a nuclear war like it was just another social science problem. Civilians are the warmongers in our MAD films. Dr. Strangelove may be a deranged Nazi freak, but everything he said was seriously considered by real life MAD Men.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The world lived under the shadow of the acronym MAD for forty years. Mutually Assured Destruction was no laughing matter, but Stanley Kubrick thought dark comedy was the only way to approach a topic as ridiculous as MAD. In this episode we compare and contrast <em>Dr. Strangelove</em> (1964) with <em>Failsafe</em>, a serious film about the same subject that came out the same year. We reveal just how spot on <em>Dr. Strangelove</em> was about MAD versus <em>Failsafe</em>’s unwarranted optimism that limited nuclear war was possible. An army of political scientists and bureaucrats game theoried fighting and winning a nuclear war like it was just another social science problem. Civilians are the warmongers in our MAD films. Dr. Strangelove may be a deranged Nazi freak, but everything he said was seriously considered by real life MAD Men.</p><p><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3464</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4c486876-2140-11ed-acb0-0f6580607a36]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5020718465.mp3?updated=1663324192" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of American Decline: A Conversation with Jed Esty</title>
      <description>The UK spent decades in its the post imperial phase trying to work out how it should think of itself and align itself in the world - a debate that Brexit showed is far from over. Will the US find it as hard? The debate about American decline rests on a widespread assumption in the country that global supremacy is the US’s national purpose. How difficult will it be to get beyond that? Owen Bennett Jones speaks to Professor Jed Esty of the University of Pennsylvania and author of The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits (Stanford UP, 2022).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>30</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The UK spent decades in its the post imperial phase trying to work out how it should think of itself and align itself in the world - a debate that Brexit showed is far from over. Will the US find it as hard? The debate about American decline rests on a widespread assumption in the country that global supremacy is the US’s national purpose. How difficult will it be to get beyond that? Owen Bennett Jones speaks to Professor Jed Esty of the University of Pennsylvania and author of The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits (Stanford UP, 2022).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The UK spent decades in its the post imperial phase trying to work out how it should think of itself and align itself in the world - a debate that Brexit showed is far from over. Will the US find it as hard? The debate about American decline rests on a widespread assumption in the country that global supremacy is the US’s national purpose. How difficult will it be to get beyond that? Owen Bennett Jones speaks to Professor Jed Esty of the University of Pennsylvania and author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503633315"><em>The Future of Decline: Anglo-American Culture at Its Limits</em></a> (Stanford UP, 2022).</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3098</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f88ee058-307a-11ed-869f-87a47c047401]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3210305075.mp3?updated=1662754680" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ethan Czuy Levine, "Rape by the Numbers: Producing and Contesting Scientific Knowledge about Sexual Violence" (Rutgers UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Science plays a substantial, though under-acknowledged, role in shaping popular understandings of rape. Statistical figures like “1 in 4 women have experienced completed or attempted rape” are central for raising awareness. Yet such scientific facts often become points of controversy, particularly as conservative scholars and public figures attempt to discredit feminist activists.
Rape by the Numbers: Producing and Contesting Scientific Knowledge about Sexual Violence (Rutgers University Press, 2021) by Dr. Ethan Czuy Levine explores scientists’ approaches to studying rape over more than forty years in the United States and Canada. In addition to investigating how scientists come to know the scope, causes, and consequences of rape, this book delves into the politics of rape research. Scholars who study rape often face a range of social pressures and resource constraints, including some that are unique to feminized and politicized fields of inquiry. Collectively, these matters have far-reaching consequences. Scientific projects may determine who counts as a potential victim/survivor or aggressor in a range of contexts, shaping research agendas as well as state policy, anti-violence programming and services, and public perceptions. Social processes within the study of rape determine which knowledges count as credible science, and thus who may count as an expert in academic and public contexts.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ethan Czuy Levine</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Science plays a substantial, though under-acknowledged, role in shaping popular understandings of rape. Statistical figures like “1 in 4 women have experienced completed or attempted rape” are central for raising awareness. Yet such scientific facts often become points of controversy, particularly as conservative scholars and public figures attempt to discredit feminist activists.
Rape by the Numbers: Producing and Contesting Scientific Knowledge about Sexual Violence (Rutgers University Press, 2021) by Dr. Ethan Czuy Levine explores scientists’ approaches to studying rape over more than forty years in the United States and Canada. In addition to investigating how scientists come to know the scope, causes, and consequences of rape, this book delves into the politics of rape research. Scholars who study rape often face a range of social pressures and resource constraints, including some that are unique to feminized and politicized fields of inquiry. Collectively, these matters have far-reaching consequences. Scientific projects may determine who counts as a potential victim/survivor or aggressor in a range of contexts, shaping research agendas as well as state policy, anti-violence programming and services, and public perceptions. Social processes within the study of rape determine which knowledges count as credible science, and thus who may count as an expert in academic and public contexts.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Science plays a substantial, though under-acknowledged, role in shaping popular understandings of rape. Statistical figures like “1 in 4 women have experienced completed or attempted rape” are central for raising awareness. Yet such scientific facts often become points of controversy, particularly as conservative scholars and public figures attempt to discredit feminist activists.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978823631"><em>Rape by the Numbers: Producing and Contesting Scientific Knowledge about Sexual Violence</em></a> (Rutgers University Press, 2021) by Dr. Ethan Czuy Levine explores scientists’ approaches to studying rape over more than forty years in the United States and Canada. In addition to investigating how scientists come to know the scope, causes, and consequences of rape, this book delves into the politics of rape research. Scholars who study rape often face a range of social pressures and resource constraints, including some that are unique to feminized and politicized fields of inquiry. Collectively, these matters have far-reaching consequences. Scientific projects may determine who counts as a potential victim/survivor or aggressor in a range of contexts, shaping research agendas as well as state policy, anti-violence programming and services, and public perceptions. Social processes within the study of rape determine which knowledges count as credible science, and thus who may count as an expert in academic and public contexts.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3506</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a96bb6fc-3072-11ed-a0e2-6b6a07f591a0]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1014022374.mp3?updated=1662751777" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pew Research Center: Analyzing the Evangelical Right</title>
      <description>You’ve seen hilarious videos of the evangelicals for Trump. You might be inclined to ignore them, mock their excesses, or dismiss their threat. But the evangelical right is a force to be reckoned with, even with Trump on his way out. So, who are these evangelicals? What do they believe?
For years, evangelicals have been plotting a political course, a far-right “theology” that includes Christian nationalism and spiritual warfare. It’s paying off. And we need to understand why it works, and for whom.
This is one of the first-ever episodes of Darts and Letters, originally released in late 2020. In it, you’ll hear the beginnings of one of our main subjects of study:the political philosophies of radical right-wing movements.
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If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 09 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>40</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>You’ve seen hilarious videos of the evangelicals for Trump. You might be inclined to ignore them, mock their excesses, or dismiss their threat. But the evangelical right is a force to be reckoned with, even with Trump on his way out. So, who are these evangelicals? What do they believe?
For years, evangelicals have been plotting a political course, a far-right “theology” that includes Christian nationalism and spiritual warfare. It’s paying off. And we need to understand why it works, and for whom.
This is one of the first-ever episodes of Darts and Letters, originally released in late 2020. In it, you’ll hear the beginnings of one of our main subjects of study:the political philosophies of radical right-wing movements.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>You’ve seen hilarious videos of the evangelicals for Trump. You might be inclined to ignore them, mock their excesses, or dismiss their threat. But the evangelical right is a force to be reckoned with, even with Trump on his way out. So, who are these evangelicals? What do they believe?</p><p>For years, evangelicals have been plotting a political course, a far-right “theology” that includes Christian nationalism and spiritual warfare. It’s paying off. And we need to understand why it works, and for whom.</p><p>This is one of the first-ever episodes of Darts and Letters, originally released in late 2020. In it, you’ll hear the beginnings of one of our main subjects of study:the political philosophies of radical right-wing movements.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5715</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[22f540ca-2b90-11ed-8249-9f54684201cf]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2535983997.mp3?updated=1662215296" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Eric A. Posner, "How Antitrust Failed Workers" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Eric Posner about his book How Antitrust Failed Workers (Oxford UP, 2021).
When anti-trust cases are brought forward, typically they involve monopolies exercising undue power in regards to products or services. Rarely do labor issues get the same treatment. Reasons vary from the previous power of unions, to the expense and risk of going to trial, to whether the potential for unfair, uncompetitive practices get scrutinized at all. Posner points in this episode to why the laws may need strengthening. Issues include stagnant wages, and the use and abuse of non-poaching, non-complete and arbitration clauses in the contracts that workers sign. Add in the practice of gig workers and rising inequality issues related to household wealth, and you can’t find a more timely topic than this one.
Eric Posner is a professor of Law at the University of Chicago. He’s currently on leave and working for the Anti-Trust Division of the U.S. Justice Department. (Note that his views do not necessarily reflect those of the Justice Department.) Two previous books by Posner were each separately chosen as a book of the year in 2018, one by The Economist and the other by The Financial Times.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). His newest book is Emotionomics 2.0: The Emotional Dynamics Underlying Key Business Goals. To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>115</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric A. Posner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Eric Posner about his book How Antitrust Failed Workers (Oxford UP, 2021).
When anti-trust cases are brought forward, typically they involve monopolies exercising undue power in regards to products or services. Rarely do labor issues get the same treatment. Reasons vary from the previous power of unions, to the expense and risk of going to trial, to whether the potential for unfair, uncompetitive practices get scrutinized at all. Posner points in this episode to why the laws may need strengthening. Issues include stagnant wages, and the use and abuse of non-poaching, non-complete and arbitration clauses in the contracts that workers sign. Add in the practice of gig workers and rising inequality issues related to household wealth, and you can’t find a more timely topic than this one.
Eric Posner is a professor of Law at the University of Chicago. He’s currently on leave and working for the Anti-Trust Division of the U.S. Justice Department. (Note that his views do not necessarily reflect those of the Justice Department.) Two previous books by Posner were each separately chosen as a book of the year in 2018, one by The Economist and the other by The Financial Times.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). His newest book is Emotionomics 2.0: The Emotional Dynamics Underlying Key Business Goals. To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Eric Posner about his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197507629"><em>How Antitrust Failed Workers</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021).</p><p>When anti-trust cases are brought forward, typically they involve monopolies exercising undue power in regards to products or services. Rarely do labor issues get the same treatment. Reasons vary from the previous power of unions, to the expense and risk of going to trial, to whether the potential for unfair, uncompetitive practices get scrutinized at all. Posner points in this episode to why the laws may need strengthening. Issues include stagnant wages, and the use and abuse of non-poaching, non-complete and arbitration clauses in the contracts that workers sign. Add in the practice of gig workers and rising inequality issues related to household wealth, and you can’t find a more timely topic than this one.</p><p>Eric Posner is a professor of Law at the University of Chicago. He’s currently on leave and working for the Anti-Trust Division of the U.S. Justice Department. (Note that his views do not necessarily reflect those of the Justice Department.) Two previous books by Posner were each separately chosen as a book of the year in 2018, one by The Economist and the other by The Financial Times.</p><p><em>Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of ten books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (</em><a href="https://www.sensorylogic.com/"><em>https://www.sensorylogic.com</em></a><em>). His newest book is Emotionomics 2.0: The Emotional Dynamics Underlying Key Business Goals. To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit </em><a href="https://emotionswizard.com/"><em>https://emotionswizard.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2298</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f3d0c2e0-06d9-11ed-a331-cf2b8f5ba18d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4337224139.mp3?updated=1658177361" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Who Can You Trust?</title>
      <description>Can you imagine living in a society that is ostensibly a democracy but secret forces are working behind the scenes to manipulate events? What if our intelligence agencies run amok with no oversight? What if the president is a criminal and would do anything to stay in power? These sound like current events, but they were major preoccupations during the 1970s in the wake of Watergate and congressional hearings about CIA and FBI abuses. Hollywood responded by dramatizing the unfettered power of what some like to call “the deep state” in three films we cover this episode - The Parallax View (1974), The Three Days of the Condor (1975), and All The President’s Men (1976). Each features protagonists unraveling conspiracies at the heart of our national security state, but is exposing the truth enough?

Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On The Parallax View (1974), The Three Days of the Condor (1975), and All The President’s Men (1976)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Can you imagine living in a society that is ostensibly a democracy but secret forces are working behind the scenes to manipulate events? What if our intelligence agencies run amok with no oversight? What if the president is a criminal and would do anything to stay in power? These sound like current events, but they were major preoccupations during the 1970s in the wake of Watergate and congressional hearings about CIA and FBI abuses. Hollywood responded by dramatizing the unfettered power of what some like to call “the deep state” in three films we cover this episode - The Parallax View (1974), The Three Days of the Condor (1975), and All The President’s Men (1976). Each features protagonists unraveling conspiracies at the heart of our national security state, but is exposing the truth enough?

Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Can you imagine living in a society that is ostensibly a democracy but secret forces are working behind the scenes to manipulate events? What if our intelligence agencies run amok with no oversight? What if the president is a criminal and would do anything to stay in power? These sound like current events, but they were major preoccupations during the 1970s in the wake of Watergate and congressional hearings about CIA and FBI abuses. Hollywood responded by dramatizing the unfettered power of what some like to call “the deep state” in three films we cover this episode - <em>The Parallax View</em> (1974), <em>The Three Days of the Condor</em> (1975), and <em>All The President’s Men</em> (1976). Each features protagonists unraveling conspiracies at the heart of our national security state, but is exposing the truth enough?</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3345</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0ffdc10e-2140-11ed-8906-8b73c8ec8e7d]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9445404023.mp3?updated=1662551574" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael O'Hanlon, "The Art of War in an Age of Peace: U.S. Grand Strategy and Resolute Restraint" (Yale UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>In The Art of War in an Age of Peace: U.S. Grand Strategy and Resolute Restraint (Yale University Press, 2021) Dr. Michael O’Hanlon presents an informed modern plan for post-2020 American foreign policy that avoids the opposing dangers of retrenchment and overextension.
Russia and China are both believed to have “grand strategies”—detailed sets of national security goals backed by means, and plans, to pursue them. In the United States, policymakers have tried to articulate similar concepts but have failed to reach a widespread consensus since the Cold War ended. While the United States has been the world’s prominent superpower for over a generation, much American thinking has oscillated between the extremes of isolationist agendas versus interventionist and overly assertive ones.
Drawing on historical precedents and weighing issues such as Russia’s resurgence, China’s great rise, North Korea’s nuclear machinations, and Middle East turmoil, Dr. O’Hanlon presents a well-researched, ethically sound, and politically viable vision for American national security policy. He also proposes complementing the Pentagon’s set of “4+1” pre-existing threats with a new “4+1”: biological, nuclear, digital, climatic, and internal dangers.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>59</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael O'Hanlon</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Art of War in an Age of Peace: U.S. Grand Strategy and Resolute Restraint (Yale University Press, 2021) Dr. Michael O’Hanlon presents an informed modern plan for post-2020 American foreign policy that avoids the opposing dangers of retrenchment and overextension.
Russia and China are both believed to have “grand strategies”—detailed sets of national security goals backed by means, and plans, to pursue them. In the United States, policymakers have tried to articulate similar concepts but have failed to reach a widespread consensus since the Cold War ended. While the United States has been the world’s prominent superpower for over a generation, much American thinking has oscillated between the extremes of isolationist agendas versus interventionist and overly assertive ones.
Drawing on historical precedents and weighing issues such as Russia’s resurgence, China’s great rise, North Korea’s nuclear machinations, and Middle East turmoil, Dr. O’Hanlon presents a well-researched, ethically sound, and politically viable vision for American national security policy. He also proposes complementing the Pentagon’s set of “4+1” pre-existing threats with a new “4+1”: biological, nuclear, digital, climatic, and internal dangers.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300268119"><em>The Art of War in an Age of Peace: U.S. Grand Strategy and Resolute Restraint</em></a> (Yale University Press, 2021) Dr. Michael O’Hanlon presents an informed modern plan for post-2020 American foreign policy that avoids the opposing dangers of retrenchment and overextension.</p><p>Russia and China are both believed to have “grand strategies”—detailed sets of national security goals backed by means, and plans, to pursue them. In the United States, policymakers have tried to articulate similar concepts but have failed to reach a widespread consensus since the Cold War ended. While the United States has been the world’s prominent superpower for over a generation, much American thinking has oscillated between the extremes of isolationist agendas versus interventionist and overly assertive ones.</p><p>Drawing on historical precedents and weighing issues such as Russia’s resurgence, China’s great rise, North Korea’s nuclear machinations, and Middle East turmoil, Dr. O’Hanlon presents a well-researched, ethically sound, and politically viable vision for American national security policy. He also proposes complementing the Pentagon’s set of “4+1” pre-existing threats with a new “4+1”: biological, nuclear, digital, climatic, and internal dangers.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3204</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5e184d12-296c-11ed-89ca-1bf0decd83ff]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5688660463.mp3?updated=1732047523" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Allyson P. Brantley, "Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism" (UNC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Before the craft beer revolution, Coors was a hot commodity. Impossible to find outside a few states in the West, the beer had a level of "cool" that only comes from scarcity. However, this veneer of desirability masked all manner of unfair and discriminatory labor practices within the Coors Brewing Company itself. 
In Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism (UNC Press, 2021), La Verne University professor Allyson Brantley describes how labor activists built a coalition that punctured the aura surrounding the iconic beer brand and created lasting change within the company. Chicano activists, union organizers, and LGBTQ protesters found common ground in aligning against Coors, and the story of their boycott movement - its failures as well as its successes - shows that activism and coalition building were vibrant and viable strategies, even during the depths of Reagan era conservatism. The story of Coors is the story of corporate union busting, New Right conservatism, and grassroots activism, all poured into one can.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>106</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Allyson P. Brantley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Before the craft beer revolution, Coors was a hot commodity. Impossible to find outside a few states in the West, the beer had a level of "cool" that only comes from scarcity. However, this veneer of desirability masked all manner of unfair and discriminatory labor practices within the Coors Brewing Company itself. 
In Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism (UNC Press, 2021), La Verne University professor Allyson Brantley describes how labor activists built a coalition that punctured the aura surrounding the iconic beer brand and created lasting change within the company. Chicano activists, union organizers, and LGBTQ protesters found common ground in aligning against Coors, and the story of their boycott movement - its failures as well as its successes - shows that activism and coalition building were vibrant and viable strategies, even during the depths of Reagan era conservatism. The story of Coors is the story of corporate union busting, New Right conservatism, and grassroots activism, all poured into one can.
Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Before the craft beer revolution, Coors was a hot commodity. Impossible to find outside a few states in the West, the beer had a level of "cool" that only comes from scarcity. However, this veneer of desirability masked all manner of unfair and discriminatory labor practices within the Coors Brewing Company itself. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469661032"><em>Brewing a Boycott: How a Grassroots Coalition Fought Coors and Remade American Consumer Activism</em></a> (UNC Press, 2021), La Verne University professor Allyson Brantley describes how labor activists built a coalition that punctured the aura surrounding the iconic beer brand and created lasting change within the company. Chicano activists, union organizers, and LGBTQ protesters found common ground in aligning against Coors, and the story of their boycott movement - its failures as well as its successes - shows that activism and coalition building were vibrant and viable strategies, even during the depths of Reagan era conservatism. The story of Coors is the story of corporate union busting, New Right conservatism, and grassroots activism, all poured into one can.</p><p><a href="https://cas.stthomas.edu/departments/faculty/stephen-hausmann/"><em>Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann</em></a><em> is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3071</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[660aaede-2949-11ed-b986-33802b9347fd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2862269023.mp3?updated=1661963272" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Truck Nuts: The Political History of Trucks and Trucking</title>
      <description>The pickup truck is the symbol of rural conservative masculinity. So, it often takes centre stage in the tired culture wars between reactionary neo-populists and liberal moralists. Like today, with Canada’s right crudely embracing the truck–and tweeting furiously about those ‘Laurentian elites,‘ and ‘Toronto columnists‘ who thumb their nose at it. But, if you really want to piss off the libs: don’t just post about it. Why not hang some big veiny nuts from your truck? Today on the show, we talk about the political history of trucks and trucking.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The pickup truck is the symbol of rural conservative masculinity. So, it often takes centre stage in the tired culture wars between reactionary neo-populists and liberal moralists. Like today, with Canada’s right crudely embracing the truck–and tweeting furiously about those ‘Laurentian elites,‘ and ‘Toronto columnists‘ who thumb their nose at it. But, if you really want to piss off the libs: don’t just post about it. Why not hang some big veiny nuts from your truck? Today on the show, we talk about the political history of trucks and trucking.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The pickup truck is the symbol of rural conservative masculinity. So, it often takes centre stage in the tired culture wars between reactionary neo-populists and liberal moralists. Like today, with Canada’s right crudely embracing the truck–and tweeting furiously about those ‘Laurentian elites,‘ and ‘Toronto columnists‘ who thumb their nose at it. But, if you really want to piss off the libs: don’t just post about it. Why not hang some big veiny nuts from your truck? Today on the show, we talk about the political history of trucks and trucking.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4728</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ad712860-2b89-11ed-baea-73d0e350d28e]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7159590507.mp3?updated=1662211647" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark Clague, "O Say Can You Hear?: A Cultural Biography of the Star-Spangled Banner" (Norton, 2022)</title>
      <description>The national anthem of the United States is familiar around the world from Olympic medal ceremonies and American patriotic celebrations. Like anything that is over 200 years old, the meaning of The Star-Spangled Banner has changed over time and the song has been the focus of controversy at different times in its history. What many people think they know about the anthem is as much myth and legend as it is fact. 
Mark Clague explores many aspects of the song in his book, O Say Can you Hear? : A Cultural Biography of The Star-Spangled Banner (Norton, 2022). Francis Scott Key wrote the lyric to what would become the American national anthem around the time of a battle he witnessed during the War of 1812 between the United States and Britain. As was the custom at the time, he intended for the words to be sung to a pre-existent tune that potential performers would have known. By the time Congress officially named the song the US’s anthem in 1931, it was merely ratifying what had already become a cultural tradition. The Star Spangled Banner has its detractors: the melody is difficult to sing, the words are hard to remember and militaristic. Francis Scott Key was a slaveholder and the word “slave” appears in the third verse. Clague takes on this seemingly straightforward history and more recent controversy by busting myths about the anthem, delving deep into the history of the song from its composition until the present, and highlighting some key performances that have helped to shape Americans’ understanding of their country and themselves. The book is just one aspect of a larger public humanities project. 
The website for the Star Spangled Music Foundation contains even more information on the anthem and its history including content suitable for educators working from Kindergarten to the college level and continues to be updated.
Kristen M. Turner is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>164</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Clague</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The national anthem of the United States is familiar around the world from Olympic medal ceremonies and American patriotic celebrations. Like anything that is over 200 years old, the meaning of The Star-Spangled Banner has changed over time and the song has been the focus of controversy at different times in its history. What many people think they know about the anthem is as much myth and legend as it is fact. 
Mark Clague explores many aspects of the song in his book, O Say Can you Hear? : A Cultural Biography of The Star-Spangled Banner (Norton, 2022). Francis Scott Key wrote the lyric to what would become the American national anthem around the time of a battle he witnessed during the War of 1812 between the United States and Britain. As was the custom at the time, he intended for the words to be sung to a pre-existent tune that potential performers would have known. By the time Congress officially named the song the US’s anthem in 1931, it was merely ratifying what had already become a cultural tradition. The Star Spangled Banner has its detractors: the melody is difficult to sing, the words are hard to remember and militaristic. Francis Scott Key was a slaveholder and the word “slave” appears in the third verse. Clague takes on this seemingly straightforward history and more recent controversy by busting myths about the anthem, delving deep into the history of the song from its composition until the present, and highlighting some key performances that have helped to shape Americans’ understanding of their country and themselves. The book is just one aspect of a larger public humanities project. 
The website for the Star Spangled Music Foundation contains even more information on the anthem and its history including content suitable for educators working from Kindergarten to the college level and continues to be updated.
Kristen M. Turner is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The national anthem of the United States is familiar around the world from Olympic medal ceremonies and American patriotic celebrations. Like anything that is over 200 years old, the meaning of <em>The Star-Spangled Banner </em>has changed over time and the song has been the focus of controversy at different times in its history. What many people think they know about the anthem is as much myth and legend as it is fact. </p><p>Mark Clague explores many aspects of the song in his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393651386"><em>O Say Can you Hear? : A Cultural Biography of The Star-Spangled Banner</em></a> (Norton, 2022). Francis Scott Key wrote the lyric to what would become the American national anthem around the time of a battle he witnessed during the War of 1812 between the United States and Britain. As was the custom at the time, he intended for the words to be sung to a pre-existent tune that potential performers would have known. By the time Congress officially named the song the US’s anthem in 1931, it was merely ratifying what had already become a cultural tradition. <em>The Star Spangled Banner</em> has its detractors: the melody is difficult to sing, the words are hard to remember and militaristic. Francis Scott Key was a slaveholder and the word “slave” appears in the third verse. Clague takes on this seemingly straightforward history and more recent controversy by busting myths about the anthem, delving deep into the history of the song from its composition until the present, and highlighting some key performances that have helped to shape Americans’ understanding of their country and themselves. The book is just one aspect of a larger public humanities project. </p><p>The website for the <a href="https://starspangledmusic.org/">Star Spangled Music Foundation</a> contains even more information on the anthem and its history including content suitable for educators working from Kindergarten to the college level and continues to be updated.</p><p><a href="https://music.arts.ncsu.edu/facultystaff/dr-kristen-turner/"><em>Kristen M. Turner</em></a><em> is a lecturer in the music and honors departments at North Carolina State University. Her research centers on race and class in American popular entertainment at the turn of the twentieth century.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3720</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone, "Social Media, Freedom of Speech, and the Future of Our Democracy" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>One of the most fiercely debated issues of this era is what to do about "bad" speech, hate speech, disinformation, propaganda campaigns, incitement of violence on the internet, and, in particular, speech on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. In Social Media, Freedom of Speech, and the Future of our Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2022), Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone have gathered an eminent cast of contributors--including Hillary Clinton, Amy Klobuchar, Sheldon Whitehouse, Mark Warner, Newt Minow, Tim Wu, Cass Sunstein, Jack Balkin, Emily Bazelon, and others--to explore the various dimensions of this problem in the American context. They stress how difficult it is to develop remedies given that some of these forms of "bad" speech are ordinarily protected by the First Amendment. Bollinger and Stone argue that it is important to remember that the last time we encountered major new communications technology-television and radio-we established a federal agency to provide oversight and to issue regulations to protect and promote "the public interest." Featuring a variety of perspectives from some of America's leading experts on this hotly contested issue, this volume offers new insights for the future of free speech in the social media era.
Lee C. Bollinger became Columbia University's 19th president in 2002 and is the longest-serving Ivy League president. He is also Columbia's first Seth Low Professor of the University, and a member of the Law School faculty.
Geoffrey R. Stone is the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 01 Sep 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Geoffrey R. Stone</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the most fiercely debated issues of this era is what to do about "bad" speech, hate speech, disinformation, propaganda campaigns, incitement of violence on the internet, and, in particular, speech on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. In Social Media, Freedom of Speech, and the Future of our Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2022), Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone have gathered an eminent cast of contributors--including Hillary Clinton, Amy Klobuchar, Sheldon Whitehouse, Mark Warner, Newt Minow, Tim Wu, Cass Sunstein, Jack Balkin, Emily Bazelon, and others--to explore the various dimensions of this problem in the American context. They stress how difficult it is to develop remedies given that some of these forms of "bad" speech are ordinarily protected by the First Amendment. Bollinger and Stone argue that it is important to remember that the last time we encountered major new communications technology-television and radio-we established a federal agency to provide oversight and to issue regulations to protect and promote "the public interest." Featuring a variety of perspectives from some of America's leading experts on this hotly contested issue, this volume offers new insights for the future of free speech in the social media era.
Lee C. Bollinger became Columbia University's 19th president in 2002 and is the longest-serving Ivy League president. He is also Columbia's first Seth Low Professor of the University, and a member of the Law School faculty.
Geoffrey R. Stone is the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the most fiercely debated issues of this era is what to do about "bad" speech, hate speech, disinformation, propaganda campaigns, incitement of violence on the internet, and, in particular, speech on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197621097"><em>Social Media, Freedom of Speech, and the Future of our Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2022), Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone have gathered an eminent cast of contributors--including Hillary Clinton, Amy Klobuchar, Sheldon Whitehouse, Mark Warner, Newt Minow, Tim Wu, Cass Sunstein, Jack Balkin, Emily Bazelon, and others--to explore the various dimensions of this problem in the American context. They stress how difficult it is to develop remedies given that some of these forms of "bad" speech are ordinarily protected by the First Amendment. Bollinger and Stone argue that it is important to remember that the last time we encountered major new communications technology-television and radio-we established a federal agency to provide oversight and to issue regulations to protect and promote "the public interest." Featuring a variety of perspectives from some of America's leading experts on this hotly contested issue, this volume offers new insights for the future of free speech in the social media era.</p><p>Lee C. Bollinger became Columbia University's 19th president in 2002 and is the longest-serving Ivy League president. He is also Columbia's first Seth Low Professor of the University, and a member of the Law School faculty.</p><p>Geoffrey R. Stone is the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2534</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>He May Be a Communist!</title>
      <description>We are back for a third season! The Russian invasion of Ukraine reminded us all that “everything old is new again” and that includes Cold War tensions, nuclear fears, and paranoia about “unseen enemies.” With our organizing principle of the Cold War and Hollywood representation, we begin with the Red Scare. We discuss Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956), The Manchurian Candidate (1962), and The Way We Were (1973). Together these films reveal how the Red Scare cast a wide and enduring shadow on our culture. We highlight three themes. First, Cold War paranoia was a bipartisan issue. Second, the Korean War cast doubt on the relative strength of the military and our institutions long before Vietnam did. And finally, we dispute the comforting lie that progress is inevitable, that we are always on a path towards improvement, advancement, an expansion of rights, and a greater equality among people.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>17</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956), The Manchurian Candidate (1962), and The Way We Were (1973)</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We are back for a third season! The Russian invasion of Ukraine reminded us all that “everything old is new again” and that includes Cold War tensions, nuclear fears, and paranoia about “unseen enemies.” With our organizing principle of the Cold War and Hollywood representation, we begin with the Red Scare. We discuss Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956), The Manchurian Candidate (1962), and The Way We Were (1973). Together these films reveal how the Red Scare cast a wide and enduring shadow on our culture. We highlight three themes. First, Cold War paranoia was a bipartisan issue. Second, the Korean War cast doubt on the relative strength of the military and our institutions long before Vietnam did. And finally, we dispute the comforting lie that progress is inevitable, that we are always on a path towards improvement, advancement, an expansion of rights, and a greater equality among people.
Lia Paradis is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. Brian Crim is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go here.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We are back for a third season! The Russian invasion of Ukraine reminded us all that “everything old is new again” and that includes Cold War tensions, nuclear fears, and paranoia about “unseen enemies.” With our organizing principle of the Cold War and Hollywood representation, we begin with the Red Scare. We discuss <em>Invasion of the Body Snatchers</em> (1956), <em>The Manchurian Candidate</em> (1962), and <em>The Way We Were </em>(1973). Together these films reveal how the Red Scare cast a wide and enduring shadow on our culture. We highlight three themes. First, Cold War paranoia was a bipartisan issue. Second, the Korean War cast doubt on the relative strength of the military and our institutions long before Vietnam did. And finally, we dispute the comforting lie that progress is inevitable, that we are always on a path towards improvement, advancement, an expansion of rights, and a greater equality among people.</p><p><a href="http://sru.edu/"><em>Lia Paradis</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Slippery Rock University. </em><a href="https://www.lynchburg.edu/academics/faculty/brian-crim/"><em>Brian Crim</em></a><em> is a professor of history at the University of Lynchburg. For more on Lies Agreed Upon, go </em><a href="https://liesagreedupon.com/"><em>here</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3595</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>E. James West, "Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr." (U Massachusetts Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Journalist, activist, popular historian, and public intellectual, Lerone Bennett Jr. left an indelible mark on twentieth-century American history and culture. Rooted in his role as senior editor of Ebony magazine, but stretching far beyond the boundaries of the Johnson Publishing headquarters in Chicago, Bennett’s work and activism positioned him as a prominent advocate for Black America and a scholar whose writing reached an unparalleled number of African American readers.
This critical biography—the first in-depth study of Bennett’s life—travels with him from his childhood experiences in Jim Crow Mississippi and his time at Morehouse College in Atlanta to his later participation in a dizzying range of Black intellectual and activist endeavors. Drawing extensively on Bennett’s previously inaccessible archival collections at Emory University and Chicago State, as well as interviews with close relatives, colleagues, and confidantes, Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr. (U Massachusetts Press, 2022) celebrates his enormous influence within and unique connection to African American communities across more than half a century of struggle. 
Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 30 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>156</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with E. James West</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Journalist, activist, popular historian, and public intellectual, Lerone Bennett Jr. left an indelible mark on twentieth-century American history and culture. Rooted in his role as senior editor of Ebony magazine, but stretching far beyond the boundaries of the Johnson Publishing headquarters in Chicago, Bennett’s work and activism positioned him as a prominent advocate for Black America and a scholar whose writing reached an unparalleled number of African American readers.
This critical biography—the first in-depth study of Bennett’s life—travels with him from his childhood experiences in Jim Crow Mississippi and his time at Morehouse College in Atlanta to his later participation in a dizzying range of Black intellectual and activist endeavors. Drawing extensively on Bennett’s previously inaccessible archival collections at Emory University and Chicago State, as well as interviews with close relatives, colleagues, and confidantes, Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr. (U Massachusetts Press, 2022) celebrates his enormous influence within and unique connection to African American communities across more than half a century of struggle. 
Hettie V. Williams Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Journalist, activist, popular historian, and public intellectual, Lerone Bennett Jr. left an indelible mark on twentieth-century American history and culture. Rooted in his role as senior editor of <em>Ebony</em> magazine, but stretching far beyond the boundaries of the Johnson Publishing headquarters in Chicago, Bennett’s work and activism positioned him as a prominent advocate for Black America and a scholar whose writing reached an unparalleled number of African American readers.</p><p>This critical biography—the first in-depth study of Bennett’s life—travels with him from his childhood experiences in Jim Crow Mississippi and his time at Morehouse College in Atlanta to his later participation in a dizzying range of Black intellectual and activist endeavors. Drawing extensively on Bennett’s previously inaccessible archival collections at Emory University and Chicago State, as well as interviews with close relatives, colleagues, and confidantes, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625346452"><em>Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr.</em></a> (U Massachusetts Press, 2022) celebrates his enormous influence within and unique connection to African American communities across more than half a century of struggle. </p><p><a href="http://hettiewilliams.com/"><em>Hettie V. Williams</em></a><em> Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of African American history in the Department of History and Anthropology at Monmouth University where she teaches courses in African American history and U.S. history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3433</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Wendy L. Rouse, "Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>When the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment was commemorated in 2020, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony were often the focus of museum exhibits, teach-outs, and scholarly works. Highlighting the queerness of the movement was rarely the narrative. But Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement (NYU Press, 2022) insists that a narrow focus on cisgender heterosexual woman erases the existence and importance of queer suffragists – and how their transgressive notions of gender and sexuality impacted the suffrage movement. Hiding queerness reinforced a “patriarchal, cisheteronormative standard of ideal womanhood and manhood in order to make suffragists and women’s suffrage more palatable to voters.” Yet queerness was central to the history of the suffrage movement. Dr. Wendy L. Rouse not only recovers the lives of individual queer suffragists, she queers the history of the women’s suffrage movement as a whole. Her work emphasizes the complex ways in which suffragists balanced their principled beliefs in wider social reforms with a form of strategic, respectability politics. In order to contribute to a process of recovery, her book forcefully examines the manner in which historical processes have led to the erasure of queerness in the history of the suffrage movement and the consequences of that erasure.
Dr. Wendy L. Rouse is a historian whose research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era. She is presently Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>618</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Wendy L. Rouse</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment was commemorated in 2020, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony were often the focus of museum exhibits, teach-outs, and scholarly works. Highlighting the queerness of the movement was rarely the narrative. But Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement (NYU Press, 2022) insists that a narrow focus on cisgender heterosexual woman erases the existence and importance of queer suffragists – and how their transgressive notions of gender and sexuality impacted the suffrage movement. Hiding queerness reinforced a “patriarchal, cisheteronormative standard of ideal womanhood and manhood in order to make suffragists and women’s suffrage more palatable to voters.” Yet queerness was central to the history of the suffrage movement. Dr. Wendy L. Rouse not only recovers the lives of individual queer suffragists, she queers the history of the women’s suffrage movement as a whole. Her work emphasizes the complex ways in which suffragists balanced their principled beliefs in wider social reforms with a form of strategic, respectability politics. In order to contribute to a process of recovery, her book forcefully examines the manner in which historical processes have led to the erasure of queerness in the history of the suffrage movement and the consequences of that erasure.
Dr. Wendy L. Rouse is a historian whose research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era. She is presently Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When the 100th anniversary of the 19th amendment was commemorated in 2020, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony were often the focus of museum exhibits, teach-outs, and scholarly works. Highlighting the queerness of the movement was rarely the narrative. But <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479813940"><em>Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2022) insists that a narrow focus on cisgender heterosexual woman erases the existence and importance of queer suffragists – and how their transgressive notions of gender and sexuality impacted the suffrage movement. Hiding queerness reinforced a “patriarchal, cisheteronormative standard of ideal womanhood and manhood in order to make suffragists and women’s suffrage more palatable to voters.” Yet queerness was <em>central</em> to the history of the suffrage movement. Dr. Wendy L. Rouse not only recovers the lives of individual queer suffragists, she queers the history of the women’s suffrage movement as a whole. Her work emphasizes the complex ways in which suffragists balanced their principled beliefs in wider social reforms with a form of strategic, respectability politics. In order to contribute to a process of recovery, her book forcefully examines the manner in which historical processes have led to the erasure of queerness in the history of the suffrage movement and the consequences of that erasure.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://wendylrouse.com/">Wendy L. Rouse</a> is a historian whose research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era. She is presently Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2998</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Paul Adler, "No Globalization Without Representation: U.S. Activists and World Inequality" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Paul Adler's No Globalization Without Representation: U.S. Activists and World Inequality (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021) is a history of the hardworking but understudied public interest progressives who waged a war from within the system against neoliberal globalization during the last decades of the twentieth century. At a time of Cold War polarization and increasing rejection of social and economic rights as motivating discourses by the left and the right, these activists mobilized around a project of fairness and economic equality. Faced with an increasingly globalized economy and political system, US-based public interest progressives built new models for transnational activism in coalition with activist groups around the globe. From boycotting Nestlé in the 1970s to lobbying against NAFTA to the "Battle of Seattle" protests against the World Trade Organization in the 1990s, No Globalization Without Representation is the story of how consumer and environmental activists became significant players in U.S. and world politics at the end of the twentieth century.
Of interest to scholars of transnational activism, neoliberalism, and public policy, this book offers important insights into the political struggles that helped shape the conflicts and political visions of the twenty-first century.
Paul Adler is Assistant Professor of History at Colorado College.
﻿Elena McGrath is an Assistant Professor of History at Union College
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>169</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul Adler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Paul Adler's No Globalization Without Representation: U.S. Activists and World Inequality (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021) is a history of the hardworking but understudied public interest progressives who waged a war from within the system against neoliberal globalization during the last decades of the twentieth century. At a time of Cold War polarization and increasing rejection of social and economic rights as motivating discourses by the left and the right, these activists mobilized around a project of fairness and economic equality. Faced with an increasingly globalized economy and political system, US-based public interest progressives built new models for transnational activism in coalition with activist groups around the globe. From boycotting Nestlé in the 1970s to lobbying against NAFTA to the "Battle of Seattle" protests against the World Trade Organization in the 1990s, No Globalization Without Representation is the story of how consumer and environmental activists became significant players in U.S. and world politics at the end of the twentieth century.
Of interest to scholars of transnational activism, neoliberalism, and public policy, this book offers important insights into the political struggles that helped shape the conflicts and political visions of the twenty-first century.
Paul Adler is Assistant Professor of History at Colorado College.
﻿Elena McGrath is an Assistant Professor of History at Union College
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Paul Adler's <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253177"><em>No Globalization Without Representation: U.S. Activists and World Inequality</em></a><em> </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2021) is a history of the hardworking but understudied public interest progressives who waged a war from within the system against neoliberal globalization during the last decades of the twentieth century. At a time of Cold War polarization and increasing rejection of social and economic rights as motivating discourses by the left and the right, these activists mobilized around a project of fairness and economic equality. Faced with an increasingly globalized economy and political system, US-based public interest progressives built new models for transnational activism in coalition with activist groups around the globe. From boycotting Nestlé in the 1970s to lobbying against NAFTA to the "Battle of Seattle" protests against the World Trade Organization in the 1990s, <em>No Globalization Without Representation</em> is the story of how consumer and environmental activists became significant players in U.S. and world politics at the end of the twentieth century.</p><p>Of interest to scholars of transnational activism, neoliberalism, and public policy, this book offers important insights into the political struggles that helped shape the conflicts and political visions of the twenty-first century.</p><p>Paul Adler is Assistant Professor of History at Colorado College.</p><p><a href="https://www.union.edu/history/faculty-staff/elena-mcgrath"><em>﻿Elena McGrath</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of History at Union College</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6155</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Sidney Fosberg, "Nobody Wants to Talk about It: Race, Identity, and the Difficulties in Forging Meaningful Conversations" (Incognito, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Nobody Wants to Talk About It: Race, Identity, and the Difficulties in Forging Meaningful Conversations (Incognito, 2020), Michael Sidney Fosberg draws on twenty years of experience leading conversations about race to encourage readers to share their story, get comfortable with discomfort, and disagree without being disagreeable. Fosberg's one-man play Incognito is always followed by an open and honest conversation about race and identity. Fosberg provides time-tested strategies for bridging racial and partisan divides in order to celebrate both our shared humanity and our unique perspectives. Maybe "nobody wants to talk about" race, but Fosberg's book is an argument for why we should -- and a blueprint for how we can.
Andy Boyd is a playwright based in Brooklyn, New York. He is a graduate of the playwriting MFA at Columbia University, Harvard University, and the Arizona School for the Arts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Aug 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>107</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Sidney Fosberg</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Nobody Wants to Talk About It: Race, Identity, and the Difficulties in Forging Meaningful Conversations (Incognito, 2020), Michael Sidney Fosberg draws on twenty years of experience leading conversations about race to encourage readers to share their story, get comfortable with discomfort, and disagree without being disagreeable. Fosberg's one-man play Incognito is always followed by an open and honest conversation about race and identity. Fosberg provides time-tested strategies for bridging racial and partisan divides in order to celebrate both our shared humanity and our unique perspectives. Maybe "nobody wants to talk about" race, but Fosberg's book is an argument for why we should -- and a blueprint for how we can.
Andy Boyd is a playwright based in Brooklyn, New York. He is a graduate of the playwriting MFA at Columbia University, Harvard University, and the Arizona School for the Arts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Nobody-Wants-Talk-About-Conversations/dp/0578662876"><em>Nobody Wants to Talk About It: Race, Identity, and the Difficulties in Forging Meaningful Conversations</em></a> (Incognito, 2020), Michael Sidney Fosberg draws on twenty years of experience leading conversations about race to encourage readers to share their story, get comfortable with discomfort, and disagree without being disagreeable. Fosberg's one-man play <em>Incognito </em>is always followed by an open and honest conversation about race and identity. Fosberg provides time-tested strategies for bridging racial and partisan divides in order to celebrate both our shared humanity and our unique perspectives. Maybe "nobody wants to talk about" race, but Fosberg's book is an argument for why we should -- and a blueprint for how we can.</p><p><a href="https://www.andyjboyd.com/"><em>Andy Boyd</em></a><em> is a playwright based in Brooklyn, New York. He is a graduate of the playwriting MFA at Columbia University, Harvard University, and the Arizona School for the Arts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3746</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7895395939.mp3?updated=1661008044" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer C. Lucas and Christopher J. Galdieri, "Polarization and Political Party Factions in the 2020 Election" (Lexington, 2022)</title>
      <description>The 2020 presidential election has cast a long shadow over American politics. Much of the decorum, propriety, and cordiality of the political world was replaced by even more polarization, and violent aggression as demonstrated by the insurrectionists who stormed the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021 in support of President Donald Trump. Partisan polarization continues to plague daily life, and unfortunately, as it increases, so does inter-party polarization. The Democratic Party, divided between more establishment candidates and those on the more progressive wing of the party, saw an increasing gap between these ideologies as represented by the 2020 candidates for the presidential nomination. The Republican Party has a somewhat similar dynamic, divided between moderates and conservatives within the party, but also, in 2020, between those willing to criticize President Trump and those who were loyally supporting him. Polarization and Political Party Factions in the 2020 Election (Lexington, 2022) sheds light on the major changes seen during the 2020 campaign and election, while also exploring the longer-term implications of these shifts and changes.
This edited volume breaks down key understandings of the American political landscape in order to paint a full picture of the dynamics during the course of the entire 2020 election season. Each chapter examines specific conditions connected to presidential and congressional primaries, polling, activism in online spaces, essential voting rights, ideologies, and more. The focus of the chapters looks at two forms of factionalism: the first and rather obvious form of factionalism is between the Democratic and Republican parties, which leads to our current polarization; the second is the internal and asymmetric dynamic in each party, where tension between different factions push and pull the workings of the parties themselves and the candidates running as members and representatives of these parties. The contributing authors help make sense of a fragile and, at times, frightening era in politics, while also teasing apart the broader implications for national electoral politics. Editors Jennifer C. Lucas, Christopher J. Galdieri, and Tauna S. Sisco (all of whom are members of the faculty at St. Anselm College) have brought together an insightful and illuminating collection of chapters from some of the most respected authors in the field. This is an engaging and accessible book that will appeal to students, scholars, and citizens.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>619</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher J. Galdieri</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The 2020 presidential election has cast a long shadow over American politics. Much of the decorum, propriety, and cordiality of the political world was replaced by even more polarization, and violent aggression as demonstrated by the insurrectionists who stormed the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021 in support of President Donald Trump. Partisan polarization continues to plague daily life, and unfortunately, as it increases, so does inter-party polarization. The Democratic Party, divided between more establishment candidates and those on the more progressive wing of the party, saw an increasing gap between these ideologies as represented by the 2020 candidates for the presidential nomination. The Republican Party has a somewhat similar dynamic, divided between moderates and conservatives within the party, but also, in 2020, between those willing to criticize President Trump and those who were loyally supporting him. Polarization and Political Party Factions in the 2020 Election (Lexington, 2022) sheds light on the major changes seen during the 2020 campaign and election, while also exploring the longer-term implications of these shifts and changes.
This edited volume breaks down key understandings of the American political landscape in order to paint a full picture of the dynamics during the course of the entire 2020 election season. Each chapter examines specific conditions connected to presidential and congressional primaries, polling, activism in online spaces, essential voting rights, ideologies, and more. The focus of the chapters looks at two forms of factionalism: the first and rather obvious form of factionalism is between the Democratic and Republican parties, which leads to our current polarization; the second is the internal and asymmetric dynamic in each party, where tension between different factions push and pull the workings of the parties themselves and the candidates running as members and representatives of these parties. The contributing authors help make sense of a fragile and, at times, frightening era in politics, while also teasing apart the broader implications for national electoral politics. Editors Jennifer C. Lucas, Christopher J. Galdieri, and Tauna S. Sisco (all of whom are members of the faculty at St. Anselm College) have brought together an insightful and illuminating collection of chapters from some of the most respected authors in the field. This is an engaging and accessible book that will appeal to students, scholars, and citizens.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The 2020 presidential election has cast a long shadow over American politics. Much of the decorum, propriety, and cordiality of the political world was replaced by even more polarization, and violent aggression as demonstrated by the insurrectionists who stormed the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021 in support of President Donald Trump. Partisan polarization continues to plague daily life, and unfortunately, as it increases, so does inter-party polarization. The Democratic Party, divided between more establishment candidates and those on the more progressive wing of the party, saw an increasing gap between these ideologies as represented by the 2020 candidates for the presidential nomination. The Republican Party has a somewhat similar dynamic, divided between moderates and conservatives within the party, but also, in 2020, between those willing to criticize President Trump and those who were loyally supporting him. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781666906981"><em>Polarization and Political Party Factions in the 2020 Election</em></a><em> </em>(Lexington, 2022) sheds light on the major changes seen during the 2020 campaign and election, while also exploring the longer-term implications of these shifts and changes.</p><p>This edited volume breaks down key understandings of the American political landscape in order to paint a full picture of the dynamics during the course of the entire 2020 election season. Each chapter examines specific conditions connected to presidential and congressional primaries, polling, activism in online spaces, essential voting rights, ideologies, and more. The focus of the chapters looks at two forms of factionalism: the first and rather obvious form of factionalism is between the Democratic and Republican parties, which leads to our current polarization; the second is the internal and asymmetric dynamic in each party, where tension between different factions push and pull the workings of the parties themselves and the candidates running as members and representatives of these parties. The contributing authors help make sense of a fragile and, at times, frightening era in politics, while also teasing apart the broader implications for national electoral politics. Editors Jennifer C. Lucas, Christopher J. Galdieri, and Tauna S. Sisco (all of whom are members of the faculty at St. Anselm College) have brought together an insightful and illuminating collection of chapters from some of the most respected authors in the field. This is an engaging and accessible book that will appeal to students, scholars, and citizens.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2950</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ben Rhodes, "After the Fall: Being American in the World We've Made" (Random House, 2021)</title>
      <description>Ben Rhodes visited dozens of countries, meeting with politicians and activists confronting the same nationalism and authoritarianism that are tearing America apart. Along the way, he discusses the growing authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin, and his aggression towards Ukraine, with the foremost opposition leader in Russia, who was subsequently poisoned and imprisoned; he profiled Hong Kong protesters who saw their movement snuffed out by China under Xi Jinping, and America itself reached the precipice of losing democracy before giving itself a fragile second chance. The characters and issues that Rhodes illuminates in After the Fall: The Rise of Authoritarianism in the World We've Made (Random House, 2021) paint a picture that shows us where we are today—from Barack Obama to a rising generation of international leaders; from the authoritarian playbook endangering democracy to the flood of disinformation enabling authoritarianism. Ultimately, Rhodes writes personally and powerfully about finding hope in the belief that looking squarely at where America has gone wrong can make clear how essential it is to fight for what America is supposed to be, for our own country and the entire world.
Ben Rhodes is the author of the New York Times bestseller The World as It Is, co-host of Pod Save the World, a contributor for NBC News and MSNBC, and an adviser to former president Barack Obama.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>146</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ben Rhodes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ben Rhodes visited dozens of countries, meeting with politicians and activists confronting the same nationalism and authoritarianism that are tearing America apart. Along the way, he discusses the growing authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin, and his aggression towards Ukraine, with the foremost opposition leader in Russia, who was subsequently poisoned and imprisoned; he profiled Hong Kong protesters who saw their movement snuffed out by China under Xi Jinping, and America itself reached the precipice of losing democracy before giving itself a fragile second chance. The characters and issues that Rhodes illuminates in After the Fall: The Rise of Authoritarianism in the World We've Made (Random House, 2021) paint a picture that shows us where we are today—from Barack Obama to a rising generation of international leaders; from the authoritarian playbook endangering democracy to the flood of disinformation enabling authoritarianism. Ultimately, Rhodes writes personally and powerfully about finding hope in the belief that looking squarely at where America has gone wrong can make clear how essential it is to fight for what America is supposed to be, for our own country and the entire world.
Ben Rhodes is the author of the New York Times bestseller The World as It Is, co-host of Pod Save the World, a contributor for NBC News and MSNBC, and an adviser to former president Barack Obama.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ben Rhodes visited dozens of countries, meeting with politicians and activists confronting the same nationalism and authoritarianism that are tearing America apart. Along the way, he discusses the growing authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin, and his aggression towards Ukraine, with the foremost opposition leader in Russia, who was subsequently poisoned and imprisoned; he profiled Hong Kong protesters who saw their movement snuffed out by China under Xi Jinping, and America itself reached the precipice of losing democracy before giving itself a fragile second chance. The characters and issues that Rhodes illuminates in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781984856074"><em>After the Fall: The Rise of Authoritarianism in the World We've Made</em></a><em> </em>(Random House, 2021) paint a picture that shows us where we are today—from Barack Obama to a rising generation of international leaders; from the authoritarian playbook endangering democracy to the flood of disinformation enabling authoritarianism. Ultimately, Rhodes writes personally and powerfully about finding hope in the belief that looking squarely at where America has gone wrong can make clear how essential it is to fight for what America is supposed to be, for our own country and the entire world.</p><p>Ben Rhodes is the author of the <em>New York Times</em> bestseller <em>The World as It Is, </em>co-host of <em>Pod Save the World, </em>a contributor for NBC News and MSNBC, and an adviser to former president Barack Obama.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Philip Nash, "Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>Philip Nash's book Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman (Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.
Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”
Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.
Victoria Phillips is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Philip Nash</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Philip Nash's book Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman (Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.
Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”
Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.
Victoria Phillips is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Philip Nash's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367407339"><em>Clare Boothe Luce: American Renaissance Woman</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2022) is a concise and highly readable political biography that examines the life of one of the most accomplished American women of the 20th century.</p><p>Wife and mother, author, editor, playwright, political activist, war journalist, Congresswoman, ambassador, pundit, and feminist—Luce did it all. Carefully placing Luce in a series of shifting historical contexts, this book offers the reader an insight into mid-century American political, cultural, gender, and foreign relations history. Eleven primary sources follow the text, including excerpts from Luce’s diary, letters, speeches, and published works, as well as a TV talk-show appearance and a critic’s diary entry describing an evening with her, helping readers to understand her fascinating life. Together, the narrative and documents afford readers a brief yet in-depth look at Luce with all her complications: glamorous intellectual, acid-tongued diplomat, and feminist conservative, she was a deeply flawed high-achiever who repeatedly challenged the entrenched sexism of her age to become a significant actor in the rise of the “American Century.”</p><p>Addressing the neglect suffered by women in foreign relations history, this will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign relations, 20th-century US history, and US women’s history.</p><p><a href="https://www.victoria-phillips.global/"><em>Victoria Phillips</em></a><em> is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics in the Department of International History.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Q Anon: A Discussion with Sophia Moskalenko</title>
      <description>Conspiracy theories are not new – but with globalisation and digital media they are perhaps more powerful than ever – and one of the most absurd and yet important is Q Anon – it has so many adherents in the US, including some members of Congress, that it is impossible to ignore. And more than that, to wonder where it might lead. In Pastels and Paedophiles: Inside the Mind of Q Anon (Redwood Press, 2021), Mia Bloom and Sophia Moskalenko address these questions. Today I talked to Moskalenko. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>27</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sophia Moskalenko</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Conspiracy theories are not new – but with globalisation and digital media they are perhaps more powerful than ever – and one of the most absurd and yet important is Q Anon – it has so many adherents in the US, including some members of Congress, that it is impossible to ignore. And more than that, to wonder where it might lead. In Pastels and Paedophiles: Inside the Mind of Q Anon (Redwood Press, 2021), Mia Bloom and Sophia Moskalenko address these questions. Today I talked to Moskalenko. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Conspiracy theories are not new – but with globalisation and digital media they are perhaps more powerful than ever – and one of the most absurd and yet important is Q Anon – it has so many adherents in the US, including some members of Congress, that it is impossible to ignore. And more than that, to wonder where it might lead. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781503630291"><em>Pastels and Paedophiles: Inside the Mind of Q Anon</em></a> (Redwood Press, 2021), Mia Bloom and Sophia Moskalenko address these questions. Today I talked to Moskalenko. </p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3014</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jamil W. Drake, "To Know the Soul of a People: Religion, Race, and the Making of Southern Folk" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>To Know the Soul of a People: Religion, Race, and the Making of Southern Folk (Oxford UP, 2022) is a history of religion and race in the agricultural South before the Civil Rights era. Jamil W. Drake chronicles a cadre of social scientists who studied the living conditions of black rural communities, revealing the abject poverty of the Jim Crow south. These university-affiliated social scientists documented shotgun houses, unsanitary privies and contaminated water, scaly hands, enlarged stomachs, and malnourished bodies. However, they also turned their attention to the spiritual possessions, chanted sermons, ecstatic singing, conjuration, dreams and visions, fortune-telling, taboos, and other religious cultures of these communities. These scholars aimed to illuminate the impoverished conditions of their subjects for philanthropic and governmental organizations, as well as the broader American public, in the first half of the 20th century, especially during the Great Depression. Religion was integral to their efforts to chart the long economic depression across the South.
From 1924 to 1941, Charles Johnson, Guy Johnson, Allison Davis, Lewis Jones, and other social scientists framed the religious and cultural practices of the black communities as "folk" practices, aiming to reform them and the broader South. Drawing on their correspondence, fieldnotes, and monographs, Drake shows that social scientists' use of "folk" reveals the religion was an important site for highlighting the supposed mental, moral, and cultural deficits of America's so-called folk population. Moreover, these social scientists did not just pioneer rural social science and reform but used their study of religion to plant the seeds of the concept that would become known as the "culture of poverty" in the latter half of the twentieth century. To Know the Soul of a People is an exciting intellectual history that invites us to explore the knowledge that animated the earnest yet shortsighted liberal efforts to reform black and impoverished communities.
Joseph Stuart is a scholar of African American history, particularly of the relationship between race, freedom rights, and religion in the twentieth century Black Freedom Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>320</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jamil W. Drake</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>To Know the Soul of a People: Religion, Race, and the Making of Southern Folk (Oxford UP, 2022) is a history of religion and race in the agricultural South before the Civil Rights era. Jamil W. Drake chronicles a cadre of social scientists who studied the living conditions of black rural communities, revealing the abject poverty of the Jim Crow south. These university-affiliated social scientists documented shotgun houses, unsanitary privies and contaminated water, scaly hands, enlarged stomachs, and malnourished bodies. However, they also turned their attention to the spiritual possessions, chanted sermons, ecstatic singing, conjuration, dreams and visions, fortune-telling, taboos, and other religious cultures of these communities. These scholars aimed to illuminate the impoverished conditions of their subjects for philanthropic and governmental organizations, as well as the broader American public, in the first half of the 20th century, especially during the Great Depression. Religion was integral to their efforts to chart the long economic depression across the South.
From 1924 to 1941, Charles Johnson, Guy Johnson, Allison Davis, Lewis Jones, and other social scientists framed the religious and cultural practices of the black communities as "folk" practices, aiming to reform them and the broader South. Drawing on their correspondence, fieldnotes, and monographs, Drake shows that social scientists' use of "folk" reveals the religion was an important site for highlighting the supposed mental, moral, and cultural deficits of America's so-called folk population. Moreover, these social scientists did not just pioneer rural social science and reform but used their study of religion to plant the seeds of the concept that would become known as the "culture of poverty" in the latter half of the twentieth century. To Know the Soul of a People is an exciting intellectual history that invites us to explore the knowledge that animated the earnest yet shortsighted liberal efforts to reform black and impoverished communities.
Joseph Stuart is a scholar of African American history, particularly of the relationship between race, freedom rights, and religion in the twentieth century Black Freedom Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190082680"><em>To Know the Soul of a People: Religion, Race, and the Making of Southern Folk</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2022) is a history of religion and race in the agricultural South before the Civil Rights era. Jamil W. Drake chronicles a cadre of social scientists who studied the living conditions of black rural communities, revealing the abject poverty of the Jim Crow south. These university-affiliated social scientists documented shotgun houses, unsanitary privies and contaminated water, scaly hands, enlarged stomachs, and malnourished bodies. However, they also turned their attention to the spiritual possessions, chanted sermons, ecstatic singing, conjuration, dreams and visions, fortune-telling, taboos, and other religious cultures of these communities. These scholars aimed to illuminate the impoverished conditions of their subjects for philanthropic and governmental organizations, as well as the broader American public, in the first half of the 20th century, especially during the Great Depression. Religion was integral to their efforts to chart the long economic depression across the South.</p><p>From 1924 to 1941, Charles Johnson, Guy Johnson, Allison Davis, Lewis Jones, and other social scientists framed the religious and cultural practices of the black communities as "folk" practices, aiming to reform them and the broader South. Drawing on their correspondence, fieldnotes, and monographs, Drake shows that social scientists' use of "folk" reveals the religion was an important site for highlighting the supposed mental, moral, and cultural deficits of America's so-called folk population. Moreover, these social scientists did not just pioneer rural social science and reform but used their study of religion to plant the seeds of the concept that would become known as the "culture of poverty" in the latter half of the twentieth century. <em>To Know the Soul of a People</em> is an exciting intellectual history that invites us to explore the knowledge that animated the earnest yet shortsighted liberal efforts to reform black and impoverished communities.</p><p><em>Joseph Stuart is a scholar of African American history, particularly of the relationship between race, freedom rights, and religion in the twentieth century Black Freedom Movement.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1701</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Postscript: How the Supreme Court Overturned a Century-Old Gun Law…and Changed American Jurisprudence</title>
      <description>Today’s Postscript (a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) focuses on the US Supreme Court and the Second Amendment. It is hard to exaggerate the extent to which the most recent term of the U.S. Supreme Court changed the substance of the laws Americans live by and the method by which the Court determines whether a law is unconstitutional. The Court upended 50 years of abortion jurisprudence, challenged laws that govern tribal sovereignty, and undercut the power of Congress to make and implement laws regarding climate change. The abortion ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson consumed much of the press coverage and public outrage but our podcast conversation focuses New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen. The Supreme Court not only overturned a century-old statute regulating the concealed carrying of guns in public – it changed the rules for determining what is or is not protected by the US Constitution under the Second Amendment. The podcast engages the relationship between state gun policy and this new originalist methodology, the origins of so-called originalism in the 1980s, the role of secondary scholarship, Duke Center for Firearms Law searchable database’s role in providing evidence for legal claims, and whether analogical reasoning (or politics) have triumphed at the SCOTUS – and how to teach that to law students.
Joseph Blocher, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in Heller. He co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and his numerous influential law review articles are complemented by nuanced public facing scholarship.
Andrew Willinger is the Executive Director of the Duke Center for Firearms Law at Duke University Law School – and now writes commentary for the Center’s Second Thoughts blog. He joined the Center in June 2022, after practicing as a litigation associate at Patterson Belknap Webb &amp; Tyler in New York. At Patterson, Willinger litigated complex commercial disputes and false advertising and defamation cases. He previously clerked for Judge William L. Osteen, Jr. of the Middle District of North Carolina.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An Discussion with Joseph Blocher and Andrew Willinger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s Postscript (a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) focuses on the US Supreme Court and the Second Amendment. It is hard to exaggerate the extent to which the most recent term of the U.S. Supreme Court changed the substance of the laws Americans live by and the method by which the Court determines whether a law is unconstitutional. The Court upended 50 years of abortion jurisprudence, challenged laws that govern tribal sovereignty, and undercut the power of Congress to make and implement laws regarding climate change. The abortion ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson consumed much of the press coverage and public outrage but our podcast conversation focuses New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen. The Supreme Court not only overturned a century-old statute regulating the concealed carrying of guns in public – it changed the rules for determining what is or is not protected by the US Constitution under the Second Amendment. The podcast engages the relationship between state gun policy and this new originalist methodology, the origins of so-called originalism in the 1980s, the role of secondary scholarship, Duke Center for Firearms Law searchable database’s role in providing evidence for legal claims, and whether analogical reasoning (or politics) have triumphed at the SCOTUS – and how to teach that to law students.
Joseph Blocher, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in Heller. He co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and his numerous influential law review articles are complemented by nuanced public facing scholarship.
Andrew Willinger is the Executive Director of the Duke Center for Firearms Law at Duke University Law School – and now writes commentary for the Center’s Second Thoughts blog. He joined the Center in June 2022, after practicing as a litigation associate at Patterson Belknap Webb &amp; Tyler in New York. At Patterson, Willinger litigated complex commercial disputes and false advertising and defamation cases. He previously clerked for Judge William L. Osteen, Jr. of the Middle District of North Carolina.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s <em>Postscript </em>(a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) focuses on the US Supreme Court and the Second Amendment. It is hard to exaggerate the extent to which the most recent term of the U.S. Supreme Court changed the <em>substance</em> of the laws Americans live by and the method by which the Court determines whether a law is unconstitutional. The Court upended 50 years of abortion jurisprudence, challenged laws that govern tribal sovereignty, and undercut the power of Congress to make and implement laws regarding climate change. The abortion ruling in <em>Dobbs v. Jackson</em> consumed much of the press coverage and public outrage but our podcast conversation focuses <em>New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen</em>. The Supreme Court not only overturned a century-old statute regulating the concealed carrying of guns in public – it changed the rules for determining what is or is not protected by the US Constitution under the Second Amendment. The podcast engages the relationship between state gun policy and this new originalist methodology, the origins of so-called originalism in the 1980s, the role of secondary scholarship, Duke Center for Firearms Law searchable database’s role in providing evidence for legal claims, and whether analogical reasoning (or politics) have triumphed at the SCOTUS – and how to teach that to law students.</p><p><a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/blocher">Joseph Blocher</a>, Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for the District of C in <em>Heller. </em>He co-authored <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-positive-second-amendment-rights-regulation-and-the-future-of-heller/9781316611289"><em>The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller and his numerous influential law review articles are complemented by nuanced public facing scholarship.</p><p><a href="https://firearmslaw.duke.edu/author/amw79duke-edu/">Andrew Willinger </a>is the Executive Director of the Duke Center for Firearms Law at Duke University Law School – and now writes commentary for the Center’s <a href="https://firearmslaw.duke.edu/secondthoughts/"><em>Second Thoughts</em> blog</a>. He joined the Center in June 2022, after practicing as a litigation associate at Patterson Belknap Webb &amp; Tyler in New York. At Patterson, Willinger litigated complex commercial disputes and false advertising and defamation cases. He previously clerked for Judge William L. Osteen, Jr. of the Middle District of North Carolina.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1014394314.mp3?updated=1660401710" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Cynthia E. Orozco, "Pioneer of Mexican-American Civil Rights: Alonso S. Perales" (Arte Publico Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Professor Cynthia Orozco about her new book, Pioneer of Mexican-American Civil Rights: Alonso S. Perales, published with Arte Público Press in 2020. Alonso S. Perales is a leading Latino lawyer of the twentieth century. Though he has remained overlooked in the historical record until now. In Orozco’s newest publication, she argues that Perales was a significant player in civil rights politics and made a profound impact by founding the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and organized many Latinos to engage in political and educational reform. From primary and rich secondary sources across Texas, Orozco masterfully crafted an intriguing life story of Perales. Chapters include Perales upbringing in south Texas, pursuing an education in Washington, D.C., organizing Latinos in San Antonio, the founding of LULAC, familial influence in his personal and political decisions, the rivalries and solidarities he formed over time, and the events leading up to his death. There are not enough political biographies on Latina/o peoples in the U.S. But Orozco’s work continues to pave a path for opening discussions about the need for biography writing. And more people should take notice.
Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics, and social movements. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>97</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cynthia E. Orozco</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Professor Cynthia Orozco about her new book, Pioneer of Mexican-American Civil Rights: Alonso S. Perales, published with Arte Público Press in 2020. Alonso S. Perales is a leading Latino lawyer of the twentieth century. Though he has remained overlooked in the historical record until now. In Orozco’s newest publication, she argues that Perales was a significant player in civil rights politics and made a profound impact by founding the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and organized many Latinos to engage in political and educational reform. From primary and rich secondary sources across Texas, Orozco masterfully crafted an intriguing life story of Perales. Chapters include Perales upbringing in south Texas, pursuing an education in Washington, D.C., organizing Latinos in San Antonio, the founding of LULAC, familial influence in his personal and political decisions, the rivalries and solidarities he formed over time, and the events leading up to his death. There are not enough political biographies on Latina/o peoples in the U.S. But Orozco’s work continues to pave a path for opening discussions about the need for biography writing. And more people should take notice.
Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics, and social movements. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Professor Cynthia Orozco about her new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781558858961"><em>Pioneer of Mexican-American Civil Rights: Alonso S. Perales</em></a>, published with Arte Público Press in 2020. Alonso S. Perales is a leading Latino lawyer of the twentieth century. Though he has remained overlooked in the historical record until now. In Orozco’s newest publication, she argues that Perales was a significant player in civil rights politics and made a profound impact by founding the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and organized many Latinos to engage in political and educational reform. From primary and rich secondary sources across Texas, Orozco masterfully crafted an intriguing life story of Perales. Chapters include Perales upbringing in south Texas, pursuing an education in Washington, D.C., organizing Latinos in San Antonio, the founding of LULAC, familial influence in his personal and political decisions, the rivalries and solidarities he formed over time, and the events leading up to his death. There are not enough political biographies on Latina/o peoples in the U.S. But Orozco’s work continues to pave a path for opening discussions about the need for biography writing. And more people should take notice.</p><p><em>Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics, and social movements. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2157</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Rochelle DuFord, "Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory" (Stanford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Of all the concepts that form the constellation of modern political thought, surely “solidarity” is a strong candidate for the most challenging. At once influential and undertheorized, the concept of solidarity appears to function across a startling range of discourses.
– Max Pensky, The Ends of Solidarity (2008)
This book is intended to serve as a contemporary response to the pessimism about contemporary political life that is both overwhelming and demotivating. Far from giving in to that dire picture of our collective lives, it challenges readers to see themselves as potential members of solidarity organizations, to build society when forces attempt to undermine it, and to take the critical but hopeful stance that, though things may not end well, we must continue hoping that they might. Taking this stance seriously requires that we spend much more time focusing on those who actually attempt to realize democratic nonexclusion through conflict, agitation, and the collective project of building and sustaining our world.
– Rochelle Duford, Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory (2022)
Democracy has become disentangled from our ordinary lives. Mere cooperation or ethical consumption now often stands in for a robust concept of solidarity that structures the entirety of sociality and forms the basis of democratic culture. How did democracy become something that is done only at ballot boxes and what role can solidarity play in reviving it?
In Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory (Stanford UP, 2022), Rochelle DuFord presents a theory of solidarity fit for developing democratic life and a complementary theory of democracy that emerges from a society typified by solidarity. DuFord argues that solidarity is best understood as a set of relations, one agonistic and one antagonistic: the solidarity groups' internal organization and its interactions with the broader world.
Such a picture of solidarity develops through careful consideration of the conflicts endemic to social relations and solidarity organizations. Examining men's rights groups, labor organizing's role in recognitional protections for LGBTQ members of society, and the debate over trans inclusion in feminist praxis, DuFord explores how conflict, in these contexts, becomes the locus of solidarity's democratic functions and thereby critiques democratic theorizing for having become either overly idealized or overly focused on building and maintaining stability.
Working in the tradition of the Frankfurt School, DuFord makes a provocative case that the conflict generated by solidarity organizations can address a variety of forms of domination, oppression, and exploitation while building a democratic society.
Nathan Rochelle Duford is assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Hartford, and is currently working on an essay on political epistemology as well as a book proposal investigating the idea of sex, gender and sexuality in the early Frankfurt School.
Keith Krueger lectures at the SILC Business School in Shanghai University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>153</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rochelle DuFord</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Of all the concepts that form the constellation of modern political thought, surely “solidarity” is a strong candidate for the most challenging. At once influential and undertheorized, the concept of solidarity appears to function across a startling range of discourses.
– Max Pensky, The Ends of Solidarity (2008)
This book is intended to serve as a contemporary response to the pessimism about contemporary political life that is both overwhelming and demotivating. Far from giving in to that dire picture of our collective lives, it challenges readers to see themselves as potential members of solidarity organizations, to build society when forces attempt to undermine it, and to take the critical but hopeful stance that, though things may not end well, we must continue hoping that they might. Taking this stance seriously requires that we spend much more time focusing on those who actually attempt to realize democratic nonexclusion through conflict, agitation, and the collective project of building and sustaining our world.
– Rochelle Duford, Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory (2022)
Democracy has become disentangled from our ordinary lives. Mere cooperation or ethical consumption now often stands in for a robust concept of solidarity that structures the entirety of sociality and forms the basis of democratic culture. How did democracy become something that is done only at ballot boxes and what role can solidarity play in reviving it?
In Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory (Stanford UP, 2022), Rochelle DuFord presents a theory of solidarity fit for developing democratic life and a complementary theory of democracy that emerges from a society typified by solidarity. DuFord argues that solidarity is best understood as a set of relations, one agonistic and one antagonistic: the solidarity groups' internal organization and its interactions with the broader world.
Such a picture of solidarity develops through careful consideration of the conflicts endemic to social relations and solidarity organizations. Examining men's rights groups, labor organizing's role in recognitional protections for LGBTQ members of society, and the debate over trans inclusion in feminist praxis, DuFord explores how conflict, in these contexts, becomes the locus of solidarity's democratic functions and thereby critiques democratic theorizing for having become either overly idealized or overly focused on building and maintaining stability.
Working in the tradition of the Frankfurt School, DuFord makes a provocative case that the conflict generated by solidarity organizations can address a variety of forms of domination, oppression, and exploitation while building a democratic society.
Nathan Rochelle Duford is assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Hartford, and is currently working on an essay on political epistemology as well as a book proposal investigating the idea of sex, gender and sexuality in the early Frankfurt School.
Keith Krueger lectures at the SILC Business School in Shanghai University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>Of all the concepts that form the constellation of modern political thought, surely “solidarity” is a strong candidate for the most challenging. At once influential and undertheorized, the concept of solidarity appears to function across a startling range of discourses.</em></p><p>– Max Pensky, <em>The Ends of Solidarity</em> (2008)</p><p><em>This book is intended to serve as a contemporary response to the pessimism about contemporary political life that is both overwhelming and demotivating. Far from giving in to that dire picture of our collective lives, it challenges readers to see themselves as potential members of solidarity organizations, to build society when forces attempt to undermine it, and to take the critical but hopeful stance that, though things may not end well, we must continue hoping that they might. Taking this stance seriously requires that we spend much more time focusing on those who actually attempt to realize democratic nonexclusion through conflict, agitation, and the collective project of building and sustaining our world.</em></p><p>– Rochelle Duford, <em>Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory</em> (2022)</p><p>Democracy has become disentangled from our ordinary lives. Mere cooperation or ethical consumption now often stands in for a robust concept of solidarity that structures the entirety of sociality and forms the basis of democratic culture. How did democracy become something that is done only at ballot boxes and what role can solidarity play in reviving it?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.sup.org/books/title/?id=33817&amp;bottom_ref=subject"><em>Solidarity in Conflict: A Democratic Theory</em></a><em> </em>(Stanford UP, 2022), Rochelle DuFord presents a theory of solidarity fit for developing democratic life and a complementary theory of democracy that emerges from a society typified by solidarity. DuFord argues that solidarity is best understood as a set of relations, one agonistic and one antagonistic: the solidarity groups' internal organization and its interactions with the broader world.</p><p>Such a picture of solidarity develops through careful consideration of the conflicts endemic to social relations and solidarity organizations. Examining men's rights groups, labor organizing's role in recognitional protections for LGBTQ members of society, and the debate over trans inclusion in feminist praxis, DuFord explores how conflict, in these contexts, becomes the locus of solidarity's democratic functions and thereby critiques democratic theorizing for having become either overly idealized or overly focused on building and maintaining stability.</p><p>Working in the tradition of the Frankfurt School, DuFord makes a provocative case that the conflict generated by solidarity organizations can address a variety of forms of domination, oppression, and exploitation while building a democratic society.</p><p><a href="https://rhduford.wordpress.com/">Nathan Rochelle Duford</a> is assistant professor of philosophy at the University of Hartford, and is currently working on an essay on political epistemology as well as a book proposal investigating the idea of sex, gender and sexuality in the early Frankfurt School.</p><p><em>Keith Krueger lectures at the SILC Business School in Shanghai University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3971</itunes:duration>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4158154446.mp3?updated=1660487367" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Pavilion: When Canadians First Had to Confront the Country’s Genocidal Story</title>
      <description>Expo 1967 was the centrepiece of Canada’s 100th birthday. Amid the crowds and the pageantry, one building stood out: The Indians of Canada Pavilion.
This was more than a tall glass tipi. It revealed (at least partly) Canada's sordid colonial history, and it challenged the myth of Canada being a peace-loving and tolerant society. We tell the surprising story of the historical experts who put this thing together, and the public's reaction to their work
This episode was produced in May 2020 as part of Darts and Letters predecessor, Cited. Polly Leger is the co-host alongside regular host and editor Gordon Katic. This was before the wave of discoveries of unmarked graves across Canada as horrific as the descriptions of residential schools are in this episode… the reality is worse, and we made this show before all that additional evidence had been discovered.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>24</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Expo 1967 was the centrepiece of Canada’s 100th birthday. Amid the crowds and the pageantry, one building stood out: The Indians of Canada Pavilion.
This was more than a tall glass tipi. It revealed (at least partly) Canada's sordid colonial history, and it challenged the myth of Canada being a peace-loving and tolerant society. We tell the surprising story of the historical experts who put this thing together, and the public's reaction to their work
This episode was produced in May 2020 as part of Darts and Letters predecessor, Cited. Polly Leger is the co-host alongside regular host and editor Gordon Katic. This was before the wave of discoveries of unmarked graves across Canada as horrific as the descriptions of residential schools are in this episode… the reality is worse, and we made this show before all that additional evidence had been discovered.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Expo 1967 was the centrepiece of Canada’s 100th birthday. Amid the crowds and the pageantry, one building stood out: The Indians of Canada Pavilion.</p><p>This was more than a tall glass tipi. It revealed (at least partly) Canada's sordid colonial history, and it challenged the myth of Canada being a peace-loving and tolerant society. We tell the surprising story of the historical experts who put this thing together, and the public's reaction to their work</p><p>This episode was produced in May 2020 as part of Darts and Letters predecessor, <em>Cited</em>. Polly Leger is the co-host alongside regular host and editor Gordon Katic. This was before the wave of discoveries of unmarked graves across Canada as horrific as the descriptions of residential schools are in this episode… the reality is worse, and we made this show before all that additional evidence had been discovered.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3311</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1d44f2d6-1c10-11ed-9f08-ef4570a985fc]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2614713675.mp3?updated=1660509255" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Samuel Evan Milner, "Robbing Peter to Pay Paul: Power, Profits, and Productivity in Modern America" (Yale UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Concentrated market power and the weakened sway of corporate stakeholders over management have emerged as leading concerns of American political economy. 
In his book Robbing Peter to Pay Paul: Power, Profits, and Productivity in Modern America (Yale UP, 2021), economic historian Samuel Milner provides a context for contemporary efforts to resolve these anxieties by examining the contest to control the distribution of corporate income during the mid‑twentieth century.
During this “Golden Age of American Capitalism,” apprehension about the debilitating consequences of industrial concentration fueled efforts to ensure that management would share the fruits of progress with workers, consumers, and society as a whole (“stakeholders”). Focusing on wage and price determination in steel, automobiles, and electrical equipment, Milner reveals how the management of concentrated industries understood its ability to distribute income to its stakeholders as well as why economists, courts, and public policymakers struggled to curtail the exercise of that market power at its source. The book could not be timelier, given the recent rise of inflation, wage price pressure, and supply shocks, as well as renewed interest in labor organization and anti-trust legislation.
John Emrich has worked for decades in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment advisory industry called Kick the Dogma.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>38</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Samuel Evan Milner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Concentrated market power and the weakened sway of corporate stakeholders over management have emerged as leading concerns of American political economy. 
In his book Robbing Peter to Pay Paul: Power, Profits, and Productivity in Modern America (Yale UP, 2021), economic historian Samuel Milner provides a context for contemporary efforts to resolve these anxieties by examining the contest to control the distribution of corporate income during the mid‑twentieth century.
During this “Golden Age of American Capitalism,” apprehension about the debilitating consequences of industrial concentration fueled efforts to ensure that management would share the fruits of progress with workers, consumers, and society as a whole (“stakeholders”). Focusing on wage and price determination in steel, automobiles, and electrical equipment, Milner reveals how the management of concentrated industries understood its ability to distribute income to its stakeholders as well as why economists, courts, and public policymakers struggled to curtail the exercise of that market power at its source. The book could not be timelier, given the recent rise of inflation, wage price pressure, and supply shocks, as well as renewed interest in labor organization and anti-trust legislation.
John Emrich has worked for decades in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment advisory industry called Kick the Dogma.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Concentrated market power and the weakened sway of corporate stakeholders over management have emerged as leading concerns of American political economy. </p><p>In his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300257342"><em>Robbing Peter to Pay Paul: Power, Profits, and Productivity in Modern America</em></a> (Yale UP, 2021), economic historian Samuel Milner provides a context for contemporary efforts to resolve these anxieties by examining the contest to control the distribution of corporate income during the mid‑twentieth century.</p><p>During this “Golden Age of American Capitalism,” apprehension about the debilitating consequences of industrial concentration fueled efforts to ensure that management would share the fruits of progress with workers, consumers, and society as a whole (“stakeholders”). Focusing on wage and price determination in steel, automobiles, and electrical equipment, Milner reveals how the management of concentrated industries understood its ability to distribute income to its stakeholders as well as why economists, courts, and public policymakers struggled to curtail the exercise of that market power at its source. The book could not be timelier, given the recent rise of inflation, wage price pressure, and supply shocks, as well as renewed interest in labor organization and anti-trust legislation.</p><p><em>John Emrich has worked for decades in corporate finance, business valuation and fund management. He has a podcast about the investment advisory industry called</em> <a href="https://www.ktdpod.com/podcasts">Kick the Dogma</a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3876</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c02cddc0-18ae-11ed-947f-eb1b24811f6d]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julius B. Fleming Jr., "Black Patience: Performance, Civil Rights, and the Unfinished Project of Emancipation" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>“Freedom, Now!” This rallying cry became the most iconic phrase of the Civil Rights Movement, challenging the persistent command that Black people wait—in the holds of slave ships and on auction blocks, in segregated bus stops and schoolyards—for their long-deferred liberation.
In Black Patience: Performance, Civil Rights, and the Unfinished Project of Emancipation (NYU Press, 2022), Julius B. Fleming Jr. argues that, during the Civil Rights Movement, Black artists and activists used theater to energize this radical refusal to wait. Participating in a vibrant culture of embodied political performance that ranged from marches and sit-ins to jail-ins and speeches, these artists turned to theater to unsettle a violent racial project that Fleming refers to as “Black patience.” Inviting the likes of James Baldwin, Lorraine Hansberry, Alice Childress, Douglas Turner Ward, Duke Ellington, and Oscar Brown Jr. to the stage, Black Patience illuminates how Black artists and activists of the Civil Rights era used theater to expose, critique, and repurpose structures of white supremacy. In this bold rethinking of the Civil Rights Movement, Fleming contends that Black theatrical performance was a vital technology of civil rights activism, and a crucial site of Black artistic and cultural production.
Mickell Carter is a doctoral student in the department of history at Auburn University. She can be reached at mzc0152@auburn.edu and on twitter @MickellCarter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>319</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julius B. Fleming Jr.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Freedom, Now!” This rallying cry became the most iconic phrase of the Civil Rights Movement, challenging the persistent command that Black people wait—in the holds of slave ships and on auction blocks, in segregated bus stops and schoolyards—for their long-deferred liberation.
In Black Patience: Performance, Civil Rights, and the Unfinished Project of Emancipation (NYU Press, 2022), Julius B. Fleming Jr. argues that, during the Civil Rights Movement, Black artists and activists used theater to energize this radical refusal to wait. Participating in a vibrant culture of embodied political performance that ranged from marches and sit-ins to jail-ins and speeches, these artists turned to theater to unsettle a violent racial project that Fleming refers to as “Black patience.” Inviting the likes of James Baldwin, Lorraine Hansberry, Alice Childress, Douglas Turner Ward, Duke Ellington, and Oscar Brown Jr. to the stage, Black Patience illuminates how Black artists and activists of the Civil Rights era used theater to expose, critique, and repurpose structures of white supremacy. In this bold rethinking of the Civil Rights Movement, Fleming contends that Black theatrical performance was a vital technology of civil rights activism, and a crucial site of Black artistic and cultural production.
Mickell Carter is a doctoral student in the department of history at Auburn University. She can be reached at mzc0152@auburn.edu and on twitter @MickellCarter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Freedom, Now!” This rallying cry became the most iconic phrase of the Civil Rights Movement, challenging the persistent command that Black people wait—in the holds of slave ships and on auction blocks, in segregated bus stops and schoolyards—for their long-deferred liberation.</p><p>In<em> </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479806829"><em>Black Patience: Performance, Civil Rights, and the Unfinished Project of Emancipation</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2022), Julius B. Fleming Jr. argues that, during the Civil Rights Movement, Black artists and activists used theater to energize this radical refusal to wait. Participating in a vibrant culture of embodied political performance that ranged from marches and sit-ins to jail-ins and speeches, these artists turned to theater to unsettle a violent racial project that Fleming refers to as “Black patience.” Inviting the likes of James Baldwin, Lorraine Hansberry, Alice Childress, Douglas Turner Ward, Duke Ellington, and Oscar Brown Jr. to the stage, <em>Black Patience</em> illuminates how Black artists and activists of the Civil Rights era used theater to expose, critique, and repurpose structures of white supremacy. In this bold rethinking of the Civil Rights Movement, Fleming contends that Black theatrical performance was a vital technology of civil rights activism, and a crucial site of Black artistic and cultural production.</p><p><a href="https://cla.auburn.edu/directory/mickell-j-carter/"><em>Mickell Carter</em></a><em> is a doctoral student in the department of history at Auburn University. She can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:mzc0152@auburn.edu"><em>mzc0152@auburn.edu</em></a><em> and on twitter @MickellCarter.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2178</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Canada’s Dumbest Public Intellectual: Darts and Letters’ Most Coveted Award</title>
      <description>Canada’s intellectual culture is now like a barren soil that struggles to give life to even the simplest flora. They’re just not that smart. We make too many right wing cranks, self-help charlatans, blood-thirsty reactionaries, insipid centrists, and third-rate Hayekians. But which are our worst?
In this episode, originally broadcast in November 2021, we invite our new from the Harbinger Media Network to help scour the national intellectual wasteland to find Canada’s dumbest public intellectual. The idea is simple: each guest makes the case for why their pick is the best at being the worst. Plus, Andre Goulet talks about the Harbinger Network and the state and future of left podcasting in Canada.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>23</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Canada’s intellectual culture is now like a barren soil that struggles to give life to even the simplest flora. They’re just not that smart. We make too many right wing cranks, self-help charlatans, blood-thirsty reactionaries, insipid centrists, and third-rate Hayekians. But which are our worst?
In this episode, originally broadcast in November 2021, we invite our new from the Harbinger Media Network to help scour the national intellectual wasteland to find Canada’s dumbest public intellectual. The idea is simple: each guest makes the case for why their pick is the best at being the worst. Plus, Andre Goulet talks about the Harbinger Network and the state and future of left podcasting in Canada.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Canada’s intellectual culture is now like a barren soil that struggles to give life to even the simplest flora. They’re just not that smart. We make too many right wing cranks, self-help charlatans, blood-thirsty reactionaries, insipid centrists, and third-rate Hayekians. But which are our worst?</p><p>In this episode, originally broadcast in November 2021, we invite our new from the Harbinger Media Network to help scour the national intellectual wasteland to find Canada’s dumbest public intellectual. The idea is simple: each guest makes the case for why their pick is the best at being the worst. Plus, Andre Goulet talks about the Harbinger Network and the state and future of left podcasting in Canada.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4556</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paris Marx, "Road to Nowhere: What Silicon Valley Gets Wrong about the Future of Transportation" (Verso, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Road to Nowhere: What Silicon Valley Gets Wrong about the Future of Transportation (Verso, 2022), Paris Marx identifies two convergent forces in the 20th century: the growth of the climate killing automobile industry and the rise of Silicon Valley with its California Ideology (a hypocritical self-rationalization). Their narrative shows how these two forces merged in the early 21st century with less-than-ideal, even deadly, results. Marx challenges many of the tech industry’s myths, misrepresentations, and lies and offers some suggestions for how we can build a better world. While Road to Nowhere is a book about our current crisis it situates our this mess in its historical context. Marx illustrates how many of the most problematic aspects of automobility are the consequences of specific policy decisions, often made in the interest of capital and not the social good. Marx is not shy about naming names, specifically calling out Elon Musk and Über.
Paris Marx is Canadian tech critic and host of the award-winning Tech Won’t Save Us podcast. Their work has been published in Business Insider, NBC News, CBC News, Jacobin, and Tribune. And just this week, they published a piece in Time Magazine on Elon Musk. Paris earned a Master’s degree in urban geography from McGill University, researching Silicon Valley’s efforts to transform how we move.
Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1254</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paris Marx</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Road to Nowhere: What Silicon Valley Gets Wrong about the Future of Transportation (Verso, 2022), Paris Marx identifies two convergent forces in the 20th century: the growth of the climate killing automobile industry and the rise of Silicon Valley with its California Ideology (a hypocritical self-rationalization). Their narrative shows how these two forces merged in the early 21st century with less-than-ideal, even deadly, results. Marx challenges many of the tech industry’s myths, misrepresentations, and lies and offers some suggestions for how we can build a better world. While Road to Nowhere is a book about our current crisis it situates our this mess in its historical context. Marx illustrates how many of the most problematic aspects of automobility are the consequences of specific policy decisions, often made in the interest of capital and not the social good. Marx is not shy about naming names, specifically calling out Elon Musk and Über.
Paris Marx is Canadian tech critic and host of the award-winning Tech Won’t Save Us podcast. Their work has been published in Business Insider, NBC News, CBC News, Jacobin, and Tribune. And just this week, they published a piece in Time Magazine on Elon Musk. Paris earned a Master’s degree in urban geography from McGill University, researching Silicon Valley’s efforts to transform how we move.
Michael G. Vann is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839765889"><em>Road to Nowhere: What Silicon Valley Gets Wrong about the Future of Transportation</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2022), Paris Marx identifies two convergent forces in the 20th century: the growth of the climate killing automobile industry and the rise of Silicon Valley with its California Ideology (a hypocritical self-rationalization). Their narrative shows how these two forces merged in the early 21st century with less-than-ideal, even deadly, results. Marx challenges many of the tech industry’s myths, misrepresentations, and lies and offers some suggestions for how we can build a better world. While <em>Road to Nowhere </em>is a book about our current crisis it situates our this mess in its historical context. Marx illustrates how many of the most problematic aspects of automobility are the consequences of specific policy decisions, often made in the interest of capital and not the social good. Marx is not shy about naming names, specifically calling out Elon Musk and Über.</p><p>Paris Marx is Canadian tech critic and host of the award-winning <em>Tech Won’t Save Us</em> podcast. Their work has been published in <em>Business Insider</em>, NBC News, CBC News, <em>Jacobin</em>, and <em>Tribune</em>. And just this week, they published a piece in <em>Time Magazine</em> on Elon Musk. Paris earned a Master’s degree in urban geography from McGill University, researching Silicon Valley’s efforts to transform how we move.</p><p><a href="https://michaelvann.academia.edu/"><em>Michael G. Vann</em></a><em> is a professor of world history at California State University, Sacramento. A specialist in imperialism and the Cold War in Southeast Asia, he is the author of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/ushe/product/the-great-hanoi-rat-hunt-9780190602697?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>The Great Hanoi Rat Hunt: Empires, Disease, and Modernity in French Colonial Vietnam</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2018). When he’s not reading or talking about new books with smart people, Mike can be found surfing in Santa Cruz, California.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5857</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d8ef2a5a-1b3a-11ed-b349-bb93002bf416]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7349417195.mp3?updated=1660418079" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Plague Robbers--Nothing Spreads Like Greed: The Pandemic Profiteers Who Made the Crisis Worse</title>
      <description>Has the pandemic taught us anything? As we look forward and imagine what the future might look like, we like to think ‘next time will be different.’ But, if we don’t take a serious look back, it won’t. Not as long as the people who made this pandemic so bad face zero consequences. In this episode of Darts and Letters, John Nichols says it’s time for a COVID reckoning. His new book is Coronavirus Criminals and Pandemic Profiteers: Accountability for Those Who Caused the Crisis. Nichols, who is also national affairs correspondent of the Nation, retraces his reporting – revealing how so many suffered while others made out like gangbusters. Plus, we ask: could it have been different?
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>22</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John Nichols</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Has the pandemic taught us anything? As we look forward and imagine what the future might look like, we like to think ‘next time will be different.’ But, if we don’t take a serious look back, it won’t. Not as long as the people who made this pandemic so bad face zero consequences. In this episode of Darts and Letters, John Nichols says it’s time for a COVID reckoning. His new book is Coronavirus Criminals and Pandemic Profiteers: Accountability for Those Who Caused the Crisis. Nichols, who is also national affairs correspondent of the Nation, retraces his reporting – revealing how so many suffered while others made out like gangbusters. Plus, we ask: could it have been different?
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Has the pandemic taught us anything? As we look forward and imagine what the future might look like, we like to think ‘next time will be different.’ But, if we don’t take a serious look back, it won’t. Not as long as the people who made this pandemic so bad face zero consequences. In this episode of Darts and Letters, John Nichols says it’s time for a COVID reckoning. His new book is <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781839763779"><em>Coronavirus Criminals and Pandemic Profiteers: Accountability for Those Who Caused the Crisis</em></a>. Nichols, who is also national affairs correspondent of the Nation, retraces his reporting – revealing how so many suffered while others made out like gangbusters. Plus, we ask: could it have been different?</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2783</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Don’t Look Left: A Discussion with David Sirota, writer of "Don't Look Up"</title>
      <description>Why does the democratic establishment always avoid turning left, even when it might mean a political win? Gordon asks David Sirota. Sirota is behind the smash-hit Netflix movie Don’t Look Up! Even if you weren’t a fan of that movie this is worth a listen, because David is more than just a screenwriter. He’s a journalist who doesn’t limit his journalism to one kind of storytelling.
David has written for The Guardian and for Jacobin, but he is also host and co-writer of investigative podcast series Meltdown, which documented how Obama’s lacklustre response to the financial crisis set the stage for Trump. He’s also worked as a speechwriter for Bernie Sanders.
We cover a range of topics: from the limits of technocracy, the political co-option of science and expertise, the critical reaction to Don’t Look Up, and whether or not Ideocracy (2006) has bad politics.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why does the democratic establishment always avoid turning left, even when it might mean a political win? Gordon asks David Sirota. Sirota is behind the smash-hit Netflix movie Don’t Look Up! Even if you weren’t a fan of that movie this is worth a listen, because David is more than just a screenwriter. He’s a journalist who doesn’t limit his journalism to one kind of storytelling.
David has written for The Guardian and for Jacobin, but he is also host and co-writer of investigative podcast series Meltdown, which documented how Obama’s lacklustre response to the financial crisis set the stage for Trump. He’s also worked as a speechwriter for Bernie Sanders.
We cover a range of topics: from the limits of technocracy, the political co-option of science and expertise, the critical reaction to Don’t Look Up, and whether or not Ideocracy (2006) has bad politics.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why does the democratic establishment always avoid turning left, even when it might mean a political win? Gordon asks David Sirota. Sirota is behind the smash-hit Netflix movie <em>Don’t Look Up</em>! Even if you weren’t a fan of that movie this is worth a listen, because David is more than just a screenwriter. He’s a journalist who doesn’t limit his journalism to one kind of storytelling.</p><p>David has written for The Guardian and for Jacobin, but he is also host and co-writer of investigative podcast series <em>Meltdown</em>, which documented how Obama’s lacklustre response to the financial crisis set the stage for Trump. He’s also worked as a speechwriter for Bernie Sanders.</p><p>We cover a range of topics: from the limits of technocracy, the political co-option of science and expertise, the critical reaction to Don’t Look Up, and whether or not Ideocracy (2006) has bad politics.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2764</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher Witko, "Hijacking the Agenda: Economic Power and Political Influence" (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021)</title>
      <description>How do competing interests shape public policy? Why are the economic interests and priorities of lower-, working-, and middle-class Americans often neglected while the interests and priorities of wealthier Americans are often front and center for the U.S. Congress? Previous work in political science has highlighted income disparity or the importance of agenda setting but Hijacking the Agenda: Economic Power and Political Influence (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021) unpacks HOW business interests and wealthy individuals shape public policy to their benefit by “hijacking the agenda” away from the interests of average Americans. Witko, Morgan, Kelly, and Enns focus on the speech of elected representatives as recorded in the Congressional Record. Their remarkable Congressional Rhetoric Database codes speech from 1995 to 2016. Using an integrated, multi-method research design, they conclude that the interplay between two types of power – structural and kinetic – give wealthy interests considerable influence over the issues that receive congressional attention and explaining these patterns of issue attention over time is crucial for understanding disparate policy outcomes. In addition to a sophisticated quantitative analysis, the book provides three astute case studies (financial deregulation, re-regulation, and the minimum wage) and a general theory of politics and economic power. Hijacking the Agenda details how money – especially in the form of campaign contributions – affects which economic problems Congress believes to be important – and acts upon. Hijacking the Agenda is winner of the 2022 Gladys M. Kammerer Award from the American Political Science Association.
Dr. Christopher Witko is professor of public policy and associate director of the School of Public Policy at Penn State, Drs. Jana Morgan and Nathan J. Kelly are professors of political science at the University of Tennessee, and Dr. Peter K. Enns is professor of public policy and political science at Cornell University.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>617</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher Witko, Jana Morgan, Nathan J. Kelly, and Peter K. Enns</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do competing interests shape public policy? Why are the economic interests and priorities of lower-, working-, and middle-class Americans often neglected while the interests and priorities of wealthier Americans are often front and center for the U.S. Congress? Previous work in political science has highlighted income disparity or the importance of agenda setting but Hijacking the Agenda: Economic Power and Political Influence (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021) unpacks HOW business interests and wealthy individuals shape public policy to their benefit by “hijacking the agenda” away from the interests of average Americans. Witko, Morgan, Kelly, and Enns focus on the speech of elected representatives as recorded in the Congressional Record. Their remarkable Congressional Rhetoric Database codes speech from 1995 to 2016. Using an integrated, multi-method research design, they conclude that the interplay between two types of power – structural and kinetic – give wealthy interests considerable influence over the issues that receive congressional attention and explaining these patterns of issue attention over time is crucial for understanding disparate policy outcomes. In addition to a sophisticated quantitative analysis, the book provides three astute case studies (financial deregulation, re-regulation, and the minimum wage) and a general theory of politics and economic power. Hijacking the Agenda details how money – especially in the form of campaign contributions – affects which economic problems Congress believes to be important – and acts upon. Hijacking the Agenda is winner of the 2022 Gladys M. Kammerer Award from the American Political Science Association.
Dr. Christopher Witko is professor of public policy and associate director of the School of Public Policy at Penn State, Drs. Jana Morgan and Nathan J. Kelly are professors of political science at the University of Tennessee, and Dr. Peter K. Enns is professor of public policy and political science at Cornell University.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do competing interests shape public policy? Why are the economic interests and priorities of lower-, working-, and middle-class Americans often neglected while the interests and priorities of wealthier Americans are often front and center for the U.S. Congress? Previous work in political science has highlighted income disparity or the importance of agenda setting but <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780871545732"><em>Hijacking the Agenda: Economic Power and Political Influence</em></a><em> </em>(Russell Sage Foundation, 2021) unpacks HOW business interests and wealthy individuals shape public policy to their benefit by “hijacking the agenda” away from the interests of average Americans. Witko, Morgan, Kelly, and Enns focus on the speech of elected representatives as recorded in the Congressional Record. Their remarkable Congressional Rhetoric Database codes speech from 1995 to 2016. Using an integrated, multi-method research design, they conclude that the interplay between two types of power – structural and kinetic – give wealthy interests considerable influence over the issues that receive congressional attention and explaining these patterns of issue attention over time is crucial for understanding disparate policy outcomes. In addition to a sophisticated quantitative analysis, the book provides three astute case studies (financial deregulation, re-regulation, and the minimum wage) and a general theory of politics and economic power. <em>Hijacking the Agenda </em>details how money – especially in the form of campaign contributions – affects which economic problems Congress believes to be important – and acts upon. <em>Hijacking the Agenda </em>is winner of the 2022 Gladys M. Kammerer Award from the American Political Science Association.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://polisci.la.psu.edu/people/cxw877/">Christopher Witko</a> is professor of public policy and associate director of the School of Public Policy at Penn State, Drs. <a href="https://polisci.utk.edu/faculty/morgan.php">Jana Morgan</a> and <a href="https://polisci.utk.edu/faculty/kelly.php">Nathan J. Kelly</a> are professors of political science at the University of Tennessee, and Dr. <a href="https://government.cornell.edu/peter-k-enns">Peter K. Enns</a> is professor of public policy and political science at Cornell University.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3876</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[116d9f10-18b6-11ed-b8b8-5f58b65f4996]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Lindy S. F. Hern, "Single Payer Healthcare Reform: Grassroots Mobilization and the Turn Against Establishment Politics in the Medicare for All Movement" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Single Payer Healthcare Reform: Grassroots Mobilization and the Turn Against Establishment Politics in the Medicare for All Movement (Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), Lindy Hern provides a comprehensive history of the grassroots Movement for Health Care Reform in the United States from within the Single Payer Movement. Hern discusses the role that narrative (constructions of opportunity) plays in grassroots mobilization, which builds on existing social movement theory. She examines the turn against “politics as usual” and establishment politicians that began in progressive social movements long before the election of Donald Trump.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>141</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lindy S. F. Hern</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Single Payer Healthcare Reform: Grassroots Mobilization and the Turn Against Establishment Politics in the Medicare for All Movement (Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), Lindy Hern provides a comprehensive history of the grassroots Movement for Health Care Reform in the United States from within the Single Payer Movement. Hern discusses the role that narrative (constructions of opportunity) plays in grassroots mobilization, which builds on existing social movement theory. She examines the turn against “politics as usual” and establishment politicians that began in progressive social movements long before the election of Donald Trump.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783030427634"><em>Single Payer Healthcare Reform: Grassroots Mobilization and the Turn Against Establishment Politics in the Medicare for All Movement</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), Lindy Hern provides a comprehensive history of the grassroots Movement for Health Care Reform in the United States from within the Single Payer Movement. Hern discusses the role that narrative (constructions of opportunity) plays in grassroots mobilization, which builds on existing social movement theory. She examines the turn against “politics as usual” and establishment politicians that began in progressive social movements long before the election of Donald Trump.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4648</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a223a6ce-1679-11ed-b24b-93458cf23fbf]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Saladin Ambar, "Stars and Shadows: The Politics of Interracial Friendship from Jefferson to Obama" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Slavery and its lingering remnants remain a plague on the United States, continuing to foster animosity between races that hinders the understanding and connection conducive to dismantling the remains of such systems. Personal relationships and connection can provide a path towards reconciling differences and overcoming the racial divisiveness that is America’s original sin. 
In his fascinating new book, Stars and Shadows: The Politics of Interracial Friendship from Jefferson to Obama (Oxford UP, 2022), Saladin Ambar, professor of Political Science and Senior Scholar at the Center on the American Governor at the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University-New Brunswick, constructs a comprehensive overview of interracial friendships throughout U.S. history, detailing how friendship can be an invaluable and often overlooked tool when advocating for equality. Because political leaders, celebrities, and other cultural figures have such an influence on the general public, they can play a particular role in shaping public opinion. Thus, analyzing significant interracial friendships between well-known individuals throughout different historical moments can serve as windows into the state of race relations as they developed through time, and what that can mean for our future.
Ambar meditates on the power of friendship in general, and interracial friendship in particular, through ten different, iconic cases, examining these relationships in both their personal and political capacity. The specific focus of each friendship duet is to explore the public consequences of relationships across race. Each duo has unique experiences that are particular to their historical moments and the political constraints of the time. Through these stories, Ambar develops a theory rejecting the notion that we must separate the personal from the political, detailing how, in an interracial democracy predicated on equality, the two must and do intertwine in order to overcome racial differences. Stars and Shadows examines, among others, Benjamin Banneker and Thomas Jefferson, Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln, Angela Davis and Gloria Steinem, Marlon Brando and James Baldwin, and ends with Barack Obama and Joe Biden’s iconic bond. The analysis wrestles with the American political structure, which is not based on connecting individuals to each other in any kind of personal way, and yet friendship is what connects us all as human beings. Ambar’s theory challenges citizens to look inward and outward when interacting with one another, to engage intentionally with our differences, and not to run away from our past but to critically analyze it and incorporate it going forward.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>615</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Saladin Ambar</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Slavery and its lingering remnants remain a plague on the United States, continuing to foster animosity between races that hinders the understanding and connection conducive to dismantling the remains of such systems. Personal relationships and connection can provide a path towards reconciling differences and overcoming the racial divisiveness that is America’s original sin. 
In his fascinating new book, Stars and Shadows: The Politics of Interracial Friendship from Jefferson to Obama (Oxford UP, 2022), Saladin Ambar, professor of Political Science and Senior Scholar at the Center on the American Governor at the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University-New Brunswick, constructs a comprehensive overview of interracial friendships throughout U.S. history, detailing how friendship can be an invaluable and often overlooked tool when advocating for equality. Because political leaders, celebrities, and other cultural figures have such an influence on the general public, they can play a particular role in shaping public opinion. Thus, analyzing significant interracial friendships between well-known individuals throughout different historical moments can serve as windows into the state of race relations as they developed through time, and what that can mean for our future.
Ambar meditates on the power of friendship in general, and interracial friendship in particular, through ten different, iconic cases, examining these relationships in both their personal and political capacity. The specific focus of each friendship duet is to explore the public consequences of relationships across race. Each duo has unique experiences that are particular to their historical moments and the political constraints of the time. Through these stories, Ambar develops a theory rejecting the notion that we must separate the personal from the political, detailing how, in an interracial democracy predicated on equality, the two must and do intertwine in order to overcome racial differences. Stars and Shadows examines, among others, Benjamin Banneker and Thomas Jefferson, Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln, Angela Davis and Gloria Steinem, Marlon Brando and James Baldwin, and ends with Barack Obama and Joe Biden’s iconic bond. The analysis wrestles with the American political structure, which is not based on connecting individuals to each other in any kind of personal way, and yet friendship is what connects us all as human beings. Ambar’s theory challenges citizens to look inward and outward when interacting with one another, to engage intentionally with our differences, and not to run away from our past but to critically analyze it and incorporate it going forward.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Slavery and its lingering remnants remain a plague on the United States, continuing to foster animosity between races that hinders the understanding and connection conducive to dismantling the remains of such systems. Personal relationships and connection can provide a path towards reconciling differences and overcoming the racial divisiveness that is America’s <em>original sin</em>. </p><p>In his fascinating new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197621998"><em>Stars and Shadows: The Politics of Interracial Friendship from Jefferson to Obama</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022), Saladin Ambar, professor of Political Science and Senior Scholar at the Center on the American Governor at the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University-New Brunswick, constructs a comprehensive overview of interracial friendships throughout U.S. history, detailing how friendship can be an invaluable and often overlooked tool when advocating for equality. Because political leaders, celebrities, and other cultural figures have such an influence on the general public, they can play a particular role in shaping public opinion. Thus, analyzing significant interracial friendships between well-known individuals throughout different historical moments can serve as windows into the state of race relations as they developed through time, and what that can mean for our future.</p><p>Ambar meditates on the power of friendship in general, and interracial friendship in particular, through ten different, iconic cases, examining these relationships in both their personal and political capacity. The specific focus of each friendship duet is to explore the public consequences of relationships across race. Each duo has unique experiences that are particular to their historical moments and the political constraints of the time. Through these stories, Ambar develops a theory rejecting the notion that we must separate the personal from the political, detailing how, in an interracial democracy predicated on equality, the two must and do intertwine in order to overcome racial differences. <em>Stars and Shadows</em> examines, among others, Benjamin Banneker and Thomas Jefferson, Frederick Douglass and Abraham Lincoln, Angela Davis and Gloria Steinem, Marlon Brando and James Baldwin, and ends with Barack Obama and Joe Biden’s iconic bond. The analysis wrestles with the American political structure, which is not based on connecting individuals to each other in any kind of personal way, and yet friendship is what connects us all as human beings. Ambar’s theory challenges citizens to look inward and outward when interacting with one another, to engage intentionally with our differences, and not to run away from our past but to critically analyze it and incorporate it going forward.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2967</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Bacevich and Daniel A. Sjursen, "Paths of Dissent: Soldiers Speak Out Against America's Forever Wars" (Metropolitan Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>Compiled by New York Times bestselling author Andrew Bacevich and retired army officer Danny A. Sjursen, Paths of Dissent: Soldiers Speak Out Against America’s Misguided Wars (Metropolitan Books, 2022) collects provocative essays from American military veterans who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, offering firsthand testimony that illuminates why the Forever Wars lasted so long while producing so little of value. In the wake of 9/11, the United States embarked upon a Global War on Terrorism aimed at using American military power to transform the Greater Middle East. 
Twenty years later, the ensuing forever wars have produced little tangible success while exacting enormous harm. In Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States has sustained tens of thousands of casualties while expending trillions of dollars and inflicting massive suffering on populations that we sought to “liberate.” In Washington and across the nation at large, the inclination to forget these wars and move on is palpable. In fact, there is much to be learned and those who served and fought in these wars are best positioned to teach. The first book of its kind since the Vietnam era, Paths of Dissent gathers original essays from American veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, drawn from all services, ranks, and walks of life, who have come out in opposition to these conflicts. Selected for their honesty and eloquence by fellow veterans Andrew Bacevich and Danny A. Sjursen, these outspoken critics describe not only their motivations for serving, but also for taking the path of dissent—disappointment and disillusionment; the dehumanizing impact of combat; the loss of comrades to friendly fire; the persistence of xenophobia and racism—all of these together exposing the mendacity that has pervaded the Global War on Terrorism from its very outset. Combining diverse, critical perspectives with powerful personal testimony, Paths of Dissent sheds light on the myriad factors that have made America’s post-9/11 wars costly and misguided exercises in futility.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>145</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Bacevich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Compiled by New York Times bestselling author Andrew Bacevich and retired army officer Danny A. Sjursen, Paths of Dissent: Soldiers Speak Out Against America’s Misguided Wars (Metropolitan Books, 2022) collects provocative essays from American military veterans who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, offering firsthand testimony that illuminates why the Forever Wars lasted so long while producing so little of value. In the wake of 9/11, the United States embarked upon a Global War on Terrorism aimed at using American military power to transform the Greater Middle East. 
Twenty years later, the ensuing forever wars have produced little tangible success while exacting enormous harm. In Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States has sustained tens of thousands of casualties while expending trillions of dollars and inflicting massive suffering on populations that we sought to “liberate.” In Washington and across the nation at large, the inclination to forget these wars and move on is palpable. In fact, there is much to be learned and those who served and fought in these wars are best positioned to teach. The first book of its kind since the Vietnam era, Paths of Dissent gathers original essays from American veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, drawn from all services, ranks, and walks of life, who have come out in opposition to these conflicts. Selected for their honesty and eloquence by fellow veterans Andrew Bacevich and Danny A. Sjursen, these outspoken critics describe not only their motivations for serving, but also for taking the path of dissent—disappointment and disillusionment; the dehumanizing impact of combat; the loss of comrades to friendly fire; the persistence of xenophobia and racism—all of these together exposing the mendacity that has pervaded the Global War on Terrorism from its very outset. Combining diverse, critical perspectives with powerful personal testimony, Paths of Dissent sheds light on the myriad factors that have made America’s post-9/11 wars costly and misguided exercises in futility.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Compiled by New York Times bestselling author Andrew Bacevich and retired army officer Danny A. Sjursen, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250870179"><em>Paths of Dissent: Soldiers Speak Out Against America’s Misguided Wars</em></a><em> </em>(Metropolitan Books, 2022) collects provocative essays from American military veterans who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan, offering firsthand testimony that illuminates why the Forever Wars lasted so long while producing so little of value. In the wake of 9/11, the United States embarked upon a Global War on Terrorism aimed at using American military power to transform the Greater Middle East. </p><p>Twenty years later, the ensuing forever wars have produced little tangible success while exacting enormous harm. In Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States has sustained tens of thousands of casualties while expending trillions of dollars and inflicting massive suffering on populations that we sought to “liberate.” In Washington and across the nation at large, the inclination to forget these wars and move on is palpable. In fact, there is much to be learned and those who served and fought in these wars are best positioned to teach. The first book of its kind since the Vietnam era, Paths of Dissent gathers original essays from American veterans of Iraq and Afghanistan, drawn from all services, ranks, and walks of life, who have come out in opposition to these conflicts. Selected for their honesty and eloquence by fellow veterans Andrew Bacevich and Danny A. Sjursen, these outspoken critics describe not only their motivations for serving, but also for taking the path of dissent—disappointment and disillusionment; the dehumanizing impact of combat; the loss of comrades to friendly fire; the persistence of xenophobia and racism—all of these together exposing the mendacity that has pervaded the Global War on Terrorism from its very outset. Combining diverse, critical perspectives with powerful personal testimony, Paths of Dissent sheds light on the myriad factors that have made America’s post-9/11 wars costly and misguided exercises in futility.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1982</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9269861400.mp3?updated=1659986984" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey S. Sutton, "Who Decides?: States As Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Everything in law and politics, including individual rights, comes back to divisions of power and the evergreen question: Who decides? Who wins the disputes of the day often turns on who decides them. And our acceptance of the resolution of those disputes often turns on who the decision maker is-because it reveals who governs us.
In Who Decides?: States As Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation (Oxford UP, 2021), the influential US Appellate Court Judge Jeffrey S. Sutton focuses on the constitutional structure of the American states to answer the question of who should decide the key questions of public policy today. By concentrating on the role of governmental structure in shaping power across the 50 American states, Sutton develops a powerful explanation of American constitutional law, in all of its variety, as opposed to just federal constitutional law. As in his earlier book, 51 Imperfect Solutions, which looked at how American federalism allowed the states to serve as laboratories of innovation for protecting individual liberty and property rights, Sutton compares state-level governments with the federal government and draws numerous insights from the comparisons. Instead of focusing on individual rights, however, he focuses on structure, while continuing to develop some of the core themes of his previous book.
An illuminating and essential sequel to his earlier work on the nature of American federalism, Who Decides makes the case that American Constitutional Law should account for the role of the state courts and state constitutions, together with the federal courts and the federal constitution, in assessing the right balance of power among all branches of government. Taken together, both books reveal a remarkably complex, nuanced, ever-changing federalist system, one that ought to make lawyers and litigants pause before reflexively assuming that the United States Supreme Court alone has the answers to our vexing constitutional questions.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey S. Sutton</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Everything in law and politics, including individual rights, comes back to divisions of power and the evergreen question: Who decides? Who wins the disputes of the day often turns on who decides them. And our acceptance of the resolution of those disputes often turns on who the decision maker is-because it reveals who governs us.
In Who Decides?: States As Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation (Oxford UP, 2021), the influential US Appellate Court Judge Jeffrey S. Sutton focuses on the constitutional structure of the American states to answer the question of who should decide the key questions of public policy today. By concentrating on the role of governmental structure in shaping power across the 50 American states, Sutton develops a powerful explanation of American constitutional law, in all of its variety, as opposed to just federal constitutional law. As in his earlier book, 51 Imperfect Solutions, which looked at how American federalism allowed the states to serve as laboratories of innovation for protecting individual liberty and property rights, Sutton compares state-level governments with the federal government and draws numerous insights from the comparisons. Instead of focusing on individual rights, however, he focuses on structure, while continuing to develop some of the core themes of his previous book.
An illuminating and essential sequel to his earlier work on the nature of American federalism, Who Decides makes the case that American Constitutional Law should account for the role of the state courts and state constitutions, together with the federal courts and the federal constitution, in assessing the right balance of power among all branches of government. Taken together, both books reveal a remarkably complex, nuanced, ever-changing federalist system, one that ought to make lawyers and litigants pause before reflexively assuming that the United States Supreme Court alone has the answers to our vexing constitutional questions.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Everything in law and politics, including individual rights, comes back to divisions of power and the evergreen question: Who decides? Who wins the disputes of the day often turns on who decides them. And our acceptance of the resolution of those disputes often turns on who the decision maker is-because it reveals who governs us.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197582183"><em>Who Decides?: States As Laboratories of Constitutional Experimentation</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021), the influential US Appellate Court Judge Jeffrey S. Sutton focuses on the constitutional structure of the American states to answer the question of who should decide the key questions of public policy today. By concentrating on the role of governmental structure in shaping power across the 50 American states, Sutton develops a powerful explanation of American constitutional law, in all of its variety, as opposed to just federal constitutional law. As in his earlier book, <em>51 Imperfect Solutions</em>, which looked at how American federalism allowed the states to serve as laboratories of innovation for protecting individual liberty and property rights, Sutton compares state-level governments with the federal government and draws numerous insights from the comparisons. Instead of focusing on individual rights, however, he focuses on structure, while continuing to develop some of the core themes of his previous book.</p><p>An illuminating and essential sequel to his earlier work on the nature of American federalism, <em>Who Decides</em> makes the case that American Constitutional Law should account for the role of the state courts and state constitutions, together with the federal courts and the federal constitution, in assessing the right balance of power among all branches of government. Taken together, both books reveal a remarkably complex, nuanced, ever-changing federalist system, one that ought to make lawyers and litigants pause before reflexively assuming that the United States Supreme Court alone has the answers to our vexing constitutional questions.</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1263187755.mp3?updated=1659554928" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>On Walter Lippmann's "Public Opinion"</title>
      <link>https://writlarge.fm/public-opinion</link>
      <description>What is the role of the press in a democracy? For nearly a century, scholars, media critics, and politicians have debated this question—in a large part thanks to Walter Lippmann. Lippmann’s 1922 book, Public Opinion, changed the conversation about how to educate voters and who should be able to vote at all. In this episode, University of British Columbia professor Heidi Tworek discusses the timeless questions and the man who asked them. Heidi Tworek is assistant professor of international history at the University of British Columbia. She is an editor of The Journal of Global History and the author of News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Heidi Tworek</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the role of the press in a democracy? For nearly a century, scholars, media critics, and politicians have debated this question—in a large part thanks to Walter Lippmann. Lippmann’s 1922 book, Public Opinion, changed the conversation about how to educate voters and who should be able to vote at all. In this episode, University of British Columbia professor Heidi Tworek discusses the timeless questions and the man who asked them. Heidi Tworek is assistant professor of international history at the University of British Columbia. She is an editor of The Journal of Global History and the author of News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the role of the press in a democracy? For nearly a century, scholars, media critics, and politicians have debated this question—in a large part thanks to Walter Lippmann. Lippmann’s 1922 book, Public Opinion, changed the conversation about how to educate voters and who should be able to vote at all. In this episode, University of British Columbia professor Heidi Tworek discusses the timeless questions and the man who asked them. Heidi Tworek is assistant professor of international history at the University of British Columbia. She is an editor of The Journal of Global History and the author of News from Germany: The Competition to Control World Communications, 1900–1945. See more information on our website, WritLarge.fm.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1819</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[668139a2-88b3-11ea-ad81-6bff86ce6a3f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5367299540.mp3?updated=1656933971" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of Political Anger: A Conversation with Mark Blyth</title>
      <description>Trump’s voters. The yellow jackets in France. Putin’s base in Russia. The Brexiteers. One thing all these groups have in common is anger – anger at being left behind, anger about de industrialization, anger at the arrogance and wealth of the elite. But what more can be said about the nature of that anger and the different aspects of it? In Angrynomics (Agenda Publishing, 2020) Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan address this question. Today I talked to Blyth, a professor of political economy at Brown University.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>25</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Blyth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Trump’s voters. The yellow jackets in France. Putin’s base in Russia. The Brexiteers. One thing all these groups have in common is anger – anger at being left behind, anger about de industrialization, anger at the arrogance and wealth of the elite. But what more can be said about the nature of that anger and the different aspects of it? In Angrynomics (Agenda Publishing, 2020) Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan address this question. Today I talked to Blyth, a professor of political economy at Brown University.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Trump’s voters. The yellow jackets in France. Putin’s base in Russia. The Brexiteers. One thing all these groups have in common is anger – anger at being left behind, anger about de industrialization, anger at the arrogance and wealth of the elite. But what more can be said about the nature of that anger and the different aspects of it? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788212793"><em>Angrynomics</em></a> (Agenda Publishing, 2020) Mark Blyth and Eric Lonergan address this question. Today I talked to Blyth, a professor of political economy at Brown University.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2416</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6e188ba8-0f51-11ed-b7e7-2f2e907bce35]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8492636175.mp3?updated=1659108139" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>January 6th and the Myth of the Mob: The Pervasive Power of Crowd Theory</title>
      <description>This week, we’re showcasing some of our favourite past episodes of Darts and Letters themed around “Activism &amp; Academia”.
Today’s episode originally aired a little earlier this summer. In the US, the January 6th hearings were continuing - and discourse about the factors that led to the insurrection was rampant. You might notice that when these kinds of events take place, similar descriptors are used: groupthink, mob mentality, deindividuation…and all of these ideas can be traced back to one bigoted, reactionary bigot: 19th-century French physician Gustave Le Bon.
Why does academia always fear the masses? Our host Gordon Katic takes us through the story of Le Bon and beyond to analyze the academic stereotype of the public.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>16</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week, we’re showcasing some of our favourite past episodes of Darts and Letters themed around “Activism &amp; Academia”.
Today’s episode originally aired a little earlier this summer. In the US, the January 6th hearings were continuing - and discourse about the factors that led to the insurrection was rampant. You might notice that when these kinds of events take place, similar descriptors are used: groupthink, mob mentality, deindividuation…and all of these ideas can be traced back to one bigoted, reactionary bigot: 19th-century French physician Gustave Le Bon.
Why does academia always fear the masses? Our host Gordon Katic takes us through the story of Le Bon and beyond to analyze the academic stereotype of the public.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week, we’re showcasing some of our favourite past episodes of Darts and Letters themed around “Activism &amp; Academia”.</p><p>Today’s episode originally aired a little earlier this summer. In the US, the January 6th hearings were continuing - and discourse about the factors that led to the insurrection was rampant. You might notice that when these kinds of events take place, similar descriptors are used: groupthink, mob mentality, deindividuation…and all of these ideas can be traced back to one bigoted, reactionary bigot: 19th-century French physician Gustave Le Bon.</p><p>Why does academia always fear the masses? Our host Gordon Katic takes us through the story of Le Bon and beyond to analyze the academic stereotype of the public.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4313</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[26c52be6-168e-11ed-8674-d3ef2006907c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5147552695.mp3?updated=1659902988" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>American Chernobyl, Part 2: The Most Poisonous Place in the USA</title>
      <description>Hanford is the most-polluted place in America. In our last episode, you heard about the nuclear plant's largely-forgotten history--how it poisoned the people living downwind. On our season finale: a nuclear safety auditor tries to get it shut down, the downwinders struggle for justice, and we take you into the plant itself.
This is part two, if you haven’t heard part one yet go check out yesterday’s episode.
The story of Hanford reveals that expertise is always a political battle, and never as straightforward as simply collecting facts--whether it’s executives putting profit over a safety auditor’s well-documented warnings, a community-based research pitted against government-backed studies, or turning a world-changing nuclear reactor into a scientific lecture.
This episode is from the pre-Darts and Letters era when we produced a documentary series called Cited.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hanford is the most-polluted place in America. In our last episode, you heard about the nuclear plant's largely-forgotten history--how it poisoned the people living downwind. On our season finale: a nuclear safety auditor tries to get it shut down, the downwinders struggle for justice, and we take you into the plant itself.
This is part two, if you haven’t heard part one yet go check out yesterday’s episode.
The story of Hanford reveals that expertise is always a political battle, and never as straightforward as simply collecting facts--whether it’s executives putting profit over a safety auditor’s well-documented warnings, a community-based research pitted against government-backed studies, or turning a world-changing nuclear reactor into a scientific lecture.
This episode is from the pre-Darts and Letters era when we produced a documentary series called Cited.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hanford is the most-polluted place in America. In our last episode, you heard about the nuclear plant's largely-forgotten history--how it poisoned the people living downwind. On our season finale: a nuclear safety auditor tries to get it shut down, the downwinders struggle for justice, and we take you into the plant itself.</p><p>This is part two, if you haven’t heard part one yet go check out yesterday’s episode.</p><p>The story of Hanford reveals that expertise is always a political battle, and never as straightforward as simply collecting facts--whether it’s executives putting profit over a safety auditor’s well-documented warnings, a community-based research pitted against government-backed studies, or turning a world-changing nuclear reactor into a scientific lecture.</p><p>This episode is from the pre-Darts and Letters era when we produced a documentary series called Cited.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3525</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel T. Fleming, "Living the Dream: The Contested History of Martin Luther King Jr. Day" (UNC Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Living the Dream: The Contested History of Martin Luther King Jr. Day (UNC Press, 2022) tells the history behind the establishment of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and the battle over King's legacy that continued through the decades that followed. Creating the first national holiday to honor an African American was a formidable achievement and an act of resistance against conservative and segregationist opposition. Congressional efforts to commemorate King began shortly after his assassination. The ensuing political battles slowed the progress of granting him a namesake holiday and crucially defined how his legacy would be received. Though Coretta Scott King's mission to honor her husband's commitment to nonviolence was upheld, conservative politicians sought to use the holiday to advance a whitewashed, nationalistic, and even reactionary vision of King's life and thought. This book reveals the lengths that activists had to go to elevate an African American man to the pantheon of national heroes, how conservatives took advantage of the commemoration to bend the arc of King's legacy toward something he never would have expected, and how grassroots causes, unions, and antiwar demonstrators continued to try to claim this sanctified day as their own.
Daniel T. Fleming is lecturer at the University of New South Wales and an Honorary Post-Doctoral Fellow at Macquarie University.
E. James West is a UK-based historian and writer. He is the author of Ebony Magazine and Lerone Bennett Jr.: Popular Black History in Postwar America (Illinois, 2020), A House for the Struggle: The Black Press and the Built Environment in Chicago (Illinois, 2022) and Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr. (UMass, 2022).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>193</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel T. Fleming</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Living the Dream: The Contested History of Martin Luther King Jr. Day (UNC Press, 2022) tells the history behind the establishment of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and the battle over King's legacy that continued through the decades that followed. Creating the first national holiday to honor an African American was a formidable achievement and an act of resistance against conservative and segregationist opposition. Congressional efforts to commemorate King began shortly after his assassination. The ensuing political battles slowed the progress of granting him a namesake holiday and crucially defined how his legacy would be received. Though Coretta Scott King's mission to honor her husband's commitment to nonviolence was upheld, conservative politicians sought to use the holiday to advance a whitewashed, nationalistic, and even reactionary vision of King's life and thought. This book reveals the lengths that activists had to go to elevate an African American man to the pantheon of national heroes, how conservatives took advantage of the commemoration to bend the arc of King's legacy toward something he never would have expected, and how grassroots causes, unions, and antiwar demonstrators continued to try to claim this sanctified day as their own.
Daniel T. Fleming is lecturer at the University of New South Wales and an Honorary Post-Doctoral Fellow at Macquarie University.
E. James West is a UK-based historian and writer. He is the author of Ebony Magazine and Lerone Bennett Jr.: Popular Black History in Postwar America (Illinois, 2020), A House for the Struggle: The Black Press and the Built Environment in Chicago (Illinois, 2022) and Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr. (UMass, 2022).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469667812"><em>Living the Dream: The Contested History of Martin Luther King Jr. Day</em></a><em> </em>(UNC Press, 2022) tells the history behind the establishment of Martin Luther King Jr. Day and the battle over King's legacy that continued through the decades that followed. Creating the first national holiday to honor an African American was a formidable achievement and an act of resistance against conservative and segregationist opposition. Congressional efforts to commemorate King began shortly after his assassination. The ensuing political battles slowed the progress of granting him a namesake holiday and crucially defined how his legacy would be received. Though Coretta Scott King's mission to honor her husband's commitment to nonviolence was upheld, conservative politicians sought to use the holiday to advance a whitewashed, nationalistic, and even reactionary vision of King's life and thought. This book reveals the lengths that activists had to go to elevate an African American man to the pantheon of national heroes, how conservatives took advantage of the commemoration to bend the arc of King's legacy toward something he never would have expected, and how grassroots causes, unions, and antiwar demonstrators continued to try to claim this sanctified day as their own.</p><p>Daniel T. Fleming is lecturer at the University of New South Wales and an Honorary Post-Doctoral Fellow at Macquarie University.</p><p><em>E. James West is a UK-based historian and writer. He is the author of Ebony Magazine and Lerone Bennett Jr.: Popular Black History in Postwar America (Illinois, 2020), A House for the Struggle: The Black Press and the Built Environment in Chicago (Illinois, 2022) and Our Kind of Historian: The Work and Activism of Lerone Bennett Jr. (UMass, 2022).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2676</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Corey Robin, "The Enigma of Clarence Thomas" (Metropolitan Books, 2019)</title>
      <description>Most people can tell you two things about Clarence Thomas: Anita Hill accused him of sexual harassment, and he almost never speaks from the bench. Here are some things they don't know: Until Thomas went to law school, he was a black nationalist. In college he memorized the speeches of Malcolm X. He believes white people are incurably racist. 
In The Enigma of Clarence Thomas (Metropolitan Books, 2019), Corey Robin--one of the foremost analysts of the right--delves deeply into both Thomas's biography and his jurisprudence, masterfully reading his Supreme Court opinions against the backdrop of his autobiographical and political writings and speeches. The hidden source of Thomas's conservative views, Robin argues, is a profound skepticism that racism can be overcome. Thomas is convinced that any government action on behalf of African-Americans will be tainted by this racism, and that the most African-Americans can hope for is that white people will get out of their way. There's a reason, Robin concludes, why liberals often complain that Thomas doesn't speak but seldom pay attention when he does. Were they to listen, they'd hear a racial pessimism that sounds shockingly similar to their own. Cutting across the ideological spectrum, this unacknowledged consensus about the impossibility of progress is key to understanding today's political stalemate.
Corey Robin is Distinguished Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>219</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Corey Robin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Most people can tell you two things about Clarence Thomas: Anita Hill accused him of sexual harassment, and he almost never speaks from the bench. Here are some things they don't know: Until Thomas went to law school, he was a black nationalist. In college he memorized the speeches of Malcolm X. He believes white people are incurably racist. 
In The Enigma of Clarence Thomas (Metropolitan Books, 2019), Corey Robin--one of the foremost analysts of the right--delves deeply into both Thomas's biography and his jurisprudence, masterfully reading his Supreme Court opinions against the backdrop of his autobiographical and political writings and speeches. The hidden source of Thomas's conservative views, Robin argues, is a profound skepticism that racism can be overcome. Thomas is convinced that any government action on behalf of African-Americans will be tainted by this racism, and that the most African-Americans can hope for is that white people will get out of their way. There's a reason, Robin concludes, why liberals often complain that Thomas doesn't speak but seldom pay attention when he does. Were they to listen, they'd hear a racial pessimism that sounds shockingly similar to their own. Cutting across the ideological spectrum, this unacknowledged consensus about the impossibility of progress is key to understanding today's political stalemate.
Corey Robin is Distinguished Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Most people can tell you two things about Clarence Thomas: Anita Hill accused him of sexual harassment, and he almost never speaks from the bench. Here are some things they don't know: Until Thomas went to law school, he was a black nationalist. In college he memorized the speeches of Malcolm X. He believes white people are incurably racist. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781627793834"><em>The Enigma of Clarence Thomas</em></a> (Metropolitan Books, 2019), Corey Robin--one of the foremost analysts of the right--delves deeply into both Thomas's biography and his jurisprudence, masterfully reading his Supreme Court opinions against the backdrop of his autobiographical and political writings and speeches. The hidden source of Thomas's conservative views, Robin argues, is a profound skepticism that racism can be overcome. Thomas is convinced that any government action on behalf of African-Americans will be tainted by this racism, and that the most African-Americans can hope for is that white people will get out of their way. There's a reason, Robin concludes, why liberals often complain that Thomas doesn't speak but seldom pay attention when he does. Were they to listen, they'd hear a racial pessimism that sounds shockingly similar to their own. Cutting across the ideological spectrum, this unacknowledged consensus about the impossibility of progress is key to understanding today's political stalemate.</p><p>Corey Robin is Distinguished Professor of Political Science at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3299</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>America's Chernobyl, Part 1: Living in a Poison Town</title>
      <description>In this episode of Cited: What it means to live in a place where your home can give you cancer.
Richland, Washington is a company town that sprang up almost overnight in the desert of southeastern Washington. Its employer is the federal government, and its product is plutonium.
The Hanford nuclear site was one of the Manhattan Project sites, and it made the plutonium for the bomb that devastated Nagasaki. The official history is one of scientific achievement, comfortable houses, and good-paying jobs. But it doesn’t include the story of what happened after the bomb was dropped -- neither in Japan, nor right there in Washington State. In part one of this Cited two-parter we tell the largely-forgotten story of the most toxic place in America. This episode was produced before Darts and Letters existed, when Cited Media was all about a documentary series called Cited.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of Cited: What it means to live in a place where your home can give you cancer.
Richland, Washington is a company town that sprang up almost overnight in the desert of southeastern Washington. Its employer is the federal government, and its product is plutonium.
The Hanford nuclear site was one of the Manhattan Project sites, and it made the plutonium for the bomb that devastated Nagasaki. The official history is one of scientific achievement, comfortable houses, and good-paying jobs. But it doesn’t include the story of what happened after the bomb was dropped -- neither in Japan, nor right there in Washington State. In part one of this Cited two-parter we tell the largely-forgotten story of the most toxic place in America. This episode was produced before Darts and Letters existed, when Cited Media was all about a documentary series called Cited.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of Cited: What it means to live in a place where your home can give you cancer.</p><p>Richland, Washington is a company town that sprang up almost overnight in the desert of southeastern Washington. Its employer is the federal government, and its product is plutonium.</p><p>The Hanford nuclear site was one of the Manhattan Project sites, and it made the plutonium for the bomb that devastated Nagasaki. The official history is one of scientific achievement, comfortable houses, and good-paying jobs. But it doesn’t include the story of what happened after the bomb was dropped -- neither in Japan, nor right there in Washington State. In part one of this Cited two-parter we tell the largely-forgotten story of the most toxic place in America. This episode was produced before Darts and Letters existed, when Cited Media was all about a documentary series called Cited.</p><p><br></p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3192</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Lindsay Pérez Huber and Susana M. Muñoz, "Why They Hate Us: How Racist Rhetoric Impacts Education" (Teachers College Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Why They Hate Us: How Racist Rhetoric Impacts Education (Teachers College Press, 2021) examines how racist political rhetoric has created damaging and dangerous conditions for Students of Color in schools and higher education institutions throughout the United States. The authors show how the election of the 45th president has resulted in a defining moment in U.S. history where racist discourses, reinforced by ideologies of white supremacy, have affected the educational experiences of our most vulnerable students. This volume situates the rhetoric of the Trump presidency within a broader historical narrative and provides recommendations for those who seek to advocate for anti-racism and social justice. As we enter the uncharted waters of a global pandemic and national racial reckoning, this will be invaluable reading for scholars, educators, and administrators who want to be part of the solution.
Dr. Lindsay Pérez Huber is a professor of education at California State University-Long Beach as well as a visiting scholar at the UCLA Center for Critical Race Studies. Her research analyzes racial inequities in education, the impact on marginalized urban students of color, and how students and their communities respond to those inequities through strategies of resistance. Dr. Susana Muñoz is an associate professor of education at Colorado State University. Her research focuses on issues of access, equity, and college persistence for undocumented Latina/o students.
Autumn Wilke works in higher education as an ADA coordinator and diversity officer and is also an author and doctoral candidate with research/topics related to disability and higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>174</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lindsay Pérez Huber and Susana M. Muñoz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why They Hate Us: How Racist Rhetoric Impacts Education (Teachers College Press, 2021) examines how racist political rhetoric has created damaging and dangerous conditions for Students of Color in schools and higher education institutions throughout the United States. The authors show how the election of the 45th president has resulted in a defining moment in U.S. history where racist discourses, reinforced by ideologies of white supremacy, have affected the educational experiences of our most vulnerable students. This volume situates the rhetoric of the Trump presidency within a broader historical narrative and provides recommendations for those who seek to advocate for anti-racism and social justice. As we enter the uncharted waters of a global pandemic and national racial reckoning, this will be invaluable reading for scholars, educators, and administrators who want to be part of the solution.
Dr. Lindsay Pérez Huber is a professor of education at California State University-Long Beach as well as a visiting scholar at the UCLA Center for Critical Race Studies. Her research analyzes racial inequities in education, the impact on marginalized urban students of color, and how students and their communities respond to those inequities through strategies of resistance. Dr. Susana Muñoz is an associate professor of education at Colorado State University. Her research focuses on issues of access, equity, and college persistence for undocumented Latina/o students.
Autumn Wilke works in higher education as an ADA coordinator and diversity officer and is also an author and doctoral candidate with research/topics related to disability and higher education.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807764985"><em>Why They Hate Us: How Racist Rhetoric Impacts Education</em></a> (Teachers College Press, 2021) examines how racist political rhetoric has created damaging and dangerous conditions for Students of Color in schools and higher education institutions throughout the United States. The authors show how the election of the 45th president has resulted in a defining moment in U.S. history where racist discourses, reinforced by ideologies of white supremacy, have affected the educational experiences of our most vulnerable students. This volume situates the rhetoric of the Trump presidency within a broader historical narrative and provides recommendations for those who seek to advocate for anti-racism and social justice. As we enter the uncharted waters of a global pandemic and national racial reckoning, this will be invaluable reading for scholars, educators, and administrators who want to be part of the solution.</p><p>Dr. Lindsay Pérez Huber is a professor of education at California State University-Long Beach as well as a visiting scholar at the UCLA Center for Critical Race Studies. Her research analyzes racial inequities in education, the impact on marginalized urban students of color, and how students and their communities respond to those inequities through strategies of resistance. Dr. Susana Muñoz is an associate professor of education at Colorado State University. Her research focuses on issues of access, equity, and college persistence for undocumented Latina/o students.</p><p><a href="https://www.grinnell.edu/user/wilkeaut"><em>Autumn Wilke</em></a><em> works in higher education as an ADA coordinator and diversity officer and is also an author and doctoral candidate with research/topics related to disability and higher education.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2266</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Charlie Jeffries, "Teenage Dreams: Girlhood Sexualities in the U.S. Culture Wars" (Rutgers UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Utilizing a breadth of archival sources from activists, artists, and policymakers, Charlie Jeffries' Teenage Dreams: Girlhood Sexualities in the U.S. Culture Wars (Rutgers UP, 2022) examines the race- and class-inflected battles over adolescent women’s sexual and reproductive lives in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century United States. Charlie Jeffries finds that most adults in this period hesitated to advocate for adolescent sexual and reproductive rights, revealing a new culture war altogether--one between adults of various political stripes in the cultural mainstream who prioritized the desire to delay girlhood sexual experience at all costs, and adults who remained culturally underground in their support for teenagers’ access to frank sexual information, and who would dare to advocate for this in public. The book tells the story of how the latter group of adults fought alongside teenagers themselves, who constituted a large and increasingly visible part of this activism. The history of the debates over teenage sexual behavior reveals unexpected alliances in American political battles, and sheds new light on the resurgence of the right in the US in recent years.
﻿Rebekah Buchanan is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>124</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charlie Jeffries</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Utilizing a breadth of archival sources from activists, artists, and policymakers, Charlie Jeffries' Teenage Dreams: Girlhood Sexualities in the U.S. Culture Wars (Rutgers UP, 2022) examines the race- and class-inflected battles over adolescent women’s sexual and reproductive lives in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century United States. Charlie Jeffries finds that most adults in this period hesitated to advocate for adolescent sexual and reproductive rights, revealing a new culture war altogether--one between adults of various political stripes in the cultural mainstream who prioritized the desire to delay girlhood sexual experience at all costs, and adults who remained culturally underground in their support for teenagers’ access to frank sexual information, and who would dare to advocate for this in public. The book tells the story of how the latter group of adults fought alongside teenagers themselves, who constituted a large and increasingly visible part of this activism. The history of the debates over teenage sexual behavior reveals unexpected alliances in American political battles, and sheds new light on the resurgence of the right in the US in recent years.
﻿Rebekah Buchanan is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Utilizing a breadth of archival sources from activists, artists, and policymakers, Charlie Jeffries' <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978806795"><em>Teenage Dreams: Girlhood Sexualities in the U.S. Culture Wars</em></a> (Rutgers UP, 2022) examines the race- and class-inflected battles over adolescent women’s sexual and reproductive lives in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century United States. Charlie Jeffries finds that most adults in this period hesitated to advocate for adolescent sexual and reproductive rights, revealing a new culture war altogether--one between adults of various political stripes in the cultural mainstream who prioritized the desire to delay girlhood sexual experience at all costs, and adults who remained culturally underground in their support for teenagers’ access to frank sexual information, and who would dare to advocate for this in public. The book tells the story of how the latter group of adults fought alongside teenagers themselves, who constituted a large and increasingly visible part of this activism. The history of the debates over teenage sexual behavior reveals unexpected alliances in American political battles, and sheds new light on the resurgence of the right in the US in recent years.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://rebekahjbuchanan.com/"><em>Rebekah Buchanan</em></a><em> is a Professor of English and Director of English Education at Western Illinois University. Her research focuses on feminism, activism, and literacy practices in youth culture, specifically through zines and music.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3670</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>The Revolution Will Not Be Streamed: The Intellectual Culture of Twitch Streamers</title>
      <description>It was billed as “the biggest event in the history of the terminally online.” A debate: socialism vs. capitalism. On your left side, the esteemed Marxist economist Richard Wolff. On your right, a StarCraft player-turned-online intellectual: Steven Bonnel II, better known as Destiny.
But this debate didn’t take place on TV, or in a university debate club… it was on Twitch.tv. The online streaming platform that is mainly used for watching other people play video games.
We dissect the debate, and its limitations. But more broadly, we ask, why are gamers becoming an emerging political commentariat, and what does that mean for the rest of us? Twitch is reshaping political and intellectual discourse, whether we like it or not; is it making that discourse more vibrant and more inclusive, or more phoney and more bro-y?
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It was billed as “the biggest event in the history of the terminally online.” A debate: socialism vs. capitalism. On your left side, the esteemed Marxist economist Richard Wolff. On your right, a StarCraft player-turned-online intellectual: Steven Bonnel II, better known as Destiny.
But this debate didn’t take place on TV, or in a university debate club… it was on Twitch.tv. The online streaming platform that is mainly used for watching other people play video games.
We dissect the debate, and its limitations. But more broadly, we ask, why are gamers becoming an emerging political commentariat, and what does that mean for the rest of us? Twitch is reshaping political and intellectual discourse, whether we like it or not; is it making that discourse more vibrant and more inclusive, or more phoney and more bro-y?
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It was billed as “the biggest event in the history of the terminally online.” A debate: socialism vs. capitalism. On your left side, the esteemed Marxist economist Richard Wolff. On your right, a StarCraft player-turned-online intellectual: Steven Bonnel II, better known as Destiny.</p><p>But this debate didn’t take place on TV, or in a university debate club… it was on Twitch.tv. The online streaming platform that is mainly used for watching other people play video games.</p><p>We dissect the debate, and its limitations. But more broadly, we ask, why are gamers becoming an emerging political commentariat, and what does that mean for the rest of us? Twitch is reshaping political and intellectual discourse, whether we like it or not; is it making that discourse more vibrant and more inclusive, or more phoney and more bro-y?</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5273</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[fd65cb78-1018-11ed-b08a-1b53563c5a2f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6478896574.mp3?updated=1659189254" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matt Stoller, "Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy" (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.
The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>144</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matt Stoller</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.
The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.
Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501182891"><em>Goliath: The 100-Year War Between Monopoly Power and Democracy</em></a> (Simon &amp; Schuster, 2019), Matt Stoller explains how authoritarianism and populism have returned to American politics for the first time in eighty years, as the outcome of the 2016 election shook our faith in democratic institutions. It has brought to the fore dangerous forces that many modern Americans never even knew existed. Today's bitter recriminations and panic represent more than just fear of the future, they reflect a basic confusion about what is happening and the historical backstory that brought us to this moment.</p><p>The true effects of populism, a shrinking middle class, and concentrated financial wealth are only just beginning to manifest themselves under the current administrations. The lessons of Stoller's study will only grow more relevant as time passes. "An engaging call to arms," (Kirkus Reviews) Stoller illustrates here in rich detail how we arrived at this tenuous moment, and the steps we must take to create a new democracy.</p><p>Matt Stoller is the Director of Research at the American Economic Liberties Project.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3183</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8cd82da0-0f65-11ed-a532-870e30684bc6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8231360488.mp3?updated=1721420889" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Socialise the Series of Tubes: Toward a Democratic Internet</title>
      <description>Recently a major outage took nearly a third of Canada offline. No phone, no internet… even access to 911 got shut down in some places. So why does one company get so much control over a vital service… the internet?
This is the story in the USA as well as Canada, so at Darts and Letters we wanted to look for a different way. We also don’t necessarily believe the market is the solution… so what is? How do we make a more democratic, socially driven internet?
Gordon Katic interviews Ben Tarnoff, author of Internet for the People, to help us answer these questions - and most importantly, we ask whether the internet is indeed a series of tubes.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Recently a major outage took nearly a third of Canada offline. No phone, no internet… even access to 911 got shut down in some places. So why does one company get so much control over a vital service… the internet?
This is the story in the USA as well as Canada, so at Darts and Letters we wanted to look for a different way. We also don’t necessarily believe the market is the solution… so what is? How do we make a more democratic, socially driven internet?
Gordon Katic interviews Ben Tarnoff, author of Internet for the People, to help us answer these questions - and most importantly, we ask whether the internet is indeed a series of tubes.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————
For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, visit our about page.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Recently a major outage took nearly a third of Canada offline. No phone, no internet… even access to 911 got shut down in some places. So why does one company get so much control over a vital service… the internet?</p><p>This is the story in the USA as well as Canada, so at Darts and Letters we wanted to look for a different way. We also don’t necessarily believe the market is the solution… so what is? How do we make a more democratic, socially driven internet?</p><p>Gordon Katic interviews Ben Tarnoff, author of <em>Internet for the People</em>, to help us answer these questions - and most importantly, we ask whether the internet is indeed a series of tubes.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love it if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>——————-ABOUT THE SHOW——————</p><p>For a full list of credits, contact information, and more, <a href="https://dartsandletters.ca/about-us/">visit our about page.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3430</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4f7b6e3c-1018-11ed-a2fe-4b5df63d21e4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4121605818.mp3?updated=1659189204" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Megan Threlkeld, "Citizens of the World: U. S. Women and Global Government" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Citizens of the World: U.S. Women and Global Government (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Megan Threlkeld profiles nine American women in the first half of the 20th century who invoked world citizenship as they promoted world government. These women agreed neither on the best form for such a government nor on the best means to achieve it, and they had different definitions of peace and different levels of commitment to genuine equality. But they all saw themselves as part of a global effort to end war that required their participation in the international body politic. This book argues that the phrase “citizen of the world” was not simply a rhetorical flourish; it represented a demand to participate in shaping the global polity and an expression of women's obligation to work for peace and equality. It gave them a language with which to advocate for international cooperation. Citizens of the World not only provides a more complete understanding of the kind of world these women envisioned, it also draws attention to the ways in which they were excluded from international institution-building and to the critiques many of them leveled at those institutions. Women's arguments for world government and their practices of world citizenship represented an alternative reaction to the crises of the first half of the twentieth century, one predicated on cooperation and equality rather than competition and force.
Rebecca Turkington is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>31</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Megan Threlkeld</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Citizens of the World: U.S. Women and Global Government (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Megan Threlkeld profiles nine American women in the first half of the 20th century who invoked world citizenship as they promoted world government. These women agreed neither on the best form for such a government nor on the best means to achieve it, and they had different definitions of peace and different levels of commitment to genuine equality. But they all saw themselves as part of a global effort to end war that required their participation in the international body politic. This book argues that the phrase “citizen of the world” was not simply a rhetorical flourish; it represented a demand to participate in shaping the global polity and an expression of women's obligation to work for peace and equality. It gave them a language with which to advocate for international cooperation. Citizens of the World not only provides a more complete understanding of the kind of world these women envisioned, it also draws attention to the ways in which they were excluded from international institution-building and to the critiques many of them leveled at those institutions. Women's arguments for world government and their practices of world citizenship represented an alternative reaction to the crises of the first half of the twentieth century, one predicated on cooperation and equality rather than competition and force.
Rebecca Turkington is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253986"><em>Citizens of the World: U.S. Women and Global Government</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Megan Threlkeld profiles nine American women in the first half of the 20th century who invoked world citizenship as they promoted world government. These women agreed neither on the best form for such a government nor on the best means to achieve it, and they had different definitions of peace and different levels of commitment to genuine equality. But they all saw themselves as part of a global effort to end war that required their participation in the international body politic. This book argues that the phrase “citizen of the world” was not simply a rhetorical flourish; it represented a demand to participate in shaping the global polity and an expression of women's obligation to work for peace and equality. It gave them a language with which to advocate for international cooperation. <em>Citizens of the World</em> not only provides a more complete understanding of the kind of world these women envisioned, it also draws attention to the ways in which they were excluded from international institution-building and to the critiques many of them leveled at those institutions. Women's arguments for world government and their practices of world citizenship represented an alternative reaction to the crises of the first half of the twentieth century, one predicated on cooperation and equality rather than competition and force.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/rcturk"><em>Rebecca Turkington</em></a><em> is a PhD Candidate in History at Cambridge University studying transnational women’s networks. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2601</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[db666612-0e7f-11ed-886a-5f6d11b48b49]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3647446316.mp3?updated=1659018283" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel Laurison, "Producing Politics: Inside the Exclusive Campaign World Where the Privileged Few Shape Politics for All of Us" (Beacon Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Who runs American politics? In Producing Politics: Inside the Exclusive Campaign World Where the Privileged Few Shape Politics for All of Us (Beacon Press, 2022), Daniel Laurison, an associate professor of sociology at Swarthmore College, explores the hidden world of campaign professionals to offer a new sociological perspective on how contemporary politics works. The book explores how ‘politicos’ get their jobs, how they judge work and worth, and the importance of their actions to political campaigns, showing the inequalities at the heart of the profession. Alongside new theorisations of campaigning and of politics itself, the book offers essential reading across social sciences and arts and humanities, as well as to anyone interested in politics today.
Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Aug 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>307</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who runs American politics? In Producing Politics: Inside the Exclusive Campaign World Where the Privileged Few Shape Politics for All of Us (Beacon Press, 2022), Daniel Laurison, an associate professor of sociology at Swarthmore College, explores the hidden world of campaign professionals to offer a new sociological perspective on how contemporary politics works. The book explores how ‘politicos’ get their jobs, how they judge work and worth, and the importance of their actions to political campaigns, showing the inequalities at the heart of the profession. Alongside new theorisations of campaigning and of politics itself, the book offers essential reading across social sciences and arts and humanities, as well as to anyone interested in politics today.
Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who runs American politics? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807025062"><em>Producing Politics: Inside the Exclusive Campaign World Where the Privileged Few Shape Politics for All of Us</em></a><em> </em>(Beacon Press, 2022), <a href="https://twitter.com/Daniel_Laurison">Daniel Laurison</a>, <a href="https://daniellaurison.com/">an associate professor of sociology</a> at <a href="https://www.swarthmore.edu/profile/daniel-laurison">Swarthmore College</a>, explores the hidden world of campaign professionals to offer a new sociological perspective on how contemporary politics works. The book explores how ‘politicos’ get their jobs, how they judge work and worth, and the importance of their actions to political campaigns, showing the inequalities at the heart of the profession. Alongside new theorisations of campaigning and of politics itself, the book offers essential reading across social sciences and arts and humanities, as well as to anyone interested in politics today.</p><p><a href="https://www.eca.ed.ac.uk/profile/dr-dave-obrien"><em>Dave O'Brien</em></a><em> is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4a7bd5b4-0c23-11ed-b6d6-07a1295f7f8f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2631705867.mp3?updated=1658758611" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hawa Allan, "Insurrection: Rebellion, Civil Rights, and the Paradoxical State of Black Citizenship" (Norton, 2022)</title>
      <description>The little-known and under-studied 1807 Insurrection Act was passed to give the president the ability to deploy federal military forces to fend off lawlessness and rebellion, but it soon became much more than the sum of its parts. Its power is integrally linked to the perceived threat of black American equity in what lawyer and critic Hawa Allan demonstrates is a dangerous paradox. While the Act was initially used to repress rebellion against slavery, during Reconstruction it was invoked by President Grant to quell white-supremacist uprisings in the South. During the civil rights movement, it enabled the protection of black students who attended previously segregated educational institutions. Most recently, the Insurrection Act has been the vehicle for presidents to call upon federal troops to suppress so-called “race riots” like those in Los Angeles in 1992, and for them to threaten to do so in other cases of racial justice activism. Yet when the US Capitol was stormed in January 2021, the impulse to restore law and order and counter insurrectionary threats to the republic lay dormant.
Allan’s distinctly literary voice underscores her paradigm-shifting reflections on the presence of fear and silence in history and their shadowy impact on the law. Throughout, she draws revealing insight from her own experiences as one of the only black girls in her leafy Long Island suburb, as a black lawyer at a predominantly white firm during a visit from presidential candidate Barack Obama, and as a thinker about the use and misuse of appeals to law and order.
Elegant and profound, deeply researched and intensely felt, Insurrection: Rebellion, Civil Rights, and the Paradoxical State of Black Citizenship (Norton, 2022) is necessary reading in our reckoning with structural racism, government power, and protest in the United States.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>315</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Hawa Allan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The little-known and under-studied 1807 Insurrection Act was passed to give the president the ability to deploy federal military forces to fend off lawlessness and rebellion, but it soon became much more than the sum of its parts. Its power is integrally linked to the perceived threat of black American equity in what lawyer and critic Hawa Allan demonstrates is a dangerous paradox. While the Act was initially used to repress rebellion against slavery, during Reconstruction it was invoked by President Grant to quell white-supremacist uprisings in the South. During the civil rights movement, it enabled the protection of black students who attended previously segregated educational institutions. Most recently, the Insurrection Act has been the vehicle for presidents to call upon federal troops to suppress so-called “race riots” like those in Los Angeles in 1992, and for them to threaten to do so in other cases of racial justice activism. Yet when the US Capitol was stormed in January 2021, the impulse to restore law and order and counter insurrectionary threats to the republic lay dormant.
Allan’s distinctly literary voice underscores her paradigm-shifting reflections on the presence of fear and silence in history and their shadowy impact on the law. Throughout, she draws revealing insight from her own experiences as one of the only black girls in her leafy Long Island suburb, as a black lawyer at a predominantly white firm during a visit from presidential candidate Barack Obama, and as a thinker about the use and misuse of appeals to law and order.
Elegant and profound, deeply researched and intensely felt, Insurrection: Rebellion, Civil Rights, and the Paradoxical State of Black Citizenship (Norton, 2022) is necessary reading in our reckoning with structural racism, government power, and protest in the United States.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The little-known and under-studied 1807 Insurrection Act was passed to give the president the ability to deploy federal military forces to fend off lawlessness and rebellion, but it soon became much more than the sum of its parts. Its power is integrally linked to the perceived threat of black American equity in what lawyer and critic Hawa Allan demonstrates is a dangerous paradox. While the Act was initially used to repress rebellion against slavery, during Reconstruction it was invoked by President Grant to quell white-supremacist uprisings in the South. During the civil rights movement, it enabled the protection of black students who attended previously segregated educational institutions. Most recently, the Insurrection Act has been the vehicle for presidents to call upon federal troops to suppress so-called “race riots” like those in Los Angeles in 1992, and for them to threaten to do so in other cases of racial justice activism. Yet when the US Capitol was stormed in January 2021, the impulse to restore law and order and counter insurrectionary threats to the republic lay dormant.</p><p>Allan’s distinctly literary voice underscores her paradigm-shifting reflections on the presence of fear and silence in history and their shadowy impact on the law. Throughout, she draws revealing insight from her own experiences as one of the only black girls in her leafy Long Island suburb, as a black lawyer at a predominantly white firm during a visit from presidential candidate Barack Obama, and as a thinker about the use and misuse of appeals to law and order.</p><p>Elegant and profound, deeply researched and intensely felt, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781324003038"><em>Insurrection: Rebellion, Civil Rights, and the Paradoxical State of Black Citizenship</em></a><em> </em>(Norton, 2022)<em> </em>is necessary reading in our reckoning with structural racism, government power, and protest in the United States.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3787</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Paisley Currah, "Sex Is as Sex Does: Governing Transgender Identity" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Every government agency in the United States, from Homeland Security to Departments of Motor Vehicles, has the authority to make its own rules for sex classification. Many transgender people find themselves in the bizarre situation of having different sex classifications on different documents. Whether you can change your legal sex to “F” or “M” (or more recently “X”) depends on what state you live in, what jurisdiction you were born in, and what government agency you’re dealing with. In Sex Is as Sex Does, noted transgender advocate and scholar Paisley Currah explores this deeply flawed system, showing why it fails transgender and non-binary people.
Providing examples from different states, government agencies, and court cases, Prof. Currah explains how transgender people struggle to navigate this confusing and contradictory web of legal rules, definitions, and classifications. Unlike most gender scholars, who are concerned with what the concepts of sex and gender really mean, Prof. Currah is more interested in what the category of “sex” does for governments. What does “sex” do on our driver’s licenses, in how we play sports, in how we access health care, or in the bathroom we use? Why do prisons have very different rules than social service agencies? Why is there such resistance to people changing their sex designation? Or to dropping it from identity documents altogether?
In this thought-provoking and original volume, Sex Is as Sex Does: Governing Transgender Identity (NYU Press, 2022) reveals the hidden logics that have governed sex classification policies in the United States and shows what the regulation of transgender identity can tell us about society’s approach to sex and gender writ large. Ultimately, Paisley Currah demonstrates that, because the difficulties transgender people face are not just the result of transphobia but also stem from larger injustices, an identity-based transgender rights movement will not, by itself, be up to the task of resolving them.
Paisley Currah is Professor of Political Science and Women’s &amp; Gender Studies at Brooklyn College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>207</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paisley Currah</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Every government agency in the United States, from Homeland Security to Departments of Motor Vehicles, has the authority to make its own rules for sex classification. Many transgender people find themselves in the bizarre situation of having different sex classifications on different documents. Whether you can change your legal sex to “F” or “M” (or more recently “X”) depends on what state you live in, what jurisdiction you were born in, and what government agency you’re dealing with. In Sex Is as Sex Does, noted transgender advocate and scholar Paisley Currah explores this deeply flawed system, showing why it fails transgender and non-binary people.
Providing examples from different states, government agencies, and court cases, Prof. Currah explains how transgender people struggle to navigate this confusing and contradictory web of legal rules, definitions, and classifications. Unlike most gender scholars, who are concerned with what the concepts of sex and gender really mean, Prof. Currah is more interested in what the category of “sex” does for governments. What does “sex” do on our driver’s licenses, in how we play sports, in how we access health care, or in the bathroom we use? Why do prisons have very different rules than social service agencies? Why is there such resistance to people changing their sex designation? Or to dropping it from identity documents altogether?
In this thought-provoking and original volume, Sex Is as Sex Does: Governing Transgender Identity (NYU Press, 2022) reveals the hidden logics that have governed sex classification policies in the United States and shows what the regulation of transgender identity can tell us about society’s approach to sex and gender writ large. Ultimately, Paisley Currah demonstrates that, because the difficulties transgender people face are not just the result of transphobia but also stem from larger injustices, an identity-based transgender rights movement will not, by itself, be up to the task of resolving them.
Paisley Currah is Professor of Political Science and Women’s &amp; Gender Studies at Brooklyn College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Every government agency in the United States, from Homeland Security to Departments of Motor Vehicles, has the authority to make its own rules for sex classification. Many transgender people find themselves in the bizarre situation of having different sex classifications on different documents. Whether you can change your legal sex to “F” or “M” (or more recently “X”) depends on what state you live in, what jurisdiction you were born in, and what government agency you’re dealing with. In<em> Sex Is as Sex Does</em>, noted transgender advocate and scholar Paisley Currah explores this deeply flawed system, showing why it fails transgender and non-binary people.</p><p>Providing examples from different states, government agencies, and court cases, Prof. Currah explains how transgender people struggle to navigate this confusing and contradictory web of legal rules, definitions, and classifications. Unlike most gender scholars, who are concerned with what the concepts of sex and gender really mean, Prof. Currah is more interested in what the category of “sex” <em>does</em> for governments. What does “sex” do on our driver’s licenses, in how we play sports, in how we access health care, or in the bathroom we use? Why do prisons have very different rules than social service agencies? Why is there such resistance to people changing their sex designation? Or to dropping it from identity documents altogether?</p><p>In this thought-provoking and original volume, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780814717103"><em>Sex Is as Sex Does: Governing Transgender Identity</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2022) reveals the hidden logics that have governed sex classification policies in the United States and shows what the regulation of transgender identity can tell us about society’s approach to sex and gender writ large. Ultimately, Paisley Currah demonstrates that, because the difficulties transgender people face are not just the result of transphobia but also stem from larger injustices, an identity-based transgender rights movement will not, by itself, be up to the task of resolving them.</p><p><em>Paisley Currah is Professor of Political Science and Women’s &amp; Gender Studies at Brooklyn College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>1886</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Elisabeth R. Anker, "Ugly Freedom" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. Ugly Freedom (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.
Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, our freedom, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of ugly freedom. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These ugly freedoms legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. Ugly Freedom explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>613</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elisabeth R. Anker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. Ugly Freedom (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.
Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, our freedom, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of ugly freedom. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These ugly freedoms legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. Ugly Freedom explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Freedom is often considered the cornerstone of the American political project. The 1776 revolutionaries declared it an inalienable right that could neither be taken nor granted, a sacred concept upon which the nation was established. The concept and actualization of freedom are also to be defended by the state. However, when such a concept has been arrogated, litigated, and delegitimized by a state that ignores its very definition, the concept of freedom comes under critical examination. Political theorist Elisabeth R. Anker, Associate Professor of American Studies and Political Science at George Washington University, has a new book dissecting the core of this conception of freedom. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478017783"><em>Ugly Freedom</em></a> (Duke UP, 2022) explores who defined and continues to define freedom, she also examines freedom’s rhetorical capacity, and thus its potential for weaponization. Anker illuminates how the tainted gestation of freedom birthed a status quo based on the individualistic and conditional conception of ‘freedom’ that has long been tangoing with white supremacy, colonialism, climate destruction, capitalism, and exploitation. Such a dance is by design and has been constant throughout U.S. history.</p><p>Anker establishes that for democratic government to take hold in the United States, racial domination and violence transpired, limiting the freedoms of some individuals in order to establish a governmental system that is based, in theory, on protecting liberty and freedom. This is the kind of tension that Anker explains as “ugly freedom.” Thus, American freedom, <em>our freedom</em>, has embedded in it the role of colonialism, imperialism, enslavement, and land theft. The shocking stains of slavery produced freedom of prosperity and leisure for white people through direct dehumanization of Black and Brown people—this is what Anker is talking about within the concept of <em>ugly freedom</em>. This has also been manifested through more contemporary rhetoric regarding imperial wars like those in the Philippines, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, destroying infrastructure and lives in those countries for the capital prosperity of the imperial core. These <em>ugly freedoms</em> legitimize the economic exploitation of the masses in the name of individual success for the few. Thus, ugly freedom examines the acts of freedom that rely on violence and brutality—this challenges how we often imagine freedom to be. <em>Ugly Freedom</em> explores the connection between politics and aesthetics as well, taking up an array of historical events, political theories and concepts, different forms of art, televisual productions, poetry, music, and biology to illustrate the compounding violence of the few in the name of freedom. The cultural artifacts interrogated were controversial in their own right, and Anker explores them to help understand which kinds of freedom are worth fighting for and which kinds of freedom must be fought against. Through a critical lens, Anker shifts the perception of freedom to help restore justice to its foundational value—one that is less dependent on the individual or individual heroics, and more enveloping of the community and shared collaboration.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Battle of Buxton: Saving a Lighthouse in the Era of Climate Change</title>
      <description>If you tuned in to our “ideas in strange places” themed programming last week, you would have heard an episode of Darts and Letters’ predecessor: Cited. (If you didn’t, check it out - there’s everything from science fiction to prison activism back there!)
Today, as we continue exploring the politics of education, we’re bringing you another episode of Cited. This one was produced in collaboration with 99% Invisible. It tells a vivid story of science, politics, nature, and a heated battle over a small town’s beloved lighthouse.
The forces of nature versus the forces of human willpower has been an eternal struggle. This is an evocative short documentary, melding history with salient reminders: in the face of climate change, the struggle is becoming more and more intense.
We’ve got one more episode for this week, and then we’ll be moving on to a different theme! Stay tuned for more of our classic content, and get ready for new episodes of Darts and Letters right here on the New Books Network starting on September 16th.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Today’s episode was produced by Gordon Katic, and edited by 99% Invisible’s Delaney Hall and Cited's Sam Fenn.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>9</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If you tuned in to our “ideas in strange places” themed programming last week, you would have heard an episode of Darts and Letters’ predecessor: Cited. (If you didn’t, check it out - there’s everything from science fiction to prison activism back there!)
Today, as we continue exploring the politics of education, we’re bringing you another episode of Cited. This one was produced in collaboration with 99% Invisible. It tells a vivid story of science, politics, nature, and a heated battle over a small town’s beloved lighthouse.
The forces of nature versus the forces of human willpower has been an eternal struggle. This is an evocative short documentary, melding history with salient reminders: in the face of climate change, the struggle is becoming more and more intense.
We’ve got one more episode for this week, and then we’ll be moving on to a different theme! Stay tuned for more of our classic content, and get ready for new episodes of Darts and Letters right here on the New Books Network starting on September 16th.
—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Today’s episode was produced by Gordon Katic, and edited by 99% Invisible’s Delaney Hall and Cited's Sam Fenn.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If you tuned in to our “ideas in strange places” themed programming last week, you would have heard an episode of Darts and Letters’ predecessor: Cited. (If you didn’t, check it out - there’s everything from science fiction to prison activism back there!)</p><p>Today, as we continue exploring the politics of education, we’re bringing you another episode of Cited. This one was produced in collaboration with <a href="https://99percentinvisible.org/">99% Invisible</a>. It tells a vivid story of science, politics, nature, and a heated battle over a small town’s beloved lighthouse.</p><p>The forces of nature versus the forces of human willpower has been an eternal struggle. This is an evocative short documentary, melding history with salient reminders: in the face of climate change, the struggle is becoming more and more intense.</p><p>We’ve got one more episode for this week, and then we’ll be moving on to a different theme! Stay tuned for more of our classic content, and get ready for new episodes of Darts and Letters right here on the New Books Network starting on September 16th.</p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>—————————-CONTACT US————————-</p><p>To stay up to date, follow us on <a href="https://twitter.com/dartsandletters">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/dartsandletters">Facebook</a>. If you’d like to write to us, email <a href="mailto:darts@citedmedia.ca">darts@citedmedia.ca</a> or tweet <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon</a> directly.</p><p>———-CREDITS———-</p><p>Today’s episode was produced by <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Gordon Katic</a>, and edited by 99% Invisible’s <a href="https://twitter.com/daphall?lang=en">Delaney Hall</a> and Cited's <a href="https://twitter.com/samadeus?lang=en">Sam Fenn</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1967</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael S. Roth, "Safe Enough Spaces: A Pragmatist's Approach to Inclusion, Free Speech, and Political Correctness on College Campuses" (Yale UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>From the president of Wesleyan University, a compassionate and provocative manifesto, Safe Enough Spaces (Yale UP, 2021) on the crises confronting higher education In this bracing book, Michael S. Roth stakes out a pragmatist path through the thicket of issues facing colleges today to carry out the mission of higher education. With great empathy, candor, subtlety, and insight, Roth offers a sane approach to the noisy debates surrounding affirmative action, political correctness, and free speech, urging us to envision college as a space in which students are empowered to engage with criticism and with a variety of ideas. Countering the increasing cynical dismissal--from both liberals and conservatives--of the traditional core values of higher education, this book champions the merits of different diversities, including intellectual diversity, with a timely call for universities to embrace boldness, rigor, and practical idealism.
Michael S. Roth is president of Wesleyan University and a historian, curator, and teacher. His previous books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>172</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael S. Roth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the president of Wesleyan University, a compassionate and provocative manifesto, Safe Enough Spaces (Yale UP, 2021) on the crises confronting higher education In this bracing book, Michael S. Roth stakes out a pragmatist path through the thicket of issues facing colleges today to carry out the mission of higher education. With great empathy, candor, subtlety, and insight, Roth offers a sane approach to the noisy debates surrounding affirmative action, political correctness, and free speech, urging us to envision college as a space in which students are empowered to engage with criticism and with a variety of ideas. Countering the increasing cynical dismissal--from both liberals and conservatives--of the traditional core values of higher education, this book champions the merits of different diversities, including intellectual diversity, with a timely call for universities to embrace boldness, rigor, and practical idealism.
Michael S. Roth is president of Wesleyan University and a historian, curator, and teacher. His previous books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the president of Wesleyan University, a compassionate and provocative manifesto, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300261554"><em>Safe Enough Spaces</em></a> (Yale UP, 2021) on the crises confronting higher education In this bracing book, Michael S. Roth stakes out a pragmatist path through the thicket of issues facing colleges today to carry out the mission of higher education. With great empathy, candor, subtlety, and insight, Roth offers a sane approach to the noisy debates surrounding affirmative action, political correctness, and free speech, urging us to envision college as a space in which students are empowered to engage with criticism and with a variety of ideas. Countering the increasing cynical dismissal--from both liberals and conservatives--of the traditional core values of higher education, this book champions the merits of different diversities, including intellectual diversity, with a timely call for universities to embrace boldness, rigor, and practical idealism.</p><p>Michael S. Roth is president of Wesleyan University and a historian, curator, and teacher. His previous books include Beyond the University: Why Liberal Education Matters.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2886</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[976526b4-0863-11ed-a4be-e399178de631]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4606916583.mp3?updated=1658347431" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Koch Block My Campus: How Big Money Corrupts Academia</title>
      <description>Why is so much right-wing money being funnelled at such a furious pace into universities across the US? Libertarian-minded billionaires like the Kochs and their partners have funded scholars and think tanks across the US, and similar things go on in Canada too. The money shows us that the right spends it because they care about education, for their own ideological reasons - and universities are all too happy to sell out.
For today’s episode on the politics of education, we look at how big money seeks to corrupt academic freedom and integrity - and how campus activists are fighting to un-Koch their schools.
This is another instalment of our Darts and Letters summer programming here on the New Books Network. We’ll be launching brand-new episodes starting on September 18th. Until then, tune in to our favourite past episodes - each week is a new theme!
——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————

Visit UnKoch My Campus to learn about the organization and their work, including groundbreaking reports and their campaigns. Plus, read more from Jasmine Banks in The Nation, including “The Radical Capitalist Behind the Critical Race Theory Furor.”


Visit James L. Turk’s academic page at the Centre for Free Expression. And check out his edited 2014 book Academic Freedom in Conflict: The Struggle Over Free Speech Rights in the University.


Read the Canadian Association of University Teachers’ report on the relationships between Canadian universities and corporations Open for Business on What Terms? An Analysis of 12 Collaborations Between Canadian Universities and Corporations, Donors, and Governments.


Dig into related works from the episode, and more on the Koch’s and their influence, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America by Nancy Maclean and Jane Meyer’s Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right. Plus, read more of Jane’s work on dark money in the New Yorker.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn and our assistant producer this week was Jason Cohanim. Our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. David Moscrop is our research assistant and wrote the show notes. This episode had research and advising from Franklynn Bartol and Professor Marc Spooner. Our theme song and music was created by Mike Barber, our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why is so much right-wing money being funnelled at such a furious pace into universities across the US? Libertarian-minded billionaires like the Kochs and their partners have funded scholars and think tanks across the US, and similar things go on in Canada too. The money shows us that the right spends it because they care about education, for their own ideological reasons - and universities are all too happy to sell out.
For today’s episode on the politics of education, we look at how big money seeks to corrupt academic freedom and integrity - and how campus activists are fighting to un-Koch their schools.
This is another instalment of our Darts and Letters summer programming here on the New Books Network. We’ll be launching brand-new episodes starting on September 18th. Until then, tune in to our favourite past episodes - each week is a new theme!
——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————

Visit UnKoch My Campus to learn about the organization and their work, including groundbreaking reports and their campaigns. Plus, read more from Jasmine Banks in The Nation, including “The Radical Capitalist Behind the Critical Race Theory Furor.”


Visit James L. Turk’s academic page at the Centre for Free Expression. And check out his edited 2014 book Academic Freedom in Conflict: The Struggle Over Free Speech Rights in the University.


Read the Canadian Association of University Teachers’ report on the relationships between Canadian universities and corporations Open for Business on What Terms? An Analysis of 12 Collaborations Between Canadian Universities and Corporations, Donors, and Governments.


Dig into related works from the episode, and more on the Koch’s and their influence, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America by Nancy Maclean and Jane Meyer’s Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right. Plus, read more of Jane’s work on dark money in the New Yorker.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn and our assistant producer this week was Jason Cohanim. Our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. David Moscrop is our research assistant and wrote the show notes. This episode had research and advising from Franklynn Bartol and Professor Marc Spooner. Our theme song and music was created by Mike Barber, our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why is so much right-wing money being funnelled at such a furious pace into universities across the US? Libertarian-minded billionaires like the Kochs and their partners have funded scholars and think tanks across the US, and similar things go on in Canada too. The money shows us that the right spends it because they care about education, for their own ideological reasons - and universities are all too happy to sell out.</p><p>For today’s episode on the politics of education, we look at how big money seeks to corrupt academic freedom and integrity - and how campus activists are fighting to un-Koch their schools.</p><p>This is another instalment of our Darts and Letters summer programming here on the New Books Network. We’ll be launching brand-new episodes starting on September 18th. Until then, tune in to our favourite past episodes - each week is a new theme!</p><p>——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————</p><ul>
<li>Visit<a href="https://www.unkochmycampus.org/"> UnKoch My Campus</a> to learn about the organization and their work, including groundbreaking<a href="https://www.unkochmycampus.org/reports"> reports</a> and their<a href="https://www.unkochmycampus.org/campaigns-2"> campaigns</a>. Plus, read more from Jasmine Banks in<a href="https://www.thenation.com/authors/jasmine-banks/"> The Nation</a>, including<a href="https://www.thenation.com/authors/jasmine-banks/"> “The Radical Capitalist Behind the Critical Race Theory Furor.”</a>
</li>
<li>Visit James L. Turk’s<a href="https://cfe.ryerson.ca/people/james-l-turk"> academic page</a> at the Centre for Free Expression. And check out his edited 2014 book<a href="http://www.lorimer.ca/adults/Book/2632/Academic-Freedom-in-Conflict.html"> <em>Academic Freedom in Conflict: The Struggle Over Free Speech Rights in the University</em></a><em>.</em>
</li>
<li>Read the Canadian Association of University Teachers’ report on the relationships between Canadian universities and corporations<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/contributors/jane-mayer"> <em>Open for Business on What Terms?</em> <em>An Analysis of 12 Collaborations Between Canadian Universities and Corporations, Donors, and Governments.</em></a>
</li>
<li>Dig into related works from the episode, and more on the Koch’s and their influence,<a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/533763/democracy-in-chains-by-nancy-maclean/"> <em>Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America</em></a> by Nancy Maclean and Jane Meyer’s<a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/215462/dark-money-by-jane-mayer/"> <em>Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right</em></a><em>. </em>Plus, read more of<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/contributors/jane-mayer"> Jane’s work on dark money in the New Yorker</a>.</li>
</ul><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>—————————-CONTACT US————————-</p><p>To stay up to date, follow us on <a href="https://twitter.com/dartsandletters">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/dartsandletters">Facebook</a>. If you’d like to write to us, email <a href="mailto:darts@citedmedia.ca">darts@citedmedia.ca</a> or tweet <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon</a> directly.</p><p>———-CREDITS———-</p><p>Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by<a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic"> Gordon Katic</a>. Our lead producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/JayCockburn?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Jay Cockburn</a> and our assistant producer this week was<a href="https://twitter.com/jasoncohanim"> Jason Cohanim</a>. Our managing producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/marcapollonio"> Marc Apollonio</a>.<a href="https://twitter.com/David_Moscrop"> David Moscrop</a> is our research assistant and wrote the show notes. This episode had research and advising from<a href="https://twitter.com/franklynnb?lang=en"> Franklynn Bartol</a> and<a href="https://twitter.com/drmarcspooner?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Professor Marc Spooner</a>. Our theme song and music was created by<a href="http://mikebarber.ca/"> Mike Barber</a>, our graphic design was created by<a href="https://www.dakotakoop.com/"> Dakota Koop</a>, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3657</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[283ad084-0c16-11ed-b99e-57438038ce72]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1761946945.mp3?updated=1658752700" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert W. Tomlinson, "The Influence of Foreign Wars on U.S. Domestic Military Policy: The Case of the Yom Kippur War" (Lexington, 2022)</title>
      <description>How do military organizations learn? Robert W. Tomlinson's book The Influence of Foreign Wars on U.S. Domestic Military Policy (Lexington, 2022) covers an important instance of military learning in which the United States military systematically examined the lessons of Israel's decisive victory in the 1973 Yom Kippur War and applied those lessons towards major doctrinal and equipment changes. The book relies heavily on Paul Senge’s model of learning organizations outlined in his seminal work, The Fifth Dimension. Using Senge’s model, the book examines the Departments of the Army, Air Force, and Navy’s reactions to the Yom Kippur War and how they organizationally incorporated—or ignored—the lessons of the conflict within their force. Using source documents, including personal memoirs, doctrinal publications, and individual reflections, the book offers a vital examination of how militaries can use foreign conflicts to make substantive and necessary organizational changes. The Yom Kippur War, particularly the Israeli experience in that conflict, provided the American military a battle laboratory in which to develop new warfighting concepts and assess new weapons acquisitions. In its conclusion, the book offers a cautionary tale that suggests learning and change do not come automatically to military organizations. If they are to be successful in the future, military organizations must embrace learning structures.
Dr. Robert W. Tomlinson is an associate dean at the Naval War College.
The views expressed in this podcast by both participants are their own, and do not reflect the official position of any organization with which they are affiliated.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate, and Army Reserve intelligence officer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>106</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert W. Tomlinson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do military organizations learn? Robert W. Tomlinson's book The Influence of Foreign Wars on U.S. Domestic Military Policy (Lexington, 2022) covers an important instance of military learning in which the United States military systematically examined the lessons of Israel's decisive victory in the 1973 Yom Kippur War and applied those lessons towards major doctrinal and equipment changes. The book relies heavily on Paul Senge’s model of learning organizations outlined in his seminal work, The Fifth Dimension. Using Senge’s model, the book examines the Departments of the Army, Air Force, and Navy’s reactions to the Yom Kippur War and how they organizationally incorporated—or ignored—the lessons of the conflict within their force. Using source documents, including personal memoirs, doctrinal publications, and individual reflections, the book offers a vital examination of how militaries can use foreign conflicts to make substantive and necessary organizational changes. The Yom Kippur War, particularly the Israeli experience in that conflict, provided the American military a battle laboratory in which to develop new warfighting concepts and assess new weapons acquisitions. In its conclusion, the book offers a cautionary tale that suggests learning and change do not come automatically to military organizations. If they are to be successful in the future, military organizations must embrace learning structures.
Dr. Robert W. Tomlinson is an associate dean at the Naval War College.
The views expressed in this podcast by both participants are their own, and do not reflect the official position of any organization with which they are affiliated.
Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate, and Army Reserve intelligence officer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do military organizations learn? Robert W. Tomlinson's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781498568111"><em>The Influence of Foreign Wars on U.S. Domestic Military Policy</em></a> (Lexington, 2022) covers an important instance of military learning in which the United States military systematically examined the lessons of Israel's decisive victory in the 1973 Yom Kippur War and applied those lessons towards major doctrinal and equipment changes. The book relies heavily on Paul Senge’s model of learning organizations outlined in his seminal work, The Fifth Dimension. Using Senge’s model, the book examines the Departments of the Army, Air Force, and Navy’s reactions to the Yom Kippur War and how they organizationally incorporated—or ignored—the lessons of the conflict within their force. Using source documents, including personal memoirs, doctrinal publications, and individual reflections, the book offers a vital examination of how militaries can use foreign conflicts to make substantive and necessary organizational changes. The Yom Kippur War, particularly the Israeli experience in that conflict, provided the American military a battle laboratory in which to develop new warfighting concepts and assess new weapons acquisitions. In its conclusion, the book offers a cautionary tale that suggests learning and change do not come automatically to military organizations. If they are to be successful in the future, military organizations must embrace learning structures.</p><p>Dr. Robert W. Tomlinson is an associate dean at the Naval War College.</p><p>The views expressed in this podcast by both participants are their own, and do not reflect the official position of any organization with which they are affiliated.</p><p><em>Sam Canter is a policy and strategy analyst, PhD candidate, and Army Reserve intelligence officer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1958</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[54f9e64e-08f8-11ed-84f4-0b46024a9652]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2736634773.mp3?updated=1658411739" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Bland Corporation: On the RAND Corporation and the Defence-Intellectual Industrial Complex</title>
      <description>Welcome to week two of our Darts and Letters summer showcase! Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas. We’re celebrating joining the New Books Network by bringing you some of our favourite past episodes of the show. Each week, we’re following a different theme. Last week’s was “ideas in strange places” - and today, we’re kicking off a week of episodes about the politics of education.
This episode asks a big and nefarious question: have intellectuals enabled the US empire? Our host Gordon Katic looks at the RAND corporation (famously lampooned in Dr. Strangelove as the BLAND Corporation), and the broader defence-intellectual industrial complex. Get ready to meet some of the boring calculator men who are partially responsible for our permanent state of war.
We’ll be launching brand-new episodes of Darts and Letters here on the New Books Network starting on September 18th - until then, stay tuned for more of our greatest hits.
——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————

Have a look at Daniel’s book Democracy in Exile and check out his other books and articles on his academic homepage, including his co-authored volume The Decisionist Imagination: Sovereignty, Social Science and Democracy in the 20th Century.

Listen to his podcast, American Prestige, including the latest episode special “Auf Wiedersehen, Merkel.”

Read more of his popular writing in The Nation, including “Can We Live Without Twitter,” The New Republic, including “The Case Against Humane War,” and Jacobin, including “Everything You Need to Know About What’s Happening in Afghanistan — An Interview with Derek Davison.”

For some further reading on the national security state, dig into Top Secret America: The Rise of the American Security State by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin.

For more from Daniel, visit his personal homepage.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn. Our assistant producer for this episode was Ren Bangert. Our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. David Moscrop wrote the show notes and is a research assistant. Our theme song and music was created by Mike Barber, our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>6</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Welcome to week two of our Darts and Letters summer showcase! Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas. We’re celebrating joining the New Books Network by bringing you some of our favourite past episodes of the show. Each week, we’re following a different theme. Last week’s was “ideas in strange places” - and today, we’re kicking off a week of episodes about the politics of education.
This episode asks a big and nefarious question: have intellectuals enabled the US empire? Our host Gordon Katic looks at the RAND corporation (famously lampooned in Dr. Strangelove as the BLAND Corporation), and the broader defence-intellectual industrial complex. Get ready to meet some of the boring calculator men who are partially responsible for our permanent state of war.
We’ll be launching brand-new episodes of Darts and Letters here on the New Books Network starting on September 18th - until then, stay tuned for more of our greatest hits.
——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————

Have a look at Daniel’s book Democracy in Exile and check out his other books and articles on his academic homepage, including his co-authored volume The Decisionist Imagination: Sovereignty, Social Science and Democracy in the 20th Century.

Listen to his podcast, American Prestige, including the latest episode special “Auf Wiedersehen, Merkel.”

Read more of his popular writing in The Nation, including “Can We Live Without Twitter,” The New Republic, including “The Case Against Humane War,” and Jacobin, including “Everything You Need to Know About What’s Happening in Afghanistan — An Interview with Derek Davison.”

For some further reading on the national security state, dig into Top Secret America: The Rise of the American Security State by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin.

For more from Daniel, visit his personal homepage.

—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
———-CREDITS———-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn. Our assistant producer for this episode was Ren Bangert. Our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. David Moscrop wrote the show notes and is a research assistant. Our theme song and music was created by Mike Barber, our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Welcome to week two of our Darts and Letters summer showcase! Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas. We’re celebrating joining the New Books Network by bringing you some of our favourite past episodes of the show. Each week, we’re following a different theme. Last week’s was “ideas in strange places” - and today, we’re kicking off a week of episodes about the politics of education.</p><p>This episode asks a big and nefarious question: have intellectuals enabled the US empire? Our host Gordon Katic looks at the RAND corporation (famously lampooned in Dr. Strangelove as the BLAND Corporation), and the broader defence-intellectual industrial complex. Get ready to meet some of the boring calculator men who are partially responsible for our permanent state of war.</p><p>We’ll be launching brand-new episodes of Darts and Letters here on the New Books Network starting on September 18th - until then, stay tuned for more of our greatest hits.</p><p>——————-FURTHER READING AND LISTENING——————</p><ul>
<li>Have a look at Daniel’s book <a href="https://jsis.washington.edu/publication/democracy-in-exile/"><em>Democracy in Exile</em></a> and check out his other books and articles on his <a href="https://jsis.washington.edu/people/daniel-bessner/">academic homepage</a>, including his co-authored volume <a href="https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/GuilhotDecisionist"><em>The Decisionist Imagination: Sovereignty, Social Science and Democracy in the 20th Century</em></a>.</li>
<li>Listen to his <a href="https://www.patreon.com/americanprestige">podcast</a>, <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/american-prestige/id1574741668"><em>American Prestige</em></a><em>, </em>including the latest episode special “<a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/special-auf-wiedersehen-merkel/id1574741668?i=1000536775660">Auf Wiedersehen, Merkel.</a>”</li>
<li>Read more of his popular writing in <a href="https://www.thenation.com/authors/daniel-bessner/">The Nation</a>, including “<a href="https://www.thenation.com/article/culture/richard-seymour-twittering-machine/">Can We Live Without Twitter</a>,” <a href="https://newrepublic.com/authors/daniel-bessner">The New Republic</a>, including “<a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/163503/case-against-humane-war-book-review-samuel-moyn">The Case Against Humane War</a>,” and <a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/author/daniel-bessner">Jacobin</a>, including “<a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/08/afghanistan-war-kabul-taliban-biden-collapse">Everything You Need to Know About What’s Happening in Afghanistan — An Interview with Derek Davison</a>.”</li>
<li>For some further reading on the national security state, dig into <a href="https://books.google.ca/books/about/Top_Secret_America.html?id=mes0AQAAQBAJ&amp;source=kp_book_description&amp;redir_esc=y"><em>Top Secret America: The Rise of the American Security State</em></a> by Dana Priest and William M. Arkin.</li>
<li>For more from Daniel, visit his <a href="https://danielbessner.com/">personal homepage</a>.</li>
</ul><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>—————————-CONTACT US————————-</p><p>To stay up to date, follow us on <a href="https://twitter.com/dartsandletters">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/dartsandletters">Facebook</a>. If you’d like to write to us, email <a href="mailto:darts@citedmedia.ca">darts@citedmedia.ca</a> or tweet <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon</a> directly.</p><p>———-CREDITS———-</p><p>Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by<a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic"> Gordon Katic</a>. Our lead producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/JayCockburn?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Jay Cockburn</a>. Our assistant producer for this episode was <a href="https://twitter.com/_tuneswitch?lang=en">Ren Bangert</a>. Our managing producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/marcapollonio"> Marc Apollonio</a>.<a href="https://twitter.com/David_Moscrop"> David Moscrop</a> wrote the show notes and is a research assistant. Our theme song and music was created by<a href="http://mikebarber.ca/"> Mike Barber</a>, our graphic design was created by<a href="https://www.dakotakoop.com/"> Dakota Koop</a>, and our marketing was done by Ian Sowden.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2669</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Michael Bérubé and Jennifer Ruth, "It's Not Free Speech: Race, Democracy, and the Future of Academic Freedom" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The protests of summer 2020 led to long-overdue reassessments of the legacy of racism and white supremacy in both American academe and cultural life more generally. But while universities have been willing to rename some buildings and schools or grapple with their role in the slave trade, no one has yet asked the most uncomfortable question: Does academic freedom extend to racist professors?
It's Not Free Speech: Race, Democracy, and the Future of Academic Freedom (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) considers the ideal of academic freedom in the wake of the activism inspired by outrageous police brutality, white supremacy, and the #MeToo movement. Arguing that academic freedom must be rigorously distinguished from freedom of speech, Michael Bérubé and Jennifer Ruth take aim at explicit defenses of colonialism and theories of white supremacy—theories that have no intellectual legitimacy whatsoever. Approaching this question from two angles—one, the question of when a professor's intramural or extramural speech calls into question his or her fitness to serve, and two, the question of how to manage the simmering tension between the academic freedom of faculty and the antidiscrimination initiatives of campus offices of diversity, equity, and inclusion—they argue that the democracy-destroying potential of social media makes it very difficult to uphold the traditional liberal view that the best remedy for hate speech is more speech.
In recent years, those with traditional liberal ideals have had very limited effectiveness in responding to the resurgence of white supremacism in American life. It is time, Bérubé and Ruth write, to ask whether that resurgence requires us to rethink the parameters and practices of academic freedom. Touching as well on contingent faculty, whose speech is often inadequately protected, It's Not Free Speech insists that we reimagine shared governance to augment both academic freedom and antidiscrimination initiatives on campuses. 
Michael Bérubé (interviewed here) is Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Literature at Pennsylvania State University; Jennifer Ruth is a professor of film at Portland State University. Both have served in various roles within the American Association of University Professors, and also coauthored The Humanities, Higher Education, and Academic Freedom: Three Necessary Arguments (2015).
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by email or on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>143</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Bérubé</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The protests of summer 2020 led to long-overdue reassessments of the legacy of racism and white supremacy in both American academe and cultural life more generally. But while universities have been willing to rename some buildings and schools or grapple with their role in the slave trade, no one has yet asked the most uncomfortable question: Does academic freedom extend to racist professors?
It's Not Free Speech: Race, Democracy, and the Future of Academic Freedom (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) considers the ideal of academic freedom in the wake of the activism inspired by outrageous police brutality, white supremacy, and the #MeToo movement. Arguing that academic freedom must be rigorously distinguished from freedom of speech, Michael Bérubé and Jennifer Ruth take aim at explicit defenses of colonialism and theories of white supremacy—theories that have no intellectual legitimacy whatsoever. Approaching this question from two angles—one, the question of when a professor's intramural or extramural speech calls into question his or her fitness to serve, and two, the question of how to manage the simmering tension between the academic freedom of faculty and the antidiscrimination initiatives of campus offices of diversity, equity, and inclusion—they argue that the democracy-destroying potential of social media makes it very difficult to uphold the traditional liberal view that the best remedy for hate speech is more speech.
In recent years, those with traditional liberal ideals have had very limited effectiveness in responding to the resurgence of white supremacism in American life. It is time, Bérubé and Ruth write, to ask whether that resurgence requires us to rethink the parameters and practices of academic freedom. Touching as well on contingent faculty, whose speech is often inadequately protected, It's Not Free Speech insists that we reimagine shared governance to augment both academic freedom and antidiscrimination initiatives on campuses. 
Michael Bérubé (interviewed here) is Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Literature at Pennsylvania State University; Jennifer Ruth is a professor of film at Portland State University. Both have served in various roles within the American Association of University Professors, and also coauthored The Humanities, Higher Education, and Academic Freedom: Three Necessary Arguments (2015).
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by email or on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The protests of summer 2020 led to long-overdue reassessments of the legacy of racism and white supremacy in both American academe and cultural life more generally. But while universities have been willing to rename some buildings and schools or grapple with their role in the slave trade, no one has yet asked the most uncomfortable question: Does academic freedom extend to racist professors?</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421443874"><em>It's Not Free Speech: Race, Democracy, and the Future of Academic Freedom</em></a><em> </em>(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2022) considers the ideal of academic freedom in the wake of the activism inspired by outrageous police brutality, white supremacy, and the #MeToo movement. Arguing that academic freedom must be rigorously distinguished from freedom of speech, Michael Bérubé and Jennifer Ruth take aim at explicit defenses of colonialism and theories of white supremacy—theories that have no intellectual legitimacy whatsoever. Approaching this question from two angles—one, the question of when a professor's intramural or extramural speech calls into question his or her fitness to serve, and two, the question of how to manage the simmering tension between the academic freedom of faculty and the antidiscrimination initiatives of campus offices of diversity, equity, and inclusion—they argue that the democracy-destroying potential of social media makes it very difficult to uphold the traditional liberal view that the best remedy for hate speech is more speech.</p><p>In recent years, those with traditional liberal ideals have had very limited effectiveness in responding to the resurgence of white supremacism in American life. It is time, Bérubé and Ruth write, to ask whether that resurgence requires us to rethink the parameters and practices of academic freedom. Touching as well on contingent faculty, whose speech is often inadequately protected, <em>It's Not Free Speech</em> insists that we reimagine shared governance to augment both academic freedom and antidiscrimination initiatives on campuses. </p><p><a href="https://english.la.psu.edu/directory/mfb12/">Michael Bérubé</a> (interviewed here) is Edwin Erle Sparks Professor of Literature at Pennsylvania State University; <a href="https://www.pdx.edu/profile/jennifer-ruth">Jennifer Ruth</a> is a professor of film at Portland State University. Both have served in various roles within the American Association of University Professors, and also coauthored <em>The Humanities, Higher Education, and Academic Freedom: Three Necessary Arguments </em>(2015).</p><p><a href="https://www.geog.ucl.ac.uk/people/research-students/catriona-gold"><em>Catriona Gold</em></a> <em>is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by</em> <a href="mailto:catriona.gold.15@ucl.ac.uk"><em>email</em></a> <em>or on</em> <a href="https://twitter.com/cat__gold"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2246</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Xine Yao, "Disaffected: The Cultural Politics of Unfeeling in Nineteenth-Century America" (Duke UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>What is unfeeling? According to today’s guest, Xine Yao, unfeeling includes “a broad range of affective modes, including withholding, disregard, growing a thick skin, refusing to care, opacity, numbness, dissociation, inscrutability, frigidity, insensibility, obduracy, flatness, insensitivity, disinterest, coldness, heartlessness, fatigue, desensitization, and emotional unavailability.” 
In short, Xine argues in a new book from Duke University Press, titled Disaffected: The Cultural Politics of Unfeeling in Nineteenth-Century America, “people who are disaffected break from affectability and present themselves as unaffected” (11). Xine is a Lecturer of English before 1900 at University College London. Xine is a BBC Radio 3/AHRC New Generation Thinker and the co-host of the PhDivas Podcast which focuses on social justice and academia across the STEM/Humanities divide. Disaffected is an urgent book that examines how sentimentality was (and is) a part of the political architecture of white supremacy and governmentality—and the forms of unfeeling that writers of color used (and continue to use) to roil that architecture.
﻿John Yargo holds a Ph.D. in English from the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His specializations are early modern literature, the environmental humanities, and critical race studies. His dissertation explores early modern representations of environmental catastrophe, including The Tempest, Oroonoko, and the poetry of Milton. He has published in Studies in Philology, The Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies, and Shakespeare Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Xine Yao</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is unfeeling? According to today’s guest, Xine Yao, unfeeling includes “a broad range of affective modes, including withholding, disregard, growing a thick skin, refusing to care, opacity, numbness, dissociation, inscrutability, frigidity, insensibility, obduracy, flatness, insensitivity, disinterest, coldness, heartlessness, fatigue, desensitization, and emotional unavailability.” 
In short, Xine argues in a new book from Duke University Press, titled Disaffected: The Cultural Politics of Unfeeling in Nineteenth-Century America, “people who are disaffected break from affectability and present themselves as unaffected” (11). Xine is a Lecturer of English before 1900 at University College London. Xine is a BBC Radio 3/AHRC New Generation Thinker and the co-host of the PhDivas Podcast which focuses on social justice and academia across the STEM/Humanities divide. Disaffected is an urgent book that examines how sentimentality was (and is) a part of the political architecture of white supremacy and governmentality—and the forms of unfeeling that writers of color used (and continue to use) to roil that architecture.
﻿John Yargo holds a Ph.D. in English from the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His specializations are early modern literature, the environmental humanities, and critical race studies. His dissertation explores early modern representations of environmental catastrophe, including The Tempest, Oroonoko, and the poetry of Milton. He has published in Studies in Philology, The Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies, and Shakespeare Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is unfeeling? According to today’s guest, Xine Yao, unfeeling includes “a broad range of affective modes, including withholding, disregard, growing a thick skin, refusing to care, opacity, numbness, dissociation, inscrutability, frigidity, insensibility, obduracy, flatness, insensitivity, disinterest, coldness, heartlessness, fatigue, desensitization, and emotional unavailability.” </p><p>In short, Xine argues in a new book from Duke University Press, titled <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478014836"><em>Disaffected: The Cultural Politics of Unfeeling in Nineteenth-Century America</em></a>, “people who are disaffected break from affectability and present themselves as unaffected” (11). Xine is a Lecturer of English before 1900 at University College London. Xine is a BBC Radio 3/AHRC New Generation Thinker and the co-host of the PhDivas Podcast which focuses on social justice and academia across the STEM/Humanities divide. <em>Disaffected </em>is an urgent book that examines how sentimentality was (and is) a part of the political architecture of white supremacy and governmentality—and the forms of unfeeling that writers of color used (and continue to use) to roil that architecture.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.johnyargo.com/"><em>John Yargo</em></a><em> holds a Ph.D. in English from the University of Massachusetts Amherst. His specializations are early modern literature, the environmental humanities, and critical race studies. His dissertation explores early modern representations of environmental catastrophe, including The Tempest, Oroonoko, and the poetry of Milton. He has published in Studies in Philology, The Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies, and Shakespeare Studies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2042</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
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      <title>Tara Watson and Kalee Thompson, "The Border Within: The Economics of Immigration in an Age of Fear" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>For decades, immigration has been one of the most divisive, contentious topics in American politics. And for decades, urgent calls for its policy reform have gone mostly unanswered. As the discord surrounding the modern immigration debate has intensified, border enforcement has tightened. Crossing harsher, less porous borders makes unauthorized entry to the United States a permanent, costly undertaking. And the challenges don't end on the other side.
At once enlightening and devastating, The Border Within: The Economics of Immigration in an Age of Fear (U Chicago Press, 2021) examines the costs and ends of America's interior enforcement--the policies and agencies, including ICE, aimed at removing immigrants already living in the country. Economist Tara Watson and journalist Kalee Thompson pair rigorous analysis with deeply personal stories from immigrants and their families to assess immigration's effects on every aspect of American life, from the labor force to social welfare programs to tax revenue. What emerges is a critical, utterly complete examination of what non-native Americans bring to the country, including immigration's tendency to elevate the wages and skills of those who are native-born.d
News coverage has prompted many to question the humanity of American immigration policies; The Border Within opens a conversation of whether it is effective. The United States spends billions each year on detention and deportation, all without economic gain and at a great human cost. With depth and discipline, the authors dissect the shock-and-awe policies that make up a broken, often cruel system, while illuminating the lives caught in the chaos. It is an essential work with far-reaching implications for immigrants and non-immigrants alike.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tara Watson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For decades, immigration has been one of the most divisive, contentious topics in American politics. And for decades, urgent calls for its policy reform have gone mostly unanswered. As the discord surrounding the modern immigration debate has intensified, border enforcement has tightened. Crossing harsher, less porous borders makes unauthorized entry to the United States a permanent, costly undertaking. And the challenges don't end on the other side.
At once enlightening and devastating, The Border Within: The Economics of Immigration in an Age of Fear (U Chicago Press, 2021) examines the costs and ends of America's interior enforcement--the policies and agencies, including ICE, aimed at removing immigrants already living in the country. Economist Tara Watson and journalist Kalee Thompson pair rigorous analysis with deeply personal stories from immigrants and their families to assess immigration's effects on every aspect of American life, from the labor force to social welfare programs to tax revenue. What emerges is a critical, utterly complete examination of what non-native Americans bring to the country, including immigration's tendency to elevate the wages and skills of those who are native-born.d
News coverage has prompted many to question the humanity of American immigration policies; The Border Within opens a conversation of whether it is effective. The United States spends billions each year on detention and deportation, all without economic gain and at a great human cost. With depth and discipline, the authors dissect the shock-and-awe policies that make up a broken, often cruel system, while illuminating the lives caught in the chaos. It is an essential work with far-reaching implications for immigrants and non-immigrants alike.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For decades, immigration has been one of the most divisive, contentious topics in American politics. And for decades, urgent calls for its policy reform have gone mostly unanswered. As the discord surrounding the modern immigration debate has intensified, border enforcement has tightened. Crossing harsher, less porous borders makes unauthorized entry to the United States a permanent, costly undertaking. And the challenges don't end on the other side.</p><p>At once enlightening and devastating, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226270227"><em>The Border Within: The Economics of Immigration in an Age of Fear</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2021) examines the costs and ends of America's interior enforcement--the policies and agencies, including ICE, aimed at removing immigrants already living in the country. Economist Tara Watson and journalist Kalee Thompson pair rigorous analysis with deeply personal stories from immigrants and their families to assess immigration's effects on every aspect of American life, from the labor force to social welfare programs to tax revenue. What emerges is a critical, utterly complete examination of what non-native Americans bring to the country, including immigration's tendency to elevate the wages and skills of those who are native-born.d</p><p>News coverage has prompted many to question the humanity of American immigration policies; <em>The Border Within </em>opens a conversation of whether it is effective. The United States spends billions each year on detention and deportation, all without economic gain and at a great human cost. With depth and discipline, the authors dissect the shock-and-awe policies that make up a broken, often cruel system, while illuminating the lives caught in the chaos. It is an essential work with far-reaching implications for immigrants and non-immigrants alike.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1887</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Thulani Davis, "The Emancipation Circuit: Black Activism Forging a Culture of Freedom" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In The Emancipation Circuit: Black Activism Forging a Culture of Freedom (Duke UP, 2022) Thulani Davis provides a sweeping rethinking of Reconstruction by tracing how the four million people newly freed from bondage created political organizations and connections that mobilized communities across the South. Drawing on the practices of community they developed while enslaved, freedpeople built new settlements and created a network of circuits through which they imagined, enacted, and defended freedom. This interdisciplinary history shows that these circuits linked rural and urban organizations, labor struggles, and political culture with news, strategies, education, and mutual aid. Mapping the emancipation circuits, Davis shows the geography of ideas of freedom---circulating on shipping routes, via army maneuvers, and with itinerant activists---that became the basis for the first mass Black political movement for equal citizenship in the United States. In this work, she reconfigures understandings of the evolution of southern Black political agendas while outlining the origins of the enduring Black freedom struggle from the Jim Crow era to the present.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>313</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Thulani Davis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Emancipation Circuit: Black Activism Forging a Culture of Freedom (Duke UP, 2022) Thulani Davis provides a sweeping rethinking of Reconstruction by tracing how the four million people newly freed from bondage created political organizations and connections that mobilized communities across the South. Drawing on the practices of community they developed while enslaved, freedpeople built new settlements and created a network of circuits through which they imagined, enacted, and defended freedom. This interdisciplinary history shows that these circuits linked rural and urban organizations, labor struggles, and political culture with news, strategies, education, and mutual aid. Mapping the emancipation circuits, Davis shows the geography of ideas of freedom---circulating on shipping routes, via army maneuvers, and with itinerant activists---that became the basis for the first mass Black political movement for equal citizenship in the United States. In this work, she reconfigures understandings of the evolution of southern Black political agendas while outlining the origins of the enduring Black freedom struggle from the Jim Crow era to the present.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478018193"><em>The Emancipation Circuit: Black Activism Forging a Culture of Freedom</em></a><em> (Duke UP, 2022)</em> Thulani Davis provides a sweeping rethinking of Reconstruction by tracing how the four million people newly freed from bondage created political organizations and connections that mobilized communities across the South. Drawing on the practices of community they developed while enslaved, freedpeople built new settlements and created a network of circuits through which they imagined, enacted, and defended freedom. This interdisciplinary history shows that these circuits linked rural and urban organizations, labor struggles, and political culture with news, strategies, education, and mutual aid. Mapping the emancipation circuits, Davis shows the geography of ideas of freedom---circulating on shipping routes, via army maneuvers, and with itinerant activists---that became the basis for the first mass Black political movement for equal citizenship in the United States. In this work, she reconfigures understandings of the evolution of southern Black political agendas while outlining the origins of the enduring Black freedom struggle from the Jim Crow era to the present.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2015</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Donald Trump Loves Wrestlemania</title>
      <description>Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas, and this week we’re searching for progressive politics in strange places… such as pro-wrestling.
There have been 37 Wrestlemanias. That’s a lot of wrestling. And a lot of entertainment for the millions of people who enjoy watching wrestling, including our host, Gordon Katic. Maybe you’re a fan, maybe not. Fans and non-fans alike have often dismissed wrestling as frivolous. But there’s more to wrestling than meets the tombstone piledriver. Pro wrestling is like a Rosetta Stone for our politics; It brought us one President, and a recent poll suggests it might give us another. On this episode, we jump from the top rope into the wild, layered, complex world of pro wrestling and the folks who love it.
This is part of the week’s theme of “ideas in strange places”. Darts and Letters is doing a different theme each week until we launch the new season on September 18.

First (@10:46), Steve and Larson are the hosts of Going in Raw: A Pro Wrestling Podcast. They break down the history of Vince McMahon as a boss, character, and more — including what happens when the lines between the two become blurred inside and outside of the ring. PLUS: the full unedited interview is available on our Patreon. Subscribe today.

Next (@37:15), Brian Jansen is a lecturer in the Department of English at the University of Maine who writes on professional wrestling and labour. Wrestlers are workers, and as workers, face challenges shared by other workers — and some unique to their profession. And their fans, it turns out, are more progressive than you might think.

Then (@53:06), the Spider Baby, Terrance Griep, is the world’s first openly gay wrestler. He wrestles in the Midwest Independent Wrestling Scene. He takes us into the world of wrestling, the building and presentation of a character, the immersive theatricality that is part of the experience for both wrestlers and their fans, and the “civil war” between the profession’s old and new guard.

Finally (@1:09:30), Heather Levi is an anthropologist at Temple University who wrote her dissertation on lucha libre in Mexico. She even trained in lucha libre. She explores the fascinating world of a sport that is closely bound up with the country in which it thrives and finds a way of making meaning that brings together writers, wrestlers, and the public.


—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
—————————-CREDITS—————————-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn, This episode’s assistant producer is Polly Leger, and our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. The research coordinator was David Moscrop. Our theme song was created by Mike Barber. Our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>American Politics and Pro Wrestling</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas, and this week we’re searching for progressive politics in strange places… such as pro-wrestling.
There have been 37 Wrestlemanias. That’s a lot of wrestling. And a lot of entertainment for the millions of people who enjoy watching wrestling, including our host, Gordon Katic. Maybe you’re a fan, maybe not. Fans and non-fans alike have often dismissed wrestling as frivolous. But there’s more to wrestling than meets the tombstone piledriver. Pro wrestling is like a Rosetta Stone for our politics; It brought us one President, and a recent poll suggests it might give us another. On this episode, we jump from the top rope into the wild, layered, complex world of pro wrestling and the folks who love it.
This is part of the week’s theme of “ideas in strange places”. Darts and Letters is doing a different theme each week until we launch the new season on September 18.

First (@10:46), Steve and Larson are the hosts of Going in Raw: A Pro Wrestling Podcast. They break down the history of Vince McMahon as a boss, character, and more — including what happens when the lines between the two become blurred inside and outside of the ring. PLUS: the full unedited interview is available on our Patreon. Subscribe today.

Next (@37:15), Brian Jansen is a lecturer in the Department of English at the University of Maine who writes on professional wrestling and labour. Wrestlers are workers, and as workers, face challenges shared by other workers — and some unique to their profession. And their fans, it turns out, are more progressive than you might think.

Then (@53:06), the Spider Baby, Terrance Griep, is the world’s first openly gay wrestler. He wrestles in the Midwest Independent Wrestling Scene. He takes us into the world of wrestling, the building and presentation of a character, the immersive theatricality that is part of the experience for both wrestlers and their fans, and the “civil war” between the profession’s old and new guard.

Finally (@1:09:30), Heather Levi is an anthropologist at Temple University who wrote her dissertation on lucha libre in Mexico. She even trained in lucha libre. She explores the fascinating world of a sport that is closely bound up with the country in which it thrives and finds a way of making meaning that brings together writers, wrestlers, and the public.


—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write to us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
—————————-CREDITS—————————-
Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by Gordon Katic. Our lead producer is Jay Cockburn, This episode’s assistant producer is Polly Leger, and our managing producer is Marc Apollonio. The research coordinator was David Moscrop. Our theme song was created by Mike Barber. Our graphic design was created by Dakota Koop.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Darts and Letters is a show about the politics of ideas, and this week we’re searching for progressive politics in strange places… such as pro-wrestling.</p><p>There have been 37 Wrestlemanias. That’s a lot of wrestling. And a lot of entertainment for the millions of people who enjoy watching wrestling, including our host, Gordon Katic. Maybe you’re a fan, maybe not. Fans and non-fans alike have often dismissed wrestling as frivolous. But there’s more to wrestling than meets the tombstone piledriver. Pro wrestling is like a Rosetta Stone for our politics; It brought us <a href="https://www.chicagotribune.com/resizer/TGVq0rnRyr5cWBkbpGFPSk5L3X4=/800x498/top/arc-anglerfish-arc2-prod-tronc.s3.amazonaws.com/public/B3M7OJWZVVBHXGIOD5Q6SX6WMI.jpg">one President</a>, and a <a href="https://nationalpost.com/entertainment/celebrity/dwayne-the-rock-johnson-says-he-will-run-for-u-s-president-if-people-really-want-him-too">recent poll</a> suggests it might give us another. On this episode, we jump from the top rope into the wild, layered, complex world of pro wrestling and the folks who love it.</p><p>This is part of the week’s theme of “ideas in strange places”. Darts and Letters is doing a different theme each week until we launch the new season on September 18.</p><ul>
<li>First (@10:46), <a href="https://twitter.com/REALGoingInRaw">Steve and Larson</a> are the hosts of <a href="https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCboC0dVYRnP_RYLuHYhfNlA">Going in Raw: A Pro Wrestling Podcast</a>. They break down the history of Vince McMahon as a boss, character, and more — including what happens when the lines between the two become blurred inside and outside of the ring. PLUS: the full unedited interview is <a href="https://www.patreon.com/posts/50150724">available on our Patreon</a>. Subscribe today.</li>
<li>Next (@37:15), <a href="https://twitter.com/bdjansenphd?lang=en">Brian Jansen</a> is a lecturer in the Department of English at the University of Maine who writes on professional wrestling and labour. Wrestlers are workers, and as workers, face challenges shared by other workers — and some unique to their profession. And their fans, it turns out, are more progressive than you might think.</li>
<li>Then (@53:06), <a href="https://twitter.com/thespiderbaby?lang=en">the Spider Baby</a>, Terrance Griep, is the world’s first openly gay wrestler. He wrestles in the Midwest Independent Wrestling Scene. He takes us into the world of wrestling, the building and presentation of a character, the immersive theatricality that is part of the experience for both wrestlers and their fans, and the “civil war” between the profession’s old and new guard.</li>
<li>Finally (@1:09:30), <a href="https://liberalarts.temple.edu/academics/faculty/levi-heather">Heather Levi</a> is an anthropologist at Temple University who wrote her dissertation on lucha libre in Mexico. She even trained in lucha libre. She explores the fascinating world of a sport that is closely bound up with the country in which it thrives and finds a way of making meaning that brings together writers, wrestlers, and the public.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>—————————-CONTACT US————————-</p><p>To stay up to date, follow us on <a href="https://twitter.com/dartsandletters">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/dartsandletters">Facebook</a>. If you’d like to write to us, email <u>darts@citedmedia.ca</u> or tweet <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon</a> directly.</p><p>—————————-CREDITS—————————-</p><p>Darts and Letters is hosted and edited by<a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Gordon Katic</a>. Our lead producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/JayCockburn?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Jay Cockburn</a>, This episode’s assistant producer is <a href="https://twitter.com/pollyleger?lang=en">Polly Leger</a>, and our managing producer is<a href="https://twitter.com/marcapollonio?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"> Marc Apollonio</a>. The research coordinator was <a href="https://twitter.com/david_moscrop?lang=en">David Moscrop</a>. Our theme song was created by<a href="http://mikebarber.ca/"> Mike Barber</a>. Our graphic design was created by<a href="https://www.dakotakoop.com/"> Dakota Koop</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5205</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4084253756.mp3?updated=1658060259" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pigeon Shit Bookstore: On Street Bookselling, Populism, and Public Intellectuals</title>
      <description>Hi! This is Darts and Letters. We’ve just become a part of New Books Network, so we want to introduce ourselves.
Fundamentally, This is a show about the politics of ideas. Another way to say that would be “intellectuals”, but we don’t really gel with this classic idea of intellectuals being white guys at Harvard. We’re more populist than that, and we have a whole segment in this episode about what we really mean by populism.
This is our first episode, and we made it in 2020 in the run up to Biden’s election. We’ve had 60 episodes since then and our production is tighter and we have a much clearer idea of who we are as a show, but we wanted to start by playing you this because I think we have stayed pretty true to our original goal of democratising ideas, and looking for them in unusual places.
We’re taking a bit of a production break right now for summer, so until September we’re going to catch you up with our favourite episodes from the catalogue, then on September 18th we launch the new season of Darts and Letters.
Until then we’re doing a different theme each week and our theme for this week is what I said before - ideas in strange places. Starting with episode 1, and the owner of the Pigeon Shit Bookstore. An intellectual of the street, who the show’s host Gordon found selling books in downtown Toronto.

First, host Gordon Katic asks: what is an intellectual? Hard to say, but to quote the Supreme Court justice who tried to define pornography, “I know it when I see it.”

Next (@10:48), we meet Daniel—the homeless bookseller of Bloor St, who might just be one of the most well-read people you’ve ever met.

Then (@21:26), journalist and historian Thomas Frank rights the distorted historical record and redefines “populism.” We discuss his most recent book “The People, No: A Brief History of Anti-Populism.”


Finally (@47:32), critical educational scholar and dissident Henry Giroux celebrates academics who are true ‘public intellectuals,’ and he attacks the neoliberal educational reforms that have made that kind of work so difficult.


—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
—————————-CREDITS—————————-
This week, Darts and Letters was produced by Jay Cockburn and Gordon Katic. Research and support from Addye Susnick.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Chats with Daniel (the homeless bookseller), Thomas Frank, and Henry Giroux</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hi! This is Darts and Letters. We’ve just become a part of New Books Network, so we want to introduce ourselves.
Fundamentally, This is a show about the politics of ideas. Another way to say that would be “intellectuals”, but we don’t really gel with this classic idea of intellectuals being white guys at Harvard. We’re more populist than that, and we have a whole segment in this episode about what we really mean by populism.
This is our first episode, and we made it in 2020 in the run up to Biden’s election. We’ve had 60 episodes since then and our production is tighter and we have a much clearer idea of who we are as a show, but we wanted to start by playing you this because I think we have stayed pretty true to our original goal of democratising ideas, and looking for them in unusual places.
We’re taking a bit of a production break right now for summer, so until September we’re going to catch you up with our favourite episodes from the catalogue, then on September 18th we launch the new season of Darts and Letters.
Until then we’re doing a different theme each week and our theme for this week is what I said before - ideas in strange places. Starting with episode 1, and the owner of the Pigeon Shit Bookstore. An intellectual of the street, who the show’s host Gordon found selling books in downtown Toronto.

First, host Gordon Katic asks: what is an intellectual? Hard to say, but to quote the Supreme Court justice who tried to define pornography, “I know it when I see it.”

Next (@10:48), we meet Daniel—the homeless bookseller of Bloor St, who might just be one of the most well-read people you’ve ever met.

Then (@21:26), journalist and historian Thomas Frank rights the distorted historical record and redefines “populism.” We discuss his most recent book “The People, No: A Brief History of Anti-Populism.”


Finally (@47:32), critical educational scholar and dissident Henry Giroux celebrates academics who are true ‘public intellectuals,’ and he attacks the neoliberal educational reforms that have made that kind of work so difficult.


—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-
You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.
If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on patreon.com/dartsandletters. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.
—————————-CONTACT US————————-
To stay up to date, follow us on Twitter and Facebook. If you’d like to write us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet Gordon directly.
—————————-CREDITS—————————-
This week, Darts and Letters was produced by Jay Cockburn and Gordon Katic. Research and support from Addye Susnick.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hi! This is Darts and Letters. We’ve just become a part of New Books Network, so we want to introduce ourselves.</p><p>Fundamentally, This is a show about the politics of ideas. Another way to say that would be “intellectuals”, but we don’t really gel with this classic idea of intellectuals being white guys at Harvard. We’re more populist than that, and we have a whole segment in this episode about what we really mean by populism.</p><p>This is our first episode, and we made it in 2020 in the run up to Biden’s election. We’ve had 60 episodes since then and our production is tighter and we have a much clearer idea of who we are as a show, but we wanted to start by playing you this because I think we have stayed pretty true to our original goal of democratising ideas, and looking for them in unusual places.</p><p>We’re taking a bit of a production break right now for summer, so until September we’re going to catch you up with our favourite episodes from the catalogue, then on September 18th we launch the new season of Darts and Letters.</p><p>Until then we’re doing a different theme each week and our theme for this week is what I said before - ideas in strange places. Starting with episode 1, and the owner of the Pigeon Shit Bookstore. An intellectual of the street, who the show’s host Gordon found selling books in downtown Toronto.</p><ul>
<li>First, host <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon Katic</a> asks: what is an intellectual? Hard to say, but to quote the Supreme Court justice who tried to define pornography, “I know it when I see it.”</li>
<li>Next (@10:48), we meet Daniel—the homeless bookseller of Bloor St, who might just be one of the most well-read people you’ve ever met.</li>
<li>Then (@21:26), journalist and historian <a href="https://twitter.com/thomasfrank_?lang=en">Thomas Frank</a> rights the distorted historical record and redefines “populism.” We discuss his most recent book <a href="https://www.amazon.ca/People-No-Populism-Fight-Democracy/dp/1250220114"><em>“The People, No: A Brief History of Anti-Populism.”</em></a>
</li>
<li>Finally (@47:32), critical educational scholar and dissident <a href="https://twitter.com/HenryGiroux?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Henry Giroux</a> celebrates academics who are true ‘public intellectuals,’ and he attacks the neoliberal educational reforms that have made that kind of work so difficult.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p>—————————-SUPPORT THE SHOW—————————-</p><p>You can support the show for free by following or subscribing on <a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/0ySUyzsY8DLsMg63qQbENM?si=31d20a0af00f4b93">Spotify,</a> <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/ca/podcast/darts-and-letters/id1540893288">Apple Podcasts</a>, or whichever app you use. This is the best way to help us out and it costs nothing so we’d really appreciate you clicking that button.</p><p>If you want to do a little more we would love if you chip in. You can find us on <a href="https://www.patreon.com/dartsandletters">patreon.com/dartsandletters</a>. Patrons get content early, and occasionally there’s bonus material on there too.</p><p>—————————-CONTACT US————————-</p><p>To stay up to date, follow us on <a href="https://twitter.com/dartsandletters">Twitter</a> and <a href="https://www.facebook.com/dartsandletters">Facebook</a>. If you’d like to write us, email darts@citedmedia.ca or tweet <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon</a> directly.</p><p>—————————-CREDITS—————————-</p><p>This week, Darts and Letters was produced by <a href="https://twitter.com/JayCockburn?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Jay Cockburn</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/gordonkatic?lang=en">Gordon Katic.</a> Research and support from <a href="https://twitter.com/addyesusnick?lang=en">Addye Susnick</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4642</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3832326358.mp3?updated=1658058853" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Victoria W. Wolcott, "Living in the Future: Utopianism and the Long Civil Rights Movement" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Living in the Future: Utopianism and the Long Civil Rights Movement (U Chicago Press, 2022) reveals the unexplored impact of utopian thought on the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement.
Utopian thinking is often dismissed as unrealistic, overly idealized, and flat-out impractical-in short, wholly divorced from the urgent conditions of daily life. This is perhaps especially true when the utopian ideal in question is reforming and repairing the United States' bitter history of racial injustice. But as Victoria W. Wolcott provocatively argues, utopianism is actually the foundation of a rich and visionary worldview, one that specifically inspired the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement in ways that haven't yet been fully understood or appreciated.
Wolcott makes clear that the idealism and pragmatism of the Civil Rights Movement were grounded in nothing less than an intensely utopian yearning. Key figures of the time, from Martin Luther King Jr. and Pauli Murray to Father Divine and Howard Thurman, all shared a belief in a radical pacificism that was both specifically utopian and deeply engaged in changing the current conditions of the existing world. Living in the Future recasts the various strains of mid-twentieth-century civil rights activism in a utopian light, revealing the power of dreaming in a profound and concrete fashion, one that can be emulated in other times that are desperate for change, like today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>147</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Victoria W. Wolcott</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Living in the Future: Utopianism and the Long Civil Rights Movement (U Chicago Press, 2022) reveals the unexplored impact of utopian thought on the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement.
Utopian thinking is often dismissed as unrealistic, overly idealized, and flat-out impractical-in short, wholly divorced from the urgent conditions of daily life. This is perhaps especially true when the utopian ideal in question is reforming and repairing the United States' bitter history of racial injustice. But as Victoria W. Wolcott provocatively argues, utopianism is actually the foundation of a rich and visionary worldview, one that specifically inspired the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement in ways that haven't yet been fully understood or appreciated.
Wolcott makes clear that the idealism and pragmatism of the Civil Rights Movement were grounded in nothing less than an intensely utopian yearning. Key figures of the time, from Martin Luther King Jr. and Pauli Murray to Father Divine and Howard Thurman, all shared a belief in a radical pacificism that was both specifically utopian and deeply engaged in changing the current conditions of the existing world. Living in the Future recasts the various strains of mid-twentieth-century civil rights activism in a utopian light, revealing the power of dreaming in a profound and concrete fashion, one that can be emulated in other times that are desperate for change, like today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226817255"><em>Living in the Future: Utopianism and the Long Civil Rights Movement</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2022) reveals the unexplored impact of utopian thought on the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement.</p><p>Utopian thinking is often dismissed as unrealistic, overly idealized, and flat-out impractical-in short, wholly divorced from the urgent conditions of daily life. This is perhaps especially true when the utopian ideal in question is reforming and repairing the United States' bitter history of racial injustice. But as Victoria W. Wolcott provocatively argues, utopianism is actually the foundation of a rich and visionary worldview, one that specifically inspired the major figures of the Civil Rights Movement in ways that haven't yet been fully understood or appreciated.</p><p>Wolcott makes clear that the idealism and pragmatism of the Civil Rights Movement were grounded in nothing less than an intensely utopian yearning. Key figures of the time, from Martin Luther King Jr. and Pauli Murray to Father Divine and Howard Thurman, all shared a belief in a radical pacificism that was both specifically utopian and deeply engaged in changing the current conditions of the existing world. Living in the Future recasts the various strains of mid-twentieth-century civil rights activism in a utopian light, revealing the power of dreaming in a profound and concrete fashion, one that can be emulated in other times that are desperate for change, like today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2438</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[18f4951a-013f-11ed-b288-0306385bcb12]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Wirls, "The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock" (U Virginia Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Daniel Wirls, Professor of Politics at the University of California-Santa Cruz, has a new book that continues his research stream on the United States’ Senate. Wirls’ previous book on the Senate, The Invention of the United States Senate (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), written with his brother, Stephen Wirls, explains the historical basis for the Senate, especially in context of the broader American constitutional system as established in 1787.
This new book, The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock (U Virginia Press, 2021), interrogates the general understanding of the U.S. Senate within the constitutional system and the way that we have come to consider the role of the Senate. Wirls explains what he has dubbed “Senate exceptionalism” which is connected to the more expansive notion of American exceptionalism—this is the notion that the U.S. Senate was a unique and special creation within the constitutional system, and that it reflects the greatest ideals of democratic governance. Wirls’ analysis might suggest otherwise, since the book explores the structure of the Senate and how it actually undermines the democratic conception of “one person=one vote.” The idea of the Senate, and its role in preventing the tyranny of the majority—one of the goals ascribed to the new system established in 1787—is more problematic than the violation of democratic norms.
One of the fascinating threads woven through The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock is the concept of the Senate and how this concept has become embedded in our understanding of the role of this half of the U.S. Congress. Wirls’ argument with regard to Senate exceptionalism is connected to the narrative about the Senate itself, as the “world’s greatest deliberative body” when it sits in a murky position between the states and the people within the federal system. Senators understand, some of the time, that they represent the people of their respective states, but in so doing, they represent those voters in a dramatic violation of the notion of equal representation, since the states themselves have vastly different population totals and demographics, whereas each state has the same number of U.S. senators. Senators also see themselves, at times, as representing the states as distinct entities. Senators selectively determine if they want to represent the people or the state in different instances. The peculiarity of the filibuster only contributes to the heroic narrative about the Senate, since the filibuster was a creation of the Senate itself (it is not in the Constitution), and the changes in the filibuster and the evolution of those reforms have only made the inequality of representation in the Senate more acute. In a sense, the filibuster or the threat of a filibuster has essentially given a few members of the U.S. Senate a very powerful veto over legislation and reform.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Please use the code 10WIRLS if purchasing the book from the University of Virginia Press for 30% any format of the book until 30 September 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>612</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Wirls</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Wirls, Professor of Politics at the University of California-Santa Cruz, has a new book that continues his research stream on the United States’ Senate. Wirls’ previous book on the Senate, The Invention of the United States Senate (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), written with his brother, Stephen Wirls, explains the historical basis for the Senate, especially in context of the broader American constitutional system as established in 1787.
This new book, The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock (U Virginia Press, 2021), interrogates the general understanding of the U.S. Senate within the constitutional system and the way that we have come to consider the role of the Senate. Wirls explains what he has dubbed “Senate exceptionalism” which is connected to the more expansive notion of American exceptionalism—this is the notion that the U.S. Senate was a unique and special creation within the constitutional system, and that it reflects the greatest ideals of democratic governance. Wirls’ analysis might suggest otherwise, since the book explores the structure of the Senate and how it actually undermines the democratic conception of “one person=one vote.” The idea of the Senate, and its role in preventing the tyranny of the majority—one of the goals ascribed to the new system established in 1787—is more problematic than the violation of democratic norms.
One of the fascinating threads woven through The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock is the concept of the Senate and how this concept has become embedded in our understanding of the role of this half of the U.S. Congress. Wirls’ argument with regard to Senate exceptionalism is connected to the narrative about the Senate itself, as the “world’s greatest deliberative body” when it sits in a murky position between the states and the people within the federal system. Senators understand, some of the time, that they represent the people of their respective states, but in so doing, they represent those voters in a dramatic violation of the notion of equal representation, since the states themselves have vastly different population totals and demographics, whereas each state has the same number of U.S. senators. Senators also see themselves, at times, as representing the states as distinct entities. Senators selectively determine if they want to represent the people or the state in different instances. The peculiarity of the filibuster only contributes to the heroic narrative about the Senate, since the filibuster was a creation of the Senate itself (it is not in the Constitution), and the changes in the filibuster and the evolution of those reforms have only made the inequality of representation in the Senate more acute. In a sense, the filibuster or the threat of a filibuster has essentially given a few members of the U.S. Senate a very powerful veto over legislation and reform.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Please use the code 10WIRLS if purchasing the book from the University of Virginia Press for 30% any format of the book until 30 September 2022.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Daniel Wirls, Professor of Politics at the University of California-Santa Cruz, has a new book that continues his research stream on the United States’ Senate. Wirls’ previous book on the Senate, <a href="https://www.press.jhu.edu/books/title/2671/invention-united-states-senate"><em>The Invention of the United States Senate</em></a> (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004), written with his brother, Stephen Wirls, explains the historical basis for the Senate, especially in context of the broader American constitutional system as established in 1787.</p><p>This new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813946900"><em>The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock</em></a><em> (U Virginia Press, 2021)</em>, interrogates the general understanding of the U.S. Senate within the constitutional system and the way that we have come to consider the role of the Senate. Wirls explains what he has dubbed “Senate exceptionalism” which is connected to the more expansive notion of American exceptionalism—this is the notion that the U.S. Senate was a unique and special creation within the constitutional system, and that it reflects the greatest ideals of democratic governance. Wirls’ analysis might suggest otherwise, since the book explores the structure of the Senate and how it actually undermines the democratic conception of “one person=one vote.” The idea of the Senate, and its role in preventing the tyranny of the majority—one of the goals ascribed to the new system established in 1787—is more problematic than the violation of democratic norms.</p><p>One of the fascinating threads woven through <a href="https://www.upress.virginia.edu/title/5694"><em>The Senate: From White Supremacy to Governmental Gridlock</em></a> is the <em>concept</em> of the Senate and how this concept has become embedded in our understanding of the role of this half of the U.S. Congress. Wirls’ argument with regard to Senate exceptionalism is connected to the narrative about the Senate itself, as the “world’s greatest deliberative body” when it sits in a murky position between the states and the people within the federal system. Senators understand, some of the time, that they represent the people of their respective states, but in so doing, they represent those voters in a dramatic violation of the notion of equal representation, since the states themselves have vastly different population totals and demographics, whereas each state has the same number of U.S. senators. Senators also see themselves, at times, as representing the states as distinct entities. Senators selectively determine if they want to represent the people or the state in different instances. The peculiarity of the filibuster only contributes to the heroic narrative about the Senate, since the filibuster was a creation of the Senate itself (it is not in the <em>Constitution</em>), and the changes in the filibuster and the evolution of those reforms have only made the inequality of representation in the Senate more acute. In a sense, the filibuster or the threat of a filibuster has essentially given a few members of the U.S. Senate a very powerful veto over legislation and reform.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p><em>Please use the code 10WIRLS if purchasing the book from the University of Virginia Press for 30% any format of the book until 30 September 2022.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Michael Mandelbaum, "The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy: Weak Power, Great Power, Superpower, Hyperpower" (Oxford UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The United States is now nearly 250 years old. It arose from humble beginnings, as a strip of mostly agrarian and sparsely populated English colonies on the northeastern edge of the New World, far removed from the centers of power in Europe. Today, it is the world's most powerful country, with its largest economy and most powerful military. How did America achieve this status?
In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy: Weak Power, Great Power, Superpower, Hyperpower (Oxford University Press, 2022), Michael Mandelbaum offers a new framework for understanding the evolution of the foreign policy of the United States. He divides that evolution into four distinct periods, with each defined by the consistent increase in American power relative to other countries. His history of the four periods features engaging accounts of the major events and important personalities in the foreign policy of each era. Throughout, Mandelbaum highlights fundamental continuities in the goals of American foreign policy and in the way that policy was adopted and implemented.
Michael Mandelbaum is the Christian A. Herter Professor Emeritus of American Foreign Policy at The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1233</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Mandelbaum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States is now nearly 250 years old. It arose from humble beginnings, as a strip of mostly agrarian and sparsely populated English colonies on the northeastern edge of the New World, far removed from the centers of power in Europe. Today, it is the world's most powerful country, with its largest economy and most powerful military. How did America achieve this status?
In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy: Weak Power, Great Power, Superpower, Hyperpower (Oxford University Press, 2022), Michael Mandelbaum offers a new framework for understanding the evolution of the foreign policy of the United States. He divides that evolution into four distinct periods, with each defined by the consistent increase in American power relative to other countries. His history of the four periods features engaging accounts of the major events and important personalities in the foreign policy of each era. Throughout, Mandelbaum highlights fundamental continuities in the goals of American foreign policy and in the way that policy was adopted and implemented.
Michael Mandelbaum is the Christian A. Herter Professor Emeritus of American Foreign Policy at The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States is now nearly 250 years old. It arose from humble beginnings, as a strip of mostly agrarian and sparsely populated English colonies on the northeastern edge of the New World, far removed from the centers of power in Europe. Today, it is the world's most powerful country, with its largest economy and most powerful military. How did America achieve this status?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197621790"><em>The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy: Weak Power, Great Power, Superpower, Hyperpower</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford University Press, 2022), Michael Mandelbaum offers a new framework for understanding the evolution of the foreign policy of the United States. He divides that evolution into four distinct periods, with each defined by the consistent increase in American power relative to other countries. His history of the four periods features engaging accounts of the major events and important personalities in the foreign policy of each era. Throughout, Mandelbaum highlights fundamental continuities in the goals of American foreign policy and in the way that policy was adopted and implemented.</p><p>Michael Mandelbaum is the Christian A. Herter Professor Emeritus of American Foreign Policy at The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies.</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4672</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones, "Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis" (Bloomsbury, 2019)</title>
      <description>In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship".
In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War.
﻿Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1232</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Ruane</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship".
In Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War.
﻿Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the spring of 1954, after eight years of bitter fighting, the war in Vietnam between the French and the communist-led Vietminh came to a head. With French forces reeling, the United States planned to intervene militarily to shore-up the anti-communist position. Turning to its allies for support, first and foremost Great Britain, the US administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower sought to create what Secretary of State John Foster Dulles called a "united action" coalition. In the event, Winston Churchill's Conservative government refused to back the plan. Fearing that US-led intervention could trigger a wider war in which the United Kingdom would be the first target for Soviet nuclear attack, the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, was determined to act as Indochina peacemaker - even at the cost of damage to the Anglo-American "special relationship".</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781350021198"><em>Anthony Eden, Anglo-American Relations and the 1954 Indochina Crisis</em></a> (Bloomsbury, 2019), Kevin Ruane and Matthew Jones revisit a Cold War episode in which British diplomacy played a vital role in settling a crucial question of international war and peace. Eden's diplomatic triumph at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina is often overshadowed by the 1956 Suez Crisis which led to his political downfall. This book, however, recalls an earlier Eden: a skilled and experienced international diplomatist at the height of his powers who may well have prevented a localised Cold War crisis escalating into a general Third World War.</p><p><em>﻿Charles Coutinho, PH. D., Associate Fellow of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written for Chatham House’s International Affairs, the Institute of Historical Research's Reviews in History and the University of Rouen's online periodical Cercles.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3747</itunes:duration>
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      <title>John F. Sears, "Refuge Must Be Given: Eleanor Roosevelt, the Jewish Plight, and the Founding of Israel" (Purdue UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Refuge Must Be Given: Eleanor Roosevelt, the Jewish Plight, and the Founding of Israel (Purdue UP, 2021) details the evolution of Eleanor Roosevelt from someone who harbored negative impressions of Jews to become a leading Gentile champion of Israel in the United States. The book explores, for the first time, Roosevelt's partnership with the Quaker leader Clarence Pickett in seeking to admit more refugees into the United States, and her relationship with Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles, who was sympathetic to the victims of Nazi persecution yet defended a visa process that failed both Jewish and non-Jewish refugees.
After the war, as a member of the American delegation to the United Nations, Eleanor Roosevelt slowly came to the conclusion that the partition of Palestine was the only solution both for the Jews in the displaced persons camps in Europe, and for the conflict between the Arabs and the Jews. When Israel became a state, she became deeply involved in supporting the work of Youth Aliyah and Hadassah, its American sponsor, in bringing Jewish refugee children to Israel and training them to become productive citizens. Her devotion to Israel reflected some of her deepest beliefs about education, citizenship, and community building. Her excitement about Israel's accomplishments and her cultural biases, however, blinded her to the impact of Israel's founding on the Arabs. Visiting the new nation four times and advocating on Israel's behalf created a warm bond not only between her and the people of Israel, but between her and the American Jewish community.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>302</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John F. Sears</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Refuge Must Be Given: Eleanor Roosevelt, the Jewish Plight, and the Founding of Israel (Purdue UP, 2021) details the evolution of Eleanor Roosevelt from someone who harbored negative impressions of Jews to become a leading Gentile champion of Israel in the United States. The book explores, for the first time, Roosevelt's partnership with the Quaker leader Clarence Pickett in seeking to admit more refugees into the United States, and her relationship with Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles, who was sympathetic to the victims of Nazi persecution yet defended a visa process that failed both Jewish and non-Jewish refugees.
After the war, as a member of the American delegation to the United Nations, Eleanor Roosevelt slowly came to the conclusion that the partition of Palestine was the only solution both for the Jews in the displaced persons camps in Europe, and for the conflict between the Arabs and the Jews. When Israel became a state, she became deeply involved in supporting the work of Youth Aliyah and Hadassah, its American sponsor, in bringing Jewish refugee children to Israel and training them to become productive citizens. Her devotion to Israel reflected some of her deepest beliefs about education, citizenship, and community building. Her excitement about Israel's accomplishments and her cultural biases, however, blinded her to the impact of Israel's founding on the Arabs. Visiting the new nation four times and advocating on Israel's behalf created a warm bond not only between her and the people of Israel, but between her and the American Jewish community.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781612496337"><em>Refuge Must Be Given: Eleanor Roosevelt, the Jewish Plight, and the Founding of Israel</em></a><em> </em>(Purdue UP, 2021) details the evolution of Eleanor Roosevelt from someone who harbored negative impressions of Jews to become a leading Gentile champion of Israel in the United States. The book explores, for the first time, Roosevelt's partnership with the Quaker leader Clarence Pickett in seeking to admit more refugees into the United States, and her relationship with Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles, who was sympathetic to the victims of Nazi persecution yet defended a visa process that failed both Jewish and non-Jewish refugees.</p><p>After the war, as a member of the American delegation to the United Nations, Eleanor Roosevelt slowly came to the conclusion that the partition of Palestine was the only solution both for the Jews in the displaced persons camps in Europe, and for the conflict between the Arabs and the Jews. When Israel became a state, she became deeply involved in supporting the work of Youth Aliyah and Hadassah, its American sponsor, in bringing Jewish refugee children to Israel and training them to become productive citizens. Her devotion to Israel reflected some of her deepest beliefs about education, citizenship, and community building. Her excitement about Israel's accomplishments and her cultural biases, however, blinded her to the impact of Israel's founding on the Arabs. Visiting the new nation four times and advocating on Israel's behalf created a warm bond not only between her and the people of Israel, but between her and the American Jewish community.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5897</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Jamie Susskind, "The Digital Republic: On Freedom and Democracy in the 21st Century" (Pegasus Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>From one of the leading intellectuals of the digital age, The Digital Republic: On Freedom and Democracy in the 21st Century (Pegasus Books, 2022) is the definitive guide to the great political question of our time: how can freedom and democracy survive in a world of powerful digital technologies? A Financial Times “Book to Read” in 2022. Not long ago, the tech industry was widely admired, and the internet was regarded as a tonic for freedom and democracy. Not anymore. Every day, the headlines blaze with reports of racist algorithms, data leaks, and social media platforms festering with falsehood and hate. In The Digital Republic, acclaimed author Jamie Susskind argues that these problems are not the fault of a few bad apples at the top of the industry. They are the result of our failure to govern technology properly. The Digital Republic charts a new course. It offers a plan for the digital age: new legal standards, new public bodies and institutions, new duties on platforms, new rights and regulators, new codes of conduct for people in the tech industry. Inspired by the great political essays of the past, and steeped in the traditions of republican thought, it offers a vision of a different type of society: a digital republic in which human and technological flourishing go hand in hand.
Jamie Susskind is a barrister and the author of the award-winning bestseller Future Politics: Living Together in a World Transformed by Tech (Oxford University Press, 2018), which received the Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize 2019, and was an Evening Standard and Prospect Book of the Year. He has fellowships at Harvard and Cambridge and currently lives in London.
Austin Clyde is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Chicago Department of Computer Science. He researches artificial intelligence and high-performance computing for developing new scientific methods. He is also a visiting research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School's Science, Technology, and Society program, where my research addresses the intersection of artificial intelligence, human rights, and democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>324</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jamie Susskind</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From one of the leading intellectuals of the digital age, The Digital Republic: On Freedom and Democracy in the 21st Century (Pegasus Books, 2022) is the definitive guide to the great political question of our time: how can freedom and democracy survive in a world of powerful digital technologies? A Financial Times “Book to Read” in 2022. Not long ago, the tech industry was widely admired, and the internet was regarded as a tonic for freedom and democracy. Not anymore. Every day, the headlines blaze with reports of racist algorithms, data leaks, and social media platforms festering with falsehood and hate. In The Digital Republic, acclaimed author Jamie Susskind argues that these problems are not the fault of a few bad apples at the top of the industry. They are the result of our failure to govern technology properly. The Digital Republic charts a new course. It offers a plan for the digital age: new legal standards, new public bodies and institutions, new duties on platforms, new rights and regulators, new codes of conduct for people in the tech industry. Inspired by the great political essays of the past, and steeped in the traditions of republican thought, it offers a vision of a different type of society: a digital republic in which human and technological flourishing go hand in hand.
Jamie Susskind is a barrister and the author of the award-winning bestseller Future Politics: Living Together in a World Transformed by Tech (Oxford University Press, 2018), which received the Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize 2019, and was an Evening Standard and Prospect Book of the Year. He has fellowships at Harvard and Cambridge and currently lives in London.
Austin Clyde is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Chicago Department of Computer Science. He researches artificial intelligence and high-performance computing for developing new scientific methods. He is also a visiting research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School's Science, Technology, and Society program, where my research addresses the intersection of artificial intelligence, human rights, and democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From one of the leading intellectuals of the digital age, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643139012"><em>The Digital Republic: On Freedom and Democracy in the 21st Century</em></a><em> </em>(Pegasus Books, 2022) is the definitive guide to the great political question of our time: how can freedom and democracy survive in a world of powerful digital technologies? A Financial Times “Book to Read” in 2022. Not long ago, the tech industry was widely admired, and the internet was regarded as a tonic for freedom and democracy. Not anymore. Every day, the headlines blaze with reports of racist algorithms, data leaks, and social media platforms festering with falsehood and hate. In The Digital Republic, acclaimed author Jamie Susskind argues that these problems are not the fault of a few bad apples at the top of the industry. They are the result of our failure to govern technology properly. The Digital Republic charts a new course. It offers a plan for the digital age: new legal standards, new public bodies and institutions, new duties on platforms, new rights and regulators, new codes of conduct for people in the tech industry. Inspired by the great political essays of the past, and steeped in the traditions of republican thought, it offers a vision of a different type of society: a digital republic in which human and technological flourishing go hand in hand.</p><p>Jamie Susskind is a barrister and the author of the award-winning bestseller <em>Future Politics: Living Together in a World Transformed by Tech </em>(Oxford University Press, 2018), which received the Estoril Global Issues Distinguished Book Prize 2019, and was an <em>Evening Standard</em> and <em>Prospect</em> Book of the Year. He has fellowships at Harvard and Cambridge and currently lives in London.</p><p><a href="https://www.austinclyde.com/"><em>Austin Clyde</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Chicago Department of Computer Science. He researches artificial intelligence and high-performance computing for developing new scientific methods. He is also a visiting research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School's Science, Technology, and Society program, where my research addresses the intersection of artificial intelligence, human rights, and democracy.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2496</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3034475885.mp3?updated=1657312480" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>B. J. Crawford and E. G. Waldman, "Menstruation Matters: Challenging the Law's Silence on Periods" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Approximately half the population menstruates for a large portion of their lives, but the law is mostly silent about the topic. Until recently, most people would have said that periods are private matters not to be discussed in public. But the last few years have seen a new willingness among advocates and allies of all ages to speak openly about periods. Slowly around the globe, people are recognizing the basic fundamental human right to address menstruation in a safe and affordable way, free of stigma, shame, or barriers to access.
In Menstruation Matters: Challenging the Law’s Silence on Periods (NYU Press, 2022), Dr. Bridget Crawford and Dr. Emily Gold Waldman explore the role of law in this movement. They ask what the law currently says about menstruation (spoiler alert: not much) and provides a roadmap for legal reform that can move society closer to a world where no one is held back or disadvantaged by menstruation. The book examines these issues in a wide range of contexts, from schools to workplaces to prisons to tax policies and more. Ultimately, they seek to transform both law and society so that menstruation is no longer an obstacle to full participation in all aspects of public and private life.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>162</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bridget J. Crawford and Emily Gold Waldman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Approximately half the population menstruates for a large portion of their lives, but the law is mostly silent about the topic. Until recently, most people would have said that periods are private matters not to be discussed in public. But the last few years have seen a new willingness among advocates and allies of all ages to speak openly about periods. Slowly around the globe, people are recognizing the basic fundamental human right to address menstruation in a safe and affordable way, free of stigma, shame, or barriers to access.
In Menstruation Matters: Challenging the Law’s Silence on Periods (NYU Press, 2022), Dr. Bridget Crawford and Dr. Emily Gold Waldman explore the role of law in this movement. They ask what the law currently says about menstruation (spoiler alert: not much) and provides a roadmap for legal reform that can move society closer to a world where no one is held back or disadvantaged by menstruation. The book examines these issues in a wide range of contexts, from schools to workplaces to prisons to tax policies and more. Ultimately, they seek to transform both law and society so that menstruation is no longer an obstacle to full participation in all aspects of public and private life.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Approximately half the population menstruates for a large portion of their lives, but the law is mostly silent about the topic. Until recently, most people would have said that periods are private matters not to be discussed in public. But the last few years have seen a new willingness among advocates and allies of all ages to speak openly about periods. Slowly around the globe, people are recognizing the basic fundamental human right to address menstruation in a safe and affordable way, free of stigma, shame, or barriers to access.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479809677"><em>Menstruation Matters: Challenging the Law’s Silence on Periods</em></a> (NYU Press, 2022), Dr. Bridget Crawford and Dr. Emily Gold Waldman explore the role of law in this movement. They ask what the law currently says about menstruation (spoiler alert: not much) and provides a roadmap for legal reform that can move society closer to a world where no one is held back or disadvantaged by menstruation. The book examines these issues in a wide range of contexts, from schools to workplaces to prisons to tax policies and more. Ultimately, they seek to transform both law and society so that menstruation is no longer an obstacle to full participation in all aspects of public and private life.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2793</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew R. Polk, "Faith in Freedom: Propaganda, Presidential Politics, and the Making of an American Religion" (Cornell UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>In Faith in Freedom: Propaganda, Presidential Politics, and the Making of an American Religion (Cornell UP, 2021), Andrew R. Polk argues that the American civil religion so many have identified as indigenous to the founding ideology was, in fact, the result of a strategic campaign of religious propaganda. Far from being the natural result of the nation's religious underpinning or the later spiritual machinations of conservative Protestants, American civil religion and the resultant "Christian nationalism" of today were crafted by secular elites in the middle of the twentieth century. Polk's genealogy of the national motto, "In God We Trust," revises the very meaning of the contemporary American nation.
Polk shows how Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S Truman, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, working with politicians, advertising executives, and military public relations experts, exploited denominational religious affiliations and beliefs in order to unite Americans during the Second World War and, then, the early Cold War. Armed opposition to the Soviet Union was coupled with militant support for free economic markets, local control of education and housing, and liberties of speech and worship. These preferences were cultivated by state actors so as to support a set of right-wing positions including anti-communism, the Jim Crow status quo, and limited taxation and regulation.
Faith in Freedom is a pioneering work of American religious history. By assessing the ideas, policies, and actions of three US Presidents and their White House staff, Polk sheds light on the origins of the ideological, religious, and partisan divides that describe the American polity today.
Andrew R. Polk is Associate Professor of History at Middle Tennessee State University.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 07 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>189</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew R. Polk</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Faith in Freedom: Propaganda, Presidential Politics, and the Making of an American Religion (Cornell UP, 2021), Andrew R. Polk argues that the American civil religion so many have identified as indigenous to the founding ideology was, in fact, the result of a strategic campaign of religious propaganda. Far from being the natural result of the nation's religious underpinning or the later spiritual machinations of conservative Protestants, American civil religion and the resultant "Christian nationalism" of today were crafted by secular elites in the middle of the twentieth century. Polk's genealogy of the national motto, "In God We Trust," revises the very meaning of the contemporary American nation.
Polk shows how Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S Truman, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, working with politicians, advertising executives, and military public relations experts, exploited denominational religious affiliations and beliefs in order to unite Americans during the Second World War and, then, the early Cold War. Armed opposition to the Soviet Union was coupled with militant support for free economic markets, local control of education and housing, and liberties of speech and worship. These preferences were cultivated by state actors so as to support a set of right-wing positions including anti-communism, the Jim Crow status quo, and limited taxation and regulation.
Faith in Freedom is a pioneering work of American religious history. By assessing the ideas, policies, and actions of three US Presidents and their White House staff, Polk sheds light on the origins of the ideological, religious, and partisan divides that describe the American polity today.
Andrew R. Polk is Associate Professor of History at Middle Tennessee State University.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501759222"><em>Faith in Freedom: Propaganda, Presidential Politics, and the Making of an American Religion</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2021), Andrew R. Polk argues that the American civil religion so many have identified as indigenous to the founding ideology was, in fact, the result of a strategic campaign of religious propaganda. Far from being the natural result of the nation's religious underpinning or the later spiritual machinations of conservative Protestants, American civil religion and the resultant "Christian nationalism" of today were crafted by secular elites in the middle of the twentieth century. Polk's genealogy of the national motto, "In God We Trust," revises the very meaning of the contemporary American nation.</p><p>Polk shows how Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S Truman, and Dwight D. Eisenhower, working with politicians, advertising executives, and military public relations experts, exploited denominational religious affiliations and beliefs in order to unite Americans during the Second World War and, then, the early Cold War. Armed opposition to the Soviet Union was coupled with militant support for free economic markets, local control of education and housing, and liberties of speech and worship. These preferences were cultivated by state actors so as to support a set of right-wing positions including anti-communism, the Jim Crow status quo, and limited taxation and regulation.</p><p><em>Faith in Freedom </em>is a pioneering work of American religious history. By assessing the ideas, policies, and actions of three US Presidents and their White House staff, Polk sheds light on the origins of the ideological, religious, and partisan divides that describe the American polity today.</p><p>Andrew R. Polk is Associate Professor of History at Middle Tennessee State University.</p><p><em>Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3204</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Peter Hughes, "A History of Love and Hate in 21 Statues" (Aurum Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>The ongoing debate surrounding who gets to determine the subjects of public commemoration, particularly in the form of statues, has become more heated over the past few years. In his timely book, A History of Love and Hate in 21 Statues (Aurum Press, 2021), Peter Hughes examines the long history of statues being used to articulate the values of rulers, governments, organizations, and average citizens. Of course, that also means statues are often targets of people who want to challenge those values.
In this wide-ranging conversation, we discuss whether the motivation for public commemorations, as well as the opposition to them, can be found first and foremost in a society’s emotional relationship to the person (or god, for that matter) being commemorated, as is suggested in the book’s title; or, if the timeless debate over who does and doesn’t get commemorated is really about power.
Lia Paradis is a professor of History at Slippery Rock University and co-host of the NBN partner podcast, Lies Agreed Upon.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Peter Hughes</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The ongoing debate surrounding who gets to determine the subjects of public commemoration, particularly in the form of statues, has become more heated over the past few years. In his timely book, A History of Love and Hate in 21 Statues (Aurum Press, 2021), Peter Hughes examines the long history of statues being used to articulate the values of rulers, governments, organizations, and average citizens. Of course, that also means statues are often targets of people who want to challenge those values.
In this wide-ranging conversation, we discuss whether the motivation for public commemorations, as well as the opposition to them, can be found first and foremost in a society’s emotional relationship to the person (or god, for that matter) being commemorated, as is suggested in the book’s title; or, if the timeless debate over who does and doesn’t get commemorated is really about power.
Lia Paradis is a professor of History at Slippery Rock University and co-host of the NBN partner podcast, Lies Agreed Upon.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The ongoing debate surrounding who gets to determine the subjects of public commemoration, particularly in the form of statues, has become more heated over the past few years. In his timely book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780711266124"><em>A History of Love and Hate in 21 Statues</em></a> (Aurum Press, 2021), Peter Hughes examines the long history of statues being used to articulate the values of rulers, governments, organizations, and average citizens. Of course, that also means statues are often targets of people who want to challenge those values.</p><p>In this wide-ranging conversation, we discuss whether the motivation for public commemorations, as well as the opposition to them, can be found first and foremost in a society’s emotional relationship to the person (or god, for that matter) being commemorated, as is suggested in the book’s title; or, if the timeless debate over who does and doesn’t get commemorated is really about power.</p><p><em>Lia Paradis is a professor of History at Slippery Rock University and co-host of the NBN partner podcast, Lies Agreed Upon.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2685</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[217ebada-f4ba-11ec-935a-1355bf5b3133]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2822347204.mp3?updated=1656433775" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elisabeth R. Anker, "Ugly Freedoms" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022), Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual but that provide sources of emancipatory potential. She analyzes both types of ugly freedom at work in a number of texts and locations, from political theory, art, and film to food, toxic dumps, and multispecies interactions. Whether examining how Kara Walker's sugar sculpture A Subtlety, Or the Marvelous Sugar Baby reveals the importance of sugar plantations to liberal thought or how the impoverished neighborhoods in The Wire blunt neoliberalism's violence, Anker shifts our perspective of freedom by contesting its idealized expressions and expanding the visions for what freedom can look like, who can exercise it, and how to build a world free from domination.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Jul 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>307</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elisabeth R. Anker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022), Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual but that provide sources of emancipatory potential. She analyzes both types of ugly freedom at work in a number of texts and locations, from political theory, art, and film to food, toxic dumps, and multispecies interactions. Whether examining how Kara Walker's sugar sculpture A Subtlety, Or the Marvelous Sugar Baby reveals the importance of sugar plantations to liberal thought or how the impoverished neighborhoods in The Wire blunt neoliberalism's violence, Anker shifts our perspective of freedom by contesting its idealized expressions and expanding the visions for what freedom can look like, who can exercise it, and how to build a world free from domination.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478017783"><em>Ugly Freedoms</em></a> (Duke UP, 2022), Elisabeth R. Anker reckons with the complex legacy of freedom offered by liberal American democracy, outlining how the emphasis of individual liberty has always been entangled with white supremacy, settler colonialism, climate destruction, economic exploitation, and patriarchy. These "ugly freedoms" legitimate the right to exploit and subjugate others. At the same time, Anker locates an unexpected second type of ugly freedom in practices and situations often dismissed as demeaning, offensive, gross, and ineffectual but that provide sources of emancipatory potential. She analyzes both types of ugly freedom at work in a number of texts and locations, from political theory, art, and film to food, toxic dumps, and multispecies interactions. Whether examining how Kara Walker's sugar sculpture <em>A Subtlety, Or the Marvelous Sugar Baby</em> reveals the importance of sugar plantations to liberal thought or how the impoverished neighborhoods in <em>The Wire</em> blunt neoliberalism's violence, Anker shifts our perspective of freedom by contesting its idealized expressions and expanding the visions for what freedom can look like, who can exercise it, and how to build a world free from domination.</p><p><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3719</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Nicholas T. Pruitt, "Open Hearts, Closed Doors: Immigration Reform and the Waning of Mainline Protestantism" (NYU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Open Hearts, Closed Doors: Immigration Reform and the Waning of Mainline Protestantism (NYU Press, 2021) uncovers the largely overlooked role that liberal Protestants played in fostering cultural diversity in America and pushing for new immigration laws during the forty years following the passage of the restrictive Immigration Act of 1924. These efforts resulted in the complete reshaping of the US cultural and religious landscape.
During this period, mainline Protestants contributed to the national debate over immigration policy and joined the charge for immigration reform, advocating for a more diverse pool of newcomers. They were successful in their efforts, and in 1965 the quota system based on race and national origin was abolished. But their activism had unintended consequences, because the liberal immigration policies they supported helped to end over three centuries of white Protestant dominance in American society.
Yet, Pruitt argues, in losing their cultural supremacy, mainline Protestants were able to reassess their mission. They rolled back more strident forms of xenophobia, substantively altering the face of mainline Protestantism and laying foundations for their responses to today’s immigration debates. More than just a historical portrait, this volume is a timely reminder of the power of religious influence in political matters.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1224</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nicholas T. Pruitt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Open Hearts, Closed Doors: Immigration Reform and the Waning of Mainline Protestantism (NYU Press, 2021) uncovers the largely overlooked role that liberal Protestants played in fostering cultural diversity in America and pushing for new immigration laws during the forty years following the passage of the restrictive Immigration Act of 1924. These efforts resulted in the complete reshaping of the US cultural and religious landscape.
During this period, mainline Protestants contributed to the national debate over immigration policy and joined the charge for immigration reform, advocating for a more diverse pool of newcomers. They were successful in their efforts, and in 1965 the quota system based on race and national origin was abolished. But their activism had unintended consequences, because the liberal immigration policies they supported helped to end over three centuries of white Protestant dominance in American society.
Yet, Pruitt argues, in losing their cultural supremacy, mainline Protestants were able to reassess their mission. They rolled back more strident forms of xenophobia, substantively altering the face of mainline Protestantism and laying foundations for their responses to today’s immigration debates. More than just a historical portrait, this volume is a timely reminder of the power of religious influence in political matters.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479803545"><em>Open Hearts, Closed Doors: Immigration Reform and the Waning of Mainline Protestantism</em></a> (NYU Press, 2021) uncovers the largely overlooked role that liberal Protestants played in fostering cultural diversity in America and pushing for new immigration laws during the forty years following the passage of the restrictive Immigration Act of 1924. These efforts resulted in the complete reshaping of the US cultural and religious landscape.</p><p>During this period, mainline Protestants contributed to the national debate over immigration policy and joined the charge for immigration reform, advocating for a more diverse pool of newcomers. They were successful in their efforts, and in 1965 the quota system based on race and national origin was abolished. But their activism had unintended consequences, because the liberal immigration policies they supported helped to end over three centuries of white Protestant dominance in American society.</p><p>Yet, Pruitt argues, in losing their cultural supremacy, mainline Protestants were able to reassess their mission. They rolled back more strident forms of xenophobia, substantively altering the face of mainline Protestantism and laying foundations for their responses to today’s immigration debates. More than just a historical portrait, this volume is a timely reminder of the power of religious influence in political matters.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/laneedwarddavis/"><em>Lane Davis</em></a><em> is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College. Find him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/TheeLaneDavis"><em>@TheeLaneDavis</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
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    <item>
      <title>Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway, eds., "The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton" (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?”
Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country.
The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway.
We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton’s view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter.
This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton’s extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it.
Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans’ affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today.
The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him.
Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>146</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bradford P. Wilson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?”
Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country.
The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway.
We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton’s view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter.
This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton’s extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it.
Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans’ affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today.
The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him.
Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?”</p><p>Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country.</p><p>The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Political-Writings-Alexander-Hamilton-1769-1789/dp/1108434975/ref=sr_1_1?qid=1655462713&amp;refinements=p_27%3ABradford+P.+Wilson&amp;s=books&amp;sr=1-1&amp;text=Bradford+P.+Wilson"><em>The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789</em> </a>and <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Political-Writings-Alexander-Hamilton-1789-1804/dp/1108434983/ref=sr_1_2?qid=1655462631&amp;refinements=p_27%3ABradford+P.+Wilson&amp;s=books&amp;sr=1-2&amp;text=Bradford+P.+Wilson"><em>The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804</em></a>, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway.</p><p>We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton’s view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter.</p><p>This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton’s extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it.</p><p>Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans’ affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today.</p><p>The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him.</p><p>Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4736</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Emily Mendenhall, "Unmasked: Covid, Community, and the Case of Okoboji" (Vanderbilt UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Unmasked: Covid, Community, and the Case of Okoboji (Vanderbilt UP, 2022) is the story of what happened in Okoboji, a small Iowan tourist town, when a collective turn from the coronavirus to the economy occurred in the COVID summer of 2020. State political failures, local negotiations among political and public health leaders, and community (dis)belief about the virus resulted in Okoboji being declared a hotspot just before the Independence Day weekend, when an influx of half a million people visit the town.
The story is both personal and political. Author Emily Mendenhall, an anthropologist at Georgetown University, is a native of Okoboji, and her family still lives there. As the events unfolded, Mendenhall was in Okoboji, where she spoke formally with over 100 people and observed a community that rejected government guidance and public health knowledge, revealing deep-seated mistrust in outsiders and strong commitments to local thinking. Unmasked is a fascinating and heartbreaking account of where people put their trust, and how isolationist popular beliefs can be in America's small communities.
Sharonee Dasgupta is currently a graduate student in the department of anthropology at UMass Amherst.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>173</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Emily Mendenhall</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Unmasked: Covid, Community, and the Case of Okoboji (Vanderbilt UP, 2022) is the story of what happened in Okoboji, a small Iowan tourist town, when a collective turn from the coronavirus to the economy occurred in the COVID summer of 2020. State political failures, local negotiations among political and public health leaders, and community (dis)belief about the virus resulted in Okoboji being declared a hotspot just before the Independence Day weekend, when an influx of half a million people visit the town.
The story is both personal and political. Author Emily Mendenhall, an anthropologist at Georgetown University, is a native of Okoboji, and her family still lives there. As the events unfolded, Mendenhall was in Okoboji, where she spoke formally with over 100 people and observed a community that rejected government guidance and public health knowledge, revealing deep-seated mistrust in outsiders and strong commitments to local thinking. Unmasked is a fascinating and heartbreaking account of where people put their trust, and how isolationist popular beliefs can be in America's small communities.
Sharonee Dasgupta is currently a graduate student in the department of anthropology at UMass Amherst.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780826504517"><em>Unmasked: Covid, Community, and the Case of Okoboji</em></a><em> </em>(Vanderbilt UP, 2022) is the story of what happened in Okoboji, a small Iowan tourist town, when a collective turn from the coronavirus to the economy occurred in the COVID summer of 2020. State political failures, local negotiations among political and public health leaders, and community (dis)belief about the virus resulted in Okoboji being declared a hotspot just before the Independence Day weekend, when an influx of half a million people visit the town.</p><p>The story is both personal and political. Author Emily Mendenhall, an anthropologist at Georgetown University, is a native of Okoboji, and her family still lives there. As the events unfolded, Mendenhall was in Okoboji, where she spoke formally with over 100 people and observed a community that rejected government guidance and public health knowledge, revealing deep-seated mistrust in outsiders and strong commitments to local thinking. <em>Unmasked</em> is a fascinating and heartbreaking account of where people put their trust, and how isolationist popular beliefs can be in America's small communities.</p><p><em>Sharonee Dasgupta is currently a graduate student in the department of anthropology at UMass Amherst.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1966</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bcaf1376-eb35-11ec-8498-57e666209064]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Anker, "Ugly Freedoms" (Duke UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>With me on today’s show is Professor Elizabeth Anker, whose most recent book, Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022), works to understand how the idea of freedom, seemingly so fundamental to our understanding of the American experience, is often the very concept that allows for the brutal deprivation of the freedom of others. As she writes, “ugly freedom entails a dynamic in which practices of freedom produce harm, brutality, and subjugation as freedom.” Today we will be discussing Professor Anker’s theory of ugly freedom in the context of our unending crisis of gun violence in the United States. This show’s topic feels as essential as any that I have offered thus far. I hope you will find something hopeful in our conversation.
Chris Holmes is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro as World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of The New Voices Festival, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>45</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Anker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With me on today’s show is Professor Elizabeth Anker, whose most recent book, Ugly Freedoms (Duke UP, 2022), works to understand how the idea of freedom, seemingly so fundamental to our understanding of the American experience, is often the very concept that allows for the brutal deprivation of the freedom of others. As she writes, “ugly freedom entails a dynamic in which practices of freedom produce harm, brutality, and subjugation as freedom.” Today we will be discussing Professor Anker’s theory of ugly freedom in the context of our unending crisis of gun violence in the United States. This show’s topic feels as essential as any that I have offered thus far. I hope you will find something hopeful in our conversation.
Chris Holmes is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro as World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of The New Voices Festival, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With me on today’s show is Professor Elizabeth Anker, whose most recent book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781478017783"><em>Ugly Freedoms</em></a><em> </em>(Duke UP, 2022), works to understand how the idea of freedom, seemingly so fundamental to our understanding of the American experience, is often the very concept that allows for the brutal deprivation of the freedom of others. As she writes, “ugly freedom entails a dynamic in which practices of freedom produce harm, brutality, and subjugation as <em>freedom</em>.” Today we will be discussing Professor Anker’s theory of ugly freedom in the context of our unending crisis of gun violence in the United States. This show’s topic feels as essential as any that I have offered thus far. I hope you will find something hopeful in our conversation.</p><p><a href="https://www.ithaca.edu/faculty/cholmes"><em>Chris Holmes</em></a><em> is Chair of Literatures in English and Associate Professor at Ithaca College. He writes criticism on contemporary global literatures. His book, Kazuo Ishiguro as World Literature, is under contract with Bloomsbury Publishing. He is the co-director of </em><a href="https://www.ithaca.edu/academics/school-humanities-and-sciences/writing/new-voices-festival"><em>The New Voices Festival</em></a><em>, a celebration of work in poetry, prose, and playwriting by up-and-coming young writers.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3125</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6a696592-f316-11ec-a05a-6f4f5f541244]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2288079344.mp3?updated=1656071039" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Dayna Bowen Matthew, "Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America" (NYU Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.
Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>610</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dayna Bowen Matthew</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.
Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, systemic racism is embedded in policies and practices, thereby structuring American society to perpetuate inequality and all of the symptoms and results of that inequality. Racial, social, and class inequities and the public health crises in the United States are deeply intertwined, their roots and manifestations continually pressuring each other. This has been both illuminated and exacerbated since 2020, with the Movement for Black Lives (BLM) and the disproportionate effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on historically disadvantaged groups within the U.S. Dr. Dayna Bowen Matthew, Dean of the George Washington University Law School, explores and unpacks the public health crisis that is racism in her new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479802661"><em>Just Health: Treating Structural Racism to Heal America</em></a> (NYU Press, 2022)﻿. She describes how structural inequality undermines the interests of a thriving nation and the steps we can take to undo the pervasive nature of inequality to create more equitable and just systems.</p><p>Dr. Bowen Matthew describes her personal relationship with the concepts of structural inequality and racism in the public health system, opening with a heart-wrenching ode to her father’s experience with poverty and prejudice, which ultimately led to his premature death. Through her family’s story, she explains how structural inequality is perpetuated on a large-enough scale and with a powerful-enough scope so as to virtually guarantee social outcomes that reflect predetermined hierarchies based on race and/or class, hierarchies that remain consistent across generations. These disproportionate outcomes are often dismissed as due to comorbidities without the attention paid to social factors are the primary cause of comorbidities, because oppression in its many forms blocks equitable access to the social determinants of health. These social determinants include, but are not limited to, clean and safe housing, adequate education, nutritious food and fresh water, access to recreational spaces, and mental health services. Individuals who lack these, through no fault of their own, are then obligated to accept disproportionate care, illness, and disturbingly shorter life spans then are the norm for many Americans and are much closer to life spans in impoverished countries. Dr. Bowen Matthew presents evidence of discrimination in housing, education, employment, and the criminal justice system, detailing how law has played a central role in erecting disproportionate access to the social determinants of health, and therefore is a requisite tool for dismantling it. She provides a clear path to undoing structural racism and providing an equitable society to all, encouraging health providers, law makers, and citizens all to fight to dismantle the hurdles that many patients face because of the zip code in which they live.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2813</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Soyer, "Left in the Center: The Liberal Party of New York and the Rise and Fall of American Social Democracy (Cornell UP, 2021) </title>
      <description>The history of small political parties and the history of the American left are closely intertwined, especially in the book Left in the Center: The Liberal Party of New York and the Rise and Fall of American Social Democracy (Cornell UP, 2021) by Daniel Soyer, professor of history at Fordham University.
From its founding in 1944 until its fall in 2002, the Liberal Party played a strategic role in New York State politics. Founded by anti-communist labor activists, social democrats and liberals, the party brought a social democratic dimension to New York politics in its early years. In addition to running its own candidates, it made strategic use of New York State law that allows candidates to run on more than one party line.
This enabled the Liberal Party to endorse a Democrat or a Republican who then ran as the candidate of a major party and the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party used this practice, called cross-endorsement, to tip the balance of votes by offering or withholding support.
Although the Liberal Party is gone—and some critics say that in its final years it was little more than a patronage mill--it set a blueprint followed on the right by New York’s Conservative Party, and on the left by the state’s Working Families Party.
The Liberal Party’s history illuminates the awkward relationship between principles and pragmatism, but it also helps us understand the role of third parties in American politics and the electoral fortunes of the more moderate end of the American left.
Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University He is the author of Crossing Broadway: Washington Heights and the Promise of New York (Cornell, paperback, 2019) and co-author of All the Nations Under Heaven: Immigrants, Migrants and the Making of New York (Columbia, 2019). He can be reached at rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1222</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel Soyer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The history of small political parties and the history of the American left are closely intertwined, especially in the book Left in the Center: The Liberal Party of New York and the Rise and Fall of American Social Democracy (Cornell UP, 2021) by Daniel Soyer, professor of history at Fordham University.
From its founding in 1944 until its fall in 2002, the Liberal Party played a strategic role in New York State politics. Founded by anti-communist labor activists, social democrats and liberals, the party brought a social democratic dimension to New York politics in its early years. In addition to running its own candidates, it made strategic use of New York State law that allows candidates to run on more than one party line.
This enabled the Liberal Party to endorse a Democrat or a Republican who then ran as the candidate of a major party and the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party used this practice, called cross-endorsement, to tip the balance of votes by offering or withholding support.
Although the Liberal Party is gone—and some critics say that in its final years it was little more than a patronage mill--it set a blueprint followed on the right by New York’s Conservative Party, and on the left by the state’s Working Families Party.
The Liberal Party’s history illuminates the awkward relationship between principles and pragmatism, but it also helps us understand the role of third parties in American politics and the electoral fortunes of the more moderate end of the American left.
Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University He is the author of Crossing Broadway: Washington Heights and the Promise of New York (Cornell, paperback, 2019) and co-author of All the Nations Under Heaven: Immigrants, Migrants and the Making of New York (Columbia, 2019). He can be reached at rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The history of small political parties and the history of the American left are closely intertwined, especially in the book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501759871"><em>Left in the Center: The Liberal Party of New York and the Rise and Fall of American Social Democracy</em></a> (Cornell UP, 2021) by Daniel Soyer, professor of history at Fordham University.</p><p>From its founding in 1944 until its fall in 2002, the Liberal Party played a strategic role in New York State politics. Founded by anti-communist labor activists, social democrats and liberals, the party brought a social democratic dimension to New York politics in its early years. In addition to running its own candidates, it made strategic use of New York State law that allows candidates to run on more than one party line.</p><p>This enabled the Liberal Party to endorse a Democrat or a Republican who then ran as the candidate of a major party and the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party used this practice, called cross-endorsement, to tip the balance of votes by offering or withholding support.</p><p>Although the Liberal Party is gone—and some critics say that in its final years it was little more than a patronage mill--it set a blueprint followed on the right by New York’s Conservative Party, and on the left by the state’s Working Families Party.</p><p>The Liberal Party’s history illuminates the awkward relationship between principles and pragmatism, but it also helps us understand the role of third parties in American politics and the electoral fortunes of the more moderate end of the American left.</p><p><em>Robert W. Snyder is Manhattan Borough Historian and professor emeritus of American Studies and Journalism at Rutgers University He is the author of Crossing Broadway: Washington Heights and the Promise of New York (Cornell, paperback, 2019) and co-author of All the Nations Under Heaven: Immigrants, Migrants and the Making of New York (Columbia, 2019). He can be reached at rwsnyder@rutgers.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2895</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a666e56e-ed8b-11ec-a93c-97277221d107]]></guid>
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      <title>Bianca C. Williams et al., "Plantation Politics and Campus Rebellions: Power, Diversity, and the Emancipatory Struggle in Higher Education" (SUNY Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Plantation Politics and Campus Rebellions: Power, Diversity, and the Emancipatory Struggle in Higher Education (SUNY Press, 2021) provides a multidisciplinary exploration of the contemporary university's entanglement with the history of slavery and settler colonialism in the United States. Inspired by more than a hundred student-led protests during the Movement for Black Lives, contributors examine how campus rebellions—and university responses to them—expose the racialized inequities at the core of higher education. Plantation politics are embedded in the everyday workings of universities—in not only the physical structures and spaces of academic institutions, but in its recruitment and attainment strategies, hiring practices, curriculum, and notions of sociality, safety, and community. The book is comprised of three sections that highlight how white supremacy shapes campus communities and classrooms; how current diversity and inclusion initiatives perpetuate inequality; and how students, staff, and faculty practice resistance in the face of institutional and legislative repression. Each chapter interrogates a connection between the academy and the plantation, exploring how Black people and their labor are viewed as simultaneously essential and disruptive to university cultures and economies. The volume is an indispensable read for students, faculty, student affairs professionals, and administrators invested in learning more about how power operates within education and imagining emancipatory futures.
﻿Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>308</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bianca C. Williams and Frank A. Tuitt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Plantation Politics and Campus Rebellions: Power, Diversity, and the Emancipatory Struggle in Higher Education (SUNY Press, 2021) provides a multidisciplinary exploration of the contemporary university's entanglement with the history of slavery and settler colonialism in the United States. Inspired by more than a hundred student-led protests during the Movement for Black Lives, contributors examine how campus rebellions—and university responses to them—expose the racialized inequities at the core of higher education. Plantation politics are embedded in the everyday workings of universities—in not only the physical structures and spaces of academic institutions, but in its recruitment and attainment strategies, hiring practices, curriculum, and notions of sociality, safety, and community. The book is comprised of three sections that highlight how white supremacy shapes campus communities and classrooms; how current diversity and inclusion initiatives perpetuate inequality; and how students, staff, and faculty practice resistance in the face of institutional and legislative repression. Each chapter interrogates a connection between the academy and the plantation, exploring how Black people and their labor are viewed as simultaneously essential and disruptive to university cultures and economies. The volume is an indispensable read for students, faculty, student affairs professionals, and administrators invested in learning more about how power operates within education and imagining emancipatory futures.
﻿Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781438482682"><em>Plantation Politics and Campus Rebellions: Power, Diversity, and the Emancipatory Struggle in Higher Education</em></a><em> </em>(SUNY Press, 2021) provides a multidisciplinary exploration of the contemporary university's entanglement with the history of slavery and settler colonialism in the United States. Inspired by more than a hundred student-led protests during the Movement for Black Lives, contributors examine how campus rebellions—and university responses to them—expose the racialized inequities at the core of higher education. Plantation politics are embedded in the everyday workings of universities—in not only the physical structures and spaces of academic institutions, but in its recruitment and attainment strategies, hiring practices, curriculum, and notions of sociality, safety, and community. The book is comprised of three sections that highlight how white supremacy shapes campus communities and classrooms; how current diversity and inclusion initiatives perpetuate inequality; and how students, staff, and faculty practice resistance in the face of institutional and legislative repression. Each chapter interrogates a connection between the academy and the plantation, exploring how Black people and their labor are viewed as simultaneously essential and disruptive to university cultures and economies. The volume is an indispensable read for students, faculty, student affairs professionals, and administrators invested in learning more about how power operates within education and imagining emancipatory futures.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://history.rutgers.edu/people/graduate-students/grad-student/1155-mcneil-adam"><em>Adam McNeil</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4414</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8538296393.mp3?updated=1655557095" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Edwin Amenta and Neal Caren, "Rough Draft of History: A Century of US Social Movements in the News" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Rough Draft of History: A Century of US Social Movements in the News (Princeton UP, 2022) offers a new view of U.S. social movement history across the twentieth century by examining how movement organizations were covered in major national newspapers. The book analyzes U.S. social movements--ranging from temperance to women's suffrage to the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street--in a broad comparative fashion. Drawing on the full set of digitized newspapers from the twentieth-century (a task that as little as twenty years ago was considered impossible for researchers), the book offers both an institutional history of news--why the media covered what they covered, and to what effect--and also shows the influence of news coverage on a range of social movements, from the well-known to the obscure. Media coverage is a crucial component of movement visibility; news can draw the general public into battles over new issues but also shapes how movements are perceived. The authors show how a movement's structure--its organization, as well as the protest and non-protests activities it undertakes--influence its coverage, and consider too how macro-political conditions shape movement coverage. They reveal surprising gaps between contemporaneous coverage and current scholarly focus; for instance, the labor movement received the most journalistic attention of any movement of the twentieth century, but it is greatly understudied in comparison to how much it dominated the public sphere. Taking stock of news coverage across a century of movements thus illuminates movements that were influential in public discourse but have been neglected by scholars.
Edwin Amenta is professor of sociology and political science at the University of California, Irvine. His books include When Movements Matter and Bold Relief (both Princeton). Twitter @EdwinAmenta 
Neal Caren is associate professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Twitter @HaphazardSoc
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin)
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      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>237</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Edwin Amenta and Neal Caren</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Rough Draft of History: A Century of US Social Movements in the News (Princeton UP, 2022) offers a new view of U.S. social movement history across the twentieth century by examining how movement organizations were covered in major national newspapers. The book analyzes U.S. social movements--ranging from temperance to women's suffrage to the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street--in a broad comparative fashion. Drawing on the full set of digitized newspapers from the twentieth-century (a task that as little as twenty years ago was considered impossible for researchers), the book offers both an institutional history of news--why the media covered what they covered, and to what effect--and also shows the influence of news coverage on a range of social movements, from the well-known to the obscure. Media coverage is a crucial component of movement visibility; news can draw the general public into battles over new issues but also shapes how movements are perceived. The authors show how a movement's structure--its organization, as well as the protest and non-protests activities it undertakes--influence its coverage, and consider too how macro-political conditions shape movement coverage. They reveal surprising gaps between contemporaneous coverage and current scholarly focus; for instance, the labor movement received the most journalistic attention of any movement of the twentieth century, but it is greatly understudied in comparison to how much it dominated the public sphere. Taking stock of news coverage across a century of movements thus illuminates movements that were influential in public discourse but have been neglected by scholars.
Edwin Amenta is professor of sociology and political science at the University of California, Irvine. His books include When Movements Matter and Bold Relief (both Princeton). Twitter @EdwinAmenta 
Neal Caren is associate professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Twitter @HaphazardSoc
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin)
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691232775"><em>Rough Draft of History: A Century of US Social Movements in the News</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2022) offers a new view of U.S. social movement history across the twentieth century by examining how movement organizations were covered in major national newspapers. The book analyzes U.S. social movements--ranging from temperance to women's suffrage to the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street--in a broad comparative fashion. Drawing on the full set of digitized newspapers from the twentieth-century (a task that as little as twenty years ago was considered impossible for researchers), the book offers both an institutional history of news--why the media covered what they covered, and to what effect--and also shows the influence of news coverage on a range of social movements, from the well-known to the obscure. Media coverage is a crucial component of movement visibility; news can draw the general public into battles over new issues but also shapes how movements are perceived. The authors show how a movement's structure--its organization, as well as the protest and non-protests activities it undertakes--influence its coverage, and consider too how macro-political conditions shape movement coverage. They reveal surprising gaps between contemporaneous coverage and current scholarly focus; for instance, the labor movement received the most journalistic attention of any movement of the twentieth century, but it is greatly understudied in comparison to how much it dominated the public sphere. Taking stock of news coverage across a century of movements thus illuminates movements that were influential in public discourse but have been neglected by scholars.</p><p>Edwin Amenta is professor of sociology and political science at the University of California, Irvine. His books include <em>When Movements Matter </em>and <em>Bold Relief </em>(both Princeton). Twitter @EdwinAmenta </p><p>Neal Caren is associate professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Twitter @HaphazardSoc</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin)</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3202</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2946216489.mp3?updated=1655386264" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of Public Opinion: A Conversation with Susan Herbst</title>
      <description>Politicians and corporations cannot only measure public opinion but also manipulate and create it. And they have been doing so since the 1930s when serious polling began. And as Professor Susan Herbst, author of Numbered Voices: How Opinion Polling Has Shaped American Politics, explains early public opinion research raised hopes for better democratic practice but also led to fears for the future. 
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>18</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Susan Herbst</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Politicians and corporations cannot only measure public opinion but also manipulate and create it. And they have been doing so since the 1930s when serious polling began. And as Professor Susan Herbst, author of Numbered Voices: How Opinion Polling Has Shaped American Politics, explains early public opinion research raised hopes for better democratic practice but also led to fears for the future. 
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Politicians and corporations cannot only measure public opinion but also manipulate and create it. And they have been doing so since the 1930s when serious polling began. And as Professor Susan Herbst, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226327433"><em>Numbered Voices: How Opinion Polling Has Shaped American Politics</em></a>, explains early public opinion research raised hopes for better democratic practice but also led to fears for the future. </p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Joshua Prager, "The Family Roe: An American Story" (W. W. Norton, 2021)</title>
      <description>Despite her famous pseudonym, "Jane Roe," no one knows the truth about Norma McCorvey (1947-2017), whose unwanted pregnancy in 1969 opened a great fracture in American life. Journalist Joshua Prager spent hundreds of hours with Norma, discovered her personal papers--a previously unseen trove--and witnessed her final moments. The Family Roe: An American Story (W. W. Norton, 2021) presents her life in full. Propelled by the crosscurrents of sex and religion, gender and class, it is a life that tells the story of abortion in America.
Prager begins that story on the banks of Louisiana's Atchafalaya River where Norma was born, and where unplanned pregnancies upended generations of her forebears. A pregnancy then upended Norma's life too, and the Dallas waitress became Jane Roe.
Drawing on a decade of research, Prager reveals the woman behind the pseudonym, writing in novelistic detail of her unknown life from her time as a sex worker in Dallas, to her private thoughts on family and abortion, to her dealings with feminist and Christian leaders, to the three daughters she placed for adoption.
Prager found those women, including the youngest--Baby Roe--now fifty years old. She shares her story in The Family Roe for the first time, from her tortured interactions with her birth mother, to her emotional first meeting with her sisters, to the burden that was uniquely hers from conception.
The Family Roe abounds in such revelations--not only about Norma and her children but about the broader "family" connected to the case. Prager tells the stories of activists and bystanders alike whose lives intertwined with Roe. In particular, he introduces three figures as important as they are unknown: feminist lawyer Linda Coffee, who filed the original Texas lawsuit yet now lives in obscurity; Curtis Boyd, a former fundamentalist Christian, today a leading provider of third-trimester abortions; and Mildred Jefferson, the first black female Harvard Medical School graduate, who became a pro-life leader with great secrets.
An epic work spanning fifty years of American history, The Family Roe will change the way you think about our enduring American divide: the right to choose or the right to life.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>188</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joshua Prager</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Despite her famous pseudonym, "Jane Roe," no one knows the truth about Norma McCorvey (1947-2017), whose unwanted pregnancy in 1969 opened a great fracture in American life. Journalist Joshua Prager spent hundreds of hours with Norma, discovered her personal papers--a previously unseen trove--and witnessed her final moments. The Family Roe: An American Story (W. W. Norton, 2021) presents her life in full. Propelled by the crosscurrents of sex and religion, gender and class, it is a life that tells the story of abortion in America.
Prager begins that story on the banks of Louisiana's Atchafalaya River where Norma was born, and where unplanned pregnancies upended generations of her forebears. A pregnancy then upended Norma's life too, and the Dallas waitress became Jane Roe.
Drawing on a decade of research, Prager reveals the woman behind the pseudonym, writing in novelistic detail of her unknown life from her time as a sex worker in Dallas, to her private thoughts on family and abortion, to her dealings with feminist and Christian leaders, to the three daughters she placed for adoption.
Prager found those women, including the youngest--Baby Roe--now fifty years old. She shares her story in The Family Roe for the first time, from her tortured interactions with her birth mother, to her emotional first meeting with her sisters, to the burden that was uniquely hers from conception.
The Family Roe abounds in such revelations--not only about Norma and her children but about the broader "family" connected to the case. Prager tells the stories of activists and bystanders alike whose lives intertwined with Roe. In particular, he introduces three figures as important as they are unknown: feminist lawyer Linda Coffee, who filed the original Texas lawsuit yet now lives in obscurity; Curtis Boyd, a former fundamentalist Christian, today a leading provider of third-trimester abortions; and Mildred Jefferson, the first black female Harvard Medical School graduate, who became a pro-life leader with great secrets.
An epic work spanning fifty years of American history, The Family Roe will change the way you think about our enduring American divide: the right to choose or the right to life.
Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Despite her famous pseudonym, "Jane Roe," no one knows the truth about Norma McCorvey (1947-2017), whose unwanted pregnancy in 1969 opened a great fracture in American life. Journalist Joshua Prager spent hundreds of hours with Norma, discovered her personal papers--a previously unseen trove--and witnessed her final moments. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393247718"><em>The Family Roe: An American Story</em></a> (W. W. Norton, 2021) presents her life in full. Propelled by the crosscurrents of sex and religion, gender and class, it is a life that tells the story of abortion in America.</p><p>Prager begins that story on the banks of Louisiana's Atchafalaya River where Norma was born, and where unplanned pregnancies upended generations of her forebears. A pregnancy then upended Norma's life too, and the Dallas waitress became Jane Roe.</p><p>Drawing on a decade of research, Prager reveals the woman behind the pseudonym, writing in novelistic detail of her unknown life from her time as a sex worker in Dallas, to her private thoughts on family and abortion, to her dealings with feminist and Christian leaders, to the three daughters she placed for adoption.</p><p>Prager found those women, including the youngest--Baby Roe--now fifty years old. She shares her story in <em>The Family Roe</em> for the first time, from her tortured interactions with her birth mother, to her emotional first meeting with her sisters, to the burden that was uniquely hers from conception.</p><p><em>The Family Roe</em> abounds in such revelations--not only about Norma and her children but about the broader "family" connected to the case. Prager tells the stories of activists and bystanders alike whose lives intertwined with Roe. In particular, he introduces three figures as important as they are unknown: feminist lawyer Linda Coffee, who filed the original Texas lawsuit yet now lives in obscurity; Curtis Boyd, a former fundamentalist Christian, today a leading provider of third-trimester abortions; and Mildred Jefferson, the first black female Harvard Medical School graduate, who became a pro-life leader with great secrets.</p><p>An epic work spanning fifty years of American history, <em>The Family Roe</em> will change the way you think about our enduring American divide: the right to choose or the right to life.</p><p><em>Galina Limorenko is a doctoral candidate in Neuroscience with a focus on biochemistry and molecular biology of neurodegenerative diseases at EPFL in Switzerland.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3403</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Aziz Z. Huq, "The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Just recently, the Supreme Court rejected an argument by plaintiffs that police officers should no longer be protected by the doctrine of qualified immunity when they shoot or brutalize an innocent civilian. Qualified immunity is but one of several judicial inventions that shields state violence and thwarts the vindication of our rights. But aren't courts supposed to be protectors of individual rights? As Aziz Huq shows in The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies (Oxford UP, 2021), history reveals a much more tangled relationship between the Constitution's system of independent courts and the protection of constitutional rights.
While doctrines such as qualified immunity may seem abstract, their real-world harms are anything but. A highway patrol officer stops a person's car in violation of the Fourth Amendment, violently yanked the person out and threw him to the ground, causing brain damage. A municipal agency fires a person for testifying in a legal proceeding involving her boss's family-and then laughed in her face when she demanded her job back. In all these cases, state defendants walked away with the most minor of penalties (if any at all). Ultimately, we may have rights when challenging the state, but no remedies. In fact, federal courts have long been fickle and unreliable guardians of individual rights. To be sure, through the mid-twentieth century, the courts positioned themselves as the ultimate protector of citizens suffering the state's infringement of their rights. But they have more recently abandoned, and even aggressively repudiated, a role as the protector of individual rights in the face of abuses by the state. Ironically, this collapse highlights the position that the Framers took when setting up federal courts in the first place.
A powerful historical account of the how the expansion of the immunity principle generated yawning gap between rights and remedies in contemporary America, The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies will reshape our understanding of why it has become so difficult to effectively challenge crimes committed by the state.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>161</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aziz Z. Huq</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Just recently, the Supreme Court rejected an argument by plaintiffs that police officers should no longer be protected by the doctrine of qualified immunity when they shoot or brutalize an innocent civilian. Qualified immunity is but one of several judicial inventions that shields state violence and thwarts the vindication of our rights. But aren't courts supposed to be protectors of individual rights? As Aziz Huq shows in The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies (Oxford UP, 2021), history reveals a much more tangled relationship between the Constitution's system of independent courts and the protection of constitutional rights.
While doctrines such as qualified immunity may seem abstract, their real-world harms are anything but. A highway patrol officer stops a person's car in violation of the Fourth Amendment, violently yanked the person out and threw him to the ground, causing brain damage. A municipal agency fires a person for testifying in a legal proceeding involving her boss's family-and then laughed in her face when she demanded her job back. In all these cases, state defendants walked away with the most minor of penalties (if any at all). Ultimately, we may have rights when challenging the state, but no remedies. In fact, federal courts have long been fickle and unreliable guardians of individual rights. To be sure, through the mid-twentieth century, the courts positioned themselves as the ultimate protector of citizens suffering the state's infringement of their rights. But they have more recently abandoned, and even aggressively repudiated, a role as the protector of individual rights in the face of abuses by the state. Ironically, this collapse highlights the position that the Framers took when setting up federal courts in the first place.
A powerful historical account of the how the expansion of the immunity principle generated yawning gap between rights and remedies in contemporary America, The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies will reshape our understanding of why it has become so difficult to effectively challenge crimes committed by the state.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Just recently, the Supreme Court rejected an argument by plaintiffs that police officers should no longer be protected by the doctrine of qualified immunity when they shoot or brutalize an innocent civilian. Qualified immunity is but one of several judicial inventions that shields state violence and thwarts the vindication of our rights. But aren't courts supposed to be protectors of individual rights? As Aziz Huq shows in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197556818"><em>The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2021), history reveals a much more tangled relationship between the Constitution's system of independent courts and the protection of constitutional rights.</p><p>While doctrines such as qualified immunity may seem abstract, their real-world harms are anything but. A highway patrol officer stops a person's car in violation of the Fourth Amendment, violently yanked the person out and threw him to the ground, causing brain damage. A municipal agency fires a person for testifying in a legal proceeding involving her boss's family-and then laughed in her face when she demanded her job back. In all these cases, state defendants walked away with the most minor of penalties (if any at all). Ultimately, we may have rights when challenging the state, but no remedies. In fact, federal courts have long been fickle and unreliable guardians of individual rights. To be sure, through the mid-twentieth century, the courts positioned themselves as the ultimate protector of citizens suffering the state's infringement of their rights. But they have more recently abandoned, and even aggressively repudiated, a role as the protector of individual rights in the face of abuses by the state. Ironically, this collapse highlights the position that the Framers took when setting up federal courts in the first place.</p><p>A powerful historical account of the how the expansion of the immunity principle generated yawning gap between rights and remedies in contemporary America, <em>The Collapse of Constitutional Remedies</em> will reshape our understanding of why it has become so difficult to effectively challenge crimes committed by the state.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3767</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Çigdem Çidam, "In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Çigdem Çidam, Associate Professor of Political Science at Union College, has a new book titled In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship (Oxford UP, 2021) that examines political action by citizens, and how we interpret and discuss that action in context of political structures. The title In the Street is a reference to the seminal French poster from May of 1968 that read “beauty is in the street,” and was adapted by the demonstrators in Turkey decades later, providing one of the many examples of street politics that illustrate the discussion of activism throughout the book. Street politics has many forms, such as protests, demonstrations, and acts of civil disobedience. Often such actions are confined to the binary analysis of successes and failures, only examining how likely an action is to bring about change. The origins of this understanding stem from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s notion of popular sovereignty, rejection of theatricality, and the idealization of immediacy. Çidam argues that this Rousseauian framework dilutes the value of these actions, forcing them into a reductive duality and failing to acknowledge that movements can fail simply because of the class positions their members are forced to assume. Regardless of their failures, there is an inherent and aesthetic value to these political actions that can last beyond the actions themselves.
Çidam’s alternative framework, developed through dissecting the viewpoints of political theorists Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Antonio Negri, Jurgen Habermas, and Jacques Ranciere, redefines our understanding of the value of political action. In The Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship provides new perspectives and understandings of events like Occupy Wall Street, the Gezi uprising in Turkey, and the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020. Çidam explains that “intermediating practices” are opportunities for encounter and engagement among those who are involved in these street actions. This concept is applied to the ways that individuals might find unity with each other within these political actions. Through intermediating practices, individuals become “political friends,” an Aristotelian concept that builds a relationship of unity and equity between people despite their differences as a result of their shared experiences of political action. These concepts must lead us to the conclusion that the driving forces of political action—anger, rage, joy—cannot be reduced to the binary of either success or failure, as Rousseau would have it. In The Streets re-centers the on-the-ground efforts of individuals, focusing on these communal actions rather than their particular outcomes. Çidam concludes that while these moments of political friendship are fleeting, their transience does not denote failure because the rich and creative practices of political actors are naturally valuable. Tune in to hear about Çigdem Çidam’s interpretations of Negri’s, Habermas’, and Ranciere’s unique political conceptions, how a focus on political friendship in the Gezi protests of 2013 helped to formulate her theoretical lenses for this analysis, and how remembrance of these movements can help us struggle against the powers that be for the next historical moment.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Jun 2022 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>698</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Çigdem Çidam</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Çigdem Çidam, Associate Professor of Political Science at Union College, has a new book titled In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship (Oxford UP, 2021) that examines political action by citizens, and how we interpret and discuss that action in context of political structures. The title In the Street is a reference to the seminal French poster from May of 1968 that read “beauty is in the street,” and was adapted by the demonstrators in Turkey decades later, providing one of the many examples of street politics that illustrate the discussion of activism throughout the book. Street politics has many forms, such as protests, demonstrations, and acts of civil disobedience. Often such actions are confined to the binary analysis of successes and failures, only examining how likely an action is to bring about change. The origins of this understanding stem from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s notion of popular sovereignty, rejection of theatricality, and the idealization of immediacy. Çidam argues that this Rousseauian framework dilutes the value of these actions, forcing them into a reductive duality and failing to acknowledge that movements can fail simply because of the class positions their members are forced to assume. Regardless of their failures, there is an inherent and aesthetic value to these political actions that can last beyond the actions themselves.
Çidam’s alternative framework, developed through dissecting the viewpoints of political theorists Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Antonio Negri, Jurgen Habermas, and Jacques Ranciere, redefines our understanding of the value of political action. In The Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship provides new perspectives and understandings of events like Occupy Wall Street, the Gezi uprising in Turkey, and the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020. Çidam explains that “intermediating practices” are opportunities for encounter and engagement among those who are involved in these street actions. This concept is applied to the ways that individuals might find unity with each other within these political actions. Through intermediating practices, individuals become “political friends,” an Aristotelian concept that builds a relationship of unity and equity between people despite their differences as a result of their shared experiences of political action. These concepts must lead us to the conclusion that the driving forces of political action—anger, rage, joy—cannot be reduced to the binary of either success or failure, as Rousseau would have it. In The Streets re-centers the on-the-ground efforts of individuals, focusing on these communal actions rather than their particular outcomes. Çidam concludes that while these moments of political friendship are fleeting, their transience does not denote failure because the rich and creative practices of political actors are naturally valuable. Tune in to hear about Çigdem Çidam’s interpretations of Negri’s, Habermas’, and Ranciere’s unique political conceptions, how a focus on political friendship in the Gezi protests of 2013 helped to formulate her theoretical lenses for this analysis, and how remembrance of these movements can help us struggle against the powers that be for the next historical moment.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Çigdem Çidam, Associate Professor of Political Science at Union College, has a new book titled <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190071684"><em>In the Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2021) that examines political action by citizens, and how we interpret and discuss that action in context of political structures. The title <em>In the Street</em> is a reference to the seminal French poster from May of 1968 that read “beauty is in the street,” and was adapted by the demonstrators in Turkey decades later, providing one of the many examples of street politics that illustrate the discussion of activism throughout the book. Street politics has many forms, such as protests, demonstrations, and acts of civil disobedience. Often such actions are confined to the binary analysis of successes and failures, only examining how likely an action is to bring about change. The origins of this understanding stem from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s notion of popular sovereignty, rejection of theatricality, and the idealization of immediacy. Çidam argues that this Rousseauian framework dilutes the value of these actions, forcing them into a reductive duality and failing to acknowledge that movements can fail simply because of the class positions their members are forced to assume. Regardless of their failures, there is an inherent and aesthetic value to these political actions that can last beyond the actions themselves.</p><p>Çidam’s alternative framework, developed through dissecting the viewpoints of political theorists Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Antonio Negri, Jurgen Habermas, and Jacques Ranciere, redefines our understanding of the value of political action. <em>In The Street: Democratic Action, Theatricality, and Political Friendship</em> provides new perspectives and understandings of events like Occupy Wall Street, the Gezi uprising in Turkey, and the Black Lives Matter protests of 2020. Çidam explains that “intermediating practices” are opportunities for encounter and engagement among those who are involved in these street actions. This concept is applied to the ways that individuals might find unity with each other within these political actions. Through intermediating practices, individuals become “political friends,” an Aristotelian concept that builds a relationship of unity and equity between people despite their differences as a result of their shared experiences of political action. These concepts must lead us to the conclusion that the driving forces of political action—anger, rage, joy—cannot be reduced to the binary of either success or failure, as Rousseau would have it. <em>In The Streets</em> re-centers the on-the-ground efforts of individuals, focusing on these communal actions rather than their particular outcomes. Çidam concludes that while these moments of political friendship are fleeting, their transience does not denote failure because the rich and creative practices of political actors are naturally valuable. Tune in to hear about Çigdem Çidam’s interpretations of Negri’s, Habermas’, and Ranciere’s unique political conceptions, how a focus on political friendship in the Gezi protests of 2013 helped to formulate her theoretical lenses for this analysis, and how remembrance of these movements can help us struggle against the powers that be for the next historical moment.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is a professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3514</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Lydia Wilkes et al., "Rhetoric and Guns" (Utah State UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Guns hold a complex place in American culture. Over 30,000 Americans die each year from gun violence, and guns are intimately connected to issues of public health, as is evident whenever a mass shooting occurs. But guns also play an important role in many Americans’ lives that is not reducible to violence and death—as tools, sporting equipment, and identity markers. They are also central to debates about constitutional rights, as seen in ongoing discussions about the Second Amendment, and they are a continuous source of legislative concern, as apparent in annual ratings of gun-supporting legislators.
Even as guns are wrapped up with other crucial areas of concern, they are also fundamentally a rhetorical concern. Guns and gun violence occupy a unique rhetorical space in the United States, one characterized by silent majorities, like most gun owners; vocal minorities, like the firearm industry and gun lobby; and a stalemate that fails to stem the flood of the dead. How Americans talk, deliberate, and fight about guns is vital to how guns are marketed, used, and regulated. A better understanding of the rhetorics of guns and gun violence can help Americans make better arguments about them in the world. However, where guns are concerned, rhetorical studies is not terribly different from American culture more generally. Guns are ever-present and exercise powerful effects, but they are commonly talked about in oblique, unsystematic ways.
Rhetoric and Guns (Utah State UP, 2022) advances more direct, systematic engagement in the field and beyond by analyzing rhetoric about guns, guns in rhetoric, and guns as rhetoric, particularly as they relate to specific instances of guns in culture. The authors attempt to understand rhetoric’s relationship to guns by analyzing rhetoric about guns and how they function in and as rhetoric related to specific instances—in media coverage, political speech, marketing, and advertising. Original chapters from scholars in rhetorical studies, communication, education, and related fields elucidate how rhetoric is used to maintain and challenge the deadly status quo of gun violence in the United States and extend rhetoricians’ sustained interest in the fields’ relationships to violence, brutality, and atrocity.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>138</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lydia Wilkes and Nate Kreuter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Guns hold a complex place in American culture. Over 30,000 Americans die each year from gun violence, and guns are intimately connected to issues of public health, as is evident whenever a mass shooting occurs. But guns also play an important role in many Americans’ lives that is not reducible to violence and death—as tools, sporting equipment, and identity markers. They are also central to debates about constitutional rights, as seen in ongoing discussions about the Second Amendment, and they are a continuous source of legislative concern, as apparent in annual ratings of gun-supporting legislators.
Even as guns are wrapped up with other crucial areas of concern, they are also fundamentally a rhetorical concern. Guns and gun violence occupy a unique rhetorical space in the United States, one characterized by silent majorities, like most gun owners; vocal minorities, like the firearm industry and gun lobby; and a stalemate that fails to stem the flood of the dead. How Americans talk, deliberate, and fight about guns is vital to how guns are marketed, used, and regulated. A better understanding of the rhetorics of guns and gun violence can help Americans make better arguments about them in the world. However, where guns are concerned, rhetorical studies is not terribly different from American culture more generally. Guns are ever-present and exercise powerful effects, but they are commonly talked about in oblique, unsystematic ways.
Rhetoric and Guns (Utah State UP, 2022) advances more direct, systematic engagement in the field and beyond by analyzing rhetoric about guns, guns in rhetoric, and guns as rhetoric, particularly as they relate to specific instances of guns in culture. The authors attempt to understand rhetoric’s relationship to guns by analyzing rhetoric about guns and how they function in and as rhetoric related to specific instances—in media coverage, political speech, marketing, and advertising. Original chapters from scholars in rhetorical studies, communication, education, and related fields elucidate how rhetoric is used to maintain and challenge the deadly status quo of gun violence in the United States and extend rhetoricians’ sustained interest in the fields’ relationships to violence, brutality, and atrocity.
Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Guns hold a complex place in American culture. Over 30,000 Americans die each year from gun violence, and guns are intimately connected to issues of public health, as is evident whenever a mass shooting occurs. But guns also play an important role in many Americans’ lives that is not reducible to violence and death—as tools, sporting equipment, and identity markers. They are also central to debates about constitutional rights, as seen in ongoing discussions about the Second Amendment, and they are a continuous source of legislative concern, as apparent in annual ratings of gun-supporting legislators.</p><p>Even as guns are wrapped up with other crucial areas of concern, they are also fundamentally a rhetorical concern. Guns and gun violence occupy a unique rhetorical space in the United States, one characterized by silent majorities, like most gun owners; vocal minorities, like the firearm industry and gun lobby; and a stalemate that fails to stem the flood of the dead. How Americans talk, deliberate, and fight about guns is vital to how guns are marketed, used, and regulated. A better understanding of the rhetorics of guns and gun violence can help Americans make better arguments about them in the world. However, where guns are concerned, rhetorical studies is not terribly different from American culture more generally. Guns are ever-present and exercise powerful effects, but they are commonly talked about in oblique, unsystematic ways.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781646422142"><em>Rhetoric and Guns</em></a> (Utah State UP, 2022) advances more direct, systematic engagement in the field and beyond by analyzing rhetoric about guns, guns in rhetoric, and guns as rhetoric, particularly as they relate to specific instances of guns in culture. The authors attempt to understand rhetoric’s relationship to guns by analyzing rhetoric about guns and how they function in and as rhetoric related to specific instances—in media coverage, political speech, marketing, and advertising. Original chapters from scholars in rhetorical studies, communication, education, and related fields elucidate how rhetoric is used to maintain and challenge the deadly status quo of gun violence in the United States and extend rhetoricians’ sustained interest in the fields’ relationships to violence, brutality, and atrocity.</p><p><em>Tom Discenna is Professor of Communication at Oakland University whose work examines issues of academic labor and communicative labor more broadly.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cf982a60-e971-11ec-926b-7b71ce9f22ee]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ellen Griffith Spears, "Rethinking the American Environmental Movement Post-1945" (Routledge, 2019)</title>
      <description>Rethinking the American Environmental Movement Post-1945 (Routledge, 2019) turns a fresh interpretive lens on the past, drawing on a wide range of new histories of environmental activism to analyze the actions of those who created the movement and those who tried to thwart them.
Concentrating on the decades since World War II, environmental historian Ellen Griffith Spears explores environmentalism as a "field of movements" rooted in broader social justice activism. Noting major legislative accomplishments, strengths, and contributions, as well as the divisions within the ranks, the book reveals how new scientific developments, the nuclear threat, and pollution, as well as changes in urban living spurred activism among diverse populations. The book outlines the key precursors, events, participants, and strategies of the environmental movement, and contextualizes the story in the dramatic trajectory of U.S. history after World War II. The result is a synthesis of American environmental politics that one reader called both "ambitious in its scope and concise in its presentation."
This book provides a succinct overview of the American environmental movement and is the perfect introduction for students or scholars seeking to understand one of the largest social movements of the twentieth century up through the robust climate movement of today.
Ellen Griffith Spears is a professor in the interdisciplinary New College and the Department of American Studies at the University of Alabama. She is the author of Rethinking the American Environmental Movement post-1945 (2019/20) and the award-winning Baptized in PCBs: Race, Pollution, and Justice in an All-American Town (2014).
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>119</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ellen Griffith Spears</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Rethinking the American Environmental Movement Post-1945 (Routledge, 2019) turns a fresh interpretive lens on the past, drawing on a wide range of new histories of environmental activism to analyze the actions of those who created the movement and those who tried to thwart them.
Concentrating on the decades since World War II, environmental historian Ellen Griffith Spears explores environmentalism as a "field of movements" rooted in broader social justice activism. Noting major legislative accomplishments, strengths, and contributions, as well as the divisions within the ranks, the book reveals how new scientific developments, the nuclear threat, and pollution, as well as changes in urban living spurred activism among diverse populations. The book outlines the key precursors, events, participants, and strategies of the environmental movement, and contextualizes the story in the dramatic trajectory of U.S. history after World War II. The result is a synthesis of American environmental politics that one reader called both "ambitious in its scope and concise in its presentation."
This book provides a succinct overview of the American environmental movement and is the perfect introduction for students or scholars seeking to understand one of the largest social movements of the twentieth century up through the robust climate movement of today.
Ellen Griffith Spears is a professor in the interdisciplinary New College and the Department of American Studies at the University of Alabama. She is the author of Rethinking the American Environmental Movement post-1945 (2019/20) and the award-winning Baptized in PCBs: Race, Pollution, and Justice in an All-American Town (2014).
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780415529587"><em>Rethinking the American Environmental Movement Post-1945</em></a><em> </em>(Routledge, 2019) turns a fresh interpretive lens on the past, drawing on a wide range of new histories of environmental activism to analyze the actions of those who created the movement and those who tried to thwart them.</p><p>Concentrating on the decades since World War II, environmental historian Ellen Griffith Spears explores environmentalism as a "field of movements" rooted in broader social justice activism. Noting major legislative accomplishments, strengths, and contributions, as well as the divisions within the ranks, the book reveals how new scientific developments, the nuclear threat, and pollution, as well as changes in urban living spurred activism among diverse populations. The book outlines the key precursors, events, participants, and strategies of the environmental movement, and contextualizes the story in the dramatic trajectory of U.S. history after World War II. The result is a synthesis of American environmental politics that one reader called both "ambitious in its scope and concise in its presentation."</p><p>This book provides a succinct overview of the American environmental movement and is the perfect introduction for students or scholars seeking to understand one of the largest social movements of the twentieth century up through the robust climate movement of today.</p><p>Ellen Griffith Spears is a professor in the interdisciplinary New College and the Department of American Studies at the University of Alabama. She is the author of <em>Rethinking the American Environmental Movement post-1945</em> (2019/20) and the award-winning <em>Baptized in PCBs: Race, Pollution, and Justice in an All-American Town</em> (2014).</p><p><em>Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: </em><a href="mailto:Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu"><em>Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3865</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Steven K. Green, "Separating Church and State: A History" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In 1802, President Thomas Jefferson distilled a leading idea in the early American republic and wrote of a wall of separation between church and state. That metaphor has come down from Jefferson to 21st-century Americans through a long history of jurisprudence, political contestation, and cultural influence. Separating Church and State: A History (Cornell UP, 2022) traces the development of the concept of separation of church and state and the Supreme Court's application of it in the law.
Steven K. Green finds that conservative criticisms of a separation of church and state overlook the strong historical and jurisprudential pedigree of the idea. Yet, arguing with liberal advocates of the doctrine, he notes that the idea remains fundamentally vague and thus open to loose interpretation in the courts. As such, the history of a wall of separation is more a variable index of American attitudes toward the forces of religion and state.
Indeed, Green argues that the Supreme Court's use of the wall metaphor has never been essential to its rulings. The contemporary battle over the idea of a wall of separation has thus been a distraction from the real jurisprudential issues animating the contemporary courts.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1218</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven K. Green</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1802, President Thomas Jefferson distilled a leading idea in the early American republic and wrote of a wall of separation between church and state. That metaphor has come down from Jefferson to 21st-century Americans through a long history of jurisprudence, political contestation, and cultural influence. Separating Church and State: A History (Cornell UP, 2022) traces the development of the concept of separation of church and state and the Supreme Court's application of it in the law.
Steven K. Green finds that conservative criticisms of a separation of church and state overlook the strong historical and jurisprudential pedigree of the idea. Yet, arguing with liberal advocates of the doctrine, he notes that the idea remains fundamentally vague and thus open to loose interpretation in the courts. As such, the history of a wall of separation is more a variable index of American attitudes toward the forces of religion and state.
Indeed, Green argues that the Supreme Court's use of the wall metaphor has never been essential to its rulings. The contemporary battle over the idea of a wall of separation has thus been a distraction from the real jurisprudential issues animating the contemporary courts.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1802, President Thomas Jefferson distilled a leading idea in the early American republic and wrote of a wall of separation between church and state. That metaphor has come down from Jefferson to 21st-century Americans through a long history of jurisprudence, political contestation, and cultural influence. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501762062"><em>Separating Church and State: A History</em></a> (Cornell UP, 2022) traces the development of the concept of separation of church and state and the Supreme Court's application of it in the law.</p><p>Steven K. Green finds that conservative criticisms of a separation of church and state overlook the strong historical and jurisprudential pedigree of the idea. Yet, arguing with liberal advocates of the doctrine, he notes that the idea remains fundamentally vague and thus open to loose interpretation in the courts. As such, the history of a wall of separation is more a variable index of American attitudes toward the forces of religion and state.</p><p>Indeed, Green argues that the Supreme Court's use of the wall metaphor has never been essential to its rulings. The contemporary battle over the idea of a wall of separation has thus been a distraction from the real jurisprudential issues animating the contemporary courts.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/laneedwarddavis/"><em>Lane Davis</em></a><em> is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2857</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Elizabeth Alexander, "The Trayvon Generation" (Grand Central, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Trayvon Generation (Grand Central, 2022) expands upon Elizabeth Alexander’s gripping essay — under the same name — originally published in The New Yorker amid the 2020 summer social unrest. This collection is a mediation on race by recounting the pervasiveness of racial violence in American culture. The Trayvon Generation weaves prose, poetry, and art to cast historical and cultural resonances to understand the human experience while also humanizing the Black dead and living. This slender and exquisite book is a profound assertation that even though Black pain has become normalized, African Americans have always sought to memorialize their people to keep their spirits, memories, and joy alive.
N’Kosi Oates earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies from Brown University. Find him on Twitter at NKosiOates.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>305</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Elizabeth Alexander</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Trayvon Generation (Grand Central, 2022) expands upon Elizabeth Alexander’s gripping essay — under the same name — originally published in The New Yorker amid the 2020 summer social unrest. This collection is a mediation on race by recounting the pervasiveness of racial violence in American culture. The Trayvon Generation weaves prose, poetry, and art to cast historical and cultural resonances to understand the human experience while also humanizing the Black dead and living. This slender and exquisite book is a profound assertation that even though Black pain has become normalized, African Americans have always sought to memorialize their people to keep their spirits, memories, and joy alive.
N’Kosi Oates earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies from Brown University. Find him on Twitter at NKosiOates.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538737897"><em>The Trayvon Generation</em></a><em> </em>(Grand Central, 2022) expands upon Elizabeth Alexander’s gripping essay — under the same name — originally published in <em>The</em> <em>New Yorker </em>amid the 2020 summer social unrest. This collection is a mediation on race by recounting the pervasiveness of racial violence in American culture. <em>The Trayvon Generation</em> weaves prose, poetry, and art to cast historical and cultural resonances to understand the human experience while also humanizing the Black dead and living. This slender and exquisite book is a profound assertation that even though Black pain has become normalized, African Americans have always sought to memorialize their people to keep their spirits, memories, and joy alive.</p><p><em>N’Kosi Oates earned his Ph.D. in Africana Studies from Brown University. Find him on Twitter at NKosiOates.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2775</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5815119021.mp3?updated=1655205140" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Andie Tucher, "Not Exactly Lying: Fake News and Fake Journalism in American History" (Columbia UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Long before the current preoccupation with “fake news,” American newspapers routinely ran stories that were not quite, strictly speaking, true. Today, a firm boundary between fact and fakery is a hallmark of journalistic practice, yet for many readers and publishers across more than three centuries, this distinction has seemed slippery or even irrelevant. We see this play in pink slime local news sites and in the proliferation of truthers claiming to do their own research because of a deep distrust in the mainstream media.
In Not Exactly Lying: Fake News and Fake Journalism in American History (Columbia UP, 2022) Tucher argues that the creation of outward forms of factuality unleashed new opportunities for falsehood: News doesn’t have to be true as long as it looks true. Propaganda, disinformation, and advocacy—whether in print, on the radio, on television, or online—could be crafted to resemble the real thing. Dressed up in legitimate journalistic conventions, this “fake journalism” became inextricably bound up with right-wing politics, to the point where it has become an essential driver of political polarization. 
In the book and in this conversation, Tucher explores how American audiences have argued over what’s real and what’s not—and why that matters for democracy.
Andie Tucher the H. Gordon Garbedian Professor and the director of the Communications Ph.D. Program at the Columbia Journalism School.
﻿Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andie Tucher</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Long before the current preoccupation with “fake news,” American newspapers routinely ran stories that were not quite, strictly speaking, true. Today, a firm boundary between fact and fakery is a hallmark of journalistic practice, yet for many readers and publishers across more than three centuries, this distinction has seemed slippery or even irrelevant. We see this play in pink slime local news sites and in the proliferation of truthers claiming to do their own research because of a deep distrust in the mainstream media.
In Not Exactly Lying: Fake News and Fake Journalism in American History (Columbia UP, 2022) Tucher argues that the creation of outward forms of factuality unleashed new opportunities for falsehood: News doesn’t have to be true as long as it looks true. Propaganda, disinformation, and advocacy—whether in print, on the radio, on television, or online—could be crafted to resemble the real thing. Dressed up in legitimate journalistic conventions, this “fake journalism” became inextricably bound up with right-wing politics, to the point where it has become an essential driver of political polarization. 
In the book and in this conversation, Tucher explores how American audiences have argued over what’s real and what’s not—and why that matters for democracy.
Andie Tucher the H. Gordon Garbedian Professor and the director of the Communications Ph.D. Program at the Columbia Journalism School.
﻿Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Long before the current preoccupation with “fake news,” American newspapers routinely ran stories that were not quite, strictly speaking, true. Today, a firm boundary between fact and fakery is a hallmark of journalistic practice, yet for many readers and publishers across more than three centuries, this distinction has seemed slippery or even irrelevant. We see this play in pink slime local news sites and in the proliferation of truthers claiming to do their own research because of a deep distrust in the mainstream media.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231186346"><em>Not Exactly Lying: Fake News and Fake Journalism in American History</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2022) Tucher argues that the creation of outward forms of factuality unleashed new opportunities for falsehood: News doesn’t have to be true as long as it looks true. Propaganda, disinformation, and advocacy—whether in print, on the radio, on television, or online—could be crafted to resemble the real thing. Dressed up in legitimate journalistic conventions, this “fake journalism” became inextricably bound up with right-wing politics, to the point where it has become an essential driver of political polarization. </p><p>In the book and in this conversation, Tucher explores how American audiences have argued over what’s real and what’s not—and why that matters for democracy.</p><p>Andie Tucher the H. Gordon Garbedian Professor and the director of the Communications Ph.D. Program at the Columbia Journalism School.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://jennaspinelle.com/"><em>Jenna Spinelle</em></a><em> is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2953</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Risa Brooks et al., "Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Society, Politics, and Modern War" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Most existing literature regarding civil-military relations in the United States references either the Cold War or post-Cold War era, leaving a significant gap in understanding as our political landscape rapidly changes. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Society, Politics, and Modern War (Oxford UP, 2020) builds upon our current perception of civil-military relations, filling in this gap and providing contemporary understanding of these concepts. The authors examine modern factors such as increasing partisanship and political division, evolving technology, new dynamics of armed conflict, and the breakdown of conventional democratic and civil-military norms, focusing on the multifaceted ways they affect civil-military relations and American society as a whole.
Lionel Beehner, Risa Brooks, and Daniel Maurer, serving as both editors of the volume and authors themselves, recruited contributing authors who come from a diversity of backgrounds, many of whom have served in the military, or in the foreign service, have worked as policy makers, and many who have held academic appointments in security studies, war studies, and at the military academies as well as at civilian institutions. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations helps to define and examine the roles and responsibilities of the military, civilian leadership, and the public, centering the sections of the book around these definitions, then delving deeper into the intricacies of their relations within the chapters in each section of the book. The first section of the book analyzes the military’s roles and responsibilities, focusing on limits of the military’s political activity as well as long-standing conventions and norms of professionalism that are part of the old Cold War structures. The second section explores the civilian side of the civil-military equation, particularly the role of the soldier, both as a member of society and a member of the military. This section also explores the marginalization of civilian voices in military policy making and factors that may contribute to that marginalization. The third section focuses on the relationship between society and the military, exploring societal attitudes toward the military and identifying how trends in partisanship and polarization are challenging civil-military relations. The fourth and final section of this volume examines the fragility and erratically fluid nature of our current historical moment, and how challenges in civil-military relations can arise from the changing realities of war, armed conflict, and domestic political dynamics.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 09 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>607</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Lionel Beehner, Risa Brooks, and Daniel Maurer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Most existing literature regarding civil-military relations in the United States references either the Cold War or post-Cold War era, leaving a significant gap in understanding as our political landscape rapidly changes. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Society, Politics, and Modern War (Oxford UP, 2020) builds upon our current perception of civil-military relations, filling in this gap and providing contemporary understanding of these concepts. The authors examine modern factors such as increasing partisanship and political division, evolving technology, new dynamics of armed conflict, and the breakdown of conventional democratic and civil-military norms, focusing on the multifaceted ways they affect civil-military relations and American society as a whole.
Lionel Beehner, Risa Brooks, and Daniel Maurer, serving as both editors of the volume and authors themselves, recruited contributing authors who come from a diversity of backgrounds, many of whom have served in the military, or in the foreign service, have worked as policy makers, and many who have held academic appointments in security studies, war studies, and at the military academies as well as at civilian institutions. Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations helps to define and examine the roles and responsibilities of the military, civilian leadership, and the public, centering the sections of the book around these definitions, then delving deeper into the intricacies of their relations within the chapters in each section of the book. The first section of the book analyzes the military’s roles and responsibilities, focusing on limits of the military’s political activity as well as long-standing conventions and norms of professionalism that are part of the old Cold War structures. The second section explores the civilian side of the civil-military equation, particularly the role of the soldier, both as a member of society and a member of the military. This section also explores the marginalization of civilian voices in military policy making and factors that may contribute to that marginalization. The third section focuses on the relationship between society and the military, exploring societal attitudes toward the military and identifying how trends in partisanship and polarization are challenging civil-military relations. The fourth and final section of this volume examines the fragility and erratically fluid nature of our current historical moment, and how challenges in civil-military relations can arise from the changing realities of war, armed conflict, and domestic political dynamics.
Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Most existing literature regarding civil-military relations in the United States references either the Cold War or post-Cold War era, leaving a significant gap in understanding as our political landscape rapidly changes. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197535509"><em>Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Society, Politics, and Modern War</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020) builds upon our current perception of civil-military relations, filling in this gap and providing contemporary understanding of these concepts. The authors examine modern factors such as increasing partisanship and political division, evolving technology, new dynamics of armed conflict, and the breakdown of conventional democratic and civil-military norms, focusing on the multifaceted ways they affect civil-military relations and American society as a whole.</p><p>Lionel Beehner, Risa Brooks, and Daniel Maurer, serving as both editors of the volume and authors themselves, recruited contributing authors who come from a diversity of backgrounds, many of whom have served in the military, or in the foreign service, have worked as policy makers, and many who have held academic appointments in security studies, war studies, and at the military academies as well as at civilian institutions. <em>Reconsidering American Civil-Military Relations</em> helps to define and examine the roles and responsibilities of the military, civilian leadership, and the public, centering the sections of the book around these definitions, then delving deeper into the intricacies of their relations within the chapters in each section of the book. The first section of the book analyzes the military’s roles and responsibilities, focusing on limits of the military’s political activity as well as long-standing conventions and norms of professionalism that are part of the old Cold War structures. The second section explores the civilian side of the civil-military equation, particularly the role of the soldier, both as a member of society and a member of the military. This section also explores the marginalization of civilian voices in military policy making and factors that may contribute to that marginalization. The third section focuses on the relationship between society and the military, exploring societal attitudes toward the military and identifying how trends in partisanship and polarization are challenging civil-military relations. The fourth and final section of this volume examines the fragility and erratically fluid nature of our current historical moment, and how challenges in civil-military relations can arise from the changing realities of war, armed conflict, and domestic political dynamics.</p><p><em>Emma R. Handschke assisted in the production of this podcast.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2795</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bryan D. Palmer, "James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928" (U Illinois Press, 2010)</title>
      <description>The history of revolutionary politics is rich enough that it includes the full spectrum of inspiration and tragedy. Those with revolutionary aspirations have a number of rocks in their shoes to deal with, perhaps most famously the failure of the Soviet Union and the shadow of Stalinism. Those looking to remain faithful to the spirit of revolutionary Marxism while still seriously reckoning with the tragedies of the past will need to develop new routes, and for that to happen, alternative figures and histories will need to be turned to.
One such figure many have found inspiration in is James P. Cannon, the American activist and agitator, most famous as the leading founder of American Trotskyism, and no one knows his life and times better than Bryan D. Palmer, here to discuss the first entry in his multi-volume biography of Cannon. The volume discussed in this episode, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928 (U Illinois Press, 2010), covers Cannon’s life from his birth in a small town in Kansas to his expulsion in 1928 from the Communist Party. It’s a story of a small-town local agitator who ends up mired in international controversy, surrounded by factional infighting in his own country but also deeply rooted in the revolutionary degeneration happening in Moscow as Stalin took over the party. In the face of this, Cannon slowly became depressed and disillusioned, in a political fog that wouldn’t be cleared until he stumbled upon a document in 1928 by Leon Trotsky that would point the way towards a revolutionary alternative that neither succumbed to Stalinism or capitalist-capitulation. It’s for this reason that Palmer’s account of Cannon’s life allows him to tell a very different history of communism in the 20th century, one that has been banished and dismissed for too long, and that will no doubt provide inspiration for many in the 21st century.
Originally published in 2007 as part of the Illinois University Press series The Working Class in American History, it won the Wallace K. Ferguson Prize of the Canadian Historical Association. Its sequel, the much longer James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States, 1928-38, was published much more recently and will be discussed in a later episode. In both works Palmer’s command of the vast archives of material are combined with an incredible capacity for storytelling, hitting a sweet spot of rigorous research and compelling historical reading. Anyone interested in the history of Marxism, American labor, class struggle, or simply looking for an alternative to the rot and decay of our current order will find in this book richly rewarding.
Bryan D. Palmer is professor emeritus of history at Trent University. He is the former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and is the author of numerous books on radical social movements and labor history including Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Truckers Strike of 1934, Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the Histories of Transgression, and Marxism and Historical Practice (2 volumes). He was also a coeditor with Paul Le Blanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism 1928-1965.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>294</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bryan D. Palmer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The history of revolutionary politics is rich enough that it includes the full spectrum of inspiration and tragedy. Those with revolutionary aspirations have a number of rocks in their shoes to deal with, perhaps most famously the failure of the Soviet Union and the shadow of Stalinism. Those looking to remain faithful to the spirit of revolutionary Marxism while still seriously reckoning with the tragedies of the past will need to develop new routes, and for that to happen, alternative figures and histories will need to be turned to.
One such figure many have found inspiration in is James P. Cannon, the American activist and agitator, most famous as the leading founder of American Trotskyism, and no one knows his life and times better than Bryan D. Palmer, here to discuss the first entry in his multi-volume biography of Cannon. The volume discussed in this episode, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928 (U Illinois Press, 2010), covers Cannon’s life from his birth in a small town in Kansas to his expulsion in 1928 from the Communist Party. It’s a story of a small-town local agitator who ends up mired in international controversy, surrounded by factional infighting in his own country but also deeply rooted in the revolutionary degeneration happening in Moscow as Stalin took over the party. In the face of this, Cannon slowly became depressed and disillusioned, in a political fog that wouldn’t be cleared until he stumbled upon a document in 1928 by Leon Trotsky that would point the way towards a revolutionary alternative that neither succumbed to Stalinism or capitalist-capitulation. It’s for this reason that Palmer’s account of Cannon’s life allows him to tell a very different history of communism in the 20th century, one that has been banished and dismissed for too long, and that will no doubt provide inspiration for many in the 21st century.
Originally published in 2007 as part of the Illinois University Press series The Working Class in American History, it won the Wallace K. Ferguson Prize of the Canadian Historical Association. Its sequel, the much longer James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States, 1928-38, was published much more recently and will be discussed in a later episode. In both works Palmer’s command of the vast archives of material are combined with an incredible capacity for storytelling, hitting a sweet spot of rigorous research and compelling historical reading. Anyone interested in the history of Marxism, American labor, class struggle, or simply looking for an alternative to the rot and decay of our current order will find in this book richly rewarding.
Bryan D. Palmer is professor emeritus of history at Trent University. He is the former editor of Labour/Le Travail, and is the author of numerous books on radical social movements and labor history including Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Truckers Strike of 1934, Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the Histories of Transgression, and Marxism and Historical Practice (2 volumes). He was also a coeditor with Paul Le Blanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection US Trotskyism 1928-1965.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The history of revolutionary politics is rich enough that it includes the full spectrum of inspiration and tragedy. Those with revolutionary aspirations have a number of rocks in their shoes to deal with, perhaps most famously the failure of the Soviet Union and the shadow of Stalinism. Those looking to remain faithful to the spirit of revolutionary Marxism while still seriously reckoning with the tragedies of the past will need to develop new routes, and for that to happen, alternative figures and histories will need to be turned to.</p><p>One such figure many have found inspiration in is James P. Cannon, the American activist and agitator, most famous as the leading founder of American Trotskyism, and no one knows his life and times better than Bryan D. Palmer, here to discuss the first entry in his multi-volume biography of Cannon. The volume discussed in this episode, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780252077227"><em>James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928</em></a><em> </em>(U Illinois Press, 2010), covers Cannon’s life from his birth in a small town in Kansas to his expulsion in 1928 from the Communist Party. It’s a story of a small-town local agitator who ends up mired in international controversy, surrounded by factional infighting in his own country but also deeply rooted in the revolutionary degeneration happening in Moscow as Stalin took over the party. In the face of this, Cannon slowly became depressed and disillusioned, in a political fog that wouldn’t be cleared until he stumbled upon a document in 1928 by Leon Trotsky that would point the way towards a revolutionary alternative that neither succumbed to Stalinism or capitalist-capitulation. It’s for this reason that Palmer’s account of Cannon’s life allows him to tell a very different history of communism in the 20th century, one that has been banished and dismissed for too long, and that will no doubt provide inspiration for many in the 21st century.</p><p>Originally published in 2007 as part of the Illinois University Press series <a href="https://www.press.uillinois.edu/books/find_books.php?type=series&amp;search=wca"><em>The Working Class in American History</em></a>, it won the Wallace K. Ferguson Prize of the Canadian Historical Association. Its sequel, the much longer <em>James P. Cannon and the Emergence of Trotskyism in the United States, 1928-38</em>, was published much more recently and will be discussed in a later episode. In both works Palmer’s command of the vast archives of material are combined with an incredible capacity for storytelling, hitting a sweet spot of rigorous research and compelling historical reading. Anyone interested in the history of Marxism, American labor, class struggle, or simply looking for an alternative to the rot and decay of our current order will find in this book richly rewarding.</p><p>Bryan D. Palmer is professor emeritus of history at Trent University. He is the former editor of <a href="https://www.lltjournal.ca/index.php/llt"><em>Labour/Le Travail</em></a>, and is the author of numerous books on radical social movements and labor history including <em>Revolutionary Teamsters: The Minneapolis Truckers Strike of 1934</em>, <em>Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the Histories of Transgression</em>, and <em>Marxism and Historical Practice</em> (2 volumes). He was also a coeditor with Paul Le Blanc and Thomas Bias of the 3-volume document collection <em>US Trotskyism 1928-1965</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5338</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Tajja Isen, "Some of My Best Friends: Essays on Lip Service" (Atria/One Signal, 2022)</title>
      <description>In this stunning debut collection, Catapult editor-in-chief and award-winning voice actor Tajja Isen explores the absurdity of living in a world that has grown fluent in the language of social justice but doesn't always follow through.
These nine daring essays explore the sometimes troubling and often awkward nature of that discord. Some of My Best Friends: Essays on Lip Service (Atria/One Signal, 2022) takes on the cartoon industry's pivot away from colorblind casting, the pursuit of diverse representation in the literary world, the law's refusal to see inequality, and the cozy fictions of nationalism. Isen deftly examines the quick, cosmetic fixes society makes to address systemic problems, and reveals the unexpected ways they can misfire.
In the spirit of Zadie Smith, Cathy Park Hong, and Jia Tolentino, Isen interlaces cultural criticism with her lived experience to explore the gaps between what we say and what we do, what we do and what we value, what we value and what we demand.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 07 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>257</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Tajja Isen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this stunning debut collection, Catapult editor-in-chief and award-winning voice actor Tajja Isen explores the absurdity of living in a world that has grown fluent in the language of social justice but doesn't always follow through.
These nine daring essays explore the sometimes troubling and often awkward nature of that discord. Some of My Best Friends: Essays on Lip Service (Atria/One Signal, 2022) takes on the cartoon industry's pivot away from colorblind casting, the pursuit of diverse representation in the literary world, the law's refusal to see inequality, and the cozy fictions of nationalism. Isen deftly examines the quick, cosmetic fixes society makes to address systemic problems, and reveals the unexpected ways they can misfire.
In the spirit of Zadie Smith, Cathy Park Hong, and Jia Tolentino, Isen interlaces cultural criticism with her lived experience to explore the gaps between what we say and what we do, what we do and what we value, what we value and what we demand.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this stunning debut collection, <em>Catapult </em>editor-in-chief and award-winning voice actor Tajja Isen explores the absurdity of living in a world that has grown fluent in the language of social justice but doesn't always follow through.</p><p>These nine daring essays explore the sometimes troubling and often awkward nature of that discord. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982178420"><em>Some of My Best Friends: Essays on Lip Service</em></a><em> (Atria/One Signal, 2022)</em> takes on the cartoon industry's pivot away from colorblind casting, the pursuit of diverse representation in the literary world, the law's refusal to see inequality, and the cozy fictions of nationalism. Isen deftly examines the quick, cosmetic fixes society makes to address systemic problems, and reveals the unexpected ways they can misfire.</p><p>In the spirit of Zadie Smith, Cathy Park Hong, and Jia Tolentino, Isen interlaces cultural criticism with her lived experience to explore the gaps between what we say and what we do, what we do and what we value, what we value and what we demand.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1909</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[81a04fde-df8c-11ec-935e-071576765988]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4077847212.mp3?updated=1653855928" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Melissa Ford, "A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression" (Southern Illinois UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In this first study of Black radicalism in midwestern cities before the civil rights movement, Melissa Ford connects the activism of Black women who championed justice during the Great Depression to those involved in the Ferguson Uprising and the Black Lives Matter movement. A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression (Southern Illinois UP, 2022) examines how African American working-class women, many of whom had just migrated to “the promised land” only to find hunger, cold, and unemployment, forged a region of revolutionary potential.
A Brick and a Bible theorizes a tradition of Midwestern Black radicalism, a praxis-based ideology informed by but divergent from American Communism. Midwestern Black radicalism that contests that interlocking systems of oppression directly relates the distinct racial, political, geographic, economic, and gendered characteristics that make up the American heartland. This volume illustrates how, at the risk of their careers, their reputations, and even their lives, African American working-class women in the Midwest used their position to shape a unique form of social activism.
Case studies of Detroit, St. Louis, Chicago, and Cleveland—hotbeds of radical activism—follow African American women across the Midwest as they participated in the Ford Hunger March, organized the Funsten Nut Pickers’ strike, led the Sopkin Dressmakers’ strike, and supported the Unemployed Councils and the Scottsboro Boys’ defense. Ford profoundly reimagines how we remember and interpret these “ordinary” women doing extraordinary things across the heartland. Once overlooked, their activism shaped a radical tradition in midwestern cities that continues to be seen in cities like Ferguson and Minneapolis today.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>300</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melissa Ford</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this first study of Black radicalism in midwestern cities before the civil rights movement, Melissa Ford connects the activism of Black women who championed justice during the Great Depression to those involved in the Ferguson Uprising and the Black Lives Matter movement. A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression (Southern Illinois UP, 2022) examines how African American working-class women, many of whom had just migrated to “the promised land” only to find hunger, cold, and unemployment, forged a region of revolutionary potential.
A Brick and a Bible theorizes a tradition of Midwestern Black radicalism, a praxis-based ideology informed by but divergent from American Communism. Midwestern Black radicalism that contests that interlocking systems of oppression directly relates the distinct racial, political, geographic, economic, and gendered characteristics that make up the American heartland. This volume illustrates how, at the risk of their careers, their reputations, and even their lives, African American working-class women in the Midwest used their position to shape a unique form of social activism.
Case studies of Detroit, St. Louis, Chicago, and Cleveland—hotbeds of radical activism—follow African American women across the Midwest as they participated in the Ford Hunger March, organized the Funsten Nut Pickers’ strike, led the Sopkin Dressmakers’ strike, and supported the Unemployed Councils and the Scottsboro Boys’ defense. Ford profoundly reimagines how we remember and interpret these “ordinary” women doing extraordinary things across the heartland. Once overlooked, their activism shaped a radical tradition in midwestern cities that continues to be seen in cities like Ferguson and Minneapolis today.
Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this first study of Black radicalism in midwestern cities before the civil rights movement, Melissa Ford connects the activism of Black women who championed justice during the Great Depression to those involved in the Ferguson Uprising and the Black Lives Matter movement. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809338559"><em>A Brick and a Bible: Black Women's Radical Activism in the Midwest During the Great Depression</em></a> (Southern Illinois UP, 2022) examines how African American working-class women, many of whom had just migrated to “the promised land” only to find hunger, cold, and unemployment, forged a region of revolutionary potential.</p><p><em>A Brick and a Bible</em> theorizes a tradition of Midwestern Black radicalism, a praxis-based ideology informed by but divergent from American Communism. Midwestern Black radicalism that contests that interlocking systems of oppression directly relates the distinct racial, political, geographic, economic, and gendered characteristics that make up the American heartland. This volume illustrates how, at the risk of their careers, their reputations, and even their lives, African American working-class women in the Midwest used their position to shape a unique form of social activism.</p><p>Case studies of Detroit, St. Louis, Chicago, and Cleveland—hotbeds of radical activism—follow African American women across the Midwest as they participated in the Ford Hunger March, organized the Funsten Nut Pickers’ strike, led the Sopkin Dressmakers’ strike, and supported the Unemployed Councils and the Scottsboro Boys’ defense. Ford profoundly reimagines how we remember and interpret these “ordinary” women doing extraordinary things across the heartland. Once overlooked, their activism shaped a radical tradition in midwestern cities that continues to be seen in cities like Ferguson and Minneapolis today.</p><p><em>Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the department of history at UC Davis. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu"><em>okaverettephillips@ucdavis.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2919</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andy Hines, "Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism and the University" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>This striking contribution to Black literary studies examines the practices of Black writers in the mid-twentieth century to revise our understanding of the institutionalization of literary studies in America. 
In ﻿Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism and the University (U Chicago Press, 2022), Andy Hines uncovers a vibrant history of interpretive resistance to university-based New Criticism by Black writers of the American left. These include well-known figures such as Langston Hughes and Lorraine Hansberry as well as still underappreciated writers like Melvin B. Tolson and Doxey Wilkerson. In their critical practice, these and other Black writers levied their critique from “outside” venues: behind the closed doors of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, in the classroom at a communist labor school under FBI surveillance, and in a host of journals. From these vantages, Black writers not only called out the racist assumptions of the New Criticism, but also defined Black literary and interpretive practices to support communist and other radical world-making efforts in the mid-twentieth century. Hines’s book thus offers a number of urgent contributions to literary studies: it spotlights a canon of Black literary texts that belong to an important era of anti-racist struggle, and it fills in the pre-history of the rise of Black studies and of ongoing Black dissent against the neoliberal university.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>301</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andy Hines</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This striking contribution to Black literary studies examines the practices of Black writers in the mid-twentieth century to revise our understanding of the institutionalization of literary studies in America. 
In ﻿Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism and the University (U Chicago Press, 2022), Andy Hines uncovers a vibrant history of interpretive resistance to university-based New Criticism by Black writers of the American left. These include well-known figures such as Langston Hughes and Lorraine Hansberry as well as still underappreciated writers like Melvin B. Tolson and Doxey Wilkerson. In their critical practice, these and other Black writers levied their critique from “outside” venues: behind the closed doors of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, in the classroom at a communist labor school under FBI surveillance, and in a host of journals. From these vantages, Black writers not only called out the racist assumptions of the New Criticism, but also defined Black literary and interpretive practices to support communist and other radical world-making efforts in the mid-twentieth century. Hines’s book thus offers a number of urgent contributions to literary studies: it spotlights a canon of Black literary texts that belong to an important era of anti-racist struggle, and it fills in the pre-history of the rise of Black studies and of ongoing Black dissent against the neoliberal university.
﻿Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This striking contribution to Black literary studies examines the practices of Black writers in the mid-twentieth century to revise our understanding of the institutionalization of literary studies in America. </p><p>In <em>﻿</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226818580"><em>Outside Literary Studies: Black Criticism and the University</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2022), Andy Hines uncovers a vibrant history of interpretive resistance to university-based New Criticism by Black writers of the American left. These include well-known figures such as Langston Hughes and Lorraine Hansberry as well as still underappreciated writers like Melvin B. Tolson and Doxey Wilkerson. In their critical practice, these and other Black writers levied their critique from “outside” venues: behind the closed doors of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, in the classroom at a communist labor school under FBI surveillance, and in a host of journals. From these vantages, Black writers not only called out the racist assumptions of the New Criticism, but also defined Black literary and interpretive practices to support communist and other radical world-making efforts in the mid-twentieth century. Hines’s book thus offers a number of urgent contributions to literary studies: it spotlights a canon of Black literary texts that belong to an important era of anti-racist struggle, and it fills in the pre-history of the rise of Black studies and of ongoing Black dissent against the neoliberal university.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4014</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Caleb Elfenbein, "Fear in Our Hearts: What Islamophobia Teaches Us About America" (NYU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In his sparkling and politically urgent new book Fear in Our Hearts: What Islamophobia Teaches Us About America (NYU Press, 2021), Caleb Elfenbein shows with precision and panache the discursive, institutional, and political conditions and processes that have normalized anti-Muslim hate in the United States, especially over the last two decades. How does fear for a caricatured and dehumanized religious minority become an entrenched part of public discourse? Elfenbein engages and answers this question through a painstaking analysis of a range of actors and discourses across the political spectrum that have contributed to establishing Islamophobia as a formidably pernicious form of violence. In our conversation, we discuss the key themes and arguments of this book that is ideally suited to be taught in various undergraduate courses, especially the introductory Islam course and Islam in North America.
﻿SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book Defending Muhammad in Modernity (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 Book Prize and was selected as a finalist for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available here. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>272</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Caleb Elfenbein</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his sparkling and politically urgent new book Fear in Our Hearts: What Islamophobia Teaches Us About America (NYU Press, 2021), Caleb Elfenbein shows with precision and panache the discursive, institutional, and political conditions and processes that have normalized anti-Muslim hate in the United States, especially over the last two decades. How does fear for a caricatured and dehumanized religious minority become an entrenched part of public discourse? Elfenbein engages and answers this question through a painstaking analysis of a range of actors and discourses across the political spectrum that have contributed to establishing Islamophobia as a formidably pernicious form of violence. In our conversation, we discuss the key themes and arguments of this book that is ideally suited to be taught in various undergraduate courses, especially the introductory Islam course and Islam in North America.
﻿SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book Defending Muhammad in Modernity (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 Book Prize and was selected as a finalist for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available here. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his sparkling and politically urgent new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479804580"><em>Fear in Our Hearts: What Islamophobia Teaches Us About America</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2021), Caleb Elfenbein shows with precision and panache the discursive, institutional, and political conditions and processes that have normalized anti-Muslim hate in the United States, especially over the last two decades. How does fear for a caricatured and dehumanized religious minority become an entrenched part of public discourse? Elfenbein engages and answers this question through a painstaking analysis of a range of actors and discourses across the political spectrum that have contributed to establishing Islamophobia as a formidably pernicious form of violence. In our conversation, we discuss the key themes and arguments of this book that is ideally suited to be taught in various undergraduate courses, especially the introductory Islam course and Islam in North America.</p><p><em>﻿SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book </em><a href="https://undpress.nd.edu/9780268106690/defending-muhammad-in-modernity/"><em>Defending Muhammad in Modernity</em></a><em> (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 </em><a href="https://www.academia.edu/42966087/AIPS_2020_Book_Prize_Announcement-Defending_Muhammad_in_Modernity"><em>Book Prize</em></a><em> and was selected as a </em><a href="https://undpressnews.nd.edu/news/defending-muhammad-in-modernity-is-a-finalist-for-the-american-academy-of-religion-award-for-excellence-analytical-descriptive-studies/#.YUJWOGZu30M.twitter"><em>finalist</em></a><em> for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available </em><a href="https://fandm.academia.edu/SheraliTareen"><em>here</em></a><em>. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2573</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Garrett M. Graff, "Watergate: A New History" (Simon and Schuster, 2022)</title>
      <description>Award-winning journalist and editor Garrett Graff has produced a fascinating, propulsive, and captivating narrative about the Watergate scandal that rocked the United States and ultimately brought down a president. The idea of Watergate has long roots in American culture and politics, but Graff dives into this historical era, knitting together the actual reality of Watergate, and correcting, or at least interrogating the mythology that surrounds the scandal itself, the Nixon Administration, and this period in American politics. Watergate: A New History (Simon and Schuster, 2022) positions the Watergate burglary and cover-up within the broader “way of life” within the Nixon Administration, which was marked by a variety of different kinds of scandals, some of which are only now fully coming to light, others had been obscured at the time by the attention focused on Watergate. Graff outlines the dark criminal and conspiratorial mindset that dominated the Nixon Administration—and not simply the paranoia that is often associated with Nixon himself. Watergate: A New History delineates twelve different scandals, with overlapping actors and characters, executing wild schemes and crimes—and Graff notes that it was rarely clear where one scandal ended, and another began. Watergate was only one of the many scandals that entangled the Nixon Administration. Even so, the fallout from the Watergate scandal included 69 individuals who were criminally charged in association with the machinations around the break in and subsequent cover-up.
Graff notes that Watergate was such a spectacle because it was such a Washington, D.C. story, integrating power, ambition, the media, and politics, and all wrapped around the way things happen or work in D.C. He also notes that the myth of Watergate and the role of journalists in uncovering the scandal and reporting it out is more real than apocryphal, but that there were more reporters than Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein involved in following the story; Jack Nelson of the L.A. Times, and Seymour Hersh and Walter Rugaber at the New York Times all spent 1972 and 1973 covering the break-in and the evolving scandal. The way that elected officials approached the scandal and their role in uncovering its details is also a significant part of the story itself. Graff explained the distinction between how members of the Republican Party in the House and the Senate operated in the face of the Watergate scandal, how their behavior reflected a duty to carry out the work of a co-equal branch of government, the U.S. Congress, and how this is in contrast to the current Republican members of the House and Senate, who suppress their responsibilities as members of the legislature and elevate their role as members of the GOP. For those who already know much about Watergate and Nixon, this book will provide more insight, context, and understanding of the scandal that brought down the president. For those who might know little about the scandal, Watergate: A New History guides the reader through the history, politics, people, and events of a ceaselessly fascinating period in American political history.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>603</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Garrett M. Graff</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Award-winning journalist and editor Garrett Graff has produced a fascinating, propulsive, and captivating narrative about the Watergate scandal that rocked the United States and ultimately brought down a president. The idea of Watergate has long roots in American culture and politics, but Graff dives into this historical era, knitting together the actual reality of Watergate, and correcting, or at least interrogating the mythology that surrounds the scandal itself, the Nixon Administration, and this period in American politics. Watergate: A New History (Simon and Schuster, 2022) positions the Watergate burglary and cover-up within the broader “way of life” within the Nixon Administration, which was marked by a variety of different kinds of scandals, some of which are only now fully coming to light, others had been obscured at the time by the attention focused on Watergate. Graff outlines the dark criminal and conspiratorial mindset that dominated the Nixon Administration—and not simply the paranoia that is often associated with Nixon himself. Watergate: A New History delineates twelve different scandals, with overlapping actors and characters, executing wild schemes and crimes—and Graff notes that it was rarely clear where one scandal ended, and another began. Watergate was only one of the many scandals that entangled the Nixon Administration. Even so, the fallout from the Watergate scandal included 69 individuals who were criminally charged in association with the machinations around the break in and subsequent cover-up.
Graff notes that Watergate was such a spectacle because it was such a Washington, D.C. story, integrating power, ambition, the media, and politics, and all wrapped around the way things happen or work in D.C. He also notes that the myth of Watergate and the role of journalists in uncovering the scandal and reporting it out is more real than apocryphal, but that there were more reporters than Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein involved in following the story; Jack Nelson of the L.A. Times, and Seymour Hersh and Walter Rugaber at the New York Times all spent 1972 and 1973 covering the break-in and the evolving scandal. The way that elected officials approached the scandal and their role in uncovering its details is also a significant part of the story itself. Graff explained the distinction between how members of the Republican Party in the House and the Senate operated in the face of the Watergate scandal, how their behavior reflected a duty to carry out the work of a co-equal branch of government, the U.S. Congress, and how this is in contrast to the current Republican members of the House and Senate, who suppress their responsibilities as members of the legislature and elevate their role as members of the GOP. For those who already know much about Watergate and Nixon, this book will provide more insight, context, and understanding of the scandal that brought down the president. For those who might know little about the scandal, Watergate: A New History guides the reader through the history, politics, people, and events of a ceaselessly fascinating period in American political history.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Award-winning journalist and editor Garrett Graff has produced a fascinating, propulsive, and captivating narrative about the Watergate scandal that rocked the United States and ultimately brought down a president. The idea of Watergate has long roots in American culture and politics, but Graff dives into this historical era, knitting together the actual reality of Watergate, and correcting, or at least interrogating the mythology that surrounds the scandal itself, the Nixon Administration, and this period in American politics. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982139162"><em>Watergate: A New History</em></a><em> </em>(Simon and Schuster, 2022) positions the Watergate burglary and cover-up within the broader “way of life” within the Nixon Administration, which was marked by a variety of different kinds of scandals, some of which are only now fully coming to light, others had been obscured at the time by the attention focused on Watergate. Graff outlines the dark criminal and conspiratorial mindset that dominated the Nixon Administration—and not simply the paranoia that is often associated with Nixon himself. <em>Watergate: A New History</em> delineates twelve different scandals, with overlapping actors and characters, executing wild schemes and crimes—and Graff notes that it was rarely clear where one scandal ended, and another began. Watergate was only one of the many scandals that entangled the Nixon Administration. Even so, the fallout from the Watergate scandal included 69 individuals who were criminally charged in association with the machinations around the break in and subsequent cover-up.</p><p>Graff notes that Watergate was such a spectacle because it was such a <em>Washington, D.C. </em>story, integrating power, ambition, the media, and politics, and all wrapped around the way things happen or work in D.C. He also notes that the myth of Watergate and the role of journalists in uncovering the scandal and reporting it out is more real than apocryphal, but that there were more reporters than Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein involved in following the story; Jack Nelson of the <em>L.A. Times</em>, and Seymour Hersh and Walter Rugaber at the <em>New York Times</em> all spent 1972 and 1973 covering the break-in and the evolving scandal. The way that elected officials approached the scandal and their role in uncovering its details is also a significant part of the story itself. Graff explained the distinction between how members of the Republican Party in the House and the Senate operated in the face of the Watergate scandal, how their behavior reflected a duty to carry out the work of a co-equal branch of government, the U.S. Congress, and how this is in contrast to the current Republican members of the House and Senate, who suppress their responsibilities as members of the legislature and elevate their role as members of the GOP. For those who already know much about Watergate and Nixon, this book will provide more insight, context, and understanding of the scandal that brought down the president. For those who might know little about the scandal, <em>Watergate: A New History</em> guides the reader through the history, politics, people, and events of a ceaselessly fascinating period in American political history.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3216</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sarah Mittlefehldt, "Tangled Roots: The Appalachian Trail and American Environmental Politics" (U Washington Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>The Appalachian Trail, a thin ribbon of wilderness running through the densely populated eastern United States, offers a refuge from modern society and a place apart from human ideas and institutions. But as environmental historian—and thru-hiker—Sarah Mittlefehldt argues, the trail is also a conduit for community engagement and a model for public-private cooperation and environmental stewardship.
In Tangled Roots: The Appalachian Trail and American Environmental Politics (U Washington Press, 2013), Mittlefehldt tells the story of the trail’s creation. The project was one of the first in which the National Park Service attempted to create public wilderness space within heavily populated, privately owned lands. Originally a regional grassroots endeavor, under federal leadership the trail project retained unprecedented levels of community involvement. As citizen volunteers came together and entered into conversation with the National Parks Service, boundaries between “local” and “nonlocal,” “public” and “private,” “amateur” and “expert” frequently broke down. Today, as Mittlefehldt tells us, the Appalachian Trail remains an unusual hybrid of public and private efforts and an inspiring success story of environmental protection.
Sarah Mittlefehldt is an environmental historian and Professor of Earth, Environmental &amp; Geographical Sciences at Northern Michigan University. 
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>112</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sarah Mittlefehldt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Appalachian Trail, a thin ribbon of wilderness running through the densely populated eastern United States, offers a refuge from modern society and a place apart from human ideas and institutions. But as environmental historian—and thru-hiker—Sarah Mittlefehldt argues, the trail is also a conduit for community engagement and a model for public-private cooperation and environmental stewardship.
In Tangled Roots: The Appalachian Trail and American Environmental Politics (U Washington Press, 2013), Mittlefehldt tells the story of the trail’s creation. The project was one of the first in which the National Park Service attempted to create public wilderness space within heavily populated, privately owned lands. Originally a regional grassroots endeavor, under federal leadership the trail project retained unprecedented levels of community involvement. As citizen volunteers came together and entered into conversation with the National Parks Service, boundaries between “local” and “nonlocal,” “public” and “private,” “amateur” and “expert” frequently broke down. Today, as Mittlefehldt tells us, the Appalachian Trail remains an unusual hybrid of public and private efforts and an inspiring success story of environmental protection.
Sarah Mittlefehldt is an environmental historian and Professor of Earth, Environmental &amp; Geographical Sciences at Northern Michigan University. 
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Appalachian Trail, a thin ribbon of wilderness running through the densely populated eastern United States, offers a refuge from modern society and a place apart from human ideas and institutions. But as environmental historian—and thru-hiker—Sarah Mittlefehldt argues, the trail is also a conduit for community engagement and a model for public-private cooperation and environmental stewardship.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780295993003"><em>Tangled Roots: The Appalachian Trail and American Environmental Politics</em></a><em> </em>(U Washington Press, 2013), Mittlefehldt tells the story of the trail’s creation. The project was one of the first in which the National Park Service attempted to create public wilderness space within heavily populated, privately owned lands. Originally a regional grassroots endeavor, under federal leadership the trail project retained unprecedented levels of community involvement. As citizen volunteers came together and entered into conversation with the National Parks Service, boundaries between “local” and “nonlocal,” “public” and “private,” “amateur” and “expert” frequently broke down. Today, as Mittlefehldt tells us, the Appalachian Trail remains an unusual hybrid of public and private efforts and an inspiring success story of environmental protection.</p><p>Sarah Mittlefehldt is an environmental historian and Professor of Earth, Environmental &amp; Geographical Sciences at Northern Michigan University. </p><p><em>Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: </em><a href="mailto:Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu"><em>Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3013</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mario Daniels and John Krige, "Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America (University of Chicago Press, 2022) is the first historical study of export control regulations as a tool for the sharing and withholding of knowledge.
In this groundbreaking book, Dr. Mario Daniels and Dr. John Krige set out to show the enormous political relevance that export control regulations have had for American debates about national security, foreign policy, and trade policy since 1945. Indeed, they argue that from the 1940s to today the issue of how to control the transnational movement of information has been central to the thinking and actions of the guardians of the American national security state.
They argue that every single day beginning in the 1940s, US export controls have intervened in the global sharing of scientific-technological knowledge. The expansion of control over knowledge and know-how is apparent from the increasingly systematic inclusion of universities and research institutions into a system that in the 1950s and 1960s mainly targeted business activities. As this book vividly reveals, classification was not the only—and not even the most important—regulatory instrument that came into being in the postwar era.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1213</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mario Daniels and John Krige</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America (University of Chicago Press, 2022) is the first historical study of export control regulations as a tool for the sharing and withholding of knowledge.
In this groundbreaking book, Dr. Mario Daniels and Dr. John Krige set out to show the enormous political relevance that export control regulations have had for American debates about national security, foreign policy, and trade policy since 1945. Indeed, they argue that from the 1940s to today the issue of how to control the transnational movement of information has been central to the thinking and actions of the guardians of the American national security state.
They argue that every single day beginning in the 1940s, US export controls have intervened in the global sharing of scientific-technological knowledge. The expansion of control over knowledge and know-how is apparent from the increasingly systematic inclusion of universities and research institutions into a system that in the 1950s and 1960s mainly targeted business activities. As this book vividly reveals, classification was not the only—and not even the most important—regulatory instrument that came into being in the postwar era.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226817538"><em>Knowledge Regulation and National Security in Postwar America</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2022) is the first historical study of export control regulations as a tool for the sharing and withholding of knowledge.</p><p>In this groundbreaking book, Dr. Mario Daniels and Dr. John Krige set out to show the enormous political relevance that export control regulations have had for American debates about national security, foreign policy, and trade policy since 1945. Indeed, they argue that from the 1940s to today the issue of how to control the transnational movement of information has been central to the thinking and actions of the guardians of the American national security state.</p><p>They argue that every single day beginning in the 1940s, US export controls have intervened in the global sharing of scientific-technological knowledge. The expansion of control over knowledge and know-how is apparent from the increasingly systematic inclusion of universities and research institutions into a system that in the 1950s and 1960s mainly targeted business activities. As this book vividly reveals, classification was not the only—and not even the most important—regulatory instrument that came into being in the postwar era.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4886</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[81826e42-dadc-11ec-a23d-3fcfc2f25672]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Colleen Wessel-McCoy, "Freedom Church of the Poor: Martin Luther King Jr's Poor People's Campaign" (Fortress Academic, 2021)</title>
      <description>When The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. looked over into the promised land and tried to discern how we would get there, he called the poor to lead the way. The Poor People’s Campaign was part of a political strategy for building a movement expansive enough to tackle the enmeshed evils of racism, poverty, and war. In Freedom Church of the Poor: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Poor People’s Campaign (Fortress Academic, 2021), Colleen Wessel-McCoy roots King’s political vision solidly in his theological ethics and traces the spirit of the campaign in the community and religious leaders who are responding to the devastating crises of inequality today.
Colleen Wessel-McCoy is an Assistant Professor of Peace &amp; Justice Studies and the Director of the Master of Arts in Peace and Social Transformation program at the Earlham School of Religion.
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Jun 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>200</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Colleen Wessel-McCoy</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. looked over into the promised land and tried to discern how we would get there, he called the poor to lead the way. The Poor People’s Campaign was part of a political strategy for building a movement expansive enough to tackle the enmeshed evils of racism, poverty, and war. In Freedom Church of the Poor: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Poor People’s Campaign (Fortress Academic, 2021), Colleen Wessel-McCoy roots King’s political vision solidly in his theological ethics and traces the spirit of the campaign in the community and religious leaders who are responding to the devastating crises of inequality today.
Colleen Wessel-McCoy is an Assistant Professor of Peace &amp; Justice Studies and the Director of the Master of Arts in Peace and Social Transformation program at the Earlham School of Religion.
Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. looked over into the promised land and tried to discern how we would get there, he called the poor to lead the way. The Poor People’s Campaign was part of a political strategy for building a movement expansive enough to tackle the enmeshed evils of racism, poverty, and war. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781978710238"><em>Freedom Church of the Poor: Martin Luther King Jr.’s Poor People’s Campaign</em></a><em> </em>(Fortress Academic, 2021), Colleen Wessel-McCoy roots King’s political vision solidly in his theological ethics and traces the spirit of the campaign in the community and religious leaders who are responding to the devastating crises of inequality today.</p><p>Colleen Wessel-McCoy is an Assistant Professor of Peace &amp; Justice Studies and the Director of the <a href="https://esr.earlham.edu/academics/master-of-arts-in-peace-and-social-transformation/">Master of Arts in Peace and Social Transformation program</a> at the Earlham School of Religion.</p><p><em>Brady McCartney is an interdisciplinary environmental studies scholar at the University of Florida. Email: </em><a href="mailto:Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu"><em>Brady.McCartney@UFL.edu</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3624</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>David Swift, "The Identity Myth: Why We Need to Embrace Our Differences to Beat Inequality" (Constable &amp; Robinson, 2022)</title>
      <description>In conversations about polarised political issues, phrases like ‘it’s not about race, it’s about class’ have become the perfect way to induce a stalemate. It seems as though the traditional, materialist critique of inequality has been supplanted by a fast-evolving set of reflections on group identity. Mainstream politics makes fast and loose assumptions about the relationship between class and identity, and economic conditions and culture. These assumptions are fodder for the culture wars.
In The Identity Myth: Why We Need to Embrace Our Differences to Beat Inequality (Constable &amp; Robinson, 2022), David Swift covers the four different kinds of identity most susceptible to rhetorical and cultural manipulation – class, race, sex, and age. He considers how the boundaries of identities are policed and how diverse versions of the same identity can be deployed to different ends. Ultimately, it is not that identities are simply more ‘complex’ than they appear. Rather, there are commonalities more important to the creation of solidarity.
David Swift speaks to Pierre d'Alancaisez about the crisis of class and the deceptive allure of identity politics. We talk about the divisive nature of the contested claims of identity and about strategies for regaining control of the narrative. In a powerful call to arms, Swift argues that we must unite against these identity myths and embrace our differences to beat inequality.
David Swift is a historian and writer who specialises in the history and contemporary politics of the British Left. He has written on the state of the Left for The Times, Fabian Review, Progress Online, Jewish Chronicle, and The Critic. He is the author of A Left for Itself, 2019.

The Emily Thornberry white van tweet story,


Gordon Brown's 'bigotgate',


Keir Starmer and 'beergate',

Tomiwa Owolade's essay on Anglican social conservatism in London, 'rooted' in David's work,

Rachel Dolezal is now an artist,

San Francisco school board recall,


White narcissism at a BLM protest.


﻿Pierre d’Alancaisez is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>291</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Swift</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In conversations about polarised political issues, phrases like ‘it’s not about race, it’s about class’ have become the perfect way to induce a stalemate. It seems as though the traditional, materialist critique of inequality has been supplanted by a fast-evolving set of reflections on group identity. Mainstream politics makes fast and loose assumptions about the relationship between class and identity, and economic conditions and culture. These assumptions are fodder for the culture wars.
In The Identity Myth: Why We Need to Embrace Our Differences to Beat Inequality (Constable &amp; Robinson, 2022), David Swift covers the four different kinds of identity most susceptible to rhetorical and cultural manipulation – class, race, sex, and age. He considers how the boundaries of identities are policed and how diverse versions of the same identity can be deployed to different ends. Ultimately, it is not that identities are simply more ‘complex’ than they appear. Rather, there are commonalities more important to the creation of solidarity.
David Swift speaks to Pierre d'Alancaisez about the crisis of class and the deceptive allure of identity politics. We talk about the divisive nature of the contested claims of identity and about strategies for regaining control of the narrative. In a powerful call to arms, Swift argues that we must unite against these identity myths and embrace our differences to beat inequality.
David Swift is a historian and writer who specialises in the history and contemporary politics of the British Left. He has written on the state of the Left for The Times, Fabian Review, Progress Online, Jewish Chronicle, and The Critic. He is the author of A Left for Itself, 2019.

The Emily Thornberry white van tweet story,


Gordon Brown's 'bigotgate',


Keir Starmer and 'beergate',

Tomiwa Owolade's essay on Anglican social conservatism in London, 'rooted' in David's work,

Rachel Dolezal is now an artist,

San Francisco school board recall,


White narcissism at a BLM protest.


﻿Pierre d’Alancaisez is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In conversations about polarised political issues, phrases like ‘it’s not about race, it’s about class’ have become the perfect way to induce a stalemate. It seems as though the traditional, materialist critique of inequality has been supplanted by a fast-evolving set of reflections on group identity. Mainstream politics makes fast and loose assumptions about the relationship between class and identity, and economic conditions and culture. These assumptions are fodder for the culture wars.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780349135366"><em>The Identity Myth: Why We Need to Embrace Our Differences to Beat Inequality</em></a><em> </em>(Constable &amp; Robinson, 2022), David Swift covers the four different kinds of identity most susceptible to rhetorical and cultural manipulation – class, race, sex, and age. He considers how the boundaries of identities are policed and how diverse versions of the same identity can be deployed to different ends. Ultimately, it is not that identities are simply more ‘complex’ than they appear. Rather, there are commonalities more important to the creation of solidarity.</p><p>David Swift speaks to Pierre d'Alancaisez about the crisis of class and the deceptive allure of identity politics. We talk about the divisive nature of the contested claims of identity and about strategies for regaining control of the narrative. In a powerful call to arms, Swift argues that we must unite against these identity myths and embrace our differences to beat inequality.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/davidswift87?s=21">David Swift</a> is a historian and writer who specialises in the history and contemporary politics of the British Left. He has written on the state of the Left for <em>The Times, Fabian Review, Progress Online</em>, <em>Jewish Chronicle</em>, and<em> The Critic</em>. He is the author of <a href="https://www.johnhuntpublishing.com/zer0-books/our-books/left-for-itself"><em>A Left for Itself</em></a>, 2019.</p><ul>
<li>The Emily Thornberry <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-30148768">white van tweet</a> story,</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/bigotgate-gordon-brown-anniversary-gillian-duffy-transcript-full-read-1957274.html">Gordon Brown's 'bigotgate'</a>,</li>
<li>
<a href="https://www.standard.co.uk/news/politics/keir-starmer-beergate-currygate-boris-johnson-partygate-police-durham-b998231.html">Keir Starmer and 'beergate'</a>,</li>
<li>Tomiwa Owolade's essay on <a href="https://unherd.com/2022/04/the-future-of-anglicanism-is-african/">Anglican social conservatism in London</a>, 'rooted' in David's work,</li>
<li>Rachel Dolezal is now <a href="https://racheldolezal.com/">an artist</a>,</li>
<li>San Francisco <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/02/meaning-san-franciscos-school-board-recall/622854/">school board recall</a>,</li>
<li>
<a href="https://twitter.com/jmasseypoet/status/1381791660380684289?s=21&amp;t=sf2E7OGNfkSCeM3G9a3dGA">White narcissism at a BLM protest</a>.</li>
</ul><p><br></p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://petitpoi.net/"><em>Pierre d’Alancaisez</em></a><em> is a contemporary art curator, cultural strategist, researcher. Sometime scientist, financial services professional.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4039</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Hunt, "We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes: Late Cold War Culture in the Age of Reagan" (U Massachusetts Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Ronald Reagan’s hagiography has created an entire mythology around the 40th president of the US; anticommunism and the fight against the ‘Evil Empire’ are the central tropes of the Reagan story to this day. The culmination of this narrative arc is the collapse of the Soviet Union, an event which is still routinely attributed to Reagan and, particularly in conservative circles, and hailed as the ultimate validation of American political models and of American values.
But the historical reality of the 1980s was far from ideologically monolithic. Andrew Hunt’s We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes: Late Cold War Culture in the Age of Reagan (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) paints a nuanced picture of the complex social and cultural landscape of the United States during Reagan’s two terms. The country was in turmoil, bitterly divided over the meaning of its recent past (from nostalgia for the 1950s to the trauma of the Vietnam War) and over the direction of its future. It was rocked by street protests fueled by a rebirth of activism comparable to that of the 1960s. It witnessed the rise of fringe conspiracy theories, of popular opposition to U.S. involvement in Central America, and of widespread anxieties over nuclear war with the Soviet Union. Hunt’s book captures, in fascinating detail, the enormous pushback to the anticommunist rhetoric of the Reagan regime from citizens, activists, and artists, and the role that American popular culture—from music, to television, to film— played in reflecting, and sometimes influencing, the dynamics of the age.
Oana Godeanu-Kenworthy is Associate Teaching Professor of American Studies at Miami University of Ohio. Her book, Between Empire and Republic: America in the Colonial Canadian Imagination, came out in 2022. Twitter: @OanaGodyKenw. Oana’s webpage.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>186</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Hunt</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ronald Reagan’s hagiography has created an entire mythology around the 40th president of the US; anticommunism and the fight against the ‘Evil Empire’ are the central tropes of the Reagan story to this day. The culmination of this narrative arc is the collapse of the Soviet Union, an event which is still routinely attributed to Reagan and, particularly in conservative circles, and hailed as the ultimate validation of American political models and of American values.
But the historical reality of the 1980s was far from ideologically monolithic. Andrew Hunt’s We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes: Late Cold War Culture in the Age of Reagan (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) paints a nuanced picture of the complex social and cultural landscape of the United States during Reagan’s two terms. The country was in turmoil, bitterly divided over the meaning of its recent past (from nostalgia for the 1950s to the trauma of the Vietnam War) and over the direction of its future. It was rocked by street protests fueled by a rebirth of activism comparable to that of the 1960s. It witnessed the rise of fringe conspiracy theories, of popular opposition to U.S. involvement in Central America, and of widespread anxieties over nuclear war with the Soviet Union. Hunt’s book captures, in fascinating detail, the enormous pushback to the anticommunist rhetoric of the Reagan regime from citizens, activists, and artists, and the role that American popular culture—from music, to television, to film— played in reflecting, and sometimes influencing, the dynamics of the age.
Oana Godeanu-Kenworthy is Associate Teaching Professor of American Studies at Miami University of Ohio. Her book, Between Empire and Republic: America in the Colonial Canadian Imagination, came out in 2022. Twitter: @OanaGodyKenw. Oana’s webpage.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ronald Reagan’s hagiography has created an entire mythology around the 40th president of the US; anticommunism and the fight against the ‘Evil Empire’ are the central tropes of the Reagan story to this day. The culmination of this narrative arc is the collapse of the Soviet Union, an event which is still routinely attributed to Reagan and, particularly in conservative circles, and hailed as the ultimate validation of American political models and of American values.</p><p>But the historical reality of the 1980s was far from ideologically monolithic. Andrew Hunt’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781625345769"><em>We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes</em>: <em>Late Cold War Culture in the Age of Reagan</em></a> (University of Massachusetts Press, 2022) paints a nuanced picture of the complex social and cultural landscape of the United States during Reagan’s two terms. The country was in turmoil, bitterly divided over the meaning of its recent past (from nostalgia for the 1950s to the trauma of the Vietnam War) and over the direction of its future. It was rocked by street protests fueled by a rebirth of activism comparable to that of the 1960s. It witnessed the rise of fringe conspiracy theories, of popular opposition to U.S. involvement in Central America, and of widespread anxieties over nuclear war with the Soviet Union. Hunt’s book captures, in fascinating detail, the enormous pushback to the anticommunist rhetoric of the Reagan regime from citizens, activists, and artists, and the role that American popular culture—from music, to television, to film— played in reflecting, and sometimes influencing, the dynamics of the age.</p><p><a href="http://www.miamioh.edu/cas/academics/departments/gic/about/faculty/godeanu-kenworthy/index.html"><em>Oana Godeanu-Kenworthy</em></a><em> is Associate Teaching Professor of American Studies at Miami University of Ohio. Her book, </em><a href="https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793635525/Between-Empire-and-Republic-America-in-the-Colonial-Canadian-Imagination"><em>Between Empire and Republic: America in the Colonial Canadian Imagination</em></a><em>, came out in 2022. Twitter: @OanaGodyKenw. </em><a href="https://miamioh.academia.edu/OanaGodeanuKenworthy"><em>Oana’s webpage</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2670</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Chiara Bonacchi, "Heritage and Nationalism: Understanding Populism through Big Data" (UCL Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>What are the connections between the past and modern politics? In Heritage and Nationalism: Understanding Populism through Big Data (UCL Press, 2022), Chiara Bonacchi, a Chancellor's Fellow in Heritage, Text and Data Mining and Senior Lecturer in Heritage at History, Classics &amp; Archaeology and Edinburgh Futures Institute at University of Edinburgh, explores the uses of heritage by contemporary populist politics. Drawing on ‘big data’ sources, including Facebook and Twitter, along with a deep theoretical engagement with digital humanities and heritage, the book compares and contrasts key political events in Italy, USA, and the UK to show how the ancient world is deployed by both politicians and audiences. The book is essential reading for both humanities and political science scholars, along with anyone interested in understanding the current populist moment. The book is available open access here.
﻿Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>290</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Chiara Bonacchi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What are the connections between the past and modern politics? In Heritage and Nationalism: Understanding Populism through Big Data (UCL Press, 2022), Chiara Bonacchi, a Chancellor's Fellow in Heritage, Text and Data Mining and Senior Lecturer in Heritage at History, Classics &amp; Archaeology and Edinburgh Futures Institute at University of Edinburgh, explores the uses of heritage by contemporary populist politics. Drawing on ‘big data’ sources, including Facebook and Twitter, along with a deep theoretical engagement with digital humanities and heritage, the book compares and contrasts key political events in Italy, USA, and the UK to show how the ancient world is deployed by both politicians and audiences. The book is essential reading for both humanities and political science scholars, along with anyone interested in understanding the current populist moment. The book is available open access here.
﻿Dave O'Brien is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What are the connections between the past and modern politics? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781787358027"><em>Heritage and Nationalism: Understanding Populism through Big Data</em></a><em> </em>(UCL Press, 2022), <a href="https://twitter.com/chiara_bonacchi">Chiara Bonacchi,</a> a Chancellor's Fellow in Heritage, Text and Data Mining and Senior Lecturer in Heritage at <a href="https://www.ed.ac.uk/history-classics-archaeology/about-us/staff-profiles/chiara-bonacchi">History, Classics &amp; Archaeology</a> and <a href="https://efi.ed.ac.uk/">Edinburgh Futures Institute</a> at University of Edinburgh, explores the uses of heritage by contemporary populist politics. Drawing on ‘big data’ sources, including Facebook and Twitter, along with a deep theoretical engagement with digital humanities and heritage, the book compares and contrasts key political events in Italy, USA, and the UK to show how the ancient world is deployed by both politicians and audiences. The book is essential reading for both humanities and political science scholars, along with anyone interested in understanding the current populist moment. <strong>The book is available open access </strong><a href="https://www.uclpress.co.uk/products/152834"><strong>here.</strong></a></p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://www.eca.ed.ac.uk/profile/dr-dave-obrien"><em>Dave O'Brien</em></a><em> is Professor of Cultural and Creative Industries, at the University of Sheffield.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2387</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher J. Gilbert, "Caricature and National Character: The United States at War" (Pennsylvania State UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Dr. Christopher Gilbert, Assistant Professor of English at Assumption College, has a new book that examines the understanding of American national character and culture through the works of caricature and comic representations. Gilbert specifically focuses on this kind of work that is produced during moments of crisis, particularly during wartime. Wartime often prompts self-understanding for a nation, since there is a demand that the reason for war is made clear, and the role of the nation is seen in this context. Gilbert notes that in the early days of the republic, Benjamin Franklin turned to caricature to help define or start to clarify an American national character, particularly in distinction from British colonial power. And this concept of national character is different than either patriotism or nationalism, since it reflects how citizens, individually and as a whole, understand themselves as a nation, and as separate from other nations. Unique histories, characteristics, and “belonging” all contribute to this broader sense of self for a nation.
Caricature and National Character: The United States at War (Pennsylvania State UP, 2021) examines the various symbols and images that have become part of the American national identity, noting, often, how those images shift and change with time and context. Gilbert notes that these recursive themes and images are distinct in different historical moments, providing a kind of complexity to the images and how and what they communicate. Consider the image of the bald eagle, which has been integrated into American national character for some time, but has been drawn and redrawn to represent imperialism, laziness, or cultural power at different points in U.S. history. Gilbert explains that humor itself is situational and situated, a sign or signal of the time, and that caricature and comic artists and political and editorial cartoonists are commenting on and positioning their work within a particular historical point, and in so doing, also reflecting American cultural politics.
Caricature and National Character brings a variety of artists together in a way that intertwines their work without silo-ing them within chronological periods. Their work is made, in a certain way, to be in conversation, and to help to understand the United States as a warring nation, even if there is no shooting war transpiring at times. The artists and cartoonists are using their own membership within the national character to present ideas and commentary on what it means, in time of war, to protect national character and what it is that needs protecting. These images, which can be explored across history, carry significant weight because they are reflecting on the notion of national character, which is often more clearly on display during times of war.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 26 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>604</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher J. Gilbert</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dr. Christopher Gilbert, Assistant Professor of English at Assumption College, has a new book that examines the understanding of American national character and culture through the works of caricature and comic representations. Gilbert specifically focuses on this kind of work that is produced during moments of crisis, particularly during wartime. Wartime often prompts self-understanding for a nation, since there is a demand that the reason for war is made clear, and the role of the nation is seen in this context. Gilbert notes that in the early days of the republic, Benjamin Franklin turned to caricature to help define or start to clarify an American national character, particularly in distinction from British colonial power. And this concept of national character is different than either patriotism or nationalism, since it reflects how citizens, individually and as a whole, understand themselves as a nation, and as separate from other nations. Unique histories, characteristics, and “belonging” all contribute to this broader sense of self for a nation.
Caricature and National Character: The United States at War (Pennsylvania State UP, 2021) examines the various symbols and images that have become part of the American national identity, noting, often, how those images shift and change with time and context. Gilbert notes that these recursive themes and images are distinct in different historical moments, providing a kind of complexity to the images and how and what they communicate. Consider the image of the bald eagle, which has been integrated into American national character for some time, but has been drawn and redrawn to represent imperialism, laziness, or cultural power at different points in U.S. history. Gilbert explains that humor itself is situational and situated, a sign or signal of the time, and that caricature and comic artists and political and editorial cartoonists are commenting on and positioning their work within a particular historical point, and in so doing, also reflecting American cultural politics.
Caricature and National Character brings a variety of artists together in a way that intertwines their work without silo-ing them within chronological periods. Their work is made, in a certain way, to be in conversation, and to help to understand the United States as a warring nation, even if there is no shooting war transpiring at times. The artists and cartoonists are using their own membership within the national character to present ideas and commentary on what it means, in time of war, to protect national character and what it is that needs protecting. These images, which can be explored across history, carry significant weight because they are reflecting on the notion of national character, which is often more clearly on display during times of war.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dr. Christopher Gilbert, Assistant Professor of English at Assumption College, has a new book that examines the understanding of American national character and culture through the works of caricature and comic representations. Gilbert specifically focuses on this kind of work that is produced during moments of crisis, particularly during wartime. Wartime often prompts self-understanding for a nation, since there is a demand that the reason for war is made clear, and the role of the nation is seen in this context. Gilbert notes that in the early days of the republic, Benjamin Franklin turned to caricature to help define or start to clarify an American national character, particularly in distinction from British colonial power. And this concept of national character is different than either patriotism or nationalism, since it reflects how citizens, individually and as a whole, understand themselves as a nation, and as separate from other nations. Unique histories, characteristics, and “belonging” all contribute to this broader sense of self for a nation.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780271089768"><em>Caricature and National Character: The United States at War</em></a><em> </em>(Pennsylvania State UP, 2021) examines the various symbols and images that have become part of the American national identity, noting, often, how those images shift and change with time and context. Gilbert notes that these recursive themes and images are distinct in different historical moments, providing a kind of complexity to the images and how and what they communicate. Consider the image of the bald eagle, which has been integrated into American national character for some time, but has been drawn and redrawn to represent imperialism, laziness, or cultural power at different points in U.S. history. Gilbert explains that humor itself is situational and situated, a sign or signal of the time, and that caricature and comic artists and political and editorial cartoonists are commenting on and positioning their work within a particular historical point, and in so doing, also reflecting American cultural politics.</p><p><em>Caricature and National Character</em> brings a variety of artists together in a way that intertwines their work without silo-ing them within chronological periods. Their work is made, in a certain way, to be in conversation, and to help to understand the United States as a warring nation, even if there is no shooting war transpiring at times. The artists and cartoonists are using their own membership within the national character to present ideas and commentary on what it means, in time of war, to protect national character and what it is that needs protecting. These images, which can be explored across history, carry significant weight because they are reflecting on the notion of national character, which is often more clearly on display during times of war.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2589</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2710185346.mp3?updated=1652896797" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Howard Mortman, "When Rabbis Bless Congress: The Great American Story of Jewish Prayers on Capitol Hill" (Cherry Orchard, 2020)</title>
      <description>Howard Mortman's book When Rabbis Bless Congress: The Great American Story of Jewish Prayers on Capitol Hill (Cherry Orchard, 2020) is about the rabbis. It’s an unprecedented examination of 160 years of Jewish prayers delivered in the literal and figurative center of American democracy. With exhaustive research written in approachable prose, it uniquely tells the story of over 400 rabbis giving over 600 prayers since the Civil War days―who they are and what they say.
Few written works examine the tradition of prayers in government. This new angle will appeal to students and lovers of American history, Congress, American Jewish history, and religion. It’s a welcome, important addition to our understanding of Congress and Jewish contribution to America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>287</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Howard Mortman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Howard Mortman's book When Rabbis Bless Congress: The Great American Story of Jewish Prayers on Capitol Hill (Cherry Orchard, 2020) is about the rabbis. It’s an unprecedented examination of 160 years of Jewish prayers delivered in the literal and figurative center of American democracy. With exhaustive research written in approachable prose, it uniquely tells the story of over 400 rabbis giving over 600 prayers since the Civil War days―who they are and what they say.
Few written works examine the tradition of prayers in government. This new angle will appeal to students and lovers of American history, Congress, American Jewish history, and religion. It’s a welcome, important addition to our understanding of Congress and Jewish contribution to America.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Howard Mortman's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781644693445"><em>When Rabbis Bless Congress: The Great American Story of Jewish Prayers on Capitol Hill</em></a> (Cherry Orchard, 2020) is about the rabbis. It’s an unprecedented examination of 160 years of Jewish prayers delivered in the literal and figurative center of American democracy. With exhaustive research written in approachable prose, it uniquely tells the story of over 400 rabbis giving over 600 prayers since the Civil War days―who they are and what they say.</p><p>Few written works examine the tradition of prayers in government. This new angle will appeal to students and lovers of American history, Congress, American Jewish history, and religion. It’s a welcome, important addition to our understanding of Congress and Jewish contribution to America.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3262</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b1484164-d795-11ec-81a7-e3cad2a428cc]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Pandemic Perspectives 12: Politicizing the COVID Pandemic</title>
      <description>In this Pandemic Perspectives Podcast, Ideas Roadshow founder and host Howard Burton talks to Michael Berry, Director of the UCLA Center for Chinese Studies on American scapegoating, Chinese censorship and the sad story of Fang Fang's brave and influential COVID-19 memoir, Wuhan Diary.
Ideas Roadshow's Pandemic Perspectives Project consists of three distinct, reinforcing elements: a documentary film (Pandemic Perspectives), book (Pandemic Perspectives: A filmmaker's journey in 10 essays) and a series of 24 detailed podcasts with many of the film's expert participants. Visit www.ideasroadshow.com for more details.
Howard Burton is the founder of Ideas Roadshow and host of the Ideas Roadshow Podcast. He can be reached at howard@ideasroadshow.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An conversation with Michael Berry</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this Pandemic Perspectives Podcast, Ideas Roadshow founder and host Howard Burton talks to Michael Berry, Director of the UCLA Center for Chinese Studies on American scapegoating, Chinese censorship and the sad story of Fang Fang's brave and influential COVID-19 memoir, Wuhan Diary.
Ideas Roadshow's Pandemic Perspectives Project consists of three distinct, reinforcing elements: a documentary film (Pandemic Perspectives), book (Pandemic Perspectives: A filmmaker's journey in 10 essays) and a series of 24 detailed podcasts with many of the film's expert participants. Visit www.ideasroadshow.com for more details.
Howard Burton is the founder of Ideas Roadshow and host of the Ideas Roadshow Podcast. He can be reached at howard@ideasroadshow.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this <em>Pandemic Perspectives Podcast</em>, Ideas Roadshow founder and host Howard Burton talks to <a href="https://www.alc.ucla.edu/person/michael-berry/">Michael Berry</a>, Director of the UCLA Center for Chinese Studies on American scapegoating, Chinese censorship and the sad story of Fang Fang's brave and influential COVID-19 memoir, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063052642"><em>Wuhan Diary</em></a>.</p><p>Ideas Roadshow's Pandemic Perspectives Project consists of three distinct, reinforcing elements: a documentary film (Pandemic Perspectives), book (Pandemic Perspectives: A filmmaker's journey in 10 essays) and a series of 24 detailed podcasts with many of the film's expert participants. Visit <a href="http://www.ideasroadshow.com/">www.ideasroadshow.com</a> for more details.</p><p><a href="https://howardburton.com/"><em>Howard Burton</em></a><em> is the founder of </em><a href="https://www.ideasroadshow.com/"><em>Ideas Roadshow</em></a><em> and host of the </em><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/category/academic-partners/ideas-roadshow-podcast"><em>Ideas Roadshow Podcast</em></a><em>. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:howard@ideasroadshow.com"><em>howard@ideasroadshow.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3733</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Neoliberalism: A Conversation with Gary Gerstle</title>
      <description>The word neoliberalism is often used more as an insult than a description of a set of beliefs. And people can be rather hazy about the beliefs it refers to – although the mix generally includes free markets, privatisation and globalisation and high levels of inequality. In his book The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era (Oxford UP, 2022), Professor Gary Gerstle of Cambridge University charts how both rightists and leftists embraced neo liberal ideas which prevailed for some three decades until they were challenged by the populist ethno nationalism of Trump and his imitators. But can ethnonationalism prevail? Professor Gerstle argues its too soon to say whether ethnonationalism will become the new post neoliberal orthodoxy
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>14</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gary Gerstle</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The word neoliberalism is often used more as an insult than a description of a set of beliefs. And people can be rather hazy about the beliefs it refers to – although the mix generally includes free markets, privatisation and globalisation and high levels of inequality. In his book The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era (Oxford UP, 2022), Professor Gary Gerstle of Cambridge University charts how both rightists and leftists embraced neo liberal ideas which prevailed for some three decades until they were challenged by the populist ethno nationalism of Trump and his imitators. But can ethnonationalism prevail? Professor Gerstle argues its too soon to say whether ethnonationalism will become the new post neoliberal orthodoxy
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The word neoliberalism is often used more as an insult than a description of a set of beliefs. And people can be rather hazy about the beliefs it refers to – although the mix generally includes free markets, privatisation and globalisation and high levels of inequality. In his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197519646"><em>The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order: America and the World in the Free Market Era</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2022), Professor Gary Gerstle of Cambridge University charts how both rightists and leftists embraced neo liberal ideas which prevailed for some three decades until they were challenged by the populist ethno nationalism of Trump and his imitators. But can ethnonationalism prevail? Professor Gerstle argues its too soon to say whether ethnonationalism will become the new post neoliberal orthodoxy</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3160</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Farah Nayeri, "Takedown: Art and Power in the Digital Age" (Astra Publishing, 2022)</title>
      <description>For centuries, art censorship has been a top-down phenomenon—kings, popes, and one-party states decided what was considered obscene, blasphemous, or politically deviant in art. Today, censorship can also happen from the bottom-up, thanks to calls to action from organizers and social media campaigns. Artists and artworks are routinely taken to task for their insensitivity. In this new world order, artists, critics, philanthropists, galleries, and museums alike are recalibrating their efforts to increase the visibility of marginalized voices and respond to the people’s demands for better ethics in art. But what should we, the people, do with this newfound power?
With exclusive interviews with Nan Goldin, Sam Durant, Faith Ringgold, and others, Farah Nayeri tackles wide-ranging issues including sex, religion, gender, ethics, animal rights, and race. By asking questions such as: Who gets to make art and who owns it? How do we correct the inequities of the past? What does authenticity, exploitation, and appropriation mean in art?, Takedown: Art and Power in the Digital Age (Astra Publishing, 2022) provides the necessary tools to navigate the art world.
Allison Leigh is Associate Professor of Art History and the SLEMCO/LEQSF Regents Endowed Professor in Art &amp; Architecture at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Her research explores masculinity in European and Russian art of the eighteenth through the early twentieth centuries.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>101</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Farah Nayeri</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For centuries, art censorship has been a top-down phenomenon—kings, popes, and one-party states decided what was considered obscene, blasphemous, or politically deviant in art. Today, censorship can also happen from the bottom-up, thanks to calls to action from organizers and social media campaigns. Artists and artworks are routinely taken to task for their insensitivity. In this new world order, artists, critics, philanthropists, galleries, and museums alike are recalibrating their efforts to increase the visibility of marginalized voices and respond to the people’s demands for better ethics in art. But what should we, the people, do with this newfound power?
With exclusive interviews with Nan Goldin, Sam Durant, Faith Ringgold, and others, Farah Nayeri tackles wide-ranging issues including sex, religion, gender, ethics, animal rights, and race. By asking questions such as: Who gets to make art and who owns it? How do we correct the inequities of the past? What does authenticity, exploitation, and appropriation mean in art?, Takedown: Art and Power in the Digital Age (Astra Publishing, 2022) provides the necessary tools to navigate the art world.
Allison Leigh is Associate Professor of Art History and the SLEMCO/LEQSF Regents Endowed Professor in Art &amp; Architecture at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Her research explores masculinity in European and Russian art of the eighteenth through the early twentieth centuries.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For centuries, art censorship has been a top-down phenomenon—kings, popes, and one-party states decided what was considered obscene, blasphemous, or politically deviant in art. Today, censorship can also happen from the bottom-up, thanks to calls to action from organizers and social media campaigns. Artists and artworks are routinely taken to task for their insensitivity. In this new world order, artists, critics, philanthropists, galleries, and museums alike are recalibrating their efforts to increase the visibility of marginalized voices and respond to the people’s demands for better ethics in art. But what should we, the people, do with this newfound power?</p><p>With exclusive interviews with Nan Goldin, Sam Durant, Faith Ringgold, and others, Farah Nayeri tackles wide-ranging issues including sex, religion, gender, ethics, animal rights, and race. By asking questions such as: Who gets to make art and who owns it? How do we correct the inequities of the past? What does authenticity, exploitation, and appropriation mean in art?, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781662600555"><em>Takedown: Art and Power in the Digital Age</em></a><em> </em>(Astra Publishing, 2022) provides the necessary tools to navigate the art world.</p><p><a href="http://www.allison-leigh.com/"><em>Allison Leigh</em></a><em> is Associate Professor of Art History and the SLEMCO/LEQSF Regents Endowed Professor in Art &amp; Architecture at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Her research explores masculinity in European and Russian art of the eighteenth through the early twentieth centuries.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4027</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Ellen Schrecker, "The Lost Promise: American Universities in the 1960s" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>The Lost Promise: American Universities in the 1960s (University of Chicago Press, 2021) is a magisterial examination of the turmoil that rocked American universities in the 1960s, with a unique focus on the complex roles played by professors as well as students.
The 1950s through the early 1970s are widely seen as American academia’s golden age, when universities—well funded and viewed as essential for national security, economic growth, and social mobility—embraced an egalitarian mission. Swelling in size, schools attracted new types of students and professors, including radicals who challenged their institutions’ calcified traditions. But that halcyon moment soon came to a painful and confusing end, with consequences that still afflict the halls of ivy. In The Lost Promise, Ellen Schrecker—our foremost historian of both the McCarthy era and the modern American university—delivers a far-reaching examination of how and why it happened.
Schrecker illuminates how US universities’ explosive growth intersected with the turmoil of the 1960s, fomenting an unprecedented crisis where dissent over racial inequality and the Vietnam War erupted into direct action. Torn by internal power struggles and demonized by conservative voices, higher education never fully recovered, resulting in decades of underfunding and today’s woefully inequitable system. As Schrecker’s magisterial history makes blazingly clear, the complex blend of troubles that disrupted the university in that pivotal period haunts the ivory tower to this day.
Ellen Schrecker is a retired professor of history at Yeshiva University and the author of numerous books, including No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America, and The Lost Soul of Higher Education: Corporatization, the Assault on Academic Freedom, and the End of the American University.
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security, subjectivity and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by email or on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1204</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Lost Promise: American Universities in the 1960s (University of Chicago Press, 2021) is a magisterial examination of the turmoil that rocked American universities in the 1960s, with a unique focus on the complex roles played by professors as well as students.
The 1950s through the early 1970s are widely seen as American academia’s golden age, when universities—well funded and viewed as essential for national security, economic growth, and social mobility—embraced an egalitarian mission. Swelling in size, schools attracted new types of students and professors, including radicals who challenged their institutions’ calcified traditions. But that halcyon moment soon came to a painful and confusing end, with consequences that still afflict the halls of ivy. In The Lost Promise, Ellen Schrecker—our foremost historian of both the McCarthy era and the modern American university—delivers a far-reaching examination of how and why it happened.
Schrecker illuminates how US universities’ explosive growth intersected with the turmoil of the 1960s, fomenting an unprecedented crisis where dissent over racial inequality and the Vietnam War erupted into direct action. Torn by internal power struggles and demonized by conservative voices, higher education never fully recovered, resulting in decades of underfunding and today’s woefully inequitable system. As Schrecker’s magisterial history makes blazingly clear, the complex blend of troubles that disrupted the university in that pivotal period haunts the ivory tower to this day.
Ellen Schrecker is a retired professor of history at Yeshiva University and the author of numerous books, including No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America, and The Lost Soul of Higher Education: Corporatization, the Assault on Academic Freedom, and the End of the American University.
Catriona Gold is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security, subjectivity and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by email or on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226200859"><em>The Lost Promise: American Universities in the 1960s</em></a><em> </em>(University of Chicago Press, 2021) is a magisterial examination of the turmoil that rocked American universities in the 1960s, with a unique focus on the complex roles played by professors as well as students.</p><p>The 1950s through the early 1970s are widely seen as American academia’s golden age, when universities—well funded and viewed as essential for national security, economic growth, and social mobility—embraced an egalitarian mission. Swelling in size, schools attracted new types of students and professors, including radicals who challenged their institutions’ calcified traditions. But that halcyon moment soon came to a painful and confusing end, with consequences that still afflict the halls of ivy. In <em>The Lost Promise</em>, Ellen Schrecker—our foremost historian of both the McCarthy era and the modern American university—delivers a far-reaching examination of how and why it happened.</p><p>Schrecker illuminates how US universities’ explosive growth intersected with the turmoil of the 1960s, fomenting an unprecedented crisis where dissent over racial inequality and the Vietnam War erupted into direct action. Torn by internal power struggles and demonized by conservative voices, higher education never fully recovered, resulting in decades of underfunding and today’s woefully inequitable system. As Schrecker’s magisterial history makes blazingly clear, the complex blend of troubles that disrupted the university in that pivotal period haunts the ivory tower to this day.</p><p><a href="https://www.yu.edu/faculty/pages/schrecker-ellen"><strong>Ellen Schrecker</strong></a> is a retired professor of history at Yeshiva University and the author of numerous books, including <em>No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America</em>, and <em>The Lost Soul of Higher Education: Corporatization, the Assault on Academic Freedom, and the End of the American University</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.geog.ucl.ac.uk/people/research-students/catriona-gold"><em>Catriona Gold</em></a> <em>is a PhD candidate in Geography at University College London, researching security, subjectivity and mobility in the 20-21st century United States. Her current work concerns the US Passport Office's role in the Cold War. She can be reached by</em> <a href="mailto:catriona.gold.15@ucl.ac.uk"><em>email</em></a> <em>or on</em> <a href="https://twitter.com/cat__gold"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3905</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Todd McGowan, "Universality and Identity Politics" (Columbia UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.
This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, Universality and Identity Politics (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.
Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are The Impossible David Lynch (2007), Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets (2016), and Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the Why Theory podcast, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>287</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Todd McGowan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.
This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, Universality and Identity Politics (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.
Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are The Impossible David Lynch (2007), Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets (2016), and Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the Why Theory podcast, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The great political ideas and movements of the modern world were founded on a promise of universal emancipation. But in recent decades, much of the Left has grown suspicious of such aspirations. Critics see the invocation of universality as a form of domination or a way of speaking for others, and have come to favor a politics of particularism—often derided as “identity politics.” Others, both centrists and conservatives, associate universalism with twentieth-century totalitarianism and hold that it is bound to lead to catastrophe.</p><p>This book develops a new conception of universality that helps us rethink political thought and action. Todd McGowan argues that universals such as equality and freedom are not imposed on us. They emerge from our shared experience of their absence and our struggle to attain them. McGowan reconsiders the history of Nazism and Stalinism and reclaims the universalism of movements fighting racism, sexism, and homophobia. He demonstrates that the divide between Right and Left comes down to particularity versus universality. Despite the accusation of identity politics directed against leftists, every emancipatory political project is fundamentally a universal one—and the real proponents of identity politics are the right wing. Through a wide range of examples in contemporary politics, film, and history, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231197700"><em>Universality and Identity Politics</em></a> (Columbia UP, 2020) offers an antidote to the impasses of identity and an inspiring vision of twenty-first-century collective struggle.</p><p>Todd McGowan is professor of film studies at the University of Vermont. His previous Columbia University Press books are <em>The Impossible David Lynch</em> (2007), <em>Capitalism and Desire: The Psychic Cost of Free Markets</em> (2016), and <em>Emancipation After Hegel: Achieving a Contradictory Revolution</em> (2019). He is the coeditor of the Diaeresis series at Northwestern University Press with Slavoj Žižek and Adrian Johnston. He is also cohost of the <a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/au/podcast/why-theory/id1299863834">Why Theory podcast</a>, which brings continental philosophy and psychoanalytic theory together to examine cultural phenomena.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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    <item>
      <title>Kennan Ferguson, ed., "The Big No" (U Minnesota Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Big No (U Minnesota Press, 2022) is an edited volume, assembled and overseen by political theorist Kennan Ferguson, who also provides the Introduction. This group of essays came out of a conference at the Center for 21st Century Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. The theme of the conference, also created and managed by Kennan Ferguson, and of the book, is the concept of “no” in terms of our understanding of thought, politics, and philosophy. The contributors to the book come mostly from philosophic backgrounds – and thus the emphasis in these articles is on pushing against established theoretical conceptions. But the concept of The Big No is confronting not just saying “no” to something but to decline to work towards solutions, to resolve to say no and not to determine other options. As Ferguson notes in the Introduction, No, in contrast to Yes, “stands against consensus, against assumption, against presumption, against the easy passage…it disturbs order and propriety, forcing power to act nakedly and bringing to the forefront the implicit and accepted.”
The essays in The Big No trace three different kinds of No. The first is the no of resistance—which may, at its most radical, become the no of revolution. The second no is the no of forking paths—an entire grouping of different possibilities and results—this no includes the challenge to reconsider philosophy, to instead take up the idea of non-philosophy, or to completely undercut the very basis of philosophy. The third no is of absolute refusal, of abolition. This third no “looks elsewhere,” denying the basis for whatever request is being made. This no also refuses “the presumptions of unity, of communal experience, and of collective purpose.” These essays take the reader through a variety of schools of thought and modes of thinking, as we are considering what it is to refuse, to deny, to say no to structures, power, demands, expectations, processes, and ways of thinking.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>602</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kennan Ferguson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Big No (U Minnesota Press, 2022) is an edited volume, assembled and overseen by political theorist Kennan Ferguson, who also provides the Introduction. This group of essays came out of a conference at the Center for 21st Century Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. The theme of the conference, also created and managed by Kennan Ferguson, and of the book, is the concept of “no” in terms of our understanding of thought, politics, and philosophy. The contributors to the book come mostly from philosophic backgrounds – and thus the emphasis in these articles is on pushing against established theoretical conceptions. But the concept of The Big No is confronting not just saying “no” to something but to decline to work towards solutions, to resolve to say no and not to determine other options. As Ferguson notes in the Introduction, No, in contrast to Yes, “stands against consensus, against assumption, against presumption, against the easy passage…it disturbs order and propriety, forcing power to act nakedly and bringing to the forefront the implicit and accepted.”
The essays in The Big No trace three different kinds of No. The first is the no of resistance—which may, at its most radical, become the no of revolution. The second no is the no of forking paths—an entire grouping of different possibilities and results—this no includes the challenge to reconsider philosophy, to instead take up the idea of non-philosophy, or to completely undercut the very basis of philosophy. The third no is of absolute refusal, of abolition. This third no “looks elsewhere,” denying the basis for whatever request is being made. This no also refuses “the presumptions of unity, of communal experience, and of collective purpose.” These essays take the reader through a variety of schools of thought and modes of thinking, as we are considering what it is to refuse, to deny, to say no to structures, power, demands, expectations, processes, and ways of thinking.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517909291"><em>The Big No</em></a><em> </em>(U Minnesota Press, 2022) is an edited volume, assembled and overseen by political theorist Kennan Ferguson, who also provides the Introduction. This group of essays came out of a conference at the Center for 21st Century Studies at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. The theme of the conference, also created and managed by Kennan Ferguson, and of the book, is the concept of “no” in terms of our understanding of thought, politics, and philosophy. The contributors to the book come mostly from philosophic backgrounds – and thus the emphasis in these articles is on pushing against established theoretical conceptions. But the concept of The Big No is confronting not just saying “no” to something but to decline to work towards solutions, to resolve to say no and not to determine other options. As Ferguson notes in the Introduction, No, in contrast to Yes, “stands against consensus, against assumption, against presumption, against the easy passage…it disturbs order and propriety, forcing power to act nakedly and bringing to the forefront the implicit and accepted.”</p><p>The essays in <em>The Big No</em> trace three different kinds of <em>No</em>. The first is the <em>no of resistance</em>—which may, at its most radical, become the no of revolution. The second no is the <em>no of forking paths</em>—an entire grouping of different possibilities and results—this no includes the challenge to reconsider philosophy, to instead take up the idea of non-philosophy, or to completely undercut the very basis of philosophy. The third <em>no is of</em> <em>absolute refusal, of abolition</em>. This third no “looks elsewhere,” denying the basis for whatever request is being made. This no also refuses “the presumptions of unity, of communal experience, and of collective purpose.” These essays take the reader through a variety of schools of thought and modes of thinking, as we are considering what it is to refuse, to deny, to say no to structures, power, demands, expectations, processes, and ways of thinking.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2671</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Alicia Puglionesi, "In Whose Ruins: Power, Possession, and the Landscapes of American Empire" (Scribner, 2022)</title>
      <description>The important new book by Alicia Puglionesi, In Whose Ruins: Power, Possession and the Landscapes of American Empire (Scribner, 2022), is a fat sampler of episodes that show how origin stories get made, what happens when white-supremacist origin stories are mistaken for empirical fact, and how the political impacts persist. The book is decidedly anti-capitalist; resoundingly anti-colonial. It is an invitation not to jettison story-work, but to imagine, collectively, origin stories of the present that might bring into being a more just future.
In Whose Ruins could easily be categorized as Environmental History or Native Studies. But Puglionesi forges a book that is more than either field could accomplish alone. The “power” of the book’s subtitle has a double meeting: political power and the energy sources of a capitalist economy (oil, hydropower, and nuclear energy).
The book is organized into four sections, or “sites,” that visit four evocative land features: a hulking, conical earth mound in present-day West Virginia adjacent to a decommissioned state prison; wells dug into the ground in smalltown Pennsylvania; rocks that tell stories (they’re etched with petroglyphs) along the Susquehanna River with kin fragmented elsewhere; the Sonoran Desert rich with pottery, uranium, and physicists, both white and Native. In each of these sites, people with different political projects—some announced, some implicit—have generated multiple accounts of the landscapes and ideas of value.
Within a context of shifting political power, white-settler stories about each site displaced empirical knowledge of Native labor, skill, presence, and endurance with harmful fables of white origins and of Native communities’ need for white “rescue.” Into the present day, the effect has been to justify white theft of Native land and deadly violence against tribal communities for the purposes of resource extraction. In the end, even the false white origin stories became a resource to commodify.
Puglionesi is a writer of poetry, fiction, academic scholarship, and, now, In Whose Ruins, a mass-market trade publication. She holds a PhD in History of Medicine and is a lecturer in Medicine, Science and Humanities at The Johns Hopkins University. On the page, Puglionesi has a friendly, funny, quiet presence—an affable Where’s Waldo that centers the relationships of historical actors (including spirits) and the work of scholars such as Kim TallBear, Zoe Todd, and Eve Tuck.
This conversation explores ways of living in good relation via writing; the status of truth; the relevance of singer-songwriter Prince for labor studies; and many other themes. It discusses the important book by Chadwick Allen, Earthworks Rising (Minnesota, 2022). In an unrecorded snippet, we also swap names of our favorite local indie bookstores. So check out Red Emma’s the next time you’re in Baltimore, MD (or on Bookshop.org) and Symposium, Riff Raff, and Paper Nautilus when your compass points to Providence, RI.
Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>107</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alicia Puglionesi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The important new book by Alicia Puglionesi, In Whose Ruins: Power, Possession and the Landscapes of American Empire (Scribner, 2022), is a fat sampler of episodes that show how origin stories get made, what happens when white-supremacist origin stories are mistaken for empirical fact, and how the political impacts persist. The book is decidedly anti-capitalist; resoundingly anti-colonial. It is an invitation not to jettison story-work, but to imagine, collectively, origin stories of the present that might bring into being a more just future.
In Whose Ruins could easily be categorized as Environmental History or Native Studies. But Puglionesi forges a book that is more than either field could accomplish alone. The “power” of the book’s subtitle has a double meeting: political power and the energy sources of a capitalist economy (oil, hydropower, and nuclear energy).
The book is organized into four sections, or “sites,” that visit four evocative land features: a hulking, conical earth mound in present-day West Virginia adjacent to a decommissioned state prison; wells dug into the ground in smalltown Pennsylvania; rocks that tell stories (they’re etched with petroglyphs) along the Susquehanna River with kin fragmented elsewhere; the Sonoran Desert rich with pottery, uranium, and physicists, both white and Native. In each of these sites, people with different political projects—some announced, some implicit—have generated multiple accounts of the landscapes and ideas of value.
Within a context of shifting political power, white-settler stories about each site displaced empirical knowledge of Native labor, skill, presence, and endurance with harmful fables of white origins and of Native communities’ need for white “rescue.” Into the present day, the effect has been to justify white theft of Native land and deadly violence against tribal communities for the purposes of resource extraction. In the end, even the false white origin stories became a resource to commodify.
Puglionesi is a writer of poetry, fiction, academic scholarship, and, now, In Whose Ruins, a mass-market trade publication. She holds a PhD in History of Medicine and is a lecturer in Medicine, Science and Humanities at The Johns Hopkins University. On the page, Puglionesi has a friendly, funny, quiet presence—an affable Where’s Waldo that centers the relationships of historical actors (including spirits) and the work of scholars such as Kim TallBear, Zoe Todd, and Eve Tuck.
This conversation explores ways of living in good relation via writing; the status of truth; the relevance of singer-songwriter Prince for labor studies; and many other themes. It discusses the important book by Chadwick Allen, Earthworks Rising (Minnesota, 2022). In an unrecorded snippet, we also swap names of our favorite local indie bookstores. So check out Red Emma’s the next time you’re in Baltimore, MD (or on Bookshop.org) and Symposium, Riff Raff, and Paper Nautilus when your compass points to Providence, RI.
Laura Stark is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The important new book by <a href="https://aliciapuglionesi.com/">Alicia Puglionesi</a>, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781982116750"><em>In Whose Ruins: Power, Possession and the Landscapes of American Empire</em></a><em> </em>(Scribner, 2022), is a fat sampler of episodes that show how origin stories get made, what happens when white-supremacist origin stories are mistaken for empirical fact, and how the political impacts persist. The book is decidedly anti-capitalist; resoundingly anti-colonial. It is an invitation not to jettison story-work, but to imagine, collectively, origin stories of the present that might bring into being a more just future.</p><p><em>In Whose Ruins </em>could easily be categorized as Environmental History or Native Studies. But Puglionesi forges a book that is more than either field could accomplish alone. The “power” of the book’s subtitle has a double meeting: political power and the energy sources of a capitalist economy (oil, hydropower, and nuclear energy).</p><p>The book is organized into four sections, or “sites,” that visit four evocative land features: a hulking, conical earth mound in present-day West Virginia adjacent to a decommissioned state prison; wells dug into the ground in smalltown Pennsylvania; rocks that tell stories (they’re etched with petroglyphs) along the Susquehanna River with kin fragmented elsewhere; the Sonoran Desert rich with pottery, uranium, and physicists, both white and Native. In each of these sites, people with different political projects—some announced, some implicit—have generated multiple accounts of the landscapes and ideas of value.</p><p>Within a context of shifting political power, white-settler stories about each site displaced empirical knowledge of Native labor, skill, presence, and endurance with harmful fables of white origins and of Native communities’ need for white “rescue.” Into the present day, the effect has been to justify white theft of Native land and deadly violence against tribal communities for the purposes of resource extraction. In the end, even the false white origin stories became a resource to commodify.</p><p>Puglionesi is a writer of poetry, fiction, academic scholarship, and, now, <em>In Whose Ruins</em>, a mass-market trade publication. She holds a PhD in History of Medicine and is a lecturer in Medicine, Science and Humanities at The Johns Hopkins University. On the page, Puglionesi has a friendly, funny, quiet presence—an affable Where’s Waldo that centers the relationships of historical actors (including spirits) and the work of scholars such as Kim TallBear, Zoe Todd, and Eve Tuck.</p><p>This conversation explores ways of living in good relation via writing; the status of truth; the relevance of singer-songwriter Prince for labor studies; and many other themes. It discusses the important book by Chadwick Allen, <a href="https://www.upress.umn.edu/book-division/books/earthworks-rising"><em>Earthworks Rising</em></a> (Minnesota, 2022). In an unrecorded snippet, we also swap names of our favorite local indie bookstores. So check out <a href="https://redemmas.org/">Red Emma</a>’s the next time you’re in Baltimore, MD (or on Bookshop.org) and Symposium, Riff Raff, and Paper Nautilus when your compass points to Providence, RI.</p><p><a href="http://www.laura-stark.com/"><em>Laura Stark</em></a><em> is Associate Professor at Vanderbilt University’s Center for Medicine, Health, and Society.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3559</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Donald A. Barclay, "Disinformation: The Nature of Facts and Lies in the Post-Truth Era" (Rowman and Littlefield, 2022)</title>
      <description>Does the idea of a world in which facts mean nothing cause anxiety? Fear? Maybe even paranoia? Disinformation: The Nature of Facts and Lies in the Post-Truth Era (Rowman and Littlefield, 2022) cannot cure all the ills of a post-truth world, but by demonstrating how the emergence of digital technology into everyday life has knitted together a number of seemingly loosely related forces–historical, psychological, economic, and culture–to create the post-truth culture, Disinformation will help you better understand how we got to where we now are, see how we can move beyond a culture in which facts are too easily dismissed, and develop a few highly practical skills for separating truth from lies.
Disinformation explains:

How human psychology—the very way our brains work—can leave us vulnerable to disinformation.

How the early visions of what a global computer network would and should be unintentionally laid the groundwork for the current post-truth culture.

The ways in which truth is twisted and misrepresented via propaganda and conspiracy theories.

How new technology not only spreads disinformation but may also be changing the way we think.

The ways in which the economics of information and the powerful influence of popular culture have contributed to the creation of the post-truth culture.

Unlike the far-too-numerous one-sided, politically ideological treatments of the post-truth culture, Disinformation does not seek to point the finger of blame at any individuals or groups; instead, its focus is on how a number of disparate forces have influenced human behaviors during a time when all of humanity is struggling to better understand and more effectively control (for better or worse) challenging new technologies that are straining the limits of human intellectual and emotional capacity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 17 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>82</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Donald A. Barclay</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Does the idea of a world in which facts mean nothing cause anxiety? Fear? Maybe even paranoia? Disinformation: The Nature of Facts and Lies in the Post-Truth Era (Rowman and Littlefield, 2022) cannot cure all the ills of a post-truth world, but by demonstrating how the emergence of digital technology into everyday life has knitted together a number of seemingly loosely related forces–historical, psychological, economic, and culture–to create the post-truth culture, Disinformation will help you better understand how we got to where we now are, see how we can move beyond a culture in which facts are too easily dismissed, and develop a few highly practical skills for separating truth from lies.
Disinformation explains:

How human psychology—the very way our brains work—can leave us vulnerable to disinformation.

How the early visions of what a global computer network would and should be unintentionally laid the groundwork for the current post-truth culture.

The ways in which truth is twisted and misrepresented via propaganda and conspiracy theories.

How new technology not only spreads disinformation but may also be changing the way we think.

The ways in which the economics of information and the powerful influence of popular culture have contributed to the creation of the post-truth culture.

Unlike the far-too-numerous one-sided, politically ideological treatments of the post-truth culture, Disinformation does not seek to point the finger of blame at any individuals or groups; instead, its focus is on how a number of disparate forces have influenced human behaviors during a time when all of humanity is struggling to better understand and more effectively control (for better or worse) challenging new technologies that are straining the limits of human intellectual and emotional capacity.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Does the idea of a world in which facts mean nothing cause anxiety? Fear? Maybe even paranoia? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538144084"><em>Disinformation: The Nature of Facts and Lies in the Post-Truth Era</em></a> (Rowman and Littlefield, 2022) cannot cure all the ills of a post-truth world, but by demonstrating how the emergence of digital technology into everyday life has knitted together a number of seemingly loosely related forces–historical, psychological, economic, and culture–to create the post-truth culture, Disinformation will help you better understand how we got to where we now are, see how we can move beyond a culture in which facts are too easily dismissed, and develop a few highly practical skills for separating truth from lies.</p><p>Disinformation explains:</p><ul>
<li>How human psychology—the very way our brains work—can leave us vulnerable to disinformation.</li>
<li>How the early visions of what a global computer network would and should be unintentionally laid the groundwork for the current post-truth culture.</li>
<li>The ways in which truth is twisted and misrepresented via propaganda and conspiracy theories.</li>
<li>How new technology not only spreads disinformation but may also be changing the way we think.</li>
<li>The ways in which the economics of information and the powerful influence of popular culture have contributed to the creation of the post-truth culture.</li>
</ul><p>Unlike the far-too-numerous one-sided, politically ideological treatments of the post-truth culture, Disinformation does not seek to point the finger of blame at any individuals or groups; instead, its focus is on how a number of disparate forces have influenced human behaviors during a time when all of humanity is struggling to better understand and more effectively control (for better or worse) challenging new technologies that are straining the limits of human intellectual and emotional capacity.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3524</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Kai Bosworth, "Pipeline Populism: Grassroots Environmentalism in the Twenty-First Century" (U Minnesota Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>Stunning Indigenous resistance to the Keystone XL and the Dakota Access pipelines has made global headlines in recent years. Less remarked on are the crucial populist movements that have also played a vital role in pipeline resistance. Kai Bosworth explores the influence of populism on environmentalist politics, which sought to bring together Indigenous water protectors and environmental activists along with farmers and ranchers in opposition to pipeline construction. Here Bosworth argues that populism is shaped by the "affective infrastructures" emerging from shifts in regional economies, democratic public-review processes, and scientific controversies. With this lens, he investigates how these movements wax and wane, moving toward or away from other forms of environmental and political ideologies in the Upper Midwest. This lens also lets Bosworth place populist social movements in the critical geographical contexts of racial inequality, nationalist sentiments, ongoing settler colonialism, and global empire--crucial topics when grappling with the tensions embedded in our era's immense environmental struggles. 
Pipeline Populism: Grassroots Environmentalism in the Twenty-First Century (U Minnesota Press, 2022) reveals the complex role populism has played in shifting interpretations of environmental movements, democratic ideals, scientific expertise, and international geopolitics. Its rich data about these grassroots resistance struggles include intimate portraits of the emotional spaces where opposition is first formed. Probing the very limits of populism, Pipeline Populism presents essential work for an era defined by a wave of people-powered movements around the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>59</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kai Bosworth</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Stunning Indigenous resistance to the Keystone XL and the Dakota Access pipelines has made global headlines in recent years. Less remarked on are the crucial populist movements that have also played a vital role in pipeline resistance. Kai Bosworth explores the influence of populism on environmentalist politics, which sought to bring together Indigenous water protectors and environmental activists along with farmers and ranchers in opposition to pipeline construction. Here Bosworth argues that populism is shaped by the "affective infrastructures" emerging from shifts in regional economies, democratic public-review processes, and scientific controversies. With this lens, he investigates how these movements wax and wane, moving toward or away from other forms of environmental and political ideologies in the Upper Midwest. This lens also lets Bosworth place populist social movements in the critical geographical contexts of racial inequality, nationalist sentiments, ongoing settler colonialism, and global empire--crucial topics when grappling with the tensions embedded in our era's immense environmental struggles. 
Pipeline Populism: Grassroots Environmentalism in the Twenty-First Century (U Minnesota Press, 2022) reveals the complex role populism has played in shifting interpretations of environmental movements, democratic ideals, scientific expertise, and international geopolitics. Its rich data about these grassroots resistance struggles include intimate portraits of the emotional spaces where opposition is first formed. Probing the very limits of populism, Pipeline Populism presents essential work for an era defined by a wave of people-powered movements around the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Stunning Indigenous resistance to the Keystone XL and the Dakota Access pipelines has made global headlines in recent years. Less remarked on are the crucial populist movements that have also played a vital role in pipeline resistance. Kai Bosworth explores the influence of populism on environmentalist politics, which sought to bring together Indigenous water protectors and environmental activists along with farmers and ranchers in opposition to pipeline construction. Here Bosworth argues that populism is shaped by the "affective infrastructures" emerging from shifts in regional economies, democratic public-review processes, and scientific controversies. With this lens, he investigates how these movements wax and wane, moving toward or away from other forms of environmental and political ideologies in the Upper Midwest. This lens also lets Bosworth place populist social movements in the critical geographical contexts of racial inequality, nationalist sentiments, ongoing settler colonialism, and global empire--crucial topics when grappling with the tensions embedded in our era's immense environmental struggles. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517911065"><em>Pipeline Populism: Grassroots Environmentalism in the Twenty-First Century</em></a> (U Minnesota Press, 2022) reveals the complex role populism has played in shifting interpretations of environmental movements, democratic ideals, scientific expertise, and international geopolitics. Its rich data about these grassroots resistance struggles include intimate portraits of the emotional spaces where opposition is first formed. Probing the very limits of populism, <em>Pipeline Populism</em> presents essential work for an era defined by a wave of people-powered movements around the world.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2717</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Maha Hilal, "Innocent Until Proven Muslim: Islamophobia, the War on Terror, and the Muslim Experience Since 9/11" (Broadleaf Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Innocent Until Proven Muslim: Islamophobia, the War on Terror, and the Muslim Experience Since 9/11 published in 2022 with Broadleaf Books, Maha Hilal describes how narratives of 9/11 and the war on terror have been constructed over the last twenty years and the various ways in which they have justified state violence against Muslims. Hilal offers answers to many questions, including and especially how the war on terror started, what its impact on American Muslims and Muslims abroad has been, and how to work to dismantle it.
Hilal holds a PhD in Justice, Law, and Society from American University and has received many awards, including the Department of State's Critical Language Scholarship, the Kathryn Davis Fellowship for Peace, and a Reebok Human Rights Fellowship.
The book is written accessibly, making difficult concepts and themes easy to follow and understand. It is easily assignable in undergraduate and graduate courses and makes for an essential read for policymakers and for anyone interested in the Muslim American experience post-9/11, and perhaps anyone who denies the existence of institutional Islamophobia and naively thinks the U.S. is the beacon of light and justice in the world—because this book shows with ample evidence that it’s not.
In our conversation today, Hilal tells us the story of the origins of the book, what its contributions are, what makes it different from other books on Islamophobia, the roles that U.S. presidents since 9/11 have played in reinforcing and exacerbating Islamophobic rhetoric in the U.S. We also talk about the many U.S. policies, domestic as well as international, that legitimate the existence of Islamophobic state violence, the ways in which the FBI uses informants to entrap Muslims, the legal and narrative strategies that allow for the U.S. to commit extreme forms of torture against Muslims. We end with a discussion on internalized Islamophobia and, among other things, its harmful impact on Muslim Americans.
Shehnaz Haqqani is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Mercer University. She earned her PhD in Islamic Studies with a focus on gender from the University of Texas at Austin in 2018. Her dissertation research explored questions of change and tradition, specifically in the context of gender and sexuality, in Islam. She can be reached at haqqani_s@mercer.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>270</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Maha Hilal</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Innocent Until Proven Muslim: Islamophobia, the War on Terror, and the Muslim Experience Since 9/11 published in 2022 with Broadleaf Books, Maha Hilal describes how narratives of 9/11 and the war on terror have been constructed over the last twenty years and the various ways in which they have justified state violence against Muslims. Hilal offers answers to many questions, including and especially how the war on terror started, what its impact on American Muslims and Muslims abroad has been, and how to work to dismantle it.
Hilal holds a PhD in Justice, Law, and Society from American University and has received many awards, including the Department of State's Critical Language Scholarship, the Kathryn Davis Fellowship for Peace, and a Reebok Human Rights Fellowship.
The book is written accessibly, making difficult concepts and themes easy to follow and understand. It is easily assignable in undergraduate and graduate courses and makes for an essential read for policymakers and for anyone interested in the Muslim American experience post-9/11, and perhaps anyone who denies the existence of institutional Islamophobia and naively thinks the U.S. is the beacon of light and justice in the world—because this book shows with ample evidence that it’s not.
In our conversation today, Hilal tells us the story of the origins of the book, what its contributions are, what makes it different from other books on Islamophobia, the roles that U.S. presidents since 9/11 have played in reinforcing and exacerbating Islamophobic rhetoric in the U.S. We also talk about the many U.S. policies, domestic as well as international, that legitimate the existence of Islamophobic state violence, the ways in which the FBI uses informants to entrap Muslims, the legal and narrative strategies that allow for the U.S. to commit extreme forms of torture against Muslims. We end with a discussion on internalized Islamophobia and, among other things, its harmful impact on Muslim Americans.
Shehnaz Haqqani is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Mercer University. She earned her PhD in Islamic Studies with a focus on gender from the University of Texas at Austin in 2018. Her dissertation research explored questions of change and tradition, specifically in the context of gender and sexuality, in Islam. She can be reached at haqqani_s@mercer.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781506470467"><em>Innocent Until Proven Muslim</em>: <em>Islamophobia, the War on Terror, and the Muslim Experience Since 9/11</em></a> published in 2022 with Broadleaf Books, Maha Hilal describes how narratives of 9/11 and the war on terror have been constructed over the last twenty years and the various ways in which they have justified state violence against Muslims. Hilal offers answers to many questions, including and especially how the war on terror started, what its impact on American Muslims and Muslims abroad has been, and how to work to dismantle it.</p><p>Hilal holds a PhD in Justice, Law, and Society from American University and has received many awards, including the Department of State's Critical Language Scholarship, the Kathryn Davis Fellowship for Peace, and a Reebok Human Rights Fellowship.</p><p>The book is written accessibly, making difficult concepts and themes easy to follow and understand. It is easily assignable in undergraduate and graduate courses and makes for an essential read for policymakers and for anyone interested in the Muslim American experience post-9/11, and perhaps anyone who denies the existence of institutional Islamophobia and naively thinks the U.S. is the beacon of light and justice in the world—because this book shows with ample evidence that it’s not.</p><p>In our conversation today, Hilal tells us the story of the origins of the book, what its contributions are, what makes it different from other books on Islamophobia, the roles that U.S. presidents since 9/11 have played in reinforcing and exacerbating Islamophobic rhetoric in the U.S. We also talk about the many U.S. policies, domestic as well as international, that legitimate the existence of Islamophobic state violence, the ways in which the FBI uses informants to entrap Muslims, the legal and narrative strategies that allow for the U.S. to commit extreme forms of torture against Muslims. We end with a discussion on internalized Islamophobia and, among other things, its harmful impact on Muslim Americans.</p><p><em>Shehnaz Haqqani is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Mercer University. She earned her PhD in Islamic Studies with a focus on gender from the University of Texas at Austin in 2018. Her dissertation research explored questions of change and tradition, specifically in the context of gender and sexuality, in Islam. She can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:haqqani_s@mercer.edu"><em>haqqani_s@mercer.edu</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4132</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b5ee164c-d1e8-11ec-bb29-93a41dbfa316]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8988528228.mp3?updated=1652356333" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Post-Roe Politics</title>
      <description>Today’s Postscript uniquely engages abortion politics by addressing structural political issues (voter suppression, gerrymandering, dilutions of minority voting, obstacles to women registering their positions politically), inconsistencies in Justice Samuel Alito’s majority draft, the ascent of the medical profession, the intersection of race, gender, and religion, narratives of morality, the genesis of white evangelical opposition, myths created by popular culture and abortion stereotypes, and more. Dr. Lilly J. Goren (Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University), Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), Dr. Andrew R. Lewis (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati), Dr. Candis Watts Smith (Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University and co-host of the Democracy Works Podcast) and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).
Some of the books and articles mentioned in the podcast:

Diana Greene Foster, The Turnaway Study: Ten Years, a Thousand Women, and the Consequences of Having – or Being Denied – an Abortion


Rebecca Kreitzer’s amazing slide deck of abortion facts and recommended reading list.

Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith in the Monkey Cage, “What Alito’s draft gets wrong about women and political power”


Andrew Lewis, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars


Ziad Munson, The Making of Pro-life Activists:How Social Movement Mobilization WorksJosh Wilson, Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right’s Radical Struggle to Transform Law &amp; Legal Culture


Mary Ziegler, Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>13</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Lilly J. Goren, Rebecca Kreitzer, Andrew R. Lewis, Candis Watts Smith, and Joshua C. Wilson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s Postscript uniquely engages abortion politics by addressing structural political issues (voter suppression, gerrymandering, dilutions of minority voting, obstacles to women registering their positions politically), inconsistencies in Justice Samuel Alito’s majority draft, the ascent of the medical profession, the intersection of race, gender, and religion, narratives of morality, the genesis of white evangelical opposition, myths created by popular culture and abortion stereotypes, and more. Dr. Lilly J. Goren (Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University), Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), Dr. Andrew R. Lewis (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati), Dr. Candis Watts Smith (Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University and co-host of the Democracy Works Podcast) and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).
Some of the books and articles mentioned in the podcast:

Diana Greene Foster, The Turnaway Study: Ten Years, a Thousand Women, and the Consequences of Having – or Being Denied – an Abortion


Rebecca Kreitzer’s amazing slide deck of abortion facts and recommended reading list.

Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith in the Monkey Cage, “What Alito’s draft gets wrong about women and political power”


Andrew Lewis, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars


Ziad Munson, The Making of Pro-life Activists:How Social Movement Mobilization WorksJosh Wilson, Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right’s Radical Struggle to Transform Law &amp; Legal Culture


Mary Ziegler, Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present



Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s <em>Postscript </em>uniquely engages abortion politics by addressing structural political issues (voter suppression, gerrymandering, dilutions of minority voting, obstacles to women registering their positions politically), inconsistencies in Justice Samuel Alito’s majority draft, the ascent of the medical profession, the intersection of race, gender, and religion, narratives of morality, the genesis of white evangelical opposition, myths created by popular culture and abortion stereotypes, and more. <a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd">Dr. Lilly J. Goren</a> (Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University), <a href="http://www.rebeccakreitzer.com/">Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer</a> (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), <a href="http://www.andrewrlewis.com/about-2">Dr. Andrew R. Lewis</a> (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati), <a href="https://www.candiswsmith.com/">Dr. Candis Watts Smith</a> (Associate Professor of Political Science at Duke University and co-host of the <a href="https://www.democracyworkspodcast.com/">Democracy Works Podcast</a>) and <a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/joshua-c-wilson">Dr. Joshua C. Wilson</a> (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).</p><p>Some of the books and articles mentioned in the podcast:</p><ul>
<li>Diana Greene Foster, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/diana-greene-foster-the-turnaway-study-ten-years-a-thousand-women-and-the-consequences-of-having-or-being-denied-an-abortion-scribner-2020#entry:32059@1:url"><em>The Turnaway Study: Ten Years, a Thousand Women, and the Consequences of Having – or Being Denied – an Abortion</em></a>
</li>
<li>Rebecca Kreitzer’s <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/gq965n8gdetnd8i/LWV%20abortion%20spring2022.pptx?dl=0">amazing slide deck of abortion facts</a> and <a href="https://www.dropbox.com/s/b9hxz8p6z89j7rr/Abortion%20Reading%20List.docx?dl=0">recommended reading list</a>.</li>
<li>Rebecca Kreitzer and Candis Watts Smith in the <em>Monkey Cage</em>, <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/05/06/roe-alito-democracy-womens-rights-equality/">“What Alito’s draft gets wrong about women and political power”</a>
</li>
<li>Andrew Lewis, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/andrew-r-lewis-the-rights-turn-in-conservative-christian-politics-how-abortion-transformed-the-culture-wars#entry:12371@1:url"><em>The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars</em></a>
</li>
<li>Ziad Munson, <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/M/bo5186375.html"><em>The Making of Pro-life Activists:How Social Movement Mobilization Works</em></a>Josh Wilson, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/separate-but-faithful#entry:50444@1:url"><em>Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right’s Radical Struggle to Transform Law &amp; Legal Culture</em></a>
</li>
<li>Mary Ziegler, <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/abortion-and-the-law-in-america/9781108735599"><em>Abortion and the Law in America: Roe v. Wade to the Present</em></a>
</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4470</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mark V. Tushnet, "The Hughes Court: From Progressivism to Pluralism, 1930 to 1941" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Mark V. Tushnet's book The Hughes Court: From Progressivism to Pluralism, 1930 to 1941 (Cambridge UP, 2022) describes the closing of one era in constitutional jurisprudence and the opening of another. This comprehensive study of the Supreme Court from 1930 to 1941 – when Charles Evans Hughes was Chief Justice – shows how nearly all justices, even the most conservative, accepted the broad premises of a Progressive theory of government and the Constitution. The Progressive view gradually increased its hold throughout the decade, but at its end, interest group pluralism began to influence the law. By 1941, constitutional and public law was discernibly different from what it had been in 1930, but there was no sharp or instantaneous Constitutional Revolution in 1937 despite claims to the contrary. This study supports its conclusions by examining the Court's work in constitutional law, administrative law, the law of justiciability, civil rights and civil liberties, and statutory interpretation.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>158</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark V. Tushnet</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mark V. Tushnet's book The Hughes Court: From Progressivism to Pluralism, 1930 to 1941 (Cambridge UP, 2022) describes the closing of one era in constitutional jurisprudence and the opening of another. This comprehensive study of the Supreme Court from 1930 to 1941 – when Charles Evans Hughes was Chief Justice – shows how nearly all justices, even the most conservative, accepted the broad premises of a Progressive theory of government and the Constitution. The Progressive view gradually increased its hold throughout the decade, but at its end, interest group pluralism began to influence the law. By 1941, constitutional and public law was discernibly different from what it had been in 1930, but there was no sharp or instantaneous Constitutional Revolution in 1937 despite claims to the contrary. This study supports its conclusions by examining the Court's work in constitutional law, administrative law, the law of justiciability, civil rights and civil liberties, and statutory interpretation.
﻿William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mark V. Tushnet's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781316515938"><em>The Hughes Court: From Progressivism to Pluralism, 1930 to 1941</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) describes the closing of one era in constitutional jurisprudence and the opening of another. This comprehensive study of the Supreme Court from 1930 to 1941 – when Charles Evans Hughes was Chief Justice – shows how nearly all justices, even the most conservative, accepted the broad premises of a Progressive theory of government and the Constitution. The Progressive view gradually increased its hold throughout the decade, but at its end, interest group pluralism began to influence the law. By 1941, constitutional and public law was discernibly different from what it had been in 1930, but there was no sharp or instantaneous Constitutional Revolution in 1937 despite claims to the contrary. This study supports its conclusions by examining the Court's work in constitutional law, administrative law, the law of justiciability, civil rights and civil liberties, and statutory interpretation.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3189</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[edc1e03a-cba3-11ec-a643-034a72a42c80]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9468069263.mp3?updated=1651667100" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paul M. Heideman, "Class Struggle and the Color Line: American Socialism and the Race Question 1900-1930" (Haymarket Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Class Struggle and the Color Line: American Socialism and the Race Question, 1900-1930 (Haymarket Books, 2018), Paul Heideman collects, for the first time, source materials from a diverse array of socialist writers and organizers, providing a new perspective on the complex history of revolutionary debates about fighting anti-Black racism.
Paul Heideman holds a PhD in American studies from Rutgers University–Newark and is a frequent contributor to Jacobin magazine.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1201</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul M. Heideman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Class Struggle and the Color Line: American Socialism and the Race Question, 1900-1930 (Haymarket Books, 2018), Paul Heideman collects, for the first time, source materials from a diverse array of socialist writers and organizers, providing a new perspective on the complex history of revolutionary debates about fighting anti-Black racism.
Paul Heideman holds a PhD in American studies from Rutgers University–Newark and is a frequent contributor to Jacobin magazine.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781608467778"><em>Class Struggle and the Color Line: American Socialism and the Race Question, 1900-1930</em></a> (Haymarket Books, 2018), Paul Heideman collects, for the first time, source materials from a diverse array of socialist writers and organizers, providing a new perspective on the complex history of revolutionary debates about fighting anti-Black racism.</p><p>Paul Heideman holds a PhD in American studies from Rutgers University–Newark and is a frequent contributor to <em>Jacobin</em> magazine.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3586</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a71fe0a8-cf06-11ec-b819-6b7fc823f4da]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4176176350.mp3?updated=1652039329" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Eve Ng, "Cancel Culture: A Critical Analysis" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022)</title>
      <description>Eve Ng’s new book Cancel Culture: A Critical Analysis (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), examines the phenomenon of "cancel culture" from a critical media studies perspective, as both cancel practices (what people and institutional actors do) and cancel discourses (commentary about cancelling). Ng traces multiple lines of origins for cancel practices and discourses, in the domains of Black communicative practices (e.g. cancelling relationship to "dissing"), celebrity and fan cultures, consumer culture (especially around consumer nationalist cancellings), and national politics (U.S. conservative criticisms of cancelling, and nationalist cancelling events in mainland China). Her analysis moves beyond popular press accounts about the latest targets of cancelling or familiar free speech debates, and underscores the different configurations of power associated with “cancel culture” in specific cultural and political contexts.
Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres. She has published work on the memorialisation of HIV/AIDS on the contemporary stage and the use of documentary theatre as a neoliberal harm reduction tool. She is currently working on a monograph based on her doctoral thesis. You can get in touch with her at louisahann92@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 11 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>283</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eve Ng</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eve Ng’s new book Cancel Culture: A Critical Analysis (Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), examines the phenomenon of "cancel culture" from a critical media studies perspective, as both cancel practices (what people and institutional actors do) and cancel discourses (commentary about cancelling). Ng traces multiple lines of origins for cancel practices and discourses, in the domains of Black communicative practices (e.g. cancelling relationship to "dissing"), celebrity and fan cultures, consumer culture (especially around consumer nationalist cancellings), and national politics (U.S. conservative criticisms of cancelling, and nationalist cancelling events in mainland China). Her analysis moves beyond popular press accounts about the latest targets of cancelling or familiar free speech debates, and underscores the different configurations of power associated with “cancel culture” in specific cultural and political contexts.
Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres. She has published work on the memorialisation of HIV/AIDS on the contemporary stage and the use of documentary theatre as a neoliberal harm reduction tool. She is currently working on a monograph based on her doctoral thesis. You can get in touch with her at louisahann92@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Eve Ng’s new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783030973735"><em>Cancel Culture: A Critical Analysis</em></a><em> </em>(Palgrave Macmillan, 2022), examines the phenomenon of "cancel culture" from a critical media studies perspective, as both cancel practices (what people and institutional actors do) and cancel discourses (commentary about cancelling). Ng traces multiple lines of origins for cancel practices and discourses, in the domains of Black communicative practices (e.g. cancelling relationship to "dissing"), celebrity and fan cultures, consumer culture (especially around consumer nationalist cancellings), and national politics (U.S. conservative criticisms of cancelling, and nationalist cancelling events in mainland China). Her analysis moves beyond popular press accounts about the latest targets of cancelling or familiar free speech debates, and underscores the different configurations of power associated with “cancel culture” in specific cultural and political contexts.</p><p><em>Louisa Hann recently attained a PhD in English and American studies from the University of Manchester, specialising in the political economy of HIV/AIDS theatres. She has published work on the memorialisation of HIV/AIDS on the contemporary stage and the use of documentary theatre as a neoliberal harm reduction tool. She is currently working on a monograph based on her doctoral thesis. You can get in touch with her at louisahann92@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3083</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Opinion Polls: A Conversation with Mark Pack</title>
      <description>As the culture wars intensify, it seems that all sources of neutral authority get challenged and that includes opinion polls. Accusations about bias and unreliability fly around and yet everyone seriously engaged in the political process studies polls closely because they think they contain important truths. So are polls becoming more reliable because of improved techniques or less so because of the increasingly fractured and perhaps, increasingly difficult to measure nature of western democracies. British polling expert Mark Pak – author of Polls Unpacked - discusses the future of opinion polls.
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mark Pack</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the culture wars intensify, it seems that all sources of neutral authority get challenged and that includes opinion polls. Accusations about bias and unreliability fly around and yet everyone seriously engaged in the political process studies polls closely because they think they contain important truths. So are polls becoming more reliable because of improved techniques or less so because of the increasingly fractured and perhaps, increasingly difficult to measure nature of western democracies. British polling expert Mark Pak – author of Polls Unpacked - discusses the future of opinion polls.
﻿Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the culture wars intensify, it seems that all sources of neutral authority get challenged and that includes opinion polls. Accusations about bias and unreliability fly around and yet everyone seriously engaged in the political process studies polls closely because they think they contain important truths. So are polls becoming more reliable because of improved techniques or less so because of the increasingly fractured and perhaps, increasingly difficult to measure nature of western democracies. British polling expert Mark Pak – author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781789145670"><em>Polls Unpacked</em></a><em> </em>- discusses the future of opinion polls.</p><p><em>﻿</em><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3097</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mónica Guzmán, "I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times" (BenBella Books, 2022)</title>
      <description>Journalist Mónica Guzmán is the loving liberal daughter of Mexican immigrants who voted—twice—for Donald Trump. When the country could no longer see straight across the political divide, Mónica set out to find what was blinding us and discovered the most eye-opening tool we’re not using: our own built-in curiosity. Partisanship is up, trust is down, and our social media feeds make us sure we’re right and everyone else is ignorant (or worse). But avoiding one another is hurting our relationships and our society. In I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times (BenBella Books, 2022), Mónica takes us to the real front lines of a crisis that threatens to grind America to a halt—broken conversations among confounded people.
Drawing from cross-partisan conversations she’s had, organized, or witnessed everywhere from the echo chambers on social media to the wheat fields in Oregon to raw, unfiltered fights with her own family on election night, Mónica shows how you can put your natural sense of wonder to work for you immediately, finding the answers you need by talking with people—rather than about them—and asking the questions you want, curiously.
This podcast episode is a recording of a live event co-hosted by Gather, an initiative of the Agora Journalism Center at the University of Oregon that focuses on community-centered journalism.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>64</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Mónica Guzmán</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Journalist Mónica Guzmán is the loving liberal daughter of Mexican immigrants who voted—twice—for Donald Trump. When the country could no longer see straight across the political divide, Mónica set out to find what was blinding us and discovered the most eye-opening tool we’re not using: our own built-in curiosity. Partisanship is up, trust is down, and our social media feeds make us sure we’re right and everyone else is ignorant (or worse). But avoiding one another is hurting our relationships and our society. In I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times (BenBella Books, 2022), Mónica takes us to the real front lines of a crisis that threatens to grind America to a halt—broken conversations among confounded people.
Drawing from cross-partisan conversations she’s had, organized, or witnessed everywhere from the echo chambers on social media to the wheat fields in Oregon to raw, unfiltered fights with her own family on election night, Mónica shows how you can put your natural sense of wonder to work for you immediately, finding the answers you need by talking with people—rather than about them—and asking the questions you want, curiously.
This podcast episode is a recording of a live event co-hosted by Gather, an initiative of the Agora Journalism Center at the University of Oregon that focuses on community-centered journalism.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Journalist Mónica Guzmán is the loving liberal daughter of Mexican immigrants who voted—twice—for Donald Trump. When the country could no longer see straight across the political divide, Mónica set out to find what was blinding us and discovered the most eye-opening tool we’re not using: our own built-in curiosity. Partisanship is up, trust is down, and our social media feeds make us sure we’re right and everyone else is ignorant (or worse). But avoiding one another is hurting our relationships and our society. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781637740323"><em>I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times</em></a><em> </em>(BenBella Books, 2022), Mónica takes us to the real front lines of a crisis that threatens to grind America to a halt—broken conversations among confounded people.</p><p>Drawing from cross-partisan conversations she’s had, organized, or witnessed everywhere from the echo chambers on social media to the wheat fields in Oregon to raw, unfiltered fights with her own family on election night, Mónica shows how you can put your natural sense of wonder to work for you immediately, finding the answers you need by talking with people—rather than about them—and asking the questions you want, curiously.</p><p>This podcast episode is a recording of a live event co-hosted by <a href="https://letsgather.in/">Gather</a>, an initiative of the Agora Journalism Center at the University of Oregon that focuses on community-centered journalism.</p><p><a href="http://jennaspinelle.com/"><em>Jenna Spinelle</em></a><em> is a journalism instructor at Penn State's Donald P. Bellisario College of Communications. She's also the communications specialist for the university's McCourtney Institute for Democracy, where she hosts and produces the Democracy Works podcast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3705</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>LaGina Gause, "The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups" (Cambridge UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Does protest influence political representation? If so, which groups are most likely to benefit from collective action? The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups (Cambridge UP, 2022) makes a provocative claim: protests are most effective for disadvantaged groups. According to author LaGina Gause, legislators are more responsive to protesters than non-protesters, and after protesting, racial and ethnic minorities, people with low incomes, and other low-resource groups are more likely than white and affluent protesters to gain representation. Gause also demonstrates that online protests are less effective than in-person protests. Drawing on literature from across the social sciences as well as formal theory, a survey of policymakers, quantitative data, and vivid examples of protests throughout U.S. history, The Advantage of Disadvantage provides invaluable insights for scholars and activists seeking to understand how groups gain representation through protesting.
LaGina Gause is an Assistant Professor at the University of California, San Diego. Her research interests are at the intersection of U.S. political institutions and political behavior with a focus on racial and ethnic politics, inequality, protest, and representation. Before joining the department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego as an assistant professor, she was a Democracy Postdoctoral Fellow at the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at the Harvard Kennedy School. She tweets @LaGina_Gause.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 06 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>136</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with LaGina Gause</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Does protest influence political representation? If so, which groups are most likely to benefit from collective action? The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups (Cambridge UP, 2022) makes a provocative claim: protests are most effective for disadvantaged groups. According to author LaGina Gause, legislators are more responsive to protesters than non-protesters, and after protesting, racial and ethnic minorities, people with low incomes, and other low-resource groups are more likely than white and affluent protesters to gain representation. Gause also demonstrates that online protests are less effective than in-person protests. Drawing on literature from across the social sciences as well as formal theory, a survey of policymakers, quantitative data, and vivid examples of protests throughout U.S. history, The Advantage of Disadvantage provides invaluable insights for scholars and activists seeking to understand how groups gain representation through protesting.
LaGina Gause is an Assistant Professor at the University of California, San Diego. Her research interests are at the intersection of U.S. political institutions and political behavior with a focus on racial and ethnic politics, inequality, protest, and representation. Before joining the department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego as an assistant professor, she was a Democracy Postdoctoral Fellow at the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at the Harvard Kennedy School. She tweets @LaGina_Gause.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Does protest influence political representation? If so, which groups are most likely to benefit from collective action? <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009074322"><em>The Advantage of Disadvantage: Costly Protest and Political Representation for Marginalized Groups</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2022) makes a provocative claim: protests are most effective for disadvantaged groups. According to author LaGina Gause, legislators are more responsive to protesters than non-protesters, and after protesting, racial and ethnic minorities, people with low incomes, and other low-resource groups are more likely than white and affluent protesters to gain representation. Gause also demonstrates that online protests are less effective than in-person protests. Drawing on literature from across the social sciences as well as formal theory, a survey of policymakers, quantitative data, and vivid examples of protests throughout U.S. history, <em>The Advantage of Disadvantage</em> provides invaluable insights for scholars and activists seeking to understand how groups gain representation through protesting.</p><p><a href="https://www.laginagause.com/">LaGina Gause</a> is an Assistant Professor at the University of California, San Diego. Her research interests are at the intersection of U.S. political institutions and political behavior with a focus on racial and ethnic politics, inequality, protest, and representation. Before joining the department of Political Science at the University of California, San Diego as an assistant professor, she was a Democracy Postdoctoral Fellow at the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation at the Harvard Kennedy School. She tweets <a href="https://twitter.com/LaGina_Gause">@LaGina_Gause</a>.</p><p><em>Host </em><a href="http://www.ursulahackett.com/"><em>Ursula Hackett</em></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3592</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5166851600.mp3?updated=1651422817" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò, "Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else)" (Haymarket, 2022)</title>
      <description>“Identity politics” is everywhere, polarizing discourse from the campaign trail to the classroom and amplifying antagonisms in the media, both online and off. But the compulsively referenced phrase bears little resemblance to the concept as first introduced by the radical Black feminist Combahee River Collective. While the Collective articulated a political viewpoint grounded in their own position as Black lesbians with the explicit aim of building solidarity across lines of difference, identity politics is now frequently weaponized as a means of closing ranks around ever-narrower conceptions of group interests.
But the trouble, Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò deftly argues, is not with identity politics itself. Through a substantive engagement with the global Black radical tradition and a critical understanding of racial capitalism, Táíwò identifies the process by which a radical concept can be stripped of its political substance and liberatory potential by becoming the victim of elite capture—deployed by political, social, and economic elites in the service of their own interests.
Táíwò’s book Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else) (Haymarket, 2022) both elucidates this complex process and helps us move beyond a binary of “class” vs. “race.” By rejecting elitist identity politics in favor of a constructive politics of radical solidarity, he advances the possibility of organizing across our differences in the urgent struggle for a better world.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>295</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Identity politics” is everywhere, polarizing discourse from the campaign trail to the classroom and amplifying antagonisms in the media, both online and off. But the compulsively referenced phrase bears little resemblance to the concept as first introduced by the radical Black feminist Combahee River Collective. While the Collective articulated a political viewpoint grounded in their own position as Black lesbians with the explicit aim of building solidarity across lines of difference, identity politics is now frequently weaponized as a means of closing ranks around ever-narrower conceptions of group interests.
But the trouble, Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò deftly argues, is not with identity politics itself. Through a substantive engagement with the global Black radical tradition and a critical understanding of racial capitalism, Táíwò identifies the process by which a radical concept can be stripped of its political substance and liberatory potential by becoming the victim of elite capture—deployed by political, social, and economic elites in the service of their own interests.
Táíwò’s book Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else) (Haymarket, 2022) both elucidates this complex process and helps us move beyond a binary of “class” vs. “race.” By rejecting elitist identity politics in favor of a constructive politics of radical solidarity, he advances the possibility of organizing across our differences in the urgent struggle for a better world.
Brittney Edmonds is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Identity politics” is everywhere, polarizing discourse from the campaign trail to the classroom and amplifying antagonisms in the media, both online and off. But the compulsively referenced phrase bears little resemblance to the concept as first introduced by the radical Black feminist Combahee River Collective. While the Collective articulated a political viewpoint grounded in their own position as Black lesbians with the explicit aim of building solidarity across lines of difference, identity politics is now frequently weaponized as a means of closing ranks around ever-narrower conceptions of group interests.</p><p>But the trouble, Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò deftly argues, is not with identity politics itself. Through a substantive engagement with the global Black radical tradition and a critical understanding of racial capitalism, Táíwò identifies the process by which a radical concept can be stripped of its political substance and liberatory potential by becoming the victim of elite capture—deployed by political, social, and economic elites in the service of their own interests.</p><p>Táíwò’s book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781642596885">Elite Capture: How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else)</a> (Haymarket, 2022) both elucidates this complex process and helps us move beyond a binary of “class” vs. “race.” By rejecting elitist identity politics in favor of a constructive politics of radical solidarity, he advances the possibility of organizing across our differences in the urgent struggle for a better world.</p><p><a href="https://brittneymichelleedmonds.com/"><em>Brittney Edmonds</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies at UW-Madison. I specialize in 20th and 21st century African American Literature and Culture with a special interest in Black Humor Studies. Read more about my work at brittneymichelleedmonds.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4125</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Aaron Cohen, "Move On Up: Chicago Soul Music and Black Cultural Power" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Curtis Mayfield. The Chi-Lites. Chaka Khan. Chicago’s place in the history of soul music is rock solid. But for Chicagoans, soul music in its heyday from the 1960s to the 1980s was more than just a series of hits: it was a marker and a source of black empowerment. 
In Move On Up: Chicago Soul Music and Black Cultural Power (U Chicago Press, 2019), Aaron Cohen tells the remarkable story of the explosion of soul music in Chicago. Together, soul music and black-owned businesses thrived. Record producers and song-writers broadcast optimism for black America’s future through their sophisticated, jazz-inspired productions for the Dells and many others. Curtis Mayfield boldly sang of uplift with unmistakable grooves like “We’re a Winner” and “I Plan to Stay a Believer.” Musicians like Phil Cohran and the Pharaohs used their music to voice Afrocentric philosophies that challenged racism and segregation, while Maurice White of Earth, Wind, and Fire and Chaka Khan created music that inspired black consciousness. Soul music also accompanied the rise of African American advertisers and the campaign of Chicago’s first black mayor, Harold Washington, in 1983. This empowerment was set in stark relief by the social unrest roiling in Chicago and across the nation: as Chicago’s homegrown record labels produced rising stars singing songs of progress and freedom, Chicago’s black middle class faced limited economic opportunities and deep-seated segregation, all against a backdrop of nationwide deindustrialization.
Drawing on more than one hundred interviews and a music critic’s passion for the unmistakable Chicago soul sound, Cohen shows us how soul music became the voice of inspiration and change for a city in turmoil. Aaron Cohen covers the arts for numerous publications and teaches English, journalism, and humanities at City Colleges of Chicago. He is the author of Aretha Franklin's "Amazing Grace."
Aaron Cohen on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>143</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Aaron Cohen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Curtis Mayfield. The Chi-Lites. Chaka Khan. Chicago’s place in the history of soul music is rock solid. But for Chicagoans, soul music in its heyday from the 1960s to the 1980s was more than just a series of hits: it was a marker and a source of black empowerment. 
In Move On Up: Chicago Soul Music and Black Cultural Power (U Chicago Press, 2019), Aaron Cohen tells the remarkable story of the explosion of soul music in Chicago. Together, soul music and black-owned businesses thrived. Record producers and song-writers broadcast optimism for black America’s future through their sophisticated, jazz-inspired productions for the Dells and many others. Curtis Mayfield boldly sang of uplift with unmistakable grooves like “We’re a Winner” and “I Plan to Stay a Believer.” Musicians like Phil Cohran and the Pharaohs used their music to voice Afrocentric philosophies that challenged racism and segregation, while Maurice White of Earth, Wind, and Fire and Chaka Khan created music that inspired black consciousness. Soul music also accompanied the rise of African American advertisers and the campaign of Chicago’s first black mayor, Harold Washington, in 1983. This empowerment was set in stark relief by the social unrest roiling in Chicago and across the nation: as Chicago’s homegrown record labels produced rising stars singing songs of progress and freedom, Chicago’s black middle class faced limited economic opportunities and deep-seated segregation, all against a backdrop of nationwide deindustrialization.
Drawing on more than one hundred interviews and a music critic’s passion for the unmistakable Chicago soul sound, Cohen shows us how soul music became the voice of inspiration and change for a city in turmoil. Aaron Cohen covers the arts for numerous publications and teaches English, journalism, and humanities at City Colleges of Chicago. He is the author of Aretha Franklin's "Amazing Grace."
Aaron Cohen on Twitter.
Bradley Morgan is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Curtis Mayfield. The Chi-Lites. Chaka Khan. Chicago’s place in the history of soul music is rock solid. But for Chicagoans, soul music in its heyday from the 1960s to the 1980s was more than just a series of hits: it was a marker and a source of black empowerment. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226653037"><em>Move On Up: Chicago Soul Music and Black Cultural Power</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2019), Aaron Cohen tells the remarkable story of the explosion of soul music in Chicago. Together, soul music and black-owned businesses thrived. Record producers and song-writers broadcast optimism for black America’s future through their sophisticated, jazz-inspired productions for the Dells and many others. Curtis Mayfield boldly sang of uplift with unmistakable grooves like “We’re a Winner” and “I Plan to Stay a Believer.” Musicians like Phil Cohran and the Pharaohs used their music to voice Afrocentric philosophies that challenged racism and segregation, while Maurice White of Earth, Wind, and Fire and Chaka Khan created music that inspired black consciousness. Soul music also accompanied the rise of African American advertisers and the campaign of Chicago’s first black mayor, Harold Washington, in 1983. This empowerment was set in stark relief by the social unrest roiling in Chicago and across the nation: as Chicago’s homegrown record labels produced rising stars singing songs of progress and freedom, Chicago’s black middle class faced limited economic opportunities and deep-seated segregation, all against a backdrop of nationwide deindustrialization.</p><p>Drawing on more than one hundred interviews and a music critic’s passion for the unmistakable Chicago soul sound, Cohen shows us how soul music became the voice of inspiration and change for a city in turmoil. Aaron Cohen covers the arts for numerous publications and teaches English, journalism, and humanities at City Colleges of Chicago. He is the author of Aretha Franklin's "Amazing Grace."</p><p>Aaron Cohen on <a href="https://twitter.com/aaroncohenwords">Twitter</a>.</p><p><a href="https://www.bradley-morgan.com/"><em>Bradley Morgan</em></a><em> is a media arts professional in Chicago and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781493061174"><em>U2's The Joshua Tree: Planting Roots in Mythic America</em></a><em>. He manages partnerships on behalf of CHIRP Radio 107.1 FM, serves as a co-chair of the associate board at the Gene Siskel Film Center of the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, and volunteers in the music archive at the Old Town School of Folk Music. Bradley Morgan on </em><a href="https://twitter.com/bradleysmorgan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3438</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Statues: A Conversation with Alex Von Tunzelmann</title>
      <description>What are the rights and wrongs of toppling statues? Sometimes everyone agrees it’s a good idea. After the second world war, for example, the defeat of fascism meant that all over Europe Hitler statues were toppled and destroyed. After the collapse of communism some statues of Stalin actually survived. Just a couple of years ago Black Lives Matter protests led to the hauling down statues of slaveholders and imperialists – for example in the UK a statue of slaver – and philanthropist, Edward Colston was hurled into a harbour. Some argued Colston should be left alone because he was just a man of his time. So, when is it right to tear down a statue and do you need a democratically elected committee to make the decision? A discussion with screenwriter and historian Alex Von Tunzelmann, author of Fallen Idols: Twelve Statues That Made History.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Alex Von Tunzelmann</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What are the rights and wrongs of toppling statues? Sometimes everyone agrees it’s a good idea. After the second world war, for example, the defeat of fascism meant that all over Europe Hitler statues were toppled and destroyed. After the collapse of communism some statues of Stalin actually survived. Just a couple of years ago Black Lives Matter protests led to the hauling down statues of slaveholders and imperialists – for example in the UK a statue of slaver – and philanthropist, Edward Colston was hurled into a harbour. Some argued Colston should be left alone because he was just a man of his time. So, when is it right to tear down a statue and do you need a democratically elected committee to make the decision? A discussion with screenwriter and historian Alex Von Tunzelmann, author of Fallen Idols: Twelve Statues That Made History.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What are the rights and wrongs of toppling statues? Sometimes everyone agrees it’s a good idea. After the second world war, for example, the defeat of fascism meant that all over Europe Hitler statues were toppled and destroyed. After the collapse of communism some statues of Stalin actually survived. Just a couple of years ago Black Lives Matter protests led to the hauling down statues of slaveholders and imperialists – for example in the UK a statue of slaver – and philanthropist, Edward Colston was hurled into a harbour. Some argued Colston should be left alone because he was just a man of his time. So, when is it right to tear down a statue and do you need a democratically elected committee to make the decision? A discussion with screenwriter and historian Alex Von Tunzelmann, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780063081673"><em>Fallen Idols: Twelve Statues That Made History</em></a>.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2461</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julian E. Zelizer, "The Presidency of Donald J. Trump: A First Historical Assessment" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Presidency of Donald J. Trump: A First Historical Assessment (Princeton University Press, 2022) presents a first draft of history by offering needed perspective on one of the nation's most divisive presidencies. Acclaimed political historian Julian Zelizer brings together many of today's top scholars to provide balanced and strikingly original assessments of the major issues that shaped the Trump presidency.
When Trump took office in 2017, he quickly carved out a loyal base within an increasingly radicalized Republican Party, dominated the news cycle with an endless stream of controversies, and presided over one of the most contentious one-term presidencies in American history. These essays cover the crucial aspects of Trump's time in office, including his administration's close relationship with conservative media, his war on feminism, the solidification of a conservative women's movement, his response to COVID-19, the border wall, growing tensions with China and NATO allies, white nationalism in an era of Black Lives Matter, and how the high-tech sector flourished.
The Presidency of Donald J. Trump reveals how Trump was not the cause of the political divisions that defined his term in office but rather was a product of long-term trends in Republican politics and American polarization more broadly.
With contributions by Kathleen Belew, Angus Burgin, Geraldo Cadava, Merlin Chowkwanyun, Bathsheba Demuth, Gregory Downs, Jeffrey Engel, Beverly Gage, Nicole Hemmer, Michael Kazin, Daniel C. Kurtzer, James Mann, Mae Ngai, Margaret O'Mara, Jason Scott Smith, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, and Leandra Zarnow.
Julian E. Zelizer is the Malcolm Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University. A CNN political analyst and a regular guest on NPR, he is the author of many books, including Burning Down the House, The Fierce Urgency of Now, and Abraham Joshua Heschel: A Life of Radical Amazement. Twitter @julianzelizer
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1193</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Julian E. Zelizer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Presidency of Donald J. Trump: A First Historical Assessment (Princeton University Press, 2022) presents a first draft of history by offering needed perspective on one of the nation's most divisive presidencies. Acclaimed political historian Julian Zelizer brings together many of today's top scholars to provide balanced and strikingly original assessments of the major issues that shaped the Trump presidency.
When Trump took office in 2017, he quickly carved out a loyal base within an increasingly radicalized Republican Party, dominated the news cycle with an endless stream of controversies, and presided over one of the most contentious one-term presidencies in American history. These essays cover the crucial aspects of Trump's time in office, including his administration's close relationship with conservative media, his war on feminism, the solidification of a conservative women's movement, his response to COVID-19, the border wall, growing tensions with China and NATO allies, white nationalism in an era of Black Lives Matter, and how the high-tech sector flourished.
The Presidency of Donald J. Trump reveals how Trump was not the cause of the political divisions that defined his term in office but rather was a product of long-term trends in Republican politics and American polarization more broadly.
With contributions by Kathleen Belew, Angus Burgin, Geraldo Cadava, Merlin Chowkwanyun, Bathsheba Demuth, Gregory Downs, Jeffrey Engel, Beverly Gage, Nicole Hemmer, Michael Kazin, Daniel C. Kurtzer, James Mann, Mae Ngai, Margaret O'Mara, Jason Scott Smith, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, and Leandra Zarnow.
Julian E. Zelizer is the Malcolm Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University. A CNN political analyst and a regular guest on NPR, he is the author of many books, including Burning Down the House, The Fierce Urgency of Now, and Abraham Joshua Heschel: A Life of Radical Amazement. Twitter @julianzelizer
Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691228945"><em>The Presidency of Donald J. Trump: A First Historical Assessment </em></a>(Princeton University Press, 2022) presents a first draft of history by offering needed perspective on one of the nation's most divisive presidencies. Acclaimed political historian Julian Zelizer brings together many of today's top scholars to provide balanced and strikingly original assessments of the major issues that shaped the Trump presidency.</p><p>When Trump took office in 2017, he quickly carved out a loyal base within an increasingly radicalized Republican Party, dominated the news cycle with an endless stream of controversies, and presided over one of the most contentious one-term presidencies in American history. These essays cover the crucial aspects of Trump's time in office, including his administration's close relationship with conservative media, his war on feminism, the solidification of a conservative women's movement, his response to COVID-19, the border wall, growing tensions with China and NATO allies, white nationalism in an era of Black Lives Matter, and how the high-tech sector flourished.</p><p><em>The Presidency of Donald J. Trump</em> reveals how Trump was not the cause of the political divisions that defined his term in office but rather was a product of long-term trends in Republican politics and American polarization more broadly.</p><p>With contributions by Kathleen Belew, Angus Burgin, Geraldo Cadava, Merlin Chowkwanyun, Bathsheba Demuth, Gregory Downs, Jeffrey Engel, Beverly Gage, Nicole Hemmer, Michael Kazin, Daniel C. Kurtzer, James Mann, Mae Ngai, Margaret O'Mara, Jason Scott Smith, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, and Leandra Zarnow.</p><p>Julian E. Zelizer is the Malcolm Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University. A CNN political analyst and a regular guest on NPR, he is the author of many books, including Burning Down the House, The Fierce Urgency of Now, and Abraham Joshua Heschel: A Life of Radical Amazement. Twitter @julianzelizer</p><p><em>Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network (Twitter: @caleb_zakarin).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3612</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert E. Gutsche Jr., "The Future of the Presidency, Journalism, and Democracy: After Trump" (Routledge, 2022)</title>
      <description>In The Future of the Presidency, Journalism, and Democracy: After Trump (Routledge, 2022), Dr. Robert E. Gutsche Jr. examines the effects of Donald Trump’s presidency on journalistic practices, rhetoric, and discourses. Rooted in critical theory and cultural studies, it asks what life may be like without Trump, not only for journalism but also for American society more broadly.
The book places perspectives and tensions around the Trump presidency in one spot, focusing on the underlying ideological forces in tensions around media trust, Trumpism, and the role of journalism in it all. It explores how journalists dealt with racist rhetoric from the White House, relationships between the Office of the President and social media companies, citizens, and journalists themselves, while questioning whether journalism has learned the right lessons for the future. More importantly, chapters on liberal media "bias," the First 100 Days of the Biden Presidency, gender, and race, and how journalists should adopt measures to "reduce harm" hint as to where politics and journalism may go next.
Reshaping the scholarly and public discourse about where we are headed in terms of the presidency and publics, social media, and journalism, this book will be an important resource for scholars and graduate students of journalism, media studies, communication studies, political science, race and ethnic studies and sociology.
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. His most recent research, “The Queen and Her Royal Court: A Content Analysis of Doing Gender at a Tulip Queen Pageant,” was published in Gender Issues Journal. He researches culture, social identity, placemaking, and media representations of social life at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on a book titled Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River. You can learn more about Dr. Johnston on his website, Google Scholar, on Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert E. Gutsche Jr.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Future of the Presidency, Journalism, and Democracy: After Trump (Routledge, 2022), Dr. Robert E. Gutsche Jr. examines the effects of Donald Trump’s presidency on journalistic practices, rhetoric, and discourses. Rooted in critical theory and cultural studies, it asks what life may be like without Trump, not only for journalism but also for American society more broadly.
The book places perspectives and tensions around the Trump presidency in one spot, focusing on the underlying ideological forces in tensions around media trust, Trumpism, and the role of journalism in it all. It explores how journalists dealt with racist rhetoric from the White House, relationships between the Office of the President and social media companies, citizens, and journalists themselves, while questioning whether journalism has learned the right lessons for the future. More importantly, chapters on liberal media "bias," the First 100 Days of the Biden Presidency, gender, and race, and how journalists should adopt measures to "reduce harm" hint as to where politics and journalism may go next.
Reshaping the scholarly and public discourse about where we are headed in terms of the presidency and publics, social media, and journalism, this book will be an important resource for scholars and graduate students of journalism, media studies, communication studies, political science, race and ethnic studies and sociology.
Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. His most recent research, “The Queen and Her Royal Court: A Content Analysis of Doing Gender at a Tulip Queen Pageant,” was published in Gender Issues Journal. He researches culture, social identity, placemaking, and media representations of social life at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on a book titled Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River. You can learn more about Dr. Johnston on his website, Google Scholar, on Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781032070735"><em>The Future of the Presidency, Journalism, and Democracy: After Trump</em></a> (Routledge, 2022), <a href="https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/sociology/people/robert-gutsche-jr">Dr. Robert E. Gutsche Jr.</a> examines the effects of Donald Trump’s presidency on journalistic practices, rhetoric, and discourses. Rooted in critical theory and cultural studies, it asks what life may be like without Trump, not only for journalism but also for American society more broadly.</p><p>The book places perspectives and tensions around the Trump presidency in one spot, focusing on the underlying ideological forces in tensions around media trust, Trumpism, and the role of journalism in it all. It explores how journalists dealt with racist rhetoric from the White House, relationships between the Office of the President and social media companies, citizens, and journalists themselves, while questioning whether journalism has learned the right lessons for the future. More importantly, chapters on liberal media "bias," the First 100 Days of the Biden Presidency, gender, and race, and how journalists should adopt measures to "reduce harm" hint as to where politics and journalism may go next.</p><p>Reshaping the scholarly and public discourse about where we are headed in terms of the presidency and publics, social media, and journalism, this book will be an important resource for scholars and graduate students of journalism, media studies, communication studies, political science, race and ethnic studies and sociology.</p><p><a href="https://profjohnston.weebly.com/"><em>Michael O. Johnston, Ph.D.</em></a><em> is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at William Penn University. His most recent research, “The Queen and Her Royal Court: A Content Analysis of Doing Gender at a Tulip Queen Pageant,” was published in Gender Issues Journal. He researches culture, social identity, placemaking, and media representations of social life at festivals and celebrations. He is currently working on a book titled Community Media Representations of Place and Identity at Tug Fest: Reconstructing the Mississippi River. You can learn more about Dr. Johnston on his </em><a href="https://profjohnston.weebly.com/"><em>website</em></a><em>, </em><a href="https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=2RfJ6FMAAAAJ&amp;hl=en"><em>Google Scholar</em></a><em>, on Twitter @ProfessorJohnst, or by email at johnstonmo@wmpenn.edu.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3161</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christian Dyogi Phillips, "Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Why has the underrepresentation of women and racial minorities in elected office proved so persistent in American politics? In Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections (Oxford UP, 2021), Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips argues that any analysis must contend with multiple dimensions of identity, context, and the simultaneous dynamism of opportunity and constraint. Complementing previous studies with her original datasets and rich interviews, Phillips demonstrates how two simultaneous and interactive processes shape electoral opportunity across groups. At the national level, majority-white districts sharply limit realistic opportunities for Latinx and Asian Americans of either gender to get on the ballot – and partisan politics further narrows prospects for women from these groups. At the local and group level, within districts and among Asian American and Latinx political elites and activists, the scarcity of viable opportunities exacerbates informal processes and institutions that tend to push Latinas and Asian American women further from the pipeline. Phillips’s integration of national and local-level processes reveals that the pathways to getting on the ballot are few and far between for Latinx and Asian Americans – and especially fraught with prospects for exclusion of Latinas and Asian American women. Race and gender simultaneously constrain and facilitate electoral opportunities for Asian American women and men, Latinas, and Latinos. These sharp differences in opportunities across groups help explain persistent underrepresentation among elected officials.
Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern California. Her research addresses political behavior, electoral institutions, and political incorporation, with an emphasis on the intersection of race, gender and immigrant communities in American politics.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 02 May 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>601</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christian Dyogi Phillips</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why has the underrepresentation of women and racial minorities in elected office proved so persistent in American politics? In Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections (Oxford UP, 2021), Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips argues that any analysis must contend with multiple dimensions of identity, context, and the simultaneous dynamism of opportunity and constraint. Complementing previous studies with her original datasets and rich interviews, Phillips demonstrates how two simultaneous and interactive processes shape electoral opportunity across groups. At the national level, majority-white districts sharply limit realistic opportunities for Latinx and Asian Americans of either gender to get on the ballot – and partisan politics further narrows prospects for women from these groups. At the local and group level, within districts and among Asian American and Latinx political elites and activists, the scarcity of viable opportunities exacerbates informal processes and institutions that tend to push Latinas and Asian American women further from the pipeline. Phillips’s integration of national and local-level processes reveals that the pathways to getting on the ballot are few and far between for Latinx and Asian Americans – and especially fraught with prospects for exclusion of Latinas and Asian American women. Race and gender simultaneously constrain and facilitate electoral opportunities for Asian American women and men, Latinas, and Latinos. These sharp differences in opportunities across groups help explain persistent underrepresentation among elected officials.
Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern California. Her research addresses political behavior, electoral institutions, and political incorporation, with an emphasis on the intersection of race, gender and immigrant communities in American politics.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why has the underrepresentation of women and racial minorities in elected office proved so persistent in American politics? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197538944"><em>Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2021), Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips argues that any analysis must contend with multiple dimensions of identity, context, and the simultaneous dynamism of opportunity and constraint. Complementing previous studies with her original datasets and rich interviews, Phillips demonstrates how two simultaneous and interactive processes shape electoral opportunity across groups. At the national level, majority-white districts sharply limit realistic opportunities for Latinx and Asian Americans of either gender to get on the ballot – and partisan politics further narrows prospects for women from these groups. At the local and group level, within districts and among Asian American and Latinx political elites and activists, the scarcity of viable opportunities exacerbates informal processes and institutions that tend to push Latinas and Asian American women further from the pipeline. Phillips’s integration of national and local-level processes reveals that the pathways to getting on the ballot are few and far between for Latinx and Asian Americans – and especially fraught with prospects for exclusion of Latinas and Asian American women. Race and gender simultaneously constrain and facilitate electoral opportunities for Asian American women and men, Latinas, and Latinos. These sharp differences in opportunities <em>across</em> groups help explain persistent underrepresentation among elected officials.</p><p><a href="https://dornsife-poir.usc.edu/person/christian-dyogi-phillips/">Dr. Christian Dyogi Phillips</a> is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Southern California. Her research addresses political behavior, electoral institutions, and political incorporation, with an emphasis on the intersection of race, gender and immigrant communities in American politics.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3190</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of Race: A Discussion with John McWhorter</title>
      <description>Race is the subject of passionate and increasingly angry debate. But amidst all the talk of unconscious bias it’s an area into which many fear to tread. In this podcast Professor McWhorter of Colombia University outlines his sometimes controversial views on these issues and explains why he wants to debate them in public. His latest book is Woke Racism: How a New Religion Has Betrayed Black America (Portfolio, 2021).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John McWhorter</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Race is the subject of passionate and increasingly angry debate. But amidst all the talk of unconscious bias it’s an area into which many fear to tread. In this podcast Professor McWhorter of Colombia University outlines his sometimes controversial views on these issues and explains why he wants to debate them in public. His latest book is Woke Racism: How a New Religion Has Betrayed Black America (Portfolio, 2021).
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Race is the subject of passionate and increasingly angry debate. But amidst all the talk of unconscious bias it’s an area into which many fear to tread. In this podcast Professor McWhorter of Colombia University outlines his sometimes controversial views on these issues and explains why he wants to debate them in public. His latest book is <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593423066"><em>Woke Racism: How a New Religion Has Betrayed Black America</em></a> (Portfolio, 2021).</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2388</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sidney G. Tarrow, "Movements and Parties: Critical Connections in American Political Development" (Cambridge UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>How do social movements intersect with the agendas of mainstream political parties? When they are integrated with parties, are they coopted? Or are they more radically transformative? Examining major episodes of contention in American politics – from the Civil War era to the women's rights and civil rights movements to the Tea Party and Trumpism today – Sidney Tarrow tackles these questions and provides a new account of how the interactions between movements and parties have been transformed over the course of American history. In Movements and Parties: Critical Connections in American Political Development (Cambridge UP, 2021), he shows that the relationships between movements and parties have been central to American democratization – at times expanding it and at times threatening its future. Today, movement politics have become more widespread as the parties have become weaker. The future of American democracy hangs in the balance.
Professor Sidney Tarrow is Emeritus Maxwell Upson Professor of Government and Adjunct Professor at Cornell Law School. He is a leading expert on social movements and contentious behaviour. He has published more than sixteen books and numerous articles on the movements' political opportunities, social networks, cultural frames, and forms of collective action.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>134</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sidney G. Tarrow</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do social movements intersect with the agendas of mainstream political parties? When they are integrated with parties, are they coopted? Or are they more radically transformative? Examining major episodes of contention in American politics – from the Civil War era to the women's rights and civil rights movements to the Tea Party and Trumpism today – Sidney Tarrow tackles these questions and provides a new account of how the interactions between movements and parties have been transformed over the course of American history. In Movements and Parties: Critical Connections in American Political Development (Cambridge UP, 2021), he shows that the relationships between movements and parties have been central to American democratization – at times expanding it and at times threatening its future. Today, movement politics have become more widespread as the parties have become weaker. The future of American democracy hangs in the balance.
Professor Sidney Tarrow is Emeritus Maxwell Upson Professor of Government and Adjunct Professor at Cornell Law School. He is a leading expert on social movements and contentious behaviour. He has published more than sixteen books and numerous articles on the movements' political opportunities, social networks, cultural frames, and forms of collective action.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do social movements intersect with the agendas of mainstream political parties? When they are integrated with parties, are they coopted? Or are they more radically transformative? Examining major episodes of contention in American politics – from the Civil War era to the women's rights and civil rights movements to the Tea Party and Trumpism today – Sidney Tarrow tackles these questions and provides a new account of how the interactions between movements and parties have been transformed over the course of American history. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781009013963"><em>Movements and Parties: Critical Connections in American Political Development</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2021), he shows that the relationships between movements and parties have been central to American democratization – at times expanding it and at times threatening its future. Today, movement politics have become more widespread as the parties have become weaker. The future of American democracy hangs in the balance.</p><p>Professor <a href="https://government.cornell.edu/sidney-tarrow">Sidney Tarrow</a> is Emeritus Maxwell Upson Professor of Government and Adjunct Professor at Cornell Law School. He is a leading expert on social movements and contentious behaviour. He has published more than sixteen books and numerous articles on the movements' political opportunities, social networks, cultural frames, and forms of collective action.</p><p><em>Host </em><a href="http://www.ursulahackett.com/"><strong><em>Ursula Hackett</em></strong></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3407</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Charles Alistair McCrary, "Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers" (U Chicago Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers (U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.
McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel The Confidence-Man, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history, McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.
This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.
Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Religion &amp; American Culture, and Religion. He also has written for popular outlets such as Religion &amp; Politics, The Revealer, and The New Republic, many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.
Read more by Charles McCrary:

"The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer,'" Religion &amp; Politics, Apr. 2022

"The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise," The New Republic, Apr. 2022

"The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates," The New Republic, Sept. 2021


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>236</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Charles Alistair McCrary</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers (U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.
McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel The Confidence-Man, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history, McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.
This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.
Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Religion &amp; American Culture, and Religion. He also has written for popular outlets such as Religion &amp; Politics, The Revealer, and The New Republic, many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.
Read more by Charles McCrary:

"The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer,'" Religion &amp; Politics, Apr. 2022

"The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise," The New Republic, Apr. 2022

"The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates," The New Republic, Sept. 2021


Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>"Sincerely held religious belief" is now a common phrase in discussions of American religious freedom, from opinions handed down by the US Supreme Court to local controversies. The "sincerity test" of religious belief has become a cornerstone of US jurisprudence, framing what counts as legitimate grounds for First Amendment claims in the eyes of the law. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226817958"><em>Sincerely Held: American Secularism and Its Believers</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2022), Charles McCrary provides an original account of how sincerely held religious belief became the primary standard for determining what legally counts as authentic religion.</p><p>McCrary skillfully traces the interlocking histories of American sincerity, religion, and secularism starting in the mid-nineteenth century. He analyzes a diverse archive, including Herman Melville's novel <em>The Confidence-Man</em>, vice-suppressing police, Spiritualist women accused of being fortune-tellers, eclectic conscientious objectors, secularization theorists, Black revolutionaries, and anti-LGBTQ litigants. Across this history<em>, </em>McCrary reveals how sincerity and sincerely held religious belief developed as technologies of secular governance, determining what does and doesn't entitle a person to receive protections from the state.</p><p>This fresh analysis of secularism in the United States invites further reflection on the role of sincerity in public life and religious studies scholarship, asking why sincerity has come to matter so much in a supposedly "post-truth" era.</p><p>Dr. Charles McCrary is a scholar of American religion, focusing on secularism, religious freedom, race, and science. His work has been published in academic journals including the <em>Journal of the American Academy of Religion</em>, <em>Religion &amp; American Culture</em>, and <em>Religion</em>. He also has written for popular outlets such as <em>Religion &amp; Politics</em>, <em>The Revealer</em>, and <em>The New Republic, </em>many of which are linked in the show notes of this episode. Before coming to ASU, he was a postdoctoral research associate at the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis.</p><p>Read more by Charles McCrary:</p><ul>
<li>"<a href="https://religionandpolitics.org/2022/04/12/the-supreme-court-and-the-strange-politics-of-the-sincere-believer/">The Supreme Court and the Strange Politics of the 'Sincere Believer</a>,'" <em>Religion &amp; Politics</em>, Apr. 2022</li>
<li>"<a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/165942/sincerely-held-religious-belief-law">The Antisocial Strain of Sincere Religious Beliefs Is on the Rise</a>," <em>The New Republic</em>, Apr. 2022</li>
<li>"<a href="https://newrepublic.com/article/163779/covid-anti-vaccine-religious-exemption">The Baffling Legal Standard Fueling Religious Objections to Vaccine Mandates</a>," <em>The New Republic</em>, Sept. 2021</li>
</ul><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3150</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[81b4054c-c335-11ec-aebe-ff32289fda59]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9303868100.mp3?updated=1650740117" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stacy G. Ulbig, "Angry Politics: Partisan Hatred and Political Polarization Among College Students" (UP of Kansas, 2020)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Stacy Ulbig has a new book that dives into the political attitudes and behaviors of college students to assess how polarization and partisan antipathy in the general public have some genesis on college campuses. Angry Politics: Partisan Hatred and Political Polarization Among College Students (UP of Kansas, 2020) explores affective polarization, and elicited responses from students who have noted that they are experiencing self-censorship, across the political spectrum. The study measured levels of political animosity based on different kinds of news media consumption, with those who consumed social media as the source of their news demonstrating the most animosity towards opposition partisans. Students tend to be nervous when faced with having to deal with conflict, and this inclination also leads them to self-sort and isolate from those who hold different political views. At the same time, the research indicates that students are feeling more vocal in articulating their opinions and beliefs. Part of the experience at college is to learn how to listen to different perspectives and opinions, and to assess diverse input and information. This study is fascinating, examining the layers of student behavior around politics in an atmosphere that is characterized as fraught by a variety of news outlets.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>587</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stacy G. Ulbig</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Stacy Ulbig has a new book that dives into the political attitudes and behaviors of college students to assess how polarization and partisan antipathy in the general public have some genesis on college campuses. Angry Politics: Partisan Hatred and Political Polarization Among College Students (UP of Kansas, 2020) explores affective polarization, and elicited responses from students who have noted that they are experiencing self-censorship, across the political spectrum. The study measured levels of political animosity based on different kinds of news media consumption, with those who consumed social media as the source of their news demonstrating the most animosity towards opposition partisans. Students tend to be nervous when faced with having to deal with conflict, and this inclination also leads them to self-sort and isolate from those who hold different political views. At the same time, the research indicates that students are feeling more vocal in articulating their opinions and beliefs. Part of the experience at college is to learn how to listen to different perspectives and opinions, and to assess diverse input and information. This study is fascinating, examining the layers of student behavior around politics in an atmosphere that is characterized as fraught by a variety of news outlets.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Stacy Ulbig has a new book that dives into the political attitudes and behaviors of college students to assess how polarization and partisan antipathy in the general public have some genesis on college campuses. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700630226"><em>Angry Politics: Partisan Hatred and Political Polarization Among College Students</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2020) explores affective polarization, and elicited responses from students who have noted that they are experiencing self-censorship, across the political spectrum. The study measured levels of political animosity based on different kinds of news media consumption, with those who consumed social media as the source of their news demonstrating the most animosity towards opposition partisans. Students tend to be nervous when faced with having to deal with conflict, and this inclination also leads them to self-sort and isolate from those who hold different political views. At the same time, the research indicates that students are feeling more vocal in articulating their opinions and beliefs. Part of the experience at college is to learn how to listen to different perspectives and opinions, and to assess diverse input and information. This study is fascinating, examining the layers of student behavior around politics in an atmosphere that is characterized as fraught by a variety of news outlets.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3215</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9463051698.mp3?updated=1650540012" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Far Right in the U.S.: A Discussion with Timothy Snyder</title>
      <description>The events of January 6th 2021 are contested in the US. For some supporters of Donald Trump it was, and remains, a case of a legitimate protest against a rigged election. For opponents of Mr. Trump, it was an attempt to bully Congress through physical intimidation into refusing to validate the correct election result. That so many Americans believe the election was rigged raises questions about the nature of right wing politics in the US. This podcast covers these issues with Professor Timothy Snyder of Yale University.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>9</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Timothy Snyder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The events of January 6th 2021 are contested in the US. For some supporters of Donald Trump it was, and remains, a case of a legitimate protest against a rigged election. For opponents of Mr. Trump, it was an attempt to bully Congress through physical intimidation into refusing to validate the correct election result. That so many Americans believe the election was rigged raises questions about the nature of right wing politics in the US. This podcast covers these issues with Professor Timothy Snyder of Yale University.
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The events of January 6th 2021 are contested in the US. For some supporters of Donald Trump it was, and remains, a case of a legitimate protest against a rigged election. For opponents of Mr. Trump, it was an attempt to bully Congress through physical intimidation into refusing to validate the correct election result. That so many Americans believe the election was rigged raises questions about the nature of right wing politics in the US. This podcast covers these issues with Professor Timothy Snyder of Yale University.</p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2327</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[3f33189a-c018-11ec-bd7c-c3618a268afd]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8122053477.mp3?updated=1640715987" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>John S. Huntington, "Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Donald Trump shocked the nation in 2016 by winning the presidency through an ultraconservative, anti-immigrant platform, but, despite the electoral surprise, Trump's far-right views were not an aberration, nor even a recent phenomenon. In Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), John Huntington shows how, for almost a century, the far right has forced so-called "respectable" conservatives to grapple with their concerns, thereby intensifying right-wing thought and forecasting the trajectory of American politics. Ultraconservatives of the twentieth century were the vanguard of modern conservatism as it exists in the Republican Party of today.
Far-Right Vanguard chronicles the history of the ultraconservative movement, its national network, its influence on Republican Party politics, and its centrality to America's rightward turn during the second half of the twentieth century. Often marginalized as outliers, the far right grew out of the same ideological seedbed that nourished mainstream conservatism. Ultraconservatives were true reactionaries, dissenters seeking to peel back the advance of the liberal state, hoping to turn one of the major parties, if not a third party, into a bastion of true conservatism.
In the process, ultraconservatives left a deep imprint upon the cultural and philosophical bedrock of American politics. Far-right leaders built their movement through grassroots institutions, like the John Birch Society and Christian Crusade, each one a critical node in the ultraconservative network, a point of convergence for activists, politicians, and businessmen. This vibrant, interconnected web formed the movement's connective tissue and pushed far-right ideas into the political mainstream. Conspiracy theories, nativism, white supremacy, and radical libertarianism permeated far-right organizations, producing an uncompromising mindset and a hyper-partisanship that consumed conservatism and, eventually, the Republican Party.
Ultimately, the far right's politics of dissent—against racial progress, federal power, and political moderation—laid the groundwork for the aggrieved, vitriolic conservatism of the twenty-first century.
Brandon T. Jett, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the Lynching in LaBelle Digital History Project, and author of Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South (LSU Press, 202) Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1
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      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>36</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John S. Huntington</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Donald Trump shocked the nation in 2016 by winning the presidency through an ultraconservative, anti-immigrant platform, but, despite the electoral surprise, Trump's far-right views were not an aberration, nor even a recent phenomenon. In Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), John Huntington shows how, for almost a century, the far right has forced so-called "respectable" conservatives to grapple with their concerns, thereby intensifying right-wing thought and forecasting the trajectory of American politics. Ultraconservatives of the twentieth century were the vanguard of modern conservatism as it exists in the Republican Party of today.
Far-Right Vanguard chronicles the history of the ultraconservative movement, its national network, its influence on Republican Party politics, and its centrality to America's rightward turn during the second half of the twentieth century. Often marginalized as outliers, the far right grew out of the same ideological seedbed that nourished mainstream conservatism. Ultraconservatives were true reactionaries, dissenters seeking to peel back the advance of the liberal state, hoping to turn one of the major parties, if not a third party, into a bastion of true conservatism.
In the process, ultraconservatives left a deep imprint upon the cultural and philosophical bedrock of American politics. Far-right leaders built their movement through grassroots institutions, like the John Birch Society and Christian Crusade, each one a critical node in the ultraconservative network, a point of convergence for activists, politicians, and businessmen. This vibrant, interconnected web formed the movement's connective tissue and pushed far-right ideas into the political mainstream. Conspiracy theories, nativism, white supremacy, and radical libertarianism permeated far-right organizations, producing an uncompromising mindset and a hyper-partisanship that consumed conservatism and, eventually, the Republican Party.
Ultimately, the far right's politics of dissent—against racial progress, federal power, and political moderation—laid the groundwork for the aggrieved, vitriolic conservatism of the twenty-first century.
Brandon T. Jett, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the Lynching in LaBelle Digital History Project, and author of Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South (LSU Press, 202) Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Donald Trump shocked the nation in 2016 by winning the presidency through an ultraconservative, anti-immigrant platform, but, despite the electoral surprise, Trump's far-right views were not an aberration, nor even a recent phenomenon. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253474"><em>Far-Right Vanguard: The Radical Roots of Modern Conservatism</em></a> (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), John Huntington shows how, for almost a century, the far right has forced so-called "respectable" conservatives to grapple with their concerns, thereby intensifying right-wing thought and forecasting the trajectory of American politics. Ultraconservatives of the twentieth century were the vanguard of modern conservatism as it exists in the Republican Party of today.</p><p>Far-Right Vanguard chronicles the history of the ultraconservative movement, its national network, its influence on Republican Party politics, and its centrality to America's rightward turn during the second half of the twentieth century. Often marginalized as outliers, the far right grew out of the same ideological seedbed that nourished mainstream conservatism. Ultraconservatives were true reactionaries, dissenters seeking to peel back the advance of the liberal state, hoping to turn one of the major parties, if not a third party, into a bastion of true conservatism.</p><p>In the process, ultraconservatives left a deep imprint upon the cultural and philosophical bedrock of American politics. Far-right leaders built their movement through grassroots institutions, like the John Birch Society and Christian Crusade, each one a critical node in the ultraconservative network, a point of convergence for activists, politicians, and businessmen. This vibrant, interconnected web formed the movement's connective tissue and pushed far-right ideas into the political mainstream. Conspiracy theories, nativism, white supremacy, and radical libertarianism permeated far-right organizations, producing an uncompromising mindset and a hyper-partisanship that consumed conservatism and, eventually, the Republican Party.</p><p>Ultimately, the far right's politics of dissent—against racial progress, federal power, and political moderation—laid the groundwork for the aggrieved, vitriolic conservatism of the twenty-first century.</p><p><a href="http://www.brandontjett.com/"><em>Brandon T. Jett</em></a><em>, professor of history at Florida SouthWestern State College, creator of the </em><a href="http://www.lynchinginlabelle.com/"><em>Lynching in LaBelle</em></a><em> Digital History Project, and author of </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807175071"><em>Race, Crime, and Policing in the Jim Crow South</em></a><em> (LSU Press, 202) Twitter: @DrBrandonJett1</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4023</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[485b8e26-c008-11ec-8c86-2f7af1d23706]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1149847044.mp3?updated=1650022281" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>R. Douglas Arnold, "Fixing Social Security: The Politics of Reform in a Polarized Age" (Princeton UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Since its establishment, Social Security has become the financial linchpin of American retirement. Yet demographic trends—longer lifespans and declining birthrates—mean that this popular program now pays more in benefits than it collects in revenue. Without reforms, 83 million Americans will face an immediate benefit cut of 20 percent in 2034. How did we get here and what is the solution? In Fixing Social Security: The Politics of Reform in a Polarized Age (Princeton University Press, 2022), R. Douglas Arnold explores the historical role that Social Security has played in American politics, why Congress has done nothing to fix its insolvency problem for three decades, and what legislators can do to save it. What options do legislators have as the program nears the precipice? They can raise taxes, as they did in 1977, cut benefits, as they did in 1983, or reinvent the program, as they attempted in 2005. Unfortunately, every option would impose costs, and legislators are reluctant to act, fearing electoral retribution. Arnold investigates why politicians designed the system as they did and how between 1935 and 1983 they allocated—and reallocated—costs and benefits among workers, employers, and beneficiaries. He also examines public support for the program, and why Democratic and Republican representatives, once political allies in expanding Social Security, have become so deeply polarized about fixing it. As Social Security edges closer to crisis, Fixing Social Security offers a comprehensive analysis of the political fault lines and a fresh look at what can be done—before it is too late.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>132</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with R. Douglas Arnold</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since its establishment, Social Security has become the financial linchpin of American retirement. Yet demographic trends—longer lifespans and declining birthrates—mean that this popular program now pays more in benefits than it collects in revenue. Without reforms, 83 million Americans will face an immediate benefit cut of 20 percent in 2034. How did we get here and what is the solution? In Fixing Social Security: The Politics of Reform in a Polarized Age (Princeton University Press, 2022), R. Douglas Arnold explores the historical role that Social Security has played in American politics, why Congress has done nothing to fix its insolvency problem for three decades, and what legislators can do to save it. What options do legislators have as the program nears the precipice? They can raise taxes, as they did in 1977, cut benefits, as they did in 1983, or reinvent the program, as they attempted in 2005. Unfortunately, every option would impose costs, and legislators are reluctant to act, fearing electoral retribution. Arnold investigates why politicians designed the system as they did and how between 1935 and 1983 they allocated—and reallocated—costs and benefits among workers, employers, and beneficiaries. He also examines public support for the program, and why Democratic and Republican representatives, once political allies in expanding Social Security, have become so deeply polarized about fixing it. As Social Security edges closer to crisis, Fixing Social Security offers a comprehensive analysis of the political fault lines and a fresh look at what can be done—before it is too late.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since its establishment, Social Security has become the financial linchpin of American retirement. Yet demographic trends—longer lifespans and declining birthrates—mean that this popular program now pays more in benefits than it collects in revenue. Without reforms, 83 million Americans will face an immediate benefit cut of 20 percent in 2034. How did we get here and what is the solution? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691224435"><em>Fixing Social Security: The Politics of Reform in a Polarized Age</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2022), R. Douglas Arnold explores the historical role that Social Security has played in American politics, why Congress has done nothing to fix its insolvency problem for three decades, and what legislators can do to save it. What options do legislators have as the program nears the precipice? They can raise taxes, as they did in 1977, cut benefits, as they did in 1983, or reinvent the program, as they attempted in 2005. Unfortunately, every option would impose costs, and legislators are reluctant to act, fearing electoral retribution. Arnold investigates why politicians designed the system as they did and how between 1935 and 1983 they allocated—and reallocated—costs and benefits among workers, employers, and beneficiaries. He also examines public support for the program, and why Democratic and Republican representatives, once political allies in expanding Social Security, have become so deeply polarized about fixing it. As Social Security edges closer to crisis, Fixing Social Security offers a comprehensive analysis of the political fault lines and a fresh look at what can be done—before it is too late.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2455</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Richard Brent Turner, "Soundtrack to a Movement: African American Islam, Jazz, and Black Internationalism" (NYU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In his fascinating and riveting new book Soundtrack to a Movement: African American Islam, Jazz, and Black Internationalism (NYU Press, 2021), historian Richard Brent Turner tells a moving though rarely discussed narrative of the intersection and cross-pollination between Jazz and African American Islam from the 1940s to the 1970s. How did Islam and conversion to Islam inform the lives, careers, and musical productions of prominent jazz musicians in this period? And how did jazz spaces and culture provide the fodder for important African American Muslim movements and figures, such as the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X? Turner addresses these and other questions with profound historical depth and analytical ingenuity. Over the course of this book, the reader learns about such enormously interesting themes as the landscape of African American politics during the interwar period and beyond in major Northeastern cities (especially Boston), the intimate relationship between Jazz and the Ahmadiyya, the relationship between John Coltrane and Malcolm X, and the encounter of Jazz with Black internationalism. This lucidly written book will also animate great discussions in the classroom.
SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book Defending Muhammad in Modernity (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 Book Prize and was selected as a finalist for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available here. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>266</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard Brent Turner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his fascinating and riveting new book Soundtrack to a Movement: African American Islam, Jazz, and Black Internationalism (NYU Press, 2021), historian Richard Brent Turner tells a moving though rarely discussed narrative of the intersection and cross-pollination between Jazz and African American Islam from the 1940s to the 1970s. How did Islam and conversion to Islam inform the lives, careers, and musical productions of prominent jazz musicians in this period? And how did jazz spaces and culture provide the fodder for important African American Muslim movements and figures, such as the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X? Turner addresses these and other questions with profound historical depth and analytical ingenuity. Over the course of this book, the reader learns about such enormously interesting themes as the landscape of African American politics during the interwar period and beyond in major Northeastern cities (especially Boston), the intimate relationship between Jazz and the Ahmadiyya, the relationship between John Coltrane and Malcolm X, and the encounter of Jazz with Black internationalism. This lucidly written book will also animate great discussions in the classroom.
SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book Defending Muhammad in Modernity (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 Book Prize and was selected as a finalist for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available here. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his fascinating and riveting new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479806768"><em>Soundtrack to a Movement: African American Islam, Jazz, and Black Internationalism</em></a> (NYU Press, 2021), historian Richard Brent Turner tells a moving though rarely discussed narrative of the intersection and cross-pollination between Jazz and African American Islam from the 1940s to the 1970s. How did Islam and conversion to Islam inform the lives, careers, and musical productions of prominent jazz musicians in this period? And how did jazz spaces and culture provide the fodder for important African American Muslim movements and figures, such as the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X? Turner addresses these and other questions with profound historical depth and analytical ingenuity. Over the course of this book, the reader learns about such enormously interesting themes as the landscape of African American politics during the interwar period and beyond in major Northeastern cities (especially Boston), the intimate relationship between Jazz and the Ahmadiyya, the relationship between John Coltrane and Malcolm X, and the encounter of Jazz with Black internationalism. This lucidly written book will also animate great discussions in the classroom.</p><p><em>SherAli Tareen is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Franklin and Marshall College. His research focuses on Muslim intellectual traditions and debates in early modern and modern South Asia. His book </em><a href="https://undpress.nd.edu/9780268106690/defending-muhammad-in-modernity/"><em>Defending Muhammad in Modernity</em></a><em> (University of Notre Dame Press, 2020) received the American Institute of Pakistan Studies 2020 </em><a href="https://www.academia.edu/42966087/AIPS_2020_Book_Prize_Announcement-Defending_Muhammad_in_Modernity"><em>Book Prize</em></a><em> and was selected as a </em><a href="https://undpressnews.nd.edu/news/defending-muhammad-in-modernity-is-a-finalist-for-the-american-academy-of-religion-award-for-excellence-analytical-descriptive-studies/#.YUJWOGZu30M.twitter"><em>finalist</em></a><em> for the 2021 American Academy of Religion Book Award. His other academic publications are available </em><a href="https://fandm.academia.edu/SheraliTareen"><em>here</em></a><em>. He can be reached at sherali.tareen@fandm.edu. Listener feedback is most welcome.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3908</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Kazin, "What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party" (FSG, 2022)</title>
      <description>The Democratic Party is the world’s oldest mass political organization. Since its inception in the early nineteenth century, it has played a central role in defining American society, whether it was exercising power or contesting it. But what has the party stood for through the centuries, and how has it managed to succeed in elections and govern?
In What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022), the eminent historian Michael Kazin identifies and assesses the party’s long-running commitment to creating “moral capitalism”―a system that mixed entrepreneurial freedom with the welfare of workers and consumers. And yet the same party that championed the rights of the white working man also vigorously protected or advanced the causes of slavery, segregation, and Indian removal. As the party evolved towards a more inclusive egalitarian vision, it won durable victories for Americans of all backgrounds. But it also struggled to hold together a majority coalition and advance a persuasive agenda for the use of government.
Kazin traces the party’s fortunes through vivid character sketches of its key thinkers and doers, from Martin Van Buren and William Jennings Bryan to the financier August Belmont and reformers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Sidney Hillman, and Jesse Jackson. He also explores the records of presidents from Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Throughout, Kazin reveals the rich interplay of personality, belief, strategy, and policy that defines the life of the party―and outlines the core components of a political endeavor that may allow President Biden and his co-partisans to renew the American experiment.
Michael Kazin is a professor of history at Georgetown University and editor emeritus of Dissent. His books include American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation, The Populist Persuasion, and A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and editor of The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of the University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 04 Apr 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>185</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Kazin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Democratic Party is the world’s oldest mass political organization. Since its inception in the early nineteenth century, it has played a central role in defining American society, whether it was exercising power or contesting it. But what has the party stood for through the centuries, and how has it managed to succeed in elections and govern?
In What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022), the eminent historian Michael Kazin identifies and assesses the party’s long-running commitment to creating “moral capitalism”―a system that mixed entrepreneurial freedom with the welfare of workers and consumers. And yet the same party that championed the rights of the white working man also vigorously protected or advanced the causes of slavery, segregation, and Indian removal. As the party evolved towards a more inclusive egalitarian vision, it won durable victories for Americans of all backgrounds. But it also struggled to hold together a majority coalition and advance a persuasive agenda for the use of government.
Kazin traces the party’s fortunes through vivid character sketches of its key thinkers and doers, from Martin Van Buren and William Jennings Bryan to the financier August Belmont and reformers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Sidney Hillman, and Jesse Jackson. He also explores the records of presidents from Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Throughout, Kazin reveals the rich interplay of personality, belief, strategy, and policy that defines the life of the party―and outlines the core components of a political endeavor that may allow President Biden and his co-partisans to renew the American experiment.
Michael Kazin is a professor of history at Georgetown University and editor emeritus of Dissent. His books include American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation, The Populist Persuasion, and A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and editor of The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History.
Jackson Reinhardt is a graduate of the University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Democratic Party is the world’s oldest mass political organization. Since its inception in the early nineteenth century, it has played a central role in defining American society, whether it was exercising power or contesting it. But what has the party stood for through the centuries, and how has it managed to succeed in elections and govern?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780374200237"><em>What It Took to Win: A History of the Democratic Party</em></a> (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2022), the eminent historian Michael Kazin identifies and assesses the party’s long-running commitment to creating “moral capitalism”―a system that mixed entrepreneurial freedom with the welfare of workers and consumers. And yet the same party that championed the rights of the white working man also vigorously protected or advanced the causes of slavery, segregation, and Indian removal. As the party evolved towards a more inclusive egalitarian vision, it won durable victories for Americans of all backgrounds. But it also struggled to hold together a majority coalition and advance a persuasive agenda for the use of government.</p><p>Kazin traces the party’s fortunes through vivid character sketches of its key thinkers and doers, from Martin Van Buren and William Jennings Bryan to the financier August Belmont and reformers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Sidney Hillman, and Jesse Jackson. He also explores the records of presidents from Andrew Jackson and Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. Throughout, Kazin reveals the rich interplay of personality, belief, strategy, and policy that defines the life of the party―and outlines the core components of a political endeavor that may allow President Biden and his co-partisans to renew the American experiment.</p><p><strong>Michael Kazin</strong> is a professor of history at Georgetown University and editor emeritus of <em>Dissent</em>. His books include <em>American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation</em>, <em>The Populist Persuasion</em>, and <em>A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan</em>. He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and editor of The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History.</p><p><strong><em>Jackson Reinhardt</em></strong><em> is a graduate of the University of Southern California and Vanderbilt University. He is currently an independent scholar, freelance writer, and research assistant. You can reach Jackson at jtreinhardt1997@gmail.com and follow him on Twitter @JTRhardt</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3755</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath, "The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy" (Harvard UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>Oligarchy is a threat to the American republic. When too much economic and political power is concentrated in too few hands, we risk losing the “republican form of government” the Constitution requires. Today, courts enforce the constitution as if it had almost nothing to say about this threat. The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) is a bold call to reclaim an American tradition that argues the constitution imposes a duty on government to fight oligarchy and ensure broadly shared wealth. In this revolutionary retelling of constitutional history, Dr. Joseph Fishkin and Dr. William Forbath show that a commitment to prevent oligarchy once stood at the center of a robust tradition in American political and constitutional thought.
Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath argue that “The constitutional order does rest and depend on a political-economic order. That political-economic order does not maintain itself. It requires action (as well as forbearance from action) from each part of the government. The content of what is required changes radically over time in a dynamic way in response to changes in the economy and in politics. But we believe the basic principles of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition remain affirmative constitutional obligations of government today: to prevent an oligarchy from emerging and amassing too much power; to preserve a broad and open middle class as a counterweight against oligarchy and a bulwark of democratic life; and to include everyone, not just those privileged by race or sex, in a democracy of op- portunity that is broad enough to unite us all.”
Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath demonstrate that reformers, legislators, and even judges working in this “democracy-of-opportunity” tradition understood that the Constitution imposes a duty on legislatures to thwart oligarchy and promote a broad distribution of wealth and political power. These ideas led Jacksonians to fight special economic privileges for the few, Populists to try to break up monopoly power, and Progressives to fight for the constitutional right to form a union. During Reconstruction, Radical Republicans argued in this tradition that racial equality required breaking up the oligarchy of the Slave Power and distributing wealth and opportunity to former slaves and their descendants. President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Dealers built their politics around this tradition, winning the fight against the “economic royalists” and “industrial despots.”
The book argues that our current understanding of what counts as a constitutional argument is anachronistic and limiting. In fact, the authors argue that “advocates of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition and their opponents throughout the long period from the founding through the New Deal disagreed about many things, but they agreed that part of arguing about the Constitution is making claims about what it requires of our political economy. “
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 31 Mar 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>154</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joseph Fishkin and William E. Forbath</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Oligarchy is a threat to the American republic. When too much economic and political power is concentrated in too few hands, we risk losing the “republican form of government” the Constitution requires. Today, courts enforce the constitution as if it had almost nothing to say about this threat. The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy (Harvard University Press, 2022) is a bold call to reclaim an American tradition that argues the constitution imposes a duty on government to fight oligarchy and ensure broadly shared wealth. In this revolutionary retelling of constitutional history, Dr. Joseph Fishkin and Dr. William Forbath show that a commitment to prevent oligarchy once stood at the center of a robust tradition in American political and constitutional thought.
Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath argue that “The constitutional order does rest and depend on a political-economic order. That political-economic order does not maintain itself. It requires action (as well as forbearance from action) from each part of the government. The content of what is required changes radically over time in a dynamic way in response to changes in the economy and in politics. But we believe the basic principles of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition remain affirmative constitutional obligations of government today: to prevent an oligarchy from emerging and amassing too much power; to preserve a broad and open middle class as a counterweight against oligarchy and a bulwark of democratic life; and to include everyone, not just those privileged by race or sex, in a democracy of op- portunity that is broad enough to unite us all.”
Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath demonstrate that reformers, legislators, and even judges working in this “democracy-of-opportunity” tradition understood that the Constitution imposes a duty on legislatures to thwart oligarchy and promote a broad distribution of wealth and political power. These ideas led Jacksonians to fight special economic privileges for the few, Populists to try to break up monopoly power, and Progressives to fight for the constitutional right to form a union. During Reconstruction, Radical Republicans argued in this tradition that racial equality required breaking up the oligarchy of the Slave Power and distributing wealth and opportunity to former slaves and their descendants. President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Dealers built their politics around this tradition, winning the fight against the “economic royalists” and “industrial despots.”
The book argues that our current understanding of what counts as a constitutional argument is anachronistic and limiting. In fact, the authors argue that “advocates of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition and their opponents throughout the long period from the founding through the New Deal disagreed about many things, but they agreed that part of arguing about the Constitution is making claims about what it requires of our political economy. “
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Oligarchy is a threat to the American republic. When too much economic and political power is concentrated in too few hands, we risk losing the “republican form of government” the Constitution requires. Today, courts enforce the constitution as if it had almost nothing to say about this threat. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674980624"><em>The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution: Reconstructing the Economic Foundations of American Democracy</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2022) is a bold call to reclaim an American tradition that argues the constitution imposes a duty on government to fight oligarchy and ensure broadly shared wealth. In this revolutionary retelling of constitutional history, Dr. Joseph Fishkin and Dr. William Forbath show that a commitment to prevent oligarchy once stood at the center of a robust tradition in American political and constitutional thought.</p><p>Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath argue that “The constitutional order does rest and depend on a political-economic order. That political-economic order does not maintain itself. It requires action (as well as forbearance from action) from each part of the government. The content of what is required changes radically over time in a dynamic way in response to changes in the economy and in politics. But we believe the basic principles of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition remain affirmative constitutional obligations of government today: to prevent an oligarchy from emerging and amassing too much power; to preserve a broad and open middle class as a counterweight against oligarchy and a bulwark of democratic life; and to include everyone, not just those privileged by race or sex, in a democracy of op- portunity that is broad enough to unite us all.”</p><p>Dr. Fishkin and Dr. Forbath demonstrate that reformers, legislators, and even judges working in this “democracy-of-opportunity” tradition understood that the Constitution imposes a duty on legislatures to thwart oligarchy and promote a broad distribution of wealth and political power. These ideas led Jacksonians to fight special economic privileges for the few, Populists to try to break up monopoly power, and Progressives to fight for the constitutional right to form a union. During Reconstruction, Radical Republicans argued in this tradition that racial equality required breaking up the oligarchy of the Slave Power and distributing wealth and opportunity to former slaves and their descendants. President Franklin Roosevelt and the New Dealers built their politics around this tradition, winning the fight against the “economic royalists” and “industrial despots.”</p><p>The book argues that our current understanding of what counts as a constitutional argument is anachronistic and limiting. In fact, the authors argue that “advocates of the democracy-of-opportunity tradition and their opponents throughout the long period from the founding through the New Deal disagreed about many things, but they agreed that part of arguing about the Constitution is making claims about what it requires of our political economy. “</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Steven J. Brady, "Chained to History: Slavery and US Foreign Relations to 1865" (Cornell UP, 2022)</title>
      <description>In Chained to History: Slavery and US Foreign Relations to 1865 (Cornell University Press, 2022), Dr. Steven J. Brady places slavery at the centre of the story of America's place in the world in the years prior to the calamitous Civil War. Beginning with the immediate aftermath of the War of the American Revolution, Brady follows the military, economic, and moral lines of the diplomatic challenges of attempting to manage, on the global stage, the actuality of human servitude in a country dedicated to human freedom.
Dr. Brady argues that “slavery was defined by policymakers and laypeople alike as central to US interactions with four continents—whether for good or bad. America’s security, prosperity, and geographical and political reach were all connected, in one way or another, with bonded labour. It is no surprise, then, that Americans looked on, and conducted, their relations with the world with a conviction that slavery was central to the nation’s international role.” He argues that this mindset around the centrality of American slavery therefore “forced the United States to act in the international sphere in ways that it otherwise would not have, and to interact with the Atlantic world in a more dynamic way than its leaders might have preferred.”
Dr. Brady highlights the limitations placed on American policymakers who, working in an international context increasingly supportive of abolition, were severely constrained regarding the formulation and execution of preferred policy. Policymakers were bound to the slave interest based in the Democratic Party and the tortured state of domestic politics bore heavily on the conduct of foreign affairs. As international powers not only abolished the slave trade but banned human servitude as such, the American position became untenable.
The book argues that the “proclivity of slavery to enmesh the nation with the wider world in unwanted ways was manifested again and again throughout the time period up to 1865. From vainly seeking the return of escaped slaves under President George Washington to the failed attempts of President Abraham Lincoln to settle their freed brethren somewhere—anywhere—else, one sees the real limits placed on the nation’s ability to shape and implement a consistent foreign policy…. Slavery was not the only factor that contributed to this frustration of American aims to conduct a largely unilateralist foreign policy in its early years. Nor was it the only reason why America frequently found itself unable to achieve its foreign relations goals. But it was among the most significant reasons.”
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 29 Mar 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1171</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven J. Brady</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Chained to History: Slavery and US Foreign Relations to 1865 (Cornell University Press, 2022), Dr. Steven J. Brady places slavery at the centre of the story of America's place in the world in the years prior to the calamitous Civil War. Beginning with the immediate aftermath of the War of the American Revolution, Brady follows the military, economic, and moral lines of the diplomatic challenges of attempting to manage, on the global stage, the actuality of human servitude in a country dedicated to human freedom.
Dr. Brady argues that “slavery was defined by policymakers and laypeople alike as central to US interactions with four continents—whether for good or bad. America’s security, prosperity, and geographical and political reach were all connected, in one way or another, with bonded labour. It is no surprise, then, that Americans looked on, and conducted, their relations with the world with a conviction that slavery was central to the nation’s international role.” He argues that this mindset around the centrality of American slavery therefore “forced the United States to act in the international sphere in ways that it otherwise would not have, and to interact with the Atlantic world in a more dynamic way than its leaders might have preferred.”
Dr. Brady highlights the limitations placed on American policymakers who, working in an international context increasingly supportive of abolition, were severely constrained regarding the formulation and execution of preferred policy. Policymakers were bound to the slave interest based in the Democratic Party and the tortured state of domestic politics bore heavily on the conduct of foreign affairs. As international powers not only abolished the slave trade but banned human servitude as such, the American position became untenable.
The book argues that the “proclivity of slavery to enmesh the nation with the wider world in unwanted ways was manifested again and again throughout the time period up to 1865. From vainly seeking the return of escaped slaves under President George Washington to the failed attempts of President Abraham Lincoln to settle their freed brethren somewhere—anywhere—else, one sees the real limits placed on the nation’s ability to shape and implement a consistent foreign policy…. Slavery was not the only factor that contributed to this frustration of American aims to conduct a largely unilateralist foreign policy in its early years. Nor was it the only reason why America frequently found itself unable to achieve its foreign relations goals. But it was among the most significant reasons.”
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501761058"><em>Chained to History: Slavery and US Foreign Relations to 1865</em></a> (Cornell University Press, 2022), Dr. Steven J. Brady places slavery at the centre of the story of America's place in the world in the years prior to the calamitous Civil War. Beginning with the immediate aftermath of the War of the American Revolution, Brady follows the military, economic, and moral lines of the diplomatic challenges of attempting to manage, on the global stage, the actuality of human servitude in a country dedicated to human freedom.</p><p>Dr. Brady argues that “slavery was defined by policymakers and laypeople alike as central to US interactions with four continents—whether for good or bad. America’s security, prosperity, and geographical and political reach were all connected, in one way or another, with bonded labour. It is no surprise, then, that Americans looked on, and conducted, their relations with the world with a conviction that slavery was central to the nation’s international role.” He argues that this mindset around the centrality of American slavery therefore “forced the United States to act in the international sphere in ways that it otherwise would not have, and to interact with the Atlantic world in a more dynamic way than its leaders might have preferred.”</p><p>Dr. Brady highlights the limitations placed on American policymakers who, working in an international context increasingly supportive of abolition, were severely constrained regarding the formulation and execution of preferred policy. Policymakers were bound to the slave interest based in the Democratic Party and the tortured state of domestic politics bore heavily on the conduct of foreign affairs. As international powers not only abolished the slave trade but banned human servitude as such, the American position became untenable.</p><p>The book argues that the “proclivity of slavery to enmesh the nation with the wider world in unwanted ways was manifested again and again throughout the time period up to 1865. From vainly seeking the return of escaped slaves under President George Washington to the failed attempts of President Abraham Lincoln to settle their freed brethren somewhere—anywhere—else, one sees the real limits placed on the nation’s ability to shape and implement a consistent foreign policy…. Slavery was not the only factor that contributed to this frustration of American aims to conduct a largely unilateralist foreign policy in its early years. Nor was it the only reason why America frequently found itself unable to achieve its foreign relations goals. But it was among the most significant reasons.”</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4325</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrew Rudalevige, "By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Andrew Rudalevige, the Thomas Brackett Reed Professor of Government at Bowdoin College, has a new book that examines the processes that transpires in the generation of executive orders—noting that the process itself is not simply done with the stroke of a pen. Rudalevige, an expert on the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in the Executive Branch, started to pursue this particular research project as a result of some archival work he was doing at OMB. Because executive orders go through OMB, Rudalevige came upon decades of files of different proposed executive orders in his work on the Office of Management and Budget; and what seemed like a kind of side project became an extensive, quantitative, and qualitative study of the process that gives birth to an executive order or that may eventually kill an executive order. 
By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power (Princeton UP, 2021) traces the process that brings together different voices from within the Executive Branch on the substance that becomes the executive order itself. The research is also situated in the context of a more and more gridlocked Congress, with one president after another finding themselves frustrated in their efforts to implement their agendas.
One in five executive orders are not issued. Those that are not issued are generally not random. But the process of advocating or pushing back on a potential order is complex and often involves a host of different agencies bargaining with teach other and with OMB and the president. This window into the process gives us significant insight into bureaucratic politics at the national level. This is also a reflection on how the White House and the bureaucracy work—can a president get something done from his perch in the Oval Office, or do particular agencies have jurisdiction and the capacity to move policy and ideas forward within the scope of established law and regulation? This is all explored in By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power, which is a fascinating look behind the scenes at how presidents and the bureaucracy interact.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Mar 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>586</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew Rudalevige</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Andrew Rudalevige, the Thomas Brackett Reed Professor of Government at Bowdoin College, has a new book that examines the processes that transpires in the generation of executive orders—noting that the process itself is not simply done with the stroke of a pen. Rudalevige, an expert on the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in the Executive Branch, started to pursue this particular research project as a result of some archival work he was doing at OMB. Because executive orders go through OMB, Rudalevige came upon decades of files of different proposed executive orders in his work on the Office of Management and Budget; and what seemed like a kind of side project became an extensive, quantitative, and qualitative study of the process that gives birth to an executive order or that may eventually kill an executive order. 
By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power (Princeton UP, 2021) traces the process that brings together different voices from within the Executive Branch on the substance that becomes the executive order itself. The research is also situated in the context of a more and more gridlocked Congress, with one president after another finding themselves frustrated in their efforts to implement their agendas.
One in five executive orders are not issued. Those that are not issued are generally not random. But the process of advocating or pushing back on a potential order is complex and often involves a host of different agencies bargaining with teach other and with OMB and the president. This window into the process gives us significant insight into bureaucratic politics at the national level. This is also a reflection on how the White House and the bureaucracy work—can a president get something done from his perch in the Oval Office, or do particular agencies have jurisdiction and the capacity to move policy and ideas forward within the scope of established law and regulation? This is all explored in By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power, which is a fascinating look behind the scenes at how presidents and the bureaucracy interact.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Andrew Rudalevige, the Thomas Brackett Reed Professor of Government at Bowdoin College, has a new book that examines the processes that transpires in the generation of executive orders—noting that the process itself is not simply done with the stroke of a pen. Rudalevige, an expert on the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in the Executive Branch, started to pursue this particular research project as a result of some archival work he was doing at OMB. Because executive orders go through OMB, Rudalevige came upon decades of files of different proposed executive orders in his work on the Office of Management and Budget; and what seemed like a kind of side project became an extensive, quantitative, and qualitative study of the process that gives birth to an executive order or that may eventually kill an executive order. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691194363"><em>By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2021) traces the process that brings together different voices from within the Executive Branch on the substance that becomes the executive order itself. The research is also situated in the context of a more and more gridlocked Congress, with one president after another finding themselves frustrated in their efforts to implement their agendas.</p><p>One in five executive orders are not issued. Those that are not issued are generally not random. But the process of advocating or pushing back on a potential order is complex and often involves a host of different agencies bargaining with teach other and with OMB and the president. This window into the process gives us significant insight into bureaucratic politics at the national level. This is also a reflection on how the White House and the bureaucracy work—can a president get something done from his perch in the Oval Office, or do particular agencies have jurisdiction and the capacity to move policy and ideas forward within the scope of established law and regulation? This is all explored in <em>By Executive Order: Bureaucratic Management and the Limits of Presidential Power</em>, which is a fascinating look behind the scenes at how presidents and the bureaucracy interact.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4070</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Gene Zubovich, "Before the Religious Right: Liberal Protestants, Human Rights, and the Polarization of the United States" (UPenn Press, 2022)</title>
      <description>The study of the religious right has in many ways overshadowed other strands of U.S. religious history in the 20th century. This is owed in no small part to the powerful political role played by evangelical Christians in the Republican Party today, where they have helped set party positions for the past several decades. However, to focus on this dimension of religious history exclusively misses several other trends. Until the 1960s, the largest and most politically significant churches were mainline Protestant denominations such as the Methodist Church, and these bodies carved out a very different set of politics.
In his new book Before the Religious Right: Liberal Protestants, Human Rights, and the Polarization of the United States (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Gene Zubovich demonstrates the role these churches played in issues like the Great Depression, New Deal, the Cold War, and ultimately Jim Crow. These churches were politically powerful, large, and in many cases counted many adherents in the halls of political power in the United States. Zubovich notes the role of theologians whom he terms “ecumenical Protestants” that helped to create a framework of human rights, but also notes the ways that anti-racist discourses and other ideas taken up by these churches encountered backlash and resistance in the United States. Ultimately, Zubovich’s book is a reminder that even given the religious right’s political power, there are several different strands of religious history in the United States.
Zeb Larson is a writer and historian based in Columbus, Ohio. He received his PhD at The Ohio State University in 2019. To suggest a book or contact him, please e-mail him at zeb.larson@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Mar 2022 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1165</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gene Zubovich</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The study of the religious right has in many ways overshadowed other strands of U.S. religious history in the 20th century. This is owed in no small part to the powerful political role played by evangelical Christians in the Republican Party today, where they have helped set party positions for the past several decades. However, to focus on this dimension of religious history exclusively misses several other trends. Until the 1960s, the largest and most politically significant churches were mainline Protestant denominations such as the Methodist Church, and these bodies carved out a very different set of politics.
In his new book Before the Religious Right: Liberal Protestants, Human Rights, and the Polarization of the United States (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Gene Zubovich demonstrates the role these churches played in issues like the Great Depression, New Deal, the Cold War, and ultimately Jim Crow. These churches were politically powerful, large, and in many cases counted many adherents in the halls of political power in the United States. Zubovich notes the role of theologians whom he terms “ecumenical Protestants” that helped to create a framework of human rights, but also notes the ways that anti-racist discourses and other ideas taken up by these churches encountered backlash and resistance in the United States. Ultimately, Zubovich’s book is a reminder that even given the religious right’s political power, there are several different strands of religious history in the United States.
Zeb Larson is a writer and historian based in Columbus, Ohio. He received his PhD at The Ohio State University in 2019. To suggest a book or contact him, please e-mail him at zeb.larson@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The study of the religious right has in many ways overshadowed other strands of U.S. religious history in the 20th century. This is owed in no small part to the powerful political role played by evangelical Christians in the Republican Party today, where they have helped set party positions for the past several decades. However, to focus on this dimension of religious history exclusively misses several other trends. Until the 1960s, the largest and most politically significant churches were mainline Protestant denominations such as the Methodist Church, and these bodies carved out a very different set of politics.</p><p>In his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812253689"><em>Before the Religious Right: Liberal Protestants, Human Rights, and the Polarization of the United States</em></a><em> </em>(University of Pennsylvania Press, 2022), Gene Zubovich demonstrates the role these churches played in issues like the Great Depression, New Deal, the Cold War, and ultimately Jim Crow. These churches were politically powerful, large, and in many cases counted many adherents in the halls of political power in the United States. Zubovich notes the role of theologians whom he terms “ecumenical Protestants” that helped to create a framework of human rights, but also notes the ways that anti-racist discourses and other ideas taken up by these churches encountered backlash and resistance in the United States. Ultimately, Zubovich’s book is a reminder that even given the religious right’s political power, there are several different strands of religious history in the United States.</p><p><em>Zeb Larson is a writer and historian based in Columbus, Ohio. He received his PhD at The Ohio State University in 2019. To suggest a book or contact him, please e-mail him at </em><a href="mailto:zeb.larson@gmail.com"><em>zeb.larson@gmail.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3844</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Daniel R. Bare, "Black Fundamentalists: Conservative Christianity and Racial Identity in the Segregation Era" (NYU Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>As the modernist-fundamentalist controversy came to a head in the early twentieth century, an image of the “fighting fundamentalist” was imprinted on the American cultural consciousness. To this day, the word “fundamentalist” often conjures the image of a fire-breathing preacher―strident, unyielding in conviction . . . and almost always white. But did this major religious perspective really stop cold in its tracks at the color line?
Black Fundamentalists: Conservative Christianity and Racial Identity in the Segregation Era (NYU Press, 2021) challenges the idea that fundamentalism was an exclusively white phenomenon. The volume uncovers voices from the Black community that embraced the doctrinal tenets of the movement and, in many cases, explicitly self-identified as fundamentalists. Fundamentalists of the early twentieth century felt the pressing need to defend the “fundamental” doctrines of their conservative Christian faith―doctrines like biblical inerrancy, the divinity of Christ, and the virgin birth―against what they saw as the predations of modernists who represented a threat to true Christianity. Such concerns, attitudes, and arguments emerged among Black Christians as well as white, even as the oppressive hand of Jim Crow excluded African Americans from the most prominent white-controlled fundamentalist institutions and social crusades, rendering them largely invisible to scholars examining such movements.
Black fundamentalists aligned closely with their white counterparts on the theological particulars of “the fundamentals.” Yet they often applied their conservative theology in more progressive, racially contextualized ways. While white fundamentalists were focused on battling the teaching of evolution, Black fundamentalists were tying their conservative faith to advocacy for reforms in public education, voting rights, and the overturning of legal bans on intermarriage. Beyond the narrow confines of the fundamentalist movement, Daniel R. Bare shows how these historical dynamics illuminate larger themes, still applicable today, about how racial context influences religious expression.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Mar 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1161</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Daniel R. Bare</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the modernist-fundamentalist controversy came to a head in the early twentieth century, an image of the “fighting fundamentalist” was imprinted on the American cultural consciousness. To this day, the word “fundamentalist” often conjures the image of a fire-breathing preacher―strident, unyielding in conviction . . . and almost always white. But did this major religious perspective really stop cold in its tracks at the color line?
Black Fundamentalists: Conservative Christianity and Racial Identity in the Segregation Era (NYU Press, 2021) challenges the idea that fundamentalism was an exclusively white phenomenon. The volume uncovers voices from the Black community that embraced the doctrinal tenets of the movement and, in many cases, explicitly self-identified as fundamentalists. Fundamentalists of the early twentieth century felt the pressing need to defend the “fundamental” doctrines of their conservative Christian faith―doctrines like biblical inerrancy, the divinity of Christ, and the virgin birth―against what they saw as the predations of modernists who represented a threat to true Christianity. Such concerns, attitudes, and arguments emerged among Black Christians as well as white, even as the oppressive hand of Jim Crow excluded African Americans from the most prominent white-controlled fundamentalist institutions and social crusades, rendering them largely invisible to scholars examining such movements.
Black fundamentalists aligned closely with their white counterparts on the theological particulars of “the fundamentals.” Yet they often applied their conservative theology in more progressive, racially contextualized ways. While white fundamentalists were focused on battling the teaching of evolution, Black fundamentalists were tying their conservative faith to advocacy for reforms in public education, voting rights, and the overturning of legal bans on intermarriage. Beyond the narrow confines of the fundamentalist movement, Daniel R. Bare shows how these historical dynamics illuminate larger themes, still applicable today, about how racial context influences religious expression.
Lane Davis is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the modernist-fundamentalist controversy came to a head in the early twentieth century, an image of the “fighting fundamentalist” was imprinted on the American cultural consciousness. To this day, the word “fundamentalist” often conjures the image of a fire-breathing preacher―strident, unyielding in conviction . . . and almost always white. But did this major religious perspective <em>really </em>stop cold in its tracks at the color line?</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479803279"><em>Black Fundamentalists: Conservative Christianity and Racial Identity in the Segregation Era</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2021) challenges the idea that fundamentalism was an exclusively white phenomenon. The volume uncovers voices from the Black community that embraced the doctrinal tenets of the movement and, in many cases, explicitly self-identified as fundamentalists. Fundamentalists of the early twentieth century felt the pressing need to defend the “fundamental” doctrines of their conservative Christian faith―doctrines like biblical inerrancy, the divinity of Christ, and the virgin birth―against what they saw as the predations of modernists who represented a threat to true Christianity. Such concerns, attitudes, and arguments emerged among Black Christians as well as white, even as the oppressive hand of Jim Crow excluded African Americans from the most prominent white-controlled fundamentalist institutions and social crusades, rendering them largely invisible to scholars examining such movements.</p><p>Black fundamentalists aligned closely with their white counterparts on the theological particulars of “the fundamentals.” Yet they often applied their conservative theology in more progressive, racially contextualized ways. While white fundamentalists were focused on battling the teaching of evolution, Black fundamentalists were tying their conservative faith to advocacy for reforms in public education, voting rights, and the overturning of legal bans on intermarriage. Beyond the narrow confines of the fundamentalist movement, Daniel R. Bare shows how these historical dynamics illuminate larger themes, still applicable today, about how racial context influences religious expression.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/laneedwarddavis/"><em>Lane Davis</em></a><em> is an Instructor of Religion at Huntingdon College.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3786</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Melvin I. Urofsky, "Dissent and the Supreme Court: Its Role in the Court's History and the Nation's Constitutional Dialogue" (Vintage, 2017)</title>
      <description>In his major work, Dissent and the Supreme Court: Its Role in the Court's History and the Nation's Constitutional Dialogue (Vintage, 2017), acclaimed historian and judicial authority Melvin Urofsky examines the great dissents throughout the Court's long history. Constitutional dialogue is one of the ways in which we as a people reinvent and reinvigorate our democratic society. The Supreme Court has interpreted the meaning of the Constitution, acknowledged that the Court's majority opinions have not always been right, and initiated a critical discourse about what a particular decision should mean before fashioning subsequent decisions--largely through the power of dissent.
Urofsky shows how the practice grew slowly but steadily, beginning with the infamous and now overturned case of Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) during which Chief Justice Roger Taney's opinion upheld slavery and ending with the present age of incivility, in which reasoned dialogue seems less and less possible. Dissent on the court and off, Urofsky argues in this major work, has been a crucial ingredient in keeping the Constitution alive and must continue to be so.
Melvin I. Urofsky is an American historian and professor emeritus at Virginia Commonwealth University.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Mar 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>183</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melvin I. Urofsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his major work, Dissent and the Supreme Court: Its Role in the Court's History and the Nation's Constitutional Dialogue (Vintage, 2017), acclaimed historian and judicial authority Melvin Urofsky examines the great dissents throughout the Court's long history. Constitutional dialogue is one of the ways in which we as a people reinvent and reinvigorate our democratic society. The Supreme Court has interpreted the meaning of the Constitution, acknowledged that the Court's majority opinions have not always been right, and initiated a critical discourse about what a particular decision should mean before fashioning subsequent decisions--largely through the power of dissent.
Urofsky shows how the practice grew slowly but steadily, beginning with the infamous and now overturned case of Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) during which Chief Justice Roger Taney's opinion upheld slavery and ending with the present age of incivility, in which reasoned dialogue seems less and less possible. Dissent on the court and off, Urofsky argues in this major work, has been a crucial ingredient in keeping the Constitution alive and must continue to be so.
Melvin I. Urofsky is an American historian and professor emeritus at Virginia Commonwealth University.
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his major work<em>, </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780307741325"><em>Dissent and the Supreme Court: Its Role in the Court's History and the Nation's Constitutional Dialogue</em></a><em> </em>(Vintage, 2017), acclaimed historian and judicial authority Melvin Urofsky examines the great dissents throughout the Court's long history. Constitutional dialogue is one of the ways in which we as a people reinvent and reinvigorate our democratic society. The Supreme Court has interpreted the meaning of the Constitution, acknowledged that the Court's majority opinions have not always been right, and initiated a critical discourse about what a particular decision should mean before fashioning subsequent decisions--largely through the power of dissent.</p><p>Urofsky shows how the practice grew slowly but steadily, beginning with the infamous and now overturned case of <em>Dred Scott v. Sandford</em> (1857) during which Chief Justice Roger Taney's opinion upheld slavery and ending with the present age of incivility, in which reasoned dialogue seems less and less possible. Dissent on the court and off, Urofsky argues in this major work, has been a crucial ingredient in keeping the Constitution alive and must continue to be so.</p><p>Melvin I. Urofsky is an American historian and professor emeritus at Virginia Commonwealth University.</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2942</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Randy E. Barnett and Evan D. Bernick, "The Original Meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment: Its Letter and Spirit" (Harvard UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Adopted in 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment profoundly changed the US constitution, giving the federal judiciary and Congress new powers to protect the fundamental rights of individuals from being violated by the states. In The Original Meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment: Its Letter and Spirit (Harvard University Press, 2022), Dr. Randy Barnett and Dr. Evan Bernick argue that the Supreme Court has long misunderstood or ignored the original meaning of the amendment’s key clauses, covering the privileges and immunities of citizenship, due process of law, and the equal protection of the laws. In fact, they argue that “it is simply not the case that the Court’s current Fourteenth Amendment doctrine gives us everything that the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment promises.”
Dr. Barnett and Dr. Bernick contend that the Fourteenth Amendment was the culmination of decades of debates about the meaning of the antebellum constitution. Antislavery advocates advanced arguments informed by natural rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the common law. They also utilised what is today called public-meaning originalism. Although their arguments lost in the courts, the Republican Party was formed to advance an antislavery political agenda, eventually bringing about abolition. Then, when abolition alone proved insufficient to thwart Southern repression and provide for civil equality, the Fourteenth Amendment was enacted. It went beyond abolition to enshrine in the Constitution the concept of Republican citizenship and granted Congress power to protect fundamental rights and ensure equality before the law. Finally, Congress used its powers to pass Reconstruction-era civil rights laws that tell us much about the original scope of the amendment.
In this book, the authors identified the original meaning of the phrase “privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” by examining the evidence from the Founding, from the antebellum period, from the drafting and ratification of the clause, and from the post-ratification interpretations in Congress and by courts and academic commentators. They argue that this mass of evidence shows that “privileges or immunities” encompassed civil rights, as distinguishes from “political” or “social” rights, and included the civil right to impartial treatment by civic institutions.” With attention to primary sources, the book shows how the principles of the Declaration eventually came to modify the Constitution and proposes workable doctrines for implementing the key provisions of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Mar 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1156</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Evan D. Bernick</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Adopted in 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment profoundly changed the US constitution, giving the federal judiciary and Congress new powers to protect the fundamental rights of individuals from being violated by the states. In The Original Meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment: Its Letter and Spirit (Harvard University Press, 2022), Dr. Randy Barnett and Dr. Evan Bernick argue that the Supreme Court has long misunderstood or ignored the original meaning of the amendment’s key clauses, covering the privileges and immunities of citizenship, due process of law, and the equal protection of the laws. In fact, they argue that “it is simply not the case that the Court’s current Fourteenth Amendment doctrine gives us everything that the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment promises.”
Dr. Barnett and Dr. Bernick contend that the Fourteenth Amendment was the culmination of decades of debates about the meaning of the antebellum constitution. Antislavery advocates advanced arguments informed by natural rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the common law. They also utilised what is today called public-meaning originalism. Although their arguments lost in the courts, the Republican Party was formed to advance an antislavery political agenda, eventually bringing about abolition. Then, when abolition alone proved insufficient to thwart Southern repression and provide for civil equality, the Fourteenth Amendment was enacted. It went beyond abolition to enshrine in the Constitution the concept of Republican citizenship and granted Congress power to protect fundamental rights and ensure equality before the law. Finally, Congress used its powers to pass Reconstruction-era civil rights laws that tell us much about the original scope of the amendment.
In this book, the authors identified the original meaning of the phrase “privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” by examining the evidence from the Founding, from the antebellum period, from the drafting and ratification of the clause, and from the post-ratification interpretations in Congress and by courts and academic commentators. They argue that this mass of evidence shows that “privileges or immunities” encompassed civil rights, as distinguishes from “political” or “social” rights, and included the civil right to impartial treatment by civic institutions.” With attention to primary sources, the book shows how the principles of the Declaration eventually came to modify the Constitution and proposes workable doctrines for implementing the key provisions of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Adopted in 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment profoundly changed the US constitution, giving the federal judiciary and Congress new powers to protect the fundamental rights of individuals from being violated by the states. In <em>T</em><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674257764"><em>he Original Meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment: Its Letter and Spirit</em> </a>(Harvard University Press, 2022), Dr. Randy Barnett and Dr. Evan Bernick argue that the Supreme Court has long misunderstood or ignored the original meaning of the amendment’s key clauses, covering the privileges and immunities of citizenship, due process of law, and the equal protection of the laws. In fact, they argue that “it is simply not the case that the Court’s current Fourteenth Amendment doctrine gives us everything that the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment promises.”</p><p>Dr. Barnett and Dr. Bernick contend that the Fourteenth Amendment was the culmination of decades of debates about the meaning of the antebellum constitution. Antislavery advocates advanced arguments informed by natural rights, the Declaration of Independence, and the common law. They also utilised what is today called public-meaning originalism. Although their arguments lost in the courts, the Republican Party was formed to advance an antislavery political agenda, eventually bringing about abolition. Then, when abolition alone proved insufficient to thwart Southern repression and provide for civil equality, the Fourteenth Amendment was enacted. It went beyond abolition to enshrine in the Constitution the concept of Republican citizenship and granted Congress power to protect fundamental rights and ensure equality before the law. Finally, Congress used its powers to pass Reconstruction-era civil rights laws that tell us much about the original scope of the amendment.</p><p>In this book, the authors identified the original meaning of the phrase “privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” by examining the evidence from the Founding, from the antebellum period, from the drafting and ratification of the clause, and from the post-ratification interpretations in Congress and by courts and academic commentators. They argue that this mass of evidence shows that “privileges or immunities” encompassed civil rights, as distinguishes from “political” or “social” rights, and included the civil right to impartial treatment by civic institutions.” With attention to primary sources, the book shows how the principles of the Declaration eventually came to modify the Constitution and proposes workable doctrines for implementing the key provisions of Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment.</p><p><em>This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose doctoral work focused on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2624</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>The Future of the Apocalyptic Right in the U.S.: A Discussion with Benjamin R. Teitelbaum</title>
      <description>How did Steve Bannon come to believe the strange things he believes?
The influential, former Trump aid, began as a Democrat-supporting Naval officer with an interest in Buddhism and transcendental meditation. He is now an anti-globalist, sympathizer of “Traditionalists” who look forward to a cataclysmic moment which will lead to a golden age of elitist, hierarchical, spiritual rule promoting long-lost essential truths. He uses the pseudonym "Alec Guinness." And Bannon believes in something akin to “the force” in Star Wars. How did Bannon undergo this transformation? 
In this episode, Owen Bennett-Jones sits down with Benjamin Teitelbaum, author of War for Eternity: Inside Bannon's Far-Right Circle of Global Power Brokers (Dey Street Books, 2020) to find out how Bannon became Bannon. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Benjamin R. Teitelbaum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did Steve Bannon come to believe the strange things he believes?
The influential, former Trump aid, began as a Democrat-supporting Naval officer with an interest in Buddhism and transcendental meditation. He is now an anti-globalist, sympathizer of “Traditionalists” who look forward to a cataclysmic moment which will lead to a golden age of elitist, hierarchical, spiritual rule promoting long-lost essential truths. He uses the pseudonym "Alec Guinness." And Bannon believes in something akin to “the force” in Star Wars. How did Bannon undergo this transformation? 
In this episode, Owen Bennett-Jones sits down with Benjamin Teitelbaum, author of War for Eternity: Inside Bannon's Far-Right Circle of Global Power Brokers (Dey Street Books, 2020) to find out how Bannon became Bannon. 
Owen Bennett-Jones is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did Steve Bannon come to believe the strange things he believes?</p><p>The influential, former Trump aid, began as a Democrat-supporting Naval officer with an interest in Buddhism and transcendental meditation. He is now an anti-globalist, sympathizer of “Traditionalists” who look forward to a cataclysmic moment which will lead to a golden age of elitist, hierarchical, spiritual rule promoting long-lost essential truths. He uses the pseudonym "Alec Guinness." And Bannon believes in something akin to “the force” in Star Wars. How did Bannon undergo this transformation? </p><p>In this episode, Owen Bennett-Jones sits down with Benjamin Teitelbaum, author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780062978455"><em>War for Eternity: Inside Bannon's Far-Right Circle of Global Power Brokers</em></a> (Dey Street Books, 2020) to find out how Bannon became Bannon. </p><p><a href="https://owenbennettjones.com/about/"><em>Owen Bennett-Jones</em></a><em> is a freelance journalist and writer. A former BBC correspondent and presenter he has been a resident foreign correspondent in Bucharest, Geneva, Islamabad, Hanoi and Beirut. He is recently wrote a history of the Bhutto dynasty which was published by Yale University Press.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3607</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[576e8b24-c018-11ec-b50c-23d2118e3001]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Gregg Cantrell, "The People's Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism" (Yale UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Pundits, politicians, and scholars often use words like "liberalism" and "populism" uncritically. Dr. Gregg Cantrell, professor of history at Texas Christian University, argues that not only do these terms have specifically, historically contingent meanings, but also that one can draw a direct link from one to the other. In The People's Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism (Yale UP, 2020), Cantrell explains how the populists weren't simply racist rural men, but instead had complicated ideologies and policy views, and an expansive worldview that serves as a forbearer to 20th and early 21st century liberalism. The Texas Revolt is driven by people - Lyndon Johnson's grandfather Sam Johnson, Black activist and avowed populist JB Rayner, the Texas judge and gubernatorial candidate Tom Nugent - and Cantrell uses their stories to paint a complicated, and remarkably modern, picture of the populists and the Texas People's Party at the end of the nineteenth century. Although their political party fell apart after the 1896 election, their ideas lingered in American politics, eventually becoming the core of the mid-twentieth century Democratic Party platform. The People's Revolt convincingly shows that the populist are not what you think, and that while it's easy to kill a political party, quashing ideas is much more difficult.
 Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>87</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Gregg Cantrell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Pundits, politicians, and scholars often use words like "liberalism" and "populism" uncritically. Dr. Gregg Cantrell, professor of history at Texas Christian University, argues that not only do these terms have specifically, historically contingent meanings, but also that one can draw a direct link from one to the other. In The People's Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism (Yale UP, 2020), Cantrell explains how the populists weren't simply racist rural men, but instead had complicated ideologies and policy views, and an expansive worldview that serves as a forbearer to 20th and early 21st century liberalism. The Texas Revolt is driven by people - Lyndon Johnson's grandfather Sam Johnson, Black activist and avowed populist JB Rayner, the Texas judge and gubernatorial candidate Tom Nugent - and Cantrell uses their stories to paint a complicated, and remarkably modern, picture of the populists and the Texas People's Party at the end of the nineteenth century. Although their political party fell apart after the 1896 election, their ideas lingered in American politics, eventually becoming the core of the mid-twentieth century Democratic Party platform. The People's Revolt convincingly shows that the populist are not what you think, and that while it's easy to kill a political party, quashing ideas is much more difficult.
 Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Pundits, politicians, and scholars often use words like "liberalism" and "populism" uncritically. Dr. Gregg Cantrell, professor of history at Texas Christian University, argues that not only do these terms have specifically, historically contingent meanings, but also that one can draw a direct link from one to the other. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300100976"><em>The People's Revolt: Texas Populists and the Roots of American Liberalism</em></a> (Yale UP, 2020), Cantrell explains how the populists weren't simply racist rural men, but instead had complicated ideologies and policy views, and an expansive worldview that serves as a forbearer to 20th and early 21st century liberalism. <em>The Texas Revolt</em> is driven by people - Lyndon Johnson's grandfather Sam Johnson, Black activist and avowed populist JB Rayner, the Texas judge and gubernatorial candidate Tom Nugent - and Cantrell uses their stories to paint a complicated, and remarkably modern, picture of the populists and the Texas People's Party at the end of the nineteenth century. Although their political party fell apart after the 1896 election, their ideas lingered in American politics, eventually becoming the core of the mid-twentieth century Democratic Party platform. <em>The People's Revolt</em> convincingly shows that the populist are not what you think, and that while it's easy to kill a political party, quashing ideas is much more difficult.</p><p><em> Dr. Stephen R. Hausmann is an assistant professor of history at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4614</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Sara Matthiesen, "Reproduction Reconceived: Family Making and the Limits of Choice After Roe V. Wade" (UC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>We tend to associate Roe v. Wade, the landmark Supreme Court decision that decriminalized abortion in 1973, with the choice not to have children. But Roe was equally transformative for Americans' understanding of family--having and raising children also came to be thought of as a choice. In Reproduction Reconceived: Family Making and the Limits of Choice after Roe v. Wade (University of California Press, 2021), Sara Matthiesen highlights the distance between this idea of choice and worsening forms of inequality that have forced far too many to work harder simply to create and maintain a family. In this new and timely work, Matthiesen shows how the effects of incarceration, for-profit and racist healthcare, disease, and poverty have been worsened by state neglect. At its core, Reproduction Reconceived is an urgent historical account: of the myriad labors that families have been made to perform simply to survive, and of the inevitable costs that pile up when family making is seen as a private responsibility rather than a public good.
Dr. Nicole Bourbonnais is an Associate Professor of International History and Politics and Co-Director of the Gender Centre at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. Her research explores reproductive politics and practice from a transnational historical perspective. More info here. Twitter: @iheid_history and @GC_IHEID
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>11</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Sara Matthiesen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We tend to associate Roe v. Wade, the landmark Supreme Court decision that decriminalized abortion in 1973, with the choice not to have children. But Roe was equally transformative for Americans' understanding of family--having and raising children also came to be thought of as a choice. In Reproduction Reconceived: Family Making and the Limits of Choice after Roe v. Wade (University of California Press, 2021), Sara Matthiesen highlights the distance between this idea of choice and worsening forms of inequality that have forced far too many to work harder simply to create and maintain a family. In this new and timely work, Matthiesen shows how the effects of incarceration, for-profit and racist healthcare, disease, and poverty have been worsened by state neglect. At its core, Reproduction Reconceived is an urgent historical account: of the myriad labors that families have been made to perform simply to survive, and of the inevitable costs that pile up when family making is seen as a private responsibility rather than a public good.
Dr. Nicole Bourbonnais is an Associate Professor of International History and Politics and Co-Director of the Gender Centre at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. Her research explores reproductive politics and practice from a transnational historical perspective. More info here. Twitter: @iheid_history and @GC_IHEID
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We tend to associate Roe v. Wade, the landmark Supreme Court decision that decriminalized abortion in 1973, with the choice not to have children. But Roe was equally transformative for Americans' understanding of family--having and raising children also came to be thought of as a choice. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780520298200">Reproduction Reconceived: Family Making and the Limits of Choice after Roe v. Wade</a> (University of California Press, 2021), Sara Matthiesen highlights the distance between this idea of choice and worsening forms of inequality that have forced far too many to work harder simply to create and maintain a family. In this new and timely work, Matthiesen shows how the effects of incarceration, for-profit and racist healthcare, disease, and poverty have been worsened by state neglect. At its core, Reproduction Reconceived is an urgent historical account: of the myriad labors that families have been made to perform simply to survive, and of the inevitable costs that pile up when family making is seen as a private responsibility rather than a public good.</p><p><em>Dr. Nicole Bourbonnais is an Associate Professor of International History and Politics and Co-Director of the Gender Centre at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. Her research explores reproductive politics and practice from a transnational historical perspective. More info </em><a href="mailto:Dr.%20Nicole%20Bourbonnais%20is%20an%20Associate%20Professor%20of%20International%20History%20and%20Politics%20and%20Co-Director%20of%20the%20Gender%20Centre%20at%20the%20Graduate%20Institute%20of%20International%20and%20Development%20Studies%20in%20Geneva,%20Switzerland.%20%20Her%20research%20explores%20reproductive%20politics%20and%20practices%20from%20a%20transnational%20historical%20perspective.%20%20More%20info%20here.%20%20Twitter:%20@iheid_history%20and%20@GC_IHEID"><em>here</em></a><em>. Twitter: </em><a href="https://twitter.com/iheid_history?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"><em>@iheid_history</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://twitter.com/gc_iheid?lang=en"><em>@GC_IHEID</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3594</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Max Krochmal and Todd Moye, "Civil Rights in Black and Brown: Histories of Resistance and Struggle in Texas" (U Texas Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Max Krochmal and Todd Moye’s Civil Rights in Black and Brown: Histories of Resistance and Struggle in Texas (University of Texas Press, 2021) is a critical contribution that uncovers histories of activism in the lone state. From El Paso, Dallas, and to the Rio Grande Valley, social justice initiatives were critical for fighting Jim Crow and Juan Crow. The contributors make the case that various towns and cities across the state developed coalitions across Black and Brown racial lines.
In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Drs. Max Krochmal, Katherine Bynum, and Todd Moye about the process for collecting histories of the long liberation struggles in Texas. Moye, Krochmal, and other Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex joined forces to create a coalition of professionals to spearhead the creation of Civil Rights in Black and Brown, a digital oral history project that holds over a hundred oral interviews. As a graduate student at Texas Christian University, Bynum worked alongside Krochmal to document and preserve the oral records of activists and traveled with other peers to learn more about the hidden history of Jim Crow discrimination in the state.
Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics and social movements.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>90</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Max Krochmal, Todd Moye, and Katherine Bynum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Max Krochmal and Todd Moye’s Civil Rights in Black and Brown: Histories of Resistance and Struggle in Texas (University of Texas Press, 2021) is a critical contribution that uncovers histories of activism in the lone state. From El Paso, Dallas, and to the Rio Grande Valley, social justice initiatives were critical for fighting Jim Crow and Juan Crow. The contributors make the case that various towns and cities across the state developed coalitions across Black and Brown racial lines.
In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Drs. Max Krochmal, Katherine Bynum, and Todd Moye about the process for collecting histories of the long liberation struggles in Texas. Moye, Krochmal, and other Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex joined forces to create a coalition of professionals to spearhead the creation of Civil Rights in Black and Brown, a digital oral history project that holds over a hundred oral interviews. As a graduate student at Texas Christian University, Bynum worked alongside Krochmal to document and preserve the oral records of activists and traveled with other peers to learn more about the hidden history of Jim Crow discrimination in the state.
Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics and social movements.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Max Krochmal and Todd Moye’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781477323793"><em>Civil Rights in Black and Brown: Histories of Resistance and Struggle in Texas</em></a> (University of Texas Press, 2021) is a critical contribution that uncovers histories of activism in the lone state. From El Paso, Dallas, and to the Rio Grande Valley, social justice initiatives were critical for fighting Jim Crow and Juan Crow. The contributors make the case that various towns and cities across the state developed coalitions across Black and Brown racial lines.</p><p>In this episode, Tiffany speaks with Drs. Max Krochmal, Katherine Bynum, and Todd Moye about the process for collecting histories of the long liberation struggles in Texas. Moye, Krochmal, and other Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex joined forces to create a coalition of professionals to spearhead the creation of Civil Rights in Black and Brown, a digital oral history project that holds over a hundred oral interviews. As a graduate student at Texas Christian University, Bynum worked alongside Krochmal to document and preserve the oral records of activists and traveled with other peers to learn more about the hidden history of Jim Crow discrimination in the state.</p><p><em>Tiffany González is an Assistant Professor of History at James Madison University. She is a historian of Chicana/Latinx history, American politics and social movements.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3066</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kevin Coe and Joshua M. Scacco, "The Ubiquitous Presidency: Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>The Ubiquitous Presidency: Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times (Oxford UP, 2021) is part of the Oxford Studies in Digital Politics book series, and it makes an important contribution to the literature on the American presidency and the understanding of presidential rhetoric. There are decades of literature on the concept of the rhetorical presidency, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. This area of study of executive politics focuses on public communication by the president, which is distinct from examining the powers and norms of the presidency itself. The media environment in which the president operates and in which the presidency exists has shifted and changed rather dramatically over the past century, moving the presidency to a position that is often or regularly the focus of news media, however consumed or delivered.
Josh Scacco and Kevin Coe’s new book examines this changed and continuing to change media landscape and to re-assess the capacity of presidential rhetoric, but they have also expanded and reconceptualized the idea of presidential communication, positioning it within important political contexts and goals that presidents often pursue. The Ubiquitous Presidency posits that accessibility, personalization, and pluralism (read as either exclusion or inclusion, depending on the president) are the dominant contexts in which to examine presidential communication. And that the goals that most presidents pursue within these contexts include visibility, adaptability, and control. Thus, Scacco and Coe have written about what has changed about the contemporary presidency, how it has adapted to changing circumstances, evolving digital spaces, and the need to seek audiences in these new spaces. They have also explained, within the research, how the president’s words may have more of an impact than is often considered to be the case. Given the changing environment in which presidential communication transpires, and the results that we have observed as individuals and group make choices and engage in activities based on communication from the president, there may, indeed, be significant effects connected to presidential rhetoric and communication.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>579</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Coe and Joshua M. Scacco</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Ubiquitous Presidency: Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times (Oxford UP, 2021) is part of the Oxford Studies in Digital Politics book series, and it makes an important contribution to the literature on the American presidency and the understanding of presidential rhetoric. There are decades of literature on the concept of the rhetorical presidency, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. This area of study of executive politics focuses on public communication by the president, which is distinct from examining the powers and norms of the presidency itself. The media environment in which the president operates and in which the presidency exists has shifted and changed rather dramatically over the past century, moving the presidency to a position that is often or regularly the focus of news media, however consumed or delivered.
Josh Scacco and Kevin Coe’s new book examines this changed and continuing to change media landscape and to re-assess the capacity of presidential rhetoric, but they have also expanded and reconceptualized the idea of presidential communication, positioning it within important political contexts and goals that presidents often pursue. The Ubiquitous Presidency posits that accessibility, personalization, and pluralism (read as either exclusion or inclusion, depending on the president) are the dominant contexts in which to examine presidential communication. And that the goals that most presidents pursue within these contexts include visibility, adaptability, and control. Thus, Scacco and Coe have written about what has changed about the contemporary presidency, how it has adapted to changing circumstances, evolving digital spaces, and the need to seek audiences in these new spaces. They have also explained, within the research, how the president’s words may have more of an impact than is often considered to be the case. Given the changing environment in which presidential communication transpires, and the results that we have observed as individuals and group make choices and engage in activities based on communication from the president, there may, indeed, be significant effects connected to presidential rhetoric and communication.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197520642"><em>The Ubiquitous Presidency: Presidential Communication and Digital Democracy in Tumultuous Times</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021) is part of the Oxford Studies in Digital Politics book series, and it makes an important contribution to the literature on the American presidency and the understanding of presidential rhetoric. There are decades of literature on the concept of the rhetorical presidency, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. This area of study of executive politics focuses on public communication by the president, which is distinct from examining the powers and norms of the presidency itself. The media environment in which the president operates and in which the presidency exists has shifted and changed rather dramatically over the past century, moving the presidency to a position that is often or regularly the focus of news media, however consumed or delivered.</p><p>Josh Scacco and Kevin Coe’s new book examines this changed and continuing to change media landscape and to re-assess the capacity of presidential rhetoric, but they have also expanded and reconceptualized the idea of presidential communication, positioning it within important political contexts and goals that presidents often pursue. <em>The Ubiquitous Presidency</em> posits that accessibility, personalization, and pluralism (read as either exclusion or inclusion, depending on the president) are the dominant contexts in which to examine presidential communication. And that the goals that most presidents pursue within these contexts include visibility, adaptability, and control. Thus, Scacco and Coe have written about what has changed about the contemporary presidency, how it has adapted to changing circumstances, evolving digital spaces, and the need to seek audiences in these new spaces. They have also explained, within the research, how the president’s words may have more of an impact than is often considered to be the case. Given the changing environment in which presidential communication transpires, and the results that we have observed as individuals and group make choices and engage in activities based on communication from the president, there may, indeed, be significant effects connected to presidential rhetoric and communication.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3397</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8b955282-c01f-11ec-b02c-97537ce8e625]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4289808306.mp3?updated=1643896849" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Barbara Trish and William J. Menner, "Inside the Bubble: Campaigns, Caucuses, and the Future of the Presidential Nomination Process" (Routledge, 2021)</title>
      <description>Today I had the pleasure of talking to Barbara Trish, professor of political science at Grinnell College, about her new book (co-authored with William Menner) Inside the Bubble: Campaigns, Caucuses, and the Future of the Presidential Nomination Process (Routledge, 2021). 
The book is a behind-the-scenes look at the 2020 Democratic nomination process focusing on the Iowa caucuses and the campaign workers who located there. For decades, Iowa held the first contest in the presidential nomination process and individuals interested in campaign work considered it a holy grail. But in 2020, a record number of Democrats seeking to unseat President Trump - and the hundreds of young campaign workers who located to Iowa - created a political event unmatched in scope and scale. Those workers, embedded in the caucus bubble, focused for months on finding supporters for their candidate and ensuring they attended their precinct event - the first step in selecting delegates to the national convention. And then Caucus Day came, and with it a technology-driven fiasco that seemed to foreshadow a year of pandemic and protest. The lessons learned in 2020 underscored the importance of local staff who organize and mobilize supporters for a candidate in whom they believe. And those lessons are applicable to any race of any party in any state. For students of US politics as well as aspiring candidates, political journalists, and campaign professionals, this book captures the drama and human perspective of campaigns and elections in America.
Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Feb 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>5</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Barbara Trish</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I had the pleasure of talking to Barbara Trish, professor of political science at Grinnell College, about her new book (co-authored with William Menner) Inside the Bubble: Campaigns, Caucuses, and the Future of the Presidential Nomination Process (Routledge, 2021). 
The book is a behind-the-scenes look at the 2020 Democratic nomination process focusing on the Iowa caucuses and the campaign workers who located there. For decades, Iowa held the first contest in the presidential nomination process and individuals interested in campaign work considered it a holy grail. But in 2020, a record number of Democrats seeking to unseat President Trump - and the hundreds of young campaign workers who located to Iowa - created a political event unmatched in scope and scale. Those workers, embedded in the caucus bubble, focused for months on finding supporters for their candidate and ensuring they attended their precinct event - the first step in selecting delegates to the national convention. And then Caucus Day came, and with it a technology-driven fiasco that seemed to foreshadow a year of pandemic and protest. The lessons learned in 2020 underscored the importance of local staff who organize and mobilize supporters for a candidate in whom they believe. And those lessons are applicable to any race of any party in any state. For students of US politics as well as aspiring candidates, political journalists, and campaign professionals, this book captures the drama and human perspective of campaigns and elections in America.
Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I had the pleasure of talking to Barbara Trish, professor of political science at Grinnell College, about her new book (co-authored with William Menner) <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367429782"><em>Inside the Bubble: Campaigns, Caucuses, and the Future of the Presidential Nomination Process</em></a> (Routledge, 2021). </p><p>The book is a behind-the-scenes look at the 2020 Democratic nomination process focusing on the Iowa caucuses and the campaign workers who located there. For decades, Iowa held the first contest in the presidential nomination process and individuals interested in campaign work considered it a holy grail. But in 2020, a record number of Democrats seeking to unseat President Trump - and the hundreds of young campaign workers who located to Iowa - created a political event unmatched in scope and scale. Those workers, embedded in the caucus bubble, focused for months on finding supporters for their candidate and ensuring they attended their precinct event - the first step in selecting delegates to the national convention. And then Caucus Day came, and with it a technology-driven fiasco that seemed to foreshadow a year of pandemic and protest. The lessons learned in 2020 underscored the importance of local staff who organize and mobilize supporters for a candidate in whom they believe. And those lessons are applicable to any race of any party in any state. For students of US politics as well as aspiring candidates, political journalists, and campaign professionals, this book captures the drama and human perspective of campaigns and elections in America.</p><p><em>Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2661</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1544104145.mp3?updated=1643313226" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephanie A. Martin, "Decoding the Digital Church: Evangelical Storytelling and the Election of Donald J. Trump" (U Alabama Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Dr. Stephanie (Sam) A. Martin’s new book, Decoding the Digital Church: Evangelical Storytelling and the Election of Donald J. Trump (U Alabama Press, 2021), is a fascinating exploration of the way that sermons, particularly those delivered by white evangelical pastors with sizeable congregations, link together storytelling, patriotism, conservative and Republican politics, and American exceptionalism. Martin’s work is a rich and deep textual and rhetorical analysis of sermons that are delivered both in person and online. These sermons—delivered over the course of more than a decade—reach many listeners and believers since they are given by pastors who preside over churches with congregations of at least 2000 members. And Martin teases out the focus of so many of these sermons, which are not always directly discussing or addressing politics, but have and continue to create an understanding of the white evangelical individual within American society.
Decoding the Digital Church explains that part of the thrust of this understanding is to position white Evangelicals as both insiders and outsiders simultaneously. Part of this context, as explained via these sermons, is that the American Founders were the original evangelicals, thus contemporary evangelicals have an original claim to the benefits of being the first true Americans. This is also combined with the nostalgic rendering of America’s past—building on the concept of American exceptionalism as well. At the same time, the content of these sermons opens the pathway for Evangelicals to disavow the ill-effects of their political choices, absolving them of the responsibility for their votes or those they support for elected office. Martin provides a “digital rhetorical ethnography” to understand the narratives that are coming through the white evangelical megachurches. To unpack the threads of these narratives, Martin uses a variety of methodological and disciplinary perspectives for her research, including approaches from political science, rhetoric and communication, sociology and ethnography, and religious studies. This is an accessible and important study of the connection between evangelical storytelling and the evangelical community’s understanding of its place and role in American society.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Jan 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>574</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stephanie A. Martin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dr. Stephanie (Sam) A. Martin’s new book, Decoding the Digital Church: Evangelical Storytelling and the Election of Donald J. Trump (U Alabama Press, 2021), is a fascinating exploration of the way that sermons, particularly those delivered by white evangelical pastors with sizeable congregations, link together storytelling, patriotism, conservative and Republican politics, and American exceptionalism. Martin’s work is a rich and deep textual and rhetorical analysis of sermons that are delivered both in person and online. These sermons—delivered over the course of more than a decade—reach many listeners and believers since they are given by pastors who preside over churches with congregations of at least 2000 members. And Martin teases out the focus of so many of these sermons, which are not always directly discussing or addressing politics, but have and continue to create an understanding of the white evangelical individual within American society.
Decoding the Digital Church explains that part of the thrust of this understanding is to position white Evangelicals as both insiders and outsiders simultaneously. Part of this context, as explained via these sermons, is that the American Founders were the original evangelicals, thus contemporary evangelicals have an original claim to the benefits of being the first true Americans. This is also combined with the nostalgic rendering of America’s past—building on the concept of American exceptionalism as well. At the same time, the content of these sermons opens the pathway for Evangelicals to disavow the ill-effects of their political choices, absolving them of the responsibility for their votes or those they support for elected office. Martin provides a “digital rhetorical ethnography” to understand the narratives that are coming through the white evangelical megachurches. To unpack the threads of these narratives, Martin uses a variety of methodological and disciplinary perspectives for her research, including approaches from political science, rhetoric and communication, sociology and ethnography, and religious studies. This is an accessible and important study of the connection between evangelical storytelling and the evangelical community’s understanding of its place and role in American society.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dr. Stephanie (Sam) A. Martin’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780817320843"><em>Decoding the Digital Church: Evangelical Storytelling and the Election of Donald J. Trump</em></a> (U Alabama Press, 2021), is a fascinating exploration of the way that sermons, particularly those delivered by white evangelical pastors with sizeable congregations, link together storytelling, patriotism, conservative and Republican politics, and American exceptionalism. Martin’s work is a rich and deep textual and rhetorical analysis of sermons that are delivered both in person and online. These sermons—delivered over the course of more than a decade—reach many listeners and believers since they are given by pastors who preside over churches with congregations of at least 2000 members. And Martin teases out the focus of so many of these sermons, which are not always directly discussing or addressing politics, but have and continue to create an understanding of the white evangelical individual within American society.</p><p><em>Decoding the Digital Church</em> explains that part of the thrust of this understanding is to position white Evangelicals as both insiders and outsiders simultaneously. Part of this context, as explained via these sermons, is that the American Founders were the original evangelicals, thus contemporary evangelicals have an original claim to the benefits of being the first true Americans. This is also combined with the nostalgic rendering of America’s past—building on the concept of American exceptionalism as well. At the same time, the content of these sermons opens the pathway for Evangelicals to disavow the ill-effects of their political choices, absolving them of the responsibility for their votes or those they support for elected office. Martin provides a “digital rhetorical ethnography” to understand the narratives that are coming through the white evangelical megachurches. To unpack the threads of these narratives, Martin uses a variety of methodological and disciplinary perspectives for her research, including approaches from political science, rhetoric and communication, sociology and ethnography, and religious studies. This is an accessible and important study of the connection between evangelical storytelling and the evangelical community’s understanding of its place and role in American society.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2939</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8143853467.mp3?updated=1643047889" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Linda Greenhouse, "Justice on the Brink: The Death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the Rise of Amy Coney Barrett, and Twelve Months That Transformed the Supreme Court" (Random House, 2021)</title>
      <description>At the end of the Supreme Court's 2019-20 term, the center was holding. The predictions that the court would move irrevocably to the far right hadn't come to pass, as the justices released surprisingly moderate opinions in cases involving abortion rights, LGBTQ rights, and how local governments could respond to the pandemic, all shepherded by Chief Justice John Roberts. By the end of the 2020-21 term, much about the nation's highest court has changed. The right-wing supermajority had completed its first term on the bench, cementing Donald Trump's legacy on American jurisprudence.
This is the story of that term. From the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the rise of Amy Coney Barrett, from the pandemic to the election, from the Trump campaign's legal challenges to the ongoing debate about the role of religion in American life, the Supreme Court has been at the center of many of the biggest events of the year. Throughout Justice on the Brink: The Death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the Rise of Amy Coney Barrett, and Twelve Months That Transformed the Supreme Court (Random House, 2021), legendary journalist Linda Greenhouse, who won a Pulitzer Prize for her Supreme Court coverage, gives us unique insight into a court under stress, providing the context and brilliant analysis readers of her work in The New York Times have come to expect.
Ultimately, Greenhouse asks a fundamental question relevant to all Americans: Is this still John Roberts's Supreme Court, or does it now belong to Donald Trump?
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Jan 2022 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>149</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Linda Greenhouse</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>At the end of the Supreme Court's 2019-20 term, the center was holding. The predictions that the court would move irrevocably to the far right hadn't come to pass, as the justices released surprisingly moderate opinions in cases involving abortion rights, LGBTQ rights, and how local governments could respond to the pandemic, all shepherded by Chief Justice John Roberts. By the end of the 2020-21 term, much about the nation's highest court has changed. The right-wing supermajority had completed its first term on the bench, cementing Donald Trump's legacy on American jurisprudence.
This is the story of that term. From the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the rise of Amy Coney Barrett, from the pandemic to the election, from the Trump campaign's legal challenges to the ongoing debate about the role of religion in American life, the Supreme Court has been at the center of many of the biggest events of the year. Throughout Justice on the Brink: The Death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the Rise of Amy Coney Barrett, and Twelve Months That Transformed the Supreme Court (Random House, 2021), legendary journalist Linda Greenhouse, who won a Pulitzer Prize for her Supreme Court coverage, gives us unique insight into a court under stress, providing the context and brilliant analysis readers of her work in The New York Times have come to expect.
Ultimately, Greenhouse asks a fundamental question relevant to all Americans: Is this still John Roberts's Supreme Court, or does it now belong to Donald Trump?
William Domnarski is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>At the end of the Supreme Court's 2019-20 term, the center was holding. The predictions that the court would move irrevocably to the far right hadn't come to pass, as the justices released surprisingly moderate opinions in cases involving abortion rights, LGBTQ rights, and how local governments could respond to the pandemic, all shepherded by Chief Justice John Roberts. By the end of the 2020-21 term, much about the nation's highest court has changed. The right-wing supermajority had completed its first term on the bench, cementing Donald Trump's legacy on American jurisprudence.</p><p>This is the story of that term. From the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the rise of Amy Coney Barrett, from the pandemic to the election, from the Trump campaign's legal challenges to the ongoing debate about the role of religion in American life, the Supreme Court has been at the center of many of the biggest events of the year. Throughout <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780593447932"><em>Justice on the Brink: The Death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the Rise of Amy Coney Barrett, and Twelve Months That Transformed the Supreme Court</em></a><em> </em>(Random House, 2021), legendary journalist Linda Greenhouse, who won a Pulitzer Prize for her Supreme Court coverage, gives us unique insight into a court under stress, providing the context and brilliant analysis readers of her work in <em>The New York Times</em> have come to expect.</p><p>Ultimately, Greenhouse asks a fundamental question relevant to all Americans: Is this still John Roberts's Supreme Court, or does it now belong to Donald Trump?</p><p><a href="http://www.williamdomnarski.com/"><em>William Domnarski</em></a><em> is a longtime lawyer who before and during has been a literary guy, with a Ph.D. in English. He's written five books on judges, lawyers, and courts, two with Oxford, one with Illinois, one with Michigan, and one with the American Bar Association.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2142</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Abortion Extremism and Criminalization: Whatever Happened to Exceptions for Rape and Incest?</title>
      <description>This Postscript engages two of the country’s most celebrated legal scholars to discuss the criminalization of abortion and miscarriage, the elimination of exceptions for rape and incest, the political and legal repercussions of the Supreme Court’s ruling on Texas SB-8, and yesterday’s news from the FDA making medication abortions more accessible to some women in the United States.
Michele Goodwin is a chancellors’ Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine Law School. She recently authored Policing the Womb: Invisible Women and the Criminalization of Motherhood (Cambridge University Press 2020) and you can hear her interview with New Books in Law. Her widely New York Times essay, “I was Raped by My Father and an Abortion Saved My Life,” interrogates the impact of abortion on girls who are raped by family members. The episode of her podcast with Renee Bracey Sherman mentioned in the conversation is On the Issues with Michele Goodwin, “Supreme Court Rundown: Will Roe Survive?. 
Mary Ziegler is the Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law and visiting professor at Harvard Law School Spring 2022. Her most recent book is Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, Roe v. Wade to the Present (Cambridge University Press, 2020) and Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment is forthcoming from Yale University Press in 2022. Dr. Ziegler’s public facing scholarship includes her recent piece in The Atlantic exploring the constitutional chaos that may be created as other states deploy Texas’s anti-abortion bounty system.
Their coauthored “Whatever Happened to the Exceptions for Rape and Incest” in The Atlantic is mentioned in the podcast – as well as forthcoming scholarship on medication abortion by Allison Whelan, Sharswood Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School is also mentioned.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>12</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michele Goodwin and Mary Ziegler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This Postscript engages two of the country’s most celebrated legal scholars to discuss the criminalization of abortion and miscarriage, the elimination of exceptions for rape and incest, the political and legal repercussions of the Supreme Court’s ruling on Texas SB-8, and yesterday’s news from the FDA making medication abortions more accessible to some women in the United States.
Michele Goodwin is a chancellors’ Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine Law School. She recently authored Policing the Womb: Invisible Women and the Criminalization of Motherhood (Cambridge University Press 2020) and you can hear her interview with New Books in Law. Her widely New York Times essay, “I was Raped by My Father and an Abortion Saved My Life,” interrogates the impact of abortion on girls who are raped by family members. The episode of her podcast with Renee Bracey Sherman mentioned in the conversation is On the Issues with Michele Goodwin, “Supreme Court Rundown: Will Roe Survive?. 
Mary Ziegler is the Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law and visiting professor at Harvard Law School Spring 2022. Her most recent book is Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, Roe v. Wade to the Present (Cambridge University Press, 2020) and Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment is forthcoming from Yale University Press in 2022. Dr. Ziegler’s public facing scholarship includes her recent piece in The Atlantic exploring the constitutional chaos that may be created as other states deploy Texas’s anti-abortion bounty system.
Their coauthored “Whatever Happened to the Exceptions for Rape and Incest” in The Atlantic is mentioned in the podcast – as well as forthcoming scholarship on medication abortion by Allison Whelan, Sharswood Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School is also mentioned.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This Postscript engages two of the country’s most celebrated legal scholars to discuss the criminalization of abortion and miscarriage, the elimination of exceptions for rape and incest, the political and legal repercussions of the Supreme Court’s ruling on Texas SB-8, and yesterday’s news from the FDA making medication abortions more accessible to some women in the United States.</p><p><a href="https://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/goodwin/">Michele Goodwin</a> is a chancellors’ Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine Law School. She recently authored <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/policing-the-womb-invisible-women-and-the-criminalization-of-motherhood/9781107030176"><em>Policing the Womb: Invisible Women and the Criminalization of Motherhood</em></a><strong> (</strong>Cambridge University Press 2020) and you can hear her <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/michele-goodwin-policing-the-womb-invisible-women-and-the-criminalization-of-motherhood-cambridge-up-2020">interview with <em>New Books in Law</em></a>. Her widely <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/30/opinion/abortion-texas-mississippi-rape.html"><em>New York Times</em> essay</a><em>, “I was Raped by My Father and an Abortion Saved My Life</em>,” interrogates the impact of abortion on girls who are raped by family members. The episode of her podcast with Renee Bracey Sherman mentioned in the conversation is <em>On the Issues with Michele Goodwin</em>, <a href="https://msmagazine.com/podcast/50-supreme-court-rundown-will-roe-survive-with-hillary-schneller-brigitte-amiri-aziza-ahmed-renee-bracey-sherman-and-shannon-brewer/">“Supreme Court Rundown: Will <em>Roe </em>Survive?</a>. </p><p><a href="https://www.maryrziegler.com/op-eds">Mary Ziegler</a> is the Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law and visiting professor at Harvard Law School Spring 2022. Her most recent book is <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/abortion-and-the-law-in-america/9781108735599"><em>Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, </em>Roe v. Wade<em> to the Present</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2020) and <a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300260144/dollars-life"><em>Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment</em></a> is forthcoming from Yale University Press in 2022<em>. </em>Dr. Ziegler’s public facing scholarship includes <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/12/supreme-court-texas-abortion/620972/">her recent piece in <em>The Atlantic</em></a> exploring the constitutional chaos that may be created as other states deploy Texas’s anti-abortion bounty system.</p><p>Their coauthored <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/11/abortion-law-exceptions-rape-and-incest/620812/">“Whatever Happened to the Exceptions for Rape and Incest”</a> in <em>The Atlantic </em>is mentioned in the podcast – as well as forthcoming scholarship on medication abortion by <a href="https://www.law.upenn.edu/faculty/alwhelan">Allison Whelan</a>, Sharswood Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School is also mentioned.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3363</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Shamira Gelbman, "The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction" (Temple UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman’s case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement’s policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building.
The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>565</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Shamira Gelbman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman’s case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement’s policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building.
The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Historically, how have marginalized and minority groups pushed the boundaries of representative government to pass legislation that benefits them? Political Scientist Shamira Gelbman, the Daniel F. Evans Associate Professor in Social Sciences at Wabash College, answers this question in her new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781439920466"><em>The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and the Second Reconstruction</em></a> (Temple UP, 2021). Gelbman examines the history of The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights (LCCR) throughout the 1950s and 60s, teasing out the individuals who engaged in lobbying, advocacy, training, and other capacities to push civil rights legislation forward while also helping to block segregationist and white supremacy advocacy in Congress. Gelbman’s case study of the LCCR uses archival and scholarly resources to paint a picture of the Civil Rights Movement’s policy achievements by evaluating the role of lobbying and coalitional building.</p><p><em>The Civil Rights Lobby: The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights and Second Reconstruction</em> begins by exploring what it takes to create coalitional groups and the uniqueness of the political climate of the 20th century. The arguments about coalitional interest groups are presented alongside the informative history of the LCCR and the policy achievements of the Civil Rights Movement. Gelbman uses interest group theory to explain many of the teachings from this case study. Coalitional groups can often function as a “weapon for the weak,” and Gelbman takes notice of both the benefits of interest group lobbying as well as the setbacks of in-fighting between lobbyists in a broad coalition like the LCCR. The work of structuring the coalition, of working through different goals and approaches, is key in understanding the complicated process for moving forward with civil rights policy creation and implementation. The LCCR was made up of a wide array of groups and members, including a diversity of religious organizations, labor unions, and a constellation of civil rights organizations. Gelbman showcases the LCCR as an organization that mobilized professional and grassroots lobbying by distinguishing commonalities among the members to develop broad-based supports for legislators to pursue civil rights legislation.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2913</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4260184938.mp3?updated=1639656474" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Adam Hilton, "True Blues: The Contentious Transformation of the Democratic Party" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Who governs political parties? Recent insurgent campaigns, such as those of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, have thrust this critical question to the center of political debate for casual observers and scholars alike. Yet the dynamics of modern party politics remain poorly understood. Assertions of either elite control or interest group dominance both fail to explain the Trump victory and the surprise of the Sanders insurgency and their subsequent reverberations through the American political landscape.
In True Blues: The Contentious Transformation of the Democratic Party (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Adam Hilton tackles the question of who governs parties by examining the transformation of the Democratic Party since the late 1960s. Reconceiving parties as “contentious institutions,” Hilton argues that Democratic Party change was driven by recurrent conflicts between groups and officeholders to define and control party identity, program, and policy. The outcome of this prolonged struggle was a wholly new kind of party—an advocacy party—which institutionalized greater party dependence on outside groups for legitimacy and organizational support, while also, in turn, fostering greater group dependency on the presidency for the satisfaction of its symbolic and substantive demands. Consequently, while the long conflict between party reformers and counter-reformers successfully opened the Democratic Party to new voices and identities, it also facilitated the growth of presidential power, rising inequality, and deepening partisan polarization.
Tracing the rise of the advocacy party from the fall of the New Deal order through the presidency of Barack Obama, True Blues explains how and why the Democratic Party has come to its current crossroads and suggests a bold new perspective for comprehending the dynamics driving American party politics more broadly.
Adam Hilton is Assistant Professor of Politics at Mount Holyoke College in South Hadley, Massachusetts. He earned his PhD from the Department of Political Science at York University, Toronto. His current research focuses on the relationship between movements, interest groups, and political parties, and the agency of political entrepreneurs in transforming them. In addition to True Blues, he is also working on an edited book with Jessica Hejny, tentatively titled Placing Parties in American Political Development.
Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 15 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>181</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Adam Hilton</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who governs political parties? Recent insurgent campaigns, such as those of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, have thrust this critical question to the center of political debate for casual observers and scholars alike. Yet the dynamics of modern party politics remain poorly understood. Assertions of either elite control or interest group dominance both fail to explain the Trump victory and the surprise of the Sanders insurgency and their subsequent reverberations through the American political landscape.
In True Blues: The Contentious Transformation of the Democratic Party (U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Adam Hilton tackles the question of who governs parties by examining the transformation of the Democratic Party since the late 1960s. Reconceiving parties as “contentious institutions,” Hilton argues that Democratic Party change was driven by recurrent conflicts between groups and officeholders to define and control party identity, program, and policy. The outcome of this prolonged struggle was a wholly new kind of party—an advocacy party—which institutionalized greater party dependence on outside groups for legitimacy and organizational support, while also, in turn, fostering greater group dependency on the presidency for the satisfaction of its symbolic and substantive demands. Consequently, while the long conflict between party reformers and counter-reformers successfully opened the Democratic Party to new voices and identities, it also facilitated the growth of presidential power, rising inequality, and deepening partisan polarization.
Tracing the rise of the advocacy party from the fall of the New Deal order through the presidency of Barack Obama, True Blues explains how and why the Democratic Party has come to its current crossroads and suggests a bold new perspective for comprehending the dynamics driving American party politics more broadly.
Adam Hilton is Assistant Professor of Politics at Mount Holyoke College in South Hadley, Massachusetts. He earned his PhD from the Department of Political Science at York University, Toronto. His current research focuses on the relationship between movements, interest groups, and political parties, and the agency of political entrepreneurs in transforming them. In addition to True Blues, he is also working on an edited book with Jessica Hejny, tentatively titled Placing Parties in American Political Development.
Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who governs political parties? Recent insurgent campaigns, such as those of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, have thrust this critical question to the center of political debate for casual observers and scholars alike. Yet the dynamics of modern party politics remain poorly understood. Assertions of either elite control or interest group dominance both fail to explain the Trump victory and the surprise of the Sanders insurgency and their subsequent reverberations through the American political landscape.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812252996"><em>True Blues: The Contentious Transformation of the Democratic Party</em></a><em> </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2021), Adam Hilton tackles the question of who governs parties by examining the transformation of the Democratic Party since the late 1960s. Reconceiving parties as “contentious institutions,” Hilton argues that Democratic Party change was driven by recurrent conflicts between groups and officeholders to define and control party identity, program, and policy. The outcome of this prolonged struggle was a wholly new kind of party—an advocacy party—which institutionalized greater party dependence on outside groups for legitimacy and organizational support, while also, in turn, fostering greater group dependency on the presidency for the satisfaction of its symbolic and substantive demands. Consequently, while the long conflict between party reformers and counter-reformers successfully opened the Democratic Party to new voices and identities, it also facilitated the growth of presidential power, rising inequality, and deepening partisan polarization.</p><p>Tracing the rise of the advocacy party from the fall of the New Deal order through the presidency of Barack Obama, <em>True Blues</em> explains how and why the Democratic Party has come to its current crossroads and suggests a bold new perspective for comprehending the dynamics driving American party politics more broadly.</p><p>Adam Hilton is Assistant Professor of Politics at Mount Holyoke College in South Hadley, Massachusetts. He earned his PhD from the Department of Political Science at York University, Toronto. His current research focuses on the relationship between movements, interest groups, and political parties, and the agency of political entrepreneurs in transforming them. In addition to <em>True Blues</em>, he is also working on an edited book with Jessica Hejny, tentatively titled <em>Placing Parties in American Political Development.</em></p><p><em>Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3120</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Carol Nackenoff and Julie Novkov, "American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship" (UP of Kansas, 2021)</title>
      <description>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. American by Birth examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. Wong Kim Ark v. United States interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.
Dr. Julie L. Novkov is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954 (UMichigan, 2008).
Dr. Carol Nackenoff is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse (Oxford, 1994).
They are also co-editors of Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics (University Press of Kansas, 2020) and Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)
Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s “Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930” and
the symposium on American by Birth.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>562</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Carol Nackenoff and Julie Novkov</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. American by Birth examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. Wong Kim Ark v. United States interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.
Dr. Julie L. Novkov is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954 (UMichigan, 2008).
Dr. Carol Nackenoff is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse (Oxford, 1994).
They are also co-editors of Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics (University Press of Kansas, 2020) and Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)
Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s “Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930” and
the symposium on American by Birth.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>All nations make rules -- through their constitutions, legislatures, bureaucratic practices – about who counts as a citizen. <em>American by Birth</em> examines the role of the Supreme Court – particularly a ruling from 1898 that is still precedent today. <em>Wong Kim Ark v. United States </em>interpreted the language of the 14th Amendment to answer whether a man born in the United States was a citizen. The Court ruled in favor of Wong Kim Ark and held that the 14th Amendment extends to children of immigrants who were born in the United States. Using the work of legal scholars, political scientists, and historians, Drs. Julie L. Novkov and Carol Nackenoff provide an extended biography of Wong Kim Ark and the historic 1898 landmark case – but also a biography of US Citizenship from the colonies to the present. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700631926"><em>American by Birth: Wong Kim Ark and the Battle for Citizenship</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2021) concludes with an impressive chapter that contextualizes birthright citizenship globally and within the context of American politics and scholarly debates – with an emphasis on the vulnerability of birthright citizenship to indirect and direct change.</p><p><a href="https://www.albany.edu/rockefeller/faculty/julie-novkov">Dr. Julie L. Novkov</a> is Professor of Political Science and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies and interim dean of Rockefeller college at the University at Albany, SUNY. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/racial-union-law-intimacy-and-the-white-state-in-alabama-1865-1954/9780472068852">Racial Union: Law, Intimacy, and the White State in Alabama, 1865-1954</a> (UMichigan, 2008).</p><p><a href="https://www.swarthmore.edu/carol-nackenoff">Dr. Carol Nackenoff</a> is Richter Professor emeritus of Political Science at Swarthmore College. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/fictional-republic-horatio-alger-and-american-political-discourse/9780195079234"><em>The Fictional Republic: Horatio Alger and American Political Discourse</em> </a>(Oxford, 1994).</p><p>They are also co-editors of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/stating-the-family-new-directions-in-the-study-of-american-politics/9780700629237">Stating the Family: New Directions in the Study of American Politics </a>(University Press of Kansas, 2020) and <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/statebuilding-from-the-margins-between-reconstruction-and-the-new-deal/9780812245714">Statebuilding from the Margins: Between Reconstruction and the New Deal</a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014)</p><p>Two resources mentioned in the podcast: Tian Atlas Xu’s <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/jamerethnhist.41.issue-1">“Immigration Attorneys and Chinese Exclusion Law Enforcement: The Case of San Francisco, 1882–1930”</a> and</p><p><a href="https://balkin.blogspot.com/2021/11/how-america-became-american.html">the symposium on <em>American by Birth</em></a>.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4628</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Postscript: SB-8, Dobbs, and the Politics of Abortion</title>
      <description>In this Postscript, Susan Liebell and Lilly Goren review this morning’s U.S. Supreme Court decision in Texas SB-8, the oral arguments in last week’s Mississippi abortion case, and the wider issues of the Court’s legitimacy, electoral backlash, ripple effects beyond abortion to marriage equality or protection of sexuality, the effect of a ruling on electoral politics, and the effectiveness of grassroots organizing. We are joined by Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), Dr. Andrew R. Lewis (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati) and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Rebecca Kreitzer, Andrew R. Lewis, and Joshua C. Wilson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this Postscript, Susan Liebell and Lilly Goren review this morning’s U.S. Supreme Court decision in Texas SB-8, the oral arguments in last week’s Mississippi abortion case, and the wider issues of the Court’s legitimacy, electoral backlash, ripple effects beyond abortion to marriage equality or protection of sexuality, the effect of a ruling on electoral politics, and the effectiveness of grassroots organizing. We are joined by Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), Dr. Andrew R. Lewis (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati) and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this <em>Postscript</em>, Susan Liebell and Lilly Goren review this morning’s U.S. Supreme Court decision in Texas SB-8, the oral arguments in last week’s Mississippi abortion case, and the wider issues of the Court’s legitimacy, electoral backlash, ripple effects beyond abortion to marriage equality or protection of sexuality, the effect of a ruling on electoral politics, and the effectiveness of grassroots organizing. We are joined by <a href="http://www.rebeccakreitzer.com/">Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer</a> (Associate Professor of Public Policy and Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill), <a href="http://www.andrewrlewis.com/about-2">Dr. Andrew R. Lewis</a> (Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati) and <a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/joshua-c-wilson">Dr. Joshua C. Wilson</a> (Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver).</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. </em><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3169</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5090274248.mp3?updated=1639165471" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Rebecca L. Davis, "Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions That Changed American Politics" (UNC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Personal reinvention is a core part of the human condition. Yet in the mid-twentieth century, certain private religious choices became lightning rods for public outrage and debate.
Rebecca L. Davis's book Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions That Changed American Politics (UNC Press, 2021) reveals the controversial religious conversions that shaped modern America. Rebecca L. Davis explains why the new faiths of notable figures including Clare Boothe Luce, Whittaker Chambers, Sammy Davis Jr., Marilyn Monroe, Muhammad Ali, Chuck Colson, and others riveted the American public. Unconventional religious choices charted new ways of declaring an authentic identity amid escalating Cold War fears of brainwashing and coercion. Facing pressure to celebrate a specific vision of Americanism, these converts variously attracted and repelled members of the American public. Whether the act of changing religions was viewed as selfish, reckless, or even unpatriotic, it provoked controversies that ultimately transformed American politics. Public Confessions takes intimate history to its widest relevance, and in so doing, makes you see yourself in both the private and public stories it tells.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>205</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rebecca L. Davis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Personal reinvention is a core part of the human condition. Yet in the mid-twentieth century, certain private religious choices became lightning rods for public outrage and debate.
Rebecca L. Davis's book Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions That Changed American Politics (UNC Press, 2021) reveals the controversial religious conversions that shaped modern America. Rebecca L. Davis explains why the new faiths of notable figures including Clare Boothe Luce, Whittaker Chambers, Sammy Davis Jr., Marilyn Monroe, Muhammad Ali, Chuck Colson, and others riveted the American public. Unconventional religious choices charted new ways of declaring an authentic identity amid escalating Cold War fears of brainwashing and coercion. Facing pressure to celebrate a specific vision of Americanism, these converts variously attracted and repelled members of the American public. Whether the act of changing religions was viewed as selfish, reckless, or even unpatriotic, it provoked controversies that ultimately transformed American politics. Public Confessions takes intimate history to its widest relevance, and in so doing, makes you see yourself in both the private and public stories it tells.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Personal reinvention is a core part of the human condition. Yet in the mid-twentieth century, certain private religious choices became lightning rods for public outrage and debate.</p><p>Rebecca L. Davis's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469664873"><em>Public Confessions: The Religious Conversions That Changed American Politics </em></a>(UNC Press, 2021) reveals the controversial religious conversions that shaped modern America. Rebecca L. Davis explains why the new faiths of notable figures including Clare Boothe Luce, Whittaker Chambers, Sammy Davis Jr., Marilyn Monroe, Muhammad Ali, Chuck Colson, and others riveted the American public. Unconventional religious choices charted new ways of declaring an authentic identity amid escalating Cold War fears of brainwashing and coercion. Facing pressure to celebrate a specific vision of Americanism, these converts variously attracted and repelled members of the American public. Whether the act of changing religions was viewed as selfish, reckless, or even unpatriotic, it provoked controversies that ultimately transformed American politics. <em>Public Confessions</em> takes intimate history to its widest relevance, and in so doing, makes you see yourself in both the private and public stories it tells.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2279</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c4ec277a-c0ad-11ec-b575-afdee50bf7f8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5104875541.mp3?updated=1638717632" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard, "Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108495639"><em>Reagan, Congress, and Human Rights: Contesting Morality in US Foreign Policy</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020) traces the role of human rights concerns in US foreign policy during the 1980s, focusing on the struggle among the Reagan administration and members of Congress. It demonstrates how congressional pressure led the administration to reconsider its approach to human rights and craft a conservative human rights policy centered on democracy promotion and anti-communism - a decision which would have profound implications for American attention to human rights. Based on extensive archival research and interviews, Rasmus Sinding Søndergaard combines a comprehensive overview of human rights in American foreign relations with in-depth case studies of how human rights shaped US foreign policy toward Soviet Jewry, South African apartheid, and Nicaragua. Tracing the motivations behind human rights activism, this book demonstrates how liberals, moderates, and conservatives selectively invoked human rights to further their agendas, ultimately contributing to the establishment of human rights as a core moral language in US foreign policy.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in U.S. and international history at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). His research examines the politics of American grand strategy during World War II. Follow him on Twitter @ghgolub.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4904</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b6e84134-c00a-11ec-a32f-770784321226]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4829250258.mp3?updated=1736089635" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz, "Figures of the Future: Latino Civil Rights and the Politics of Demographic Change" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Figures of the Future: Latino Civil Rights and the Politics of Demographic Change (Princeton UP, 2021) examines the “contemporary population politics of national Latino civil rights advocacy.” The book challenges readers to generally understand democratic projections as problematic, political, and manufactured -- and specifically consider the case of how prominent Latino civil rights groups used such projections during the Obama and Trump administrations to “accelerate the when of Latino political power.” Groups like UnidosUS, the League of United Latin American Citizens, and Voto Latino believed that they could mobilize demographic data about the growing Latino population to increase political recognition and respect -- hoping to unify and inspire. But Figures of the Future urges us to be attentive to the manner in which projected demographics can be “objects of aspiration” but also weaponized and sources of frustration. Deploying three main sources of data (participation observation, interviewing, and the collection of primary material) Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz asks us to see that “it is politics -- not demography -- that governs what we think and feel about ethnoracial demographic change.” We don’t need better data -- we need a more critical and vigilant eye to the political phenomenon.
Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz is an assistant professor of sociology and Latina/Latino studies at Northwestern University.
Daniella Campos assisted with and helped inspire this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>561</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Figures of the Future: Latino Civil Rights and the Politics of Demographic Change (Princeton UP, 2021) examines the “contemporary population politics of national Latino civil rights advocacy.” The book challenges readers to generally understand democratic projections as problematic, political, and manufactured -- and specifically consider the case of how prominent Latino civil rights groups used such projections during the Obama and Trump administrations to “accelerate the when of Latino political power.” Groups like UnidosUS, the League of United Latin American Citizens, and Voto Latino believed that they could mobilize demographic data about the growing Latino population to increase political recognition and respect -- hoping to unify and inspire. But Figures of the Future urges us to be attentive to the manner in which projected demographics can be “objects of aspiration” but also weaponized and sources of frustration. Deploying three main sources of data (participation observation, interviewing, and the collection of primary material) Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz asks us to see that “it is politics -- not demography -- that governs what we think and feel about ethnoracial demographic change.” We don’t need better data -- we need a more critical and vigilant eye to the political phenomenon.
Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz is an assistant professor of sociology and Latina/Latino studies at Northwestern University.
Daniella Campos assisted with and helped inspire this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691199467"><em>Figures of the Future: Latino Civil Rights and the Politics of Demographic Change</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2021) examines the “contemporary population politics of national Latino civil rights advocacy.” The book challenges readers to generally understand democratic projections as problematic, political, and manufactured -- and specifically consider the case of how prominent Latino civil rights groups used such projections during the Obama and Trump administrations to “accelerate the when of Latino political power.” Groups like UnidosUS, the League of United Latin American Citizens, and Voto Latino believed that they could mobilize demographic data about the growing Latino population to increase political recognition and respect -- hoping to unify and inspire. But <em>Figures of the Future</em> urges us to be attentive to the manner in which projected demographics can be “objects of aspiration” but also weaponized and sources of frustration. Deploying three main sources of data (participation observation, interviewing, and the collection of primary material) Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz asks us to see that “it is politics -- not demography -- that governs what we think and feel about ethnoracial demographic change.” We don’t need better data -- we need a more critical and vigilant eye to the political phenomenon.</p><p><a href="https://sociology.northwestern.edu/people/faculty/core/Michael-Rodriguez-Muniz.html">Dr. Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz</a> is an assistant professor of sociology and Latina/Latino studies at Northwestern University.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with and helped inspire this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3985</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4f5140e2-c0a1-11ec-bd2d-9fff6f0149c3]]></guid>
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      <title>Donald Cohen and Allen Mikaelian, "The Privatization of Everything: How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back" (New Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>As people reach for social justice and better lives, they create public goods--free education, public health, open parks, clean water, and many others--that must be kept out of the market. When private interests take over, they strip public goods of their power to lift people up, creating instead a tool to diminish democracy, further inequality, and separate us from each other. 
The Privatization of Everything: How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back (New Press, 2021), by the founder of In the Public Interest, an organization dedicated to shared prosperity and the common good, chronicles the efforts to turn our public goods into private profit centers. The Privatization of Everything connects the dots across a broad spectrum of issues and raises larger questions about who controls the public things we all rely on, exposing the hidden crisis of privatization that has been slowly unfolding over the last fifty years and giving us a road map for taking our country back.
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Donald Cohen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As people reach for social justice and better lives, they create public goods--free education, public health, open parks, clean water, and many others--that must be kept out of the market. When private interests take over, they strip public goods of their power to lift people up, creating instead a tool to diminish democracy, further inequality, and separate us from each other. 
The Privatization of Everything: How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back (New Press, 2021), by the founder of In the Public Interest, an organization dedicated to shared prosperity and the common good, chronicles the efforts to turn our public goods into private profit centers. The Privatization of Everything connects the dots across a broad spectrum of issues and raises larger questions about who controls the public things we all rely on, exposing the hidden crisis of privatization that has been slowly unfolding over the last fifty years and giving us a road map for taking our country back.
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As people reach for social justice and better lives, they create public goods--free education, public health, open parks, clean water, and many others--that must be kept out of the market. When private interests take over, they strip public goods of their power to lift people up, creating instead a tool to diminish democracy, further inequality, and separate us from each other. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620976531"><em>The Privatization of Everything: How the Plunder of Public Goods Transformed America and How We Can Fight Back</em></a> (New Press, 2021), by the founder of In the Public Interest, an organization dedicated to shared prosperity and the common good, chronicles the efforts to turn our public goods into private profit centers. <em>The Privatization of Everything</em> connects the dots across a broad spectrum of issues and raises larger questions about who controls the public things we all rely on, exposing the hidden crisis of privatization that has been slowly unfolding over the last fifty years and giving us a road map for taking our country back.</p><p><em> </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[80b8aade-c0ac-11ec-ba23-8360ee4af7cc]]></guid>
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      <title>Amy Fried and Douglas B. Harris, "At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump" (Columbia UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Political Scientists Amy Fried (University of Maine) and Douglas B. Harris (Loyola University Maryland) have a new book, At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump (Columbia UP, 2021), that looks at the question of distrust within American politics and how that distrust has moved from healthy skepticism to a weapon to be used to divide citizens and undermine the entire governmental system in the United States. Part of this is an historical examination, starting with the basic skepticism about power that was present in North America even before the Founding period. But the thrust of the book traces this distrust of government over the past half century, and highlights how it has become more overt, and more of a rhetorical tool used, in particular, by members of the Republican Party and the conservative movement.
Fried and Harris explain how this narrative of distrust in government has been used as an organizing umbrella for the contemporary Republican Party, as the strategic glue that holds together social conservatives, economic conservatives and libertarians, and national security hawks. This is the same organizing umbrella that was also implemented by politicians, especially in the use of the Southern Strategy, to pull the southern states into the Republican coalition over the past half century. This weaponization of distrust has been used, as the authors, note, in four different areas that can be seen again and again across historical periods during the last fifty years; these four areas include building organization, winning elections, securing policy gains, and moving functional power into the political institutions when they are controlled by the GOP. This use of distrust has also been woven into the conservative political identity, pulling in racial components and advocacy against the government itself to continue to build this political coalition. Fried and Harris make use of a lot of different archival sources to examine and explain how conservative elites have used this distrust strategically to help turn out voters, build the political organization, and construct a rhetorical narrative that indicts the American political system. At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump helps to explain not only the rise of Donald Trump, but also the asymmetrical polarization in which voters now find themselves in the U.S. system, and how Trump and those who preceded him capitalized on American distrust of and skepticism towards government.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>563</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amy Fried and Douglas B. Harris</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientists Amy Fried (University of Maine) and Douglas B. Harris (Loyola University Maryland) have a new book, At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump (Columbia UP, 2021), that looks at the question of distrust within American politics and how that distrust has moved from healthy skepticism to a weapon to be used to divide citizens and undermine the entire governmental system in the United States. Part of this is an historical examination, starting with the basic skepticism about power that was present in North America even before the Founding period. But the thrust of the book traces this distrust of government over the past half century, and highlights how it has become more overt, and more of a rhetorical tool used, in particular, by members of the Republican Party and the conservative movement.
Fried and Harris explain how this narrative of distrust in government has been used as an organizing umbrella for the contemporary Republican Party, as the strategic glue that holds together social conservatives, economic conservatives and libertarians, and national security hawks. This is the same organizing umbrella that was also implemented by politicians, especially in the use of the Southern Strategy, to pull the southern states into the Republican coalition over the past half century. This weaponization of distrust has been used, as the authors, note, in four different areas that can be seen again and again across historical periods during the last fifty years; these four areas include building organization, winning elections, securing policy gains, and moving functional power into the political institutions when they are controlled by the GOP. This use of distrust has also been woven into the conservative political identity, pulling in racial components and advocacy against the government itself to continue to build this political coalition. Fried and Harris make use of a lot of different archival sources to examine and explain how conservative elites have used this distrust strategically to help turn out voters, build the political organization, and construct a rhetorical narrative that indicts the American political system. At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump helps to explain not only the rise of Donald Trump, but also the asymmetrical polarization in which voters now find themselves in the U.S. system, and how Trump and those who preceded him capitalized on American distrust of and skepticism towards government.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientists Amy Fried (University of Maine) and Douglas B. Harris (Loyola University Maryland) have a new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231195218"><em>At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia UP, 2021), that looks at the question of distrust within American politics and how that distrust has moved from healthy skepticism to a weapon to be used to divide citizens and undermine the entire governmental system in the United States. Part of this is an historical examination, starting with the basic skepticism about power that was present in North America even before the Founding period. But the thrust of the book traces this distrust of government over the past half century, and highlights how it has become more overt, and more of a rhetorical tool used, in particular, by members of the Republican Party and the conservative movement.</p><p>Fried and Harris explain how this narrative of distrust in government has been used as an organizing umbrella for the contemporary Republican Party, as the strategic glue that holds together social conservatives, economic conservatives and libertarians, and national security hawks. This is the same organizing umbrella that was also implemented by politicians, especially in the use of the Southern Strategy, to pull the southern states into the Republican coalition over the past half century. This weaponization of distrust has been used, as the authors, note, in four different areas that can be seen again and again across historical periods during the last fifty years; these four areas include building organization, winning elections, securing policy gains, and moving functional power into the political institutions when they are controlled by the GOP. This use of distrust has also been woven into the conservative political identity, pulling in racial components and advocacy against the government itself to continue to build this political coalition. Fried and Harris make use of a lot of different archival sources to examine and explain how conservative elites have used this distrust strategically to help turn out voters, build the political organization, and construct a rhetorical narrative that indicts the American political system. <em>At War with Government: How Conservatives Weaponized Distrust from Goldwater to Trump</em> helps to explain not only the rise of Donald Trump, but also the asymmetrical polarization in which voters now find themselves in the U.S. system, and how Trump and those who preceded him capitalized on American distrust of and skepticism towards government.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3644</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephen Skowronek et al, "Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic: The Deep State and the Unitary Executive" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic: The Deep State and the Unitary Executive (Oxford University Press, 2021) powerfully dissects one of the fundamental problems in American governance today: the clash between presidents determined to redirect the nation through ever-tighter control of administration and an executive branch still organized to promote shared interests in steady hands, due deliberation, and expertise.
As the nation's chief executive, Donald Trump pitted himself repeatedly against the institutions and personnel of the executive branch. In the process, two once-obscure concepts came center stage in an eerie faceoff. On one side was the specter of a Deep State conspiracy-administrators threatening to thwart the will of the people and undercut the constitutional authority of the president they elected to lead them. On the other side was a raw personalization of presidential power, one that a theory of the unitary executive gussied up and allowed to run roughshod over reason and the rule of law. The Deep State and the unitary executive framed every major contest of the Trump presidency. Like phantom twins, they drew each other out and wrestled to light basic issues of governance long suppressed.
Though this conflict reached a fever pitch during the Trump presidency, it is not new. Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King trace the tensions between presidential power and the depth of the American state back through the decades and forward through the various settlements arrived at in previous eras. Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic is about the breakdown of settlements and the abiding vulnerabilities of a Constitution that gave scant attention to administrative power. Rather than simply dump on Trump, the authors provide a richly historical perspective on the conflicts that rocked his presidency, and they explain why, if left untamed, the phantom twins will continue to pull the American government apart.
Stephen Skowronek is the Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political and Social Science at Yale University. 
John A. Dearborn is an Assistant Professor of Political Science and Carolyn T. and Robert M. Rogers Dean's Faculty Fellow at Vanderbilt University.
Desmond King is the Andrew W Mellon Professor of Government at the University of Oxford.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 01 Dec 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>134</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Desmond King and John A. Dearborn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic: The Deep State and the Unitary Executive (Oxford University Press, 2021) powerfully dissects one of the fundamental problems in American governance today: the clash between presidents determined to redirect the nation through ever-tighter control of administration and an executive branch still organized to promote shared interests in steady hands, due deliberation, and expertise.
As the nation's chief executive, Donald Trump pitted himself repeatedly against the institutions and personnel of the executive branch. In the process, two once-obscure concepts came center stage in an eerie faceoff. On one side was the specter of a Deep State conspiracy-administrators threatening to thwart the will of the people and undercut the constitutional authority of the president they elected to lead them. On the other side was a raw personalization of presidential power, one that a theory of the unitary executive gussied up and allowed to run roughshod over reason and the rule of law. The Deep State and the unitary executive framed every major contest of the Trump presidency. Like phantom twins, they drew each other out and wrestled to light basic issues of governance long suppressed.
Though this conflict reached a fever pitch during the Trump presidency, it is not new. Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King trace the tensions between presidential power and the depth of the American state back through the decades and forward through the various settlements arrived at in previous eras. Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic is about the breakdown of settlements and the abiding vulnerabilities of a Constitution that gave scant attention to administrative power. Rather than simply dump on Trump, the authors provide a richly historical perspective on the conflicts that rocked his presidency, and they explain why, if left untamed, the phantom twins will continue to pull the American government apart.
Stephen Skowronek is the Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political and Social Science at Yale University. 
John A. Dearborn is an Assistant Professor of Political Science and Carolyn T. and Robert M. Rogers Dean's Faculty Fellow at Vanderbilt University.
Desmond King is the Andrew W Mellon Professor of Government at the University of Oxford.
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197543085"><em>Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic: The Deep State and the Unitary Executive</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2021) powerfully dissects one of the fundamental problems in American governance today: the clash between presidents determined to redirect the nation through ever-tighter control of administration and an executive branch still organized to promote shared interests in steady hands, due deliberation, and expertise.</p><p>As the nation's chief executive, Donald Trump pitted himself repeatedly against the institutions and personnel of the executive branch. In the process, two once-obscure concepts came center stage in an eerie faceoff. On one side was the specter of a Deep State conspiracy-administrators threatening to thwart the will of the people and undercut the constitutional authority of the president they elected to lead them. On the other side was a raw personalization of presidential power, one that a theory of the unitary executive gussied up and allowed to run roughshod over reason and the rule of law. The Deep State and the unitary executive framed every major contest of the Trump presidency. Like phantom twins, they drew each other out and wrestled to light basic issues of governance long suppressed.</p><p>Though this conflict reached a fever pitch during the Trump presidency, it is not new. Stephen Skowronek, John A. Dearborn, and Desmond King trace the tensions between presidential power and the depth of the American state back through the decades and forward through the various settlements arrived at in previous eras. Phantoms of a Beleaguered Republic is about the breakdown of settlements and the abiding vulnerabilities of a Constitution that gave scant attention to administrative power. Rather than simply dump on Trump, the authors provide a richly historical perspective on the conflicts that rocked his presidency, and they explain why, if left untamed, the phantom twins will continue to pull the American government apart.</p><p><a href="https://politicalscience.yale.edu/people/stephen-skowronek">Stephen Skowronek</a> is the Pelatiah Perit Professor of Political and Social Science at Yale University. </p><p><a href="https://www.johnadearborn.com/">John A. Dearborn</a> is an Assistant Professor of Political Science and Carolyn T. and Robert M. Rogers Dean's Faculty Fellow at Vanderbilt University.</p><p><a href="https://www.politics.ox.ac.uk/academic-faculty/desmond-king.html">Desmond King</a> is the Andrew W Mellon Professor of Government at the University of Oxford.</p><p><a href="https://independent.academia.edu/KirkMeighoo"><em>Kirk Meighoo</em></a><em> is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4104</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1472827351.mp3?updated=1637939721" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steven P. Brown, "Alabama Justice: The Cases and Faces That Changed a Nation" (U Alabama Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Steven P. Brown, professor of political science at Auburn University, has written a history of notable U.S. Supreme Cases and justices that hailed from Alabama. In Alabama Justice: The Cases and Faces That Changed a Nation (U Alabama Press, 2020), Brown reviews eight landmark cases which originated in Alabama and were eventually reviewed by the U.S. Supreme Court. Although most of these cases were reflective of the civil rights issues endemic to Alabama and other states in the American South of the mid-twentieth century, not all are race related. For example, a notable gender equity case, Frontiero v. Richardson, which was concerned with benefits discrimination based on gender, was an important decision in the history of women’s rights. Brown also reviews the lives and times of three Supreme Court justices, John McKinley, John Archibald Campbell, and Hugo Black.
Ian J. Drake is Associate Professor of Jurisprudence, Montclair State University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 23 Nov 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>143</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven P. Brown</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steven P. Brown, professor of political science at Auburn University, has written a history of notable U.S. Supreme Cases and justices that hailed from Alabama. In Alabama Justice: The Cases and Faces That Changed a Nation (U Alabama Press, 2020), Brown reviews eight landmark cases which originated in Alabama and were eventually reviewed by the U.S. Supreme Court. Although most of these cases were reflective of the civil rights issues endemic to Alabama and other states in the American South of the mid-twentieth century, not all are race related. For example, a notable gender equity case, Frontiero v. Richardson, which was concerned with benefits discrimination based on gender, was an important decision in the history of women’s rights. Brown also reviews the lives and times of three Supreme Court justices, John McKinley, John Archibald Campbell, and Hugo Black.
Ian J. Drake is Associate Professor of Jurisprudence, Montclair State University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://cla.auburn.edu/polisci/directory/professorial-faculty/steven-brown/">Steven P. Brown</a>, professor of political science at Auburn University, has written a history of notable U.S. Supreme Cases and justices that hailed from Alabama. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780817320706"><em>Alabama Justice: The Cases and Faces That Changed a Nation</em></a> (U Alabama Press, 2020), Brown reviews eight landmark cases which originated in Alabama and were eventually reviewed by the U.S. Supreme Court. Although most of these cases were reflective of the civil rights issues endemic to Alabama and other states in the American South of the mid-twentieth century, not all are race related. For example, a notable gender equity case, <em>Frontiero v. Richardson</em>, which was concerned with benefits discrimination based on gender, was an important decision in the history of women’s rights. Brown also reviews the lives and times of three Supreme Court justices, John McKinley, John Archibald Campbell, and Hugo Black.</p><p><a href="https://www.montclair.edu/profilepages/view_profile.php?username=drakei"><em>Ian J. Drake</em></a><em> is Associate Professor of Jurisprudence, Montclair State University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2205</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[517df0ac-c017-11ec-a9d4-27148d15eb17]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8949540323.mp3?updated=1637676138" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Postscript: The Supreme Court, Concealed Carry, and How Your Laws Might Change</title>
      <description>An earlier Postscript explained what was at stake for concealed carry laws in a case before the U.S. Supreme Court – and guessed at what the oral arguments might reveal. Now that arguments have been heard in New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen, three legal scholars join the podcast to analyze the oral argument. Even if you are not a SCOTUS junky -- this conversation is important because 80 million (or 25% of) Americans may have their democratically crafted gun laws overturned by the decision of 9 justices.
Jacob D. Charles is the Executive Director &amp; Lecturing Fellow at the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. His work on the Second Amendment has appeared in numerous law journals and “Securing Gun Rights By Statute: The Right To Keep and Bear Arms Outside the Constitution,” (forthcoming, University of Michigan Law Review) interrogates the non-constitutional gun rights that create broad powers for gun owners beyond the Second Amendment. His extensive public-facing scholarship includes a new piece in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage, “Supreme Court justices sounded suspicious of New York’s gun law. Here’s what might come next.”
Eric Ruben is an assistant professor of Law at SMU Dedman School of Law and a Brennan Center fellow. Working at the intersection of criminal law, legal ethics, and the Second Amendment, his scholarship has been published in law reviews such as California, Duke and Georgetown as well as public facing outlets like The Atlantic, New York Times, Vox, Jurist, The Conversation, and Scotusblog. He organized -- and contributed scholarship to the 2021 Brennan Center Report, Protests, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment.
Joseph Blocher is the Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for DC in Heller. He co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller in 2018 (New Books interview here). Among his numerous law review articles is “When Guns Threaten the Public Sphere: A New Account of Public Safety Regulation Under Heller” (Northwestern University Law Review, Vol 116, 2021) in which he and Reva Siegel interrogate the impact of gun rights on free speech. Recently, he has been a guest on the podcast Strict Scrutiny, contributed to the New York Times and NPR reporting of the case.
Joseph and Eric’s recent op ed, “No, courts don’t treat the Second Amendment as a ‘second-class right’: The latest gun-rights case may hinge on some conservatives’ sense of victimhood” just appeared in the Washington Post.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Nov 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>10</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An discussion with Joseph Blocher, Jacob B. Charles, and Eric Ruben</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>An earlier Postscript explained what was at stake for concealed carry laws in a case before the U.S. Supreme Court – and guessed at what the oral arguments might reveal. Now that arguments have been heard in New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen, three legal scholars join the podcast to analyze the oral argument. Even if you are not a SCOTUS junky -- this conversation is important because 80 million (or 25% of) Americans may have their democratically crafted gun laws overturned by the decision of 9 justices.
Jacob D. Charles is the Executive Director &amp; Lecturing Fellow at the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. His work on the Second Amendment has appeared in numerous law journals and “Securing Gun Rights By Statute: The Right To Keep and Bear Arms Outside the Constitution,” (forthcoming, University of Michigan Law Review) interrogates the non-constitutional gun rights that create broad powers for gun owners beyond the Second Amendment. His extensive public-facing scholarship includes a new piece in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage, “Supreme Court justices sounded suspicious of New York’s gun law. Here’s what might come next.”
Eric Ruben is an assistant professor of Law at SMU Dedman School of Law and a Brennan Center fellow. Working at the intersection of criminal law, legal ethics, and the Second Amendment, his scholarship has been published in law reviews such as California, Duke and Georgetown as well as public facing outlets like The Atlantic, New York Times, Vox, Jurist, The Conversation, and Scotusblog. He organized -- and contributed scholarship to the 2021 Brennan Center Report, Protests, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment.
Joseph Blocher is the Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for DC in Heller. He co-authored The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller in 2018 (New Books interview here). Among his numerous law review articles is “When Guns Threaten the Public Sphere: A New Account of Public Safety Regulation Under Heller” (Northwestern University Law Review, Vol 116, 2021) in which he and Reva Siegel interrogate the impact of gun rights on free speech. Recently, he has been a guest on the podcast Strict Scrutiny, contributed to the New York Times and NPR reporting of the case.
Joseph and Eric’s recent op ed, “No, courts don’t treat the Second Amendment as a ‘second-class right’: The latest gun-rights case may hinge on some conservatives’ sense of victimhood” just appeared in the Washington Post.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>An earlier <em>Postscript</em> explained what was at stake for concealed carry laws in a case before the U.S. Supreme Court – and guessed at what the oral arguments might reveal. Now that arguments have been heard in <em>New York State Rifle &amp; Pistol Association v. Bruen</em>, three legal scholars join the podcast to analyze the oral argument. Even if you are not a SCOTUS junky -- this conversation is important because 80 million (or 25% of) Americans may have their democratically crafted gun laws overturned by the decision of 9 justices.</p><p><a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/charlesj/">Jacob D. Charles</a> is the Executive Director &amp; Lecturing Fellow at the Center for Firearms Law at Duke University School of Law. His work on the Second Amendment has appeared in numerous law journals and “<a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3789216"><em>Securing Gun Rights By Statute: The Right To Keep and Bear Arms Outside the Constitution</em></a>,” (forthcoming, University of Michigan Law Review) interrogates the non-constitutional gun rights that create broad powers for gun owners beyond the Second Amendment. His extensive public-facing scholarship includes a new piece in the <em>Washington Post’s Monkey Cage</em>, “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/11/05/supreme-court-justices-sounded-suspicious-new-yorks-gun-law-heres-what-might-come-next/">Supreme Court justices sounded suspicious of New York’s gun law. Here’s what might come next.</a>”</p><p><a href="https://www.smu.edu/Law/Faculty/Profiles/Ruben-Eric">Eric Ruben</a> is an assistant professor of Law at SMU Dedman School of Law and a Brennan Center fellow. Working at the intersection of criminal law, legal ethics, and the Second Amendment, his scholarship has been published in law reviews such as California, Duke and Georgetown as well as public facing outlets like <em>The Atlantic</em>, <em>New York Times</em>, <em>Vox</em>,<em> Jurist</em>, <em>The Conversation</em>, and <em>Scotusblog</em>. He organized -- and contributed scholarship to the 2021 Brennan Center Report, <a href="https://www.brennancenter.org/issues/advance-constitutional-change/second-amendment">Protests, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment</a>.</p><p><a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/blocher">Joseph Blocher</a> is the Lanty L. Smith ’67 Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law and one of the attorneys who helped write the brief for DC in <em>Heller. </em>He co-authored <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-positive-second-amendment-rights-regulation-and-the-future-of-heller/9781316611289"><em>The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2018) with Darrell Miller in 2018 (New Books interview <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/search?+q=blocher">here</a>). Among his numerous law review articles is “<a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3764258">When Guns Threaten the Public Sphere: A New Account of Public Safety Regulation Under Heller</a>” (<em>Northwestern University Law Review</em>, Vol 116, 2021) in which he and Reva Siegel interrogate the impact of gun rights on free speech. Recently, he has been a guest on the podcast <em>Strict Scrutiny</em>, contributed to the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/05/nyregion/supreme-court-new-york-gun-control-law.html"><em>New York Times</em></a> and <a href="https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1050067757"><em>NPR</em></a> reporting of the case.</p><p>Joseph and Eric’s recent op ed, “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/2021/11/17/no-courts-dont-treat-second-amendment-second-class-right/">No, courts don’t treat the Second Amendment as a ‘second-class right’: The latest gun-rights case may hinge on some conservatives’ sense of victimhood</a>” just appeared in the <em>Washington Post</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3168</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Dennis C. Rasmussen, "Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of America's Founders" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>When Americans conjure the image of the signing of the Constitution of the United States, they often think about the various paintings that depict the Founders looking to George Washington on the dais at the convention. It is this snapshot of history that embodies Americans’ perceptions of the Founders and their conviction in the creation of the great nation. What Americans fail to understand about America’s Founding is the overwhelming anxieties that many of the Founders experienced, especially as they lived in the new republic that they had created. Not only did they find themselves anxious about the future of the new country, but many were also explicitly pessimistic about the future that they noted in so much of their later writings and letters. Dennis C. Rasmussen, in his new book Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of American Founders, addresses this gap in research on the American Founding, and on the Founders themselves. Washington, Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison all wondered whether the system they had worked to establish, build, and defend would live beyond their own generation.
In Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of America's Founders (Princeton UP, 2021), Rasmussen explores the enduring arguments made by George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and John Adams that convinced them of America’s inevitable demise. Modern Americans conceptualize the founding of the United States as an isolated moment in time, and rarely consider the reality of how the Founders spent the remainder of their lives putting the Constitution to work. Rasmussen places the founders’ fears in context of the ongoing chaos of the late 1700’s where other countries were facing revolution, treason, and anarchy. Fear of a Setting Sun’s purpose is not to disregard the founders’ optimism in the system they created, and in fact the book heralds James Madison’s lifelong optimism and belief that the American experiment would prevail—though he is at odds with the other major Founders in this regard. Fear of a Setting Sun explores the Founders’ disillusionment in order to provide a fuller meaning of American constitutionalism and the value that is formed in its implementation. Rasmussen provides a perspective that changes what scholars and the general public believe and know about the founding of the republic, the historical stakes at the time of the founding, and how the Founders generally grew more pessimistic over time about the potential for the new republic to achieve its great potential.
This book will be of interest to political scientists, historians, students and scholars of the founding period and the ideas and personalities that dominated the early days of the American republic.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Nov 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>558</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dennis C. Rasmussen</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Americans conjure the image of the signing of the Constitution of the United States, they often think about the various paintings that depict the Founders looking to George Washington on the dais at the convention. It is this snapshot of history that embodies Americans’ perceptions of the Founders and their conviction in the creation of the great nation. What Americans fail to understand about America’s Founding is the overwhelming anxieties that many of the Founders experienced, especially as they lived in the new republic that they had created. Not only did they find themselves anxious about the future of the new country, but many were also explicitly pessimistic about the future that they noted in so much of their later writings and letters. Dennis C. Rasmussen, in his new book Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of American Founders, addresses this gap in research on the American Founding, and on the Founders themselves. Washington, Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison all wondered whether the system they had worked to establish, build, and defend would live beyond their own generation.
In Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of America's Founders (Princeton UP, 2021), Rasmussen explores the enduring arguments made by George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and John Adams that convinced them of America’s inevitable demise. Modern Americans conceptualize the founding of the United States as an isolated moment in time, and rarely consider the reality of how the Founders spent the remainder of their lives putting the Constitution to work. Rasmussen places the founders’ fears in context of the ongoing chaos of the late 1700’s where other countries were facing revolution, treason, and anarchy. Fear of a Setting Sun’s purpose is not to disregard the founders’ optimism in the system they created, and in fact the book heralds James Madison’s lifelong optimism and belief that the American experiment would prevail—though he is at odds with the other major Founders in this regard. Fear of a Setting Sun explores the Founders’ disillusionment in order to provide a fuller meaning of American constitutionalism and the value that is formed in its implementation. Rasmussen provides a perspective that changes what scholars and the general public believe and know about the founding of the republic, the historical stakes at the time of the founding, and how the Founders generally grew more pessimistic over time about the potential for the new republic to achieve its great potential.
This book will be of interest to political scientists, historians, students and scholars of the founding period and the ideas and personalities that dominated the early days of the American republic.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Americans conjure the image of the signing of the Constitution of the United States, they often think about the various paintings that depict the Founders looking to George Washington on the dais at the convention. It is this snapshot of history that embodies Americans’ perceptions of the Founders and their conviction in the creation of the great nation. What Americans fail to understand about America’s Founding is the overwhelming anxieties that many of the Founders experienced, especially as they lived in the new republic that they had created. Not only did they find themselves anxious about the future of the new country, but many were also explicitly pessimistic about the future that they noted in so much of their later writings and letters. Dennis C. Rasmussen, in his new book <em>Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of American Founders,</em> addresses this gap in research on the American Founding, and on the Founders themselves. Washington, Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison all wondered whether the system they had worked to establish, build, and defend would live beyond their own generation.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691210230"><em>Fears of a Setting Sun: The Disillusionment of America's Founders</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2021), Rasmussen explores the enduring arguments made by George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and John Adams that convinced them of America’s inevitable demise. Modern Americans conceptualize the founding of the United States as an isolated moment in time, and rarely consider the reality of how the Founders spent the remainder of their lives putting the <em>Constitution</em> to work. Rasmussen places the founders’ fears in context of the ongoing chaos of the late 1700’s where other countries were facing revolution, treason, and anarchy. <em>Fear of a Setting Sun</em>’s purpose is not to disregard the founders’ optimism in the system they created, and in fact the book heralds James Madison’s lifelong optimism and belief that the American experiment would prevail—though he is at odds with the other major Founders in this regard. <em>Fear of a Setting Sun</em> explores the Founders’ disillusionment in order to provide a fuller meaning of American constitutionalism and the value that is formed in its implementation. Rasmussen provides a perspective that changes what scholars and the general public believe and know about the founding of the republic, the historical stakes at the time of the founding, and how the Founders generally grew more pessimistic over time about the potential for the new republic to achieve its great potential.</p><p>This book will be of interest to political scientists, historians, students and scholars of the founding period and the ideas and personalities that dominated the early days of the American republic.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3154</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Efrén O. Pérez, "Diversity's Child: People of Color and the Politics of Identity" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Efrén Pérez’s new book, Diversity's Child: People of Color and the Politics of Identity (U Chicago Press, 2021), explores the term and category “people of color” and how this grouping has been used within politics, but also how it is has been used by those who are classified as people of color. Pérez examines group identity, language and public opinion, and implicit cognition to explain how marginalization of non-white groups can form a collective group identity that is interchangeable for the individual. Diversity’s Child fills in a rather substantial gap in research about racial and ethnic identity in the United States by surveying people of color about how they think and feel about racial disparities that impact them as well as other groups that are often categorized as people of color. Part of what Pérez finds in the multi-method approach is that politics can be seen as a solution to the inequality that many of those within this broad umbrella category experience and understand. Pérez’s training and research in both political science and political psychology allows him to bring together these connected social science threads and frameworks in exploring the understanding of broad group identity as well as intergroup identity.
Diversity’s Child: People of Color and the Politics of identity both conceptualizes and analyzes the identity of people of color by developing meaningful measurements and using Social Identity Theory to examine connections to differing identities. Pérez’s work also thinks through the evolving demographic shifts in the United States, exploring the projection that white Americans will become the minority population by 2050, and what the political ramifications are for the new majority minority. Although the term “people of color” has been used to identify Black, Latino, and other races for some time, Pérez research examines how these groups that are often pulled together under this common identity actually share in this broader category, and whether there are commonalities and concerns across ethnic, racial, and national identities. He does this by gathering data through opinion surveys, experiments, content analysis of newspapers and congressional archives, and in-depth interviews. Pérez’s research indicates that a person’s “color” identity exists and can be measured, and that identifying as a person of color shapes how minorities view themselves and their position within the political system. Diversity’s Child introduces a new perspective into the ongoing conversation about shifting political demographics, and elaborates on how the people of color identity has the capacity to mobilize groups and shape American politics. Pérez’s research also indicates how and where this umbrella category can essentially come undone—how the unifying qualities can be undermined by intergroup antagonisms. As he notes in our discussion, the research that highlights the capacity to bring together African Americans, LatinX Americans, and Asian Americans under the title of “people of color” also has within it the fissures and factions that can disconnect these groups from each other and from shared political pursuits.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Nov 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>556</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Efrén O. Pérez</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Efrén Pérez’s new book, Diversity's Child: People of Color and the Politics of Identity (U Chicago Press, 2021), explores the term and category “people of color” and how this grouping has been used within politics, but also how it is has been used by those who are classified as people of color. Pérez examines group identity, language and public opinion, and implicit cognition to explain how marginalization of non-white groups can form a collective group identity that is interchangeable for the individual. Diversity’s Child fills in a rather substantial gap in research about racial and ethnic identity in the United States by surveying people of color about how they think and feel about racial disparities that impact them as well as other groups that are often categorized as people of color. Part of what Pérez finds in the multi-method approach is that politics can be seen as a solution to the inequality that many of those within this broad umbrella category experience and understand. Pérez’s training and research in both political science and political psychology allows him to bring together these connected social science threads and frameworks in exploring the understanding of broad group identity as well as intergroup identity.
Diversity’s Child: People of Color and the Politics of identity both conceptualizes and analyzes the identity of people of color by developing meaningful measurements and using Social Identity Theory to examine connections to differing identities. Pérez’s work also thinks through the evolving demographic shifts in the United States, exploring the projection that white Americans will become the minority population by 2050, and what the political ramifications are for the new majority minority. Although the term “people of color” has been used to identify Black, Latino, and other races for some time, Pérez research examines how these groups that are often pulled together under this common identity actually share in this broader category, and whether there are commonalities and concerns across ethnic, racial, and national identities. He does this by gathering data through opinion surveys, experiments, content analysis of newspapers and congressional archives, and in-depth interviews. Pérez’s research indicates that a person’s “color” identity exists and can be measured, and that identifying as a person of color shapes how minorities view themselves and their position within the political system. Diversity’s Child introduces a new perspective into the ongoing conversation about shifting political demographics, and elaborates on how the people of color identity has the capacity to mobilize groups and shape American politics. Pérez’s research also indicates how and where this umbrella category can essentially come undone—how the unifying qualities can be undermined by intergroup antagonisms. As he notes in our discussion, the research that highlights the capacity to bring together African Americans, LatinX Americans, and Asian Americans under the title of “people of color” also has within it the fissures and factions that can disconnect these groups from each other and from shared political pursuits.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Efrén Pérez’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226800134"><em>Diversity's Child: People of Color and the Politics of Identity</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2021), explores the term and category “people of color” and how this grouping has been used within politics, but also how it is has been used by those who are classified as <em>people of color</em>. Pérez examines group identity, language and public opinion, and implicit cognition to explain how marginalization of non-white groups can form a collective group identity that is interchangeable for the individual. <em>Diversity’s Child</em> fills in a rather substantial gap in research about racial and ethnic identity in the United States by surveying people of color about how they think and feel about racial disparities that impact them as well as other groups that are often categorized as <em>people of color</em>. Part of what Pérez finds in the multi-method approach is that politics can be seen as a solution to the inequality that many of those within this broad umbrella category experience and understand. Pérez’s training and research in both political science and political psychology allows him to bring together these connected social science threads and frameworks in exploring the understanding of broad group identity as well as intergroup identity.</p><p><em>Diversity’s Child: People of Color and the Politics of identity</em> both conceptualizes and analyzes the identity of people of color by developing meaningful measurements and using Social Identity Theory to examine connections to differing identities. Pérez’s work also thinks through the evolving demographic shifts in the United States, exploring the projection that white Americans will become the minority population by 2050, and what the political ramifications are for the new majority minority. Although the term “people of color” has been used to identify Black, Latino, and other races for some time, Pérez research examines how these groups that are often pulled together under this common identity actually share in this broader category, and whether there are commonalities and concerns across ethnic, racial, and national identities. He does this by gathering data through opinion surveys, experiments, content analysis of newspapers and congressional archives, and in-depth interviews. Pérez’s research indicates that a person’s “color” identity exists and can be measured, and that identifying as a <em>person of color</em> shapes how minorities view themselves and their position within the political system. <em>Diversity’s Child</em> introduces a new perspective into the ongoing conversation about shifting political demographics, and elaborates on how the <em>people of color</em> identity has the capacity to mobilize groups and shape American politics. Pérez’s research also indicates how and where this umbrella category can essentially come undone—how the unifying qualities can be undermined by intergroup antagonisms. As he notes in our discussion, the research that highlights the capacity to bring together African Americans, LatinX Americans, and Asian Americans under the title of “people of color” also has within it the fissures and factions that can disconnect these groups from each other and from shared political pursuits.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3065</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew J. Lacombe, "Firepower: How the NRA Turned Gun Owners Into a Political Force" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Firepower: How the NRA Turned Gun Owners into a Political Force (Princeton, 2021) explores the scope and power of one of America’s most influential interest groups. Despite widespread public support for stricter gun control laws, the National Rifle Association has consistently managed to defeat or weaken proposed regulations. Firepower provides an unprecedented look at how this controversial organization built its political power and how it has deployed it on behalf of its pro-gun agenda.

Taking readers from the 1930s to the age of Donald Trump, Matthew Lacombe traces how the NRA’s immense influence on national politics arises from its ability to shape the political outlooks and actions of its followers. He draws on nearly a century of archival records and surveys to show how the organization has fashioned a distinct worldview around gun ownership and used it to mobilize its supporters. Lacombe reveals how the NRA’s cultivation of a large, unified, and active base has enabled it to build a resilient alliance with the Republican Party, and he examines why the NRA and its members formed an important constituency that helped fuel Trump’s unlikely political rise. Firepower sheds vital new light on how the NRA has grown powerful by mobilizing average Americans and how it uses its GOP alliance to advance its objectives and shape the national agenda.
Matthew Lacombe is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University. He studies American politics, with a broad focus on understanding and explaining political power in the U.S. His research and teaching interests engage with interest groups and political parties, social identity and political ideology, inequality and representation, and American political development. In addition to Firepower, he is the co-author of Billionaires and Stealth Politics, a book that details the political preferences and behavior of U.S. billionaires.
Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Nov 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew J. Lacombe</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Firepower: How the NRA Turned Gun Owners into a Political Force (Princeton, 2021) explores the scope and power of one of America’s most influential interest groups. Despite widespread public support for stricter gun control laws, the National Rifle Association has consistently managed to defeat or weaken proposed regulations. Firepower provides an unprecedented look at how this controversial organization built its political power and how it has deployed it on behalf of its pro-gun agenda.

Taking readers from the 1930s to the age of Donald Trump, Matthew Lacombe traces how the NRA’s immense influence on national politics arises from its ability to shape the political outlooks and actions of its followers. He draws on nearly a century of archival records and surveys to show how the organization has fashioned a distinct worldview around gun ownership and used it to mobilize its supporters. Lacombe reveals how the NRA’s cultivation of a large, unified, and active base has enabled it to build a resilient alliance with the Republican Party, and he examines why the NRA and its members formed an important constituency that helped fuel Trump’s unlikely political rise. Firepower sheds vital new light on how the NRA has grown powerful by mobilizing average Americans and how it uses its GOP alliance to advance its objectives and shape the national agenda.
Matthew Lacombe is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University. He studies American politics, with a broad focus on understanding and explaining political power in the U.S. His research and teaching interests engage with interest groups and political parties, social identity and political ideology, inequality and representation, and American political development. In addition to Firepower, he is the co-author of Billionaires and Stealth Politics, a book that details the political preferences and behavior of U.S. billionaires.
Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691207445"><em>Firepower: How the NRA Turned Gun Owners into a Political Force</em> </a>(Princeton, 2021) explores the scope and power of one of America’s most influential interest groups. Despite widespread public support for stricter gun control laws, the National Rifle Association has consistently managed to defeat or weaken proposed regulations. <em>Firepower</em> provides an unprecedented look at how this controversial organization built its political power and how it has deployed it on behalf of its pro-gun agenda.</p><p><br></p><p>Taking readers from the 1930s to the age of Donald Trump, Matthew Lacombe traces how the NRA’s immense influence on national politics arises from its ability to shape the political outlooks and actions of its followers. He draws on nearly a century of archival records and surveys to show how the organization has fashioned a distinct worldview around gun ownership and used it to mobilize its supporters. Lacombe reveals how the NRA’s cultivation of a large, unified, and active base has enabled it to build a resilient alliance with the Republican Party, and he examines why the NRA and its members formed an important constituency that helped fuel Trump’s unlikely political rise. <em>Firepower</em> sheds vital new light on how the NRA has grown powerful by mobilizing average Americans and how it uses its GOP alliance to advance its objectives and shape the national agenda.</p><p>Matthew Lacombe is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Barnard College, Columbia University. He studies American politics, with a broad focus on understanding and explaining political power in the U.S. His research and teaching interests engage with interest groups and political parties, social identity and political ideology, inequality and representation, and American political development. In addition to <em>Firepower</em>, he is the co-author of <em>Billionaires and Stealth Politics</em>, a book that details the political preferences and behavior of U.S. billionaires.</p><p><em>Joe Renouard is Resident Professor of American Studies and Fei Yi-Ming Journalism Foundation Chair of American Government and Comparative Politics at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Nanjing, China.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2754</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[e4f94472-c0ac-11ec-b88f-9754ee458b87]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8455847467.mp3?updated=1635278934" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert J. Spitzer, "The Politics of Gun Control" (Routledge, 2020)</title>
      <description>Dr. Robert J. Spitzer’s classic text, The Politics of Gun Control: 8th Edition (Routledge, 2020), has been revised based on new data on gun ownership and use. Dr. Spitzer insightfully interrogates the impact of gun politics on the 2018 elections, new research on the history of American gun laws, and controversies over the geography of guns -- where and when they can be carried and whether they can be concealed. The podcast conversation digs into new findings on elections, public opinion, single-issue voting, the parallel histories of gun rights/regulations, and the changing profiles and strategies of gun safety groups. Dr. Spitzer provides insights on the upcoming midterm elections, forecasts what is at stake in the upcoming Supreme Court case, NYS Gun &amp; Pistol v. Bruen, and provides a reminder that federalism can never be far from any case analysis in American politics.
Dr. Robert J. Spitzer is a Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the State University of New York at Cortland. Trained by Theodore Lowi, Dr, Spitzer has published books on the presidency, the right to life mov, and the constitution -- with several works focused on the right to bear arms, gun control, and gun rights. The Supreme Court will hear its first Second Amendment case since 2010 and Robert’s article “Gun Law History in the United States and Second Amendment Rights” is cited by the Solicitor General of the US in his amicus brief.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Nov 2021 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>557</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert J. Spitzer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dr. Robert J. Spitzer’s classic text, The Politics of Gun Control: 8th Edition (Routledge, 2020), has been revised based on new data on gun ownership and use. Dr. Spitzer insightfully interrogates the impact of gun politics on the 2018 elections, new research on the history of American gun laws, and controversies over the geography of guns -- where and when they can be carried and whether they can be concealed. The podcast conversation digs into new findings on elections, public opinion, single-issue voting, the parallel histories of gun rights/regulations, and the changing profiles and strategies of gun safety groups. Dr. Spitzer provides insights on the upcoming midterm elections, forecasts what is at stake in the upcoming Supreme Court case, NYS Gun &amp; Pistol v. Bruen, and provides a reminder that federalism can never be far from any case analysis in American politics.
Dr. Robert J. Spitzer is a Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the State University of New York at Cortland. Trained by Theodore Lowi, Dr, Spitzer has published books on the presidency, the right to life mov, and the constitution -- with several works focused on the right to bear arms, gun control, and gun rights. The Supreme Court will hear its first Second Amendment case since 2010 and Robert’s article “Gun Law History in the United States and Second Amendment Rights” is cited by the Solicitor General of the US in his amicus brief.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Dr. Robert J. Spitzer’s classic text, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367502843"><em>The Politics of Gun Control: 8th Edition</em></a> (Routledge, 2020), has been revised based on new data on gun ownership and use. Dr. Spitzer insightfully interrogates the impact of gun politics on the 2018 elections, new research on the history of American gun laws, and controversies over the geography of guns -- where and when they can be carried and whether they can be concealed. The podcast conversation digs into new findings on elections, public opinion, single-issue voting, the parallel histories of gun rights/regulations, and the changing profiles and strategies of gun safety groups. Dr. Spitzer provides insights on the upcoming midterm elections, forecasts what is at stake in the upcoming Supreme Court case, <em>NYS Gun &amp; Pistol v. Bruen</em>, and provides a reminder that federalism can never be far from any case analysis in American politics.</p><p><a href="https://sites.google.com/site/robertspitzercortland/">Dr. Robert J. Spitzer</a> is a Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science at the State University of New York at Cortland. Trained by Theodore Lowi, Dr, Spitzer has published books on the presidency, the right to life mov, and the constitution -- with several works focused on the right to bear arms, gun control, and gun rights. The Supreme Court will hear its first Second Amendment case since 2010 and Robert’s article “<a href="https://lcp.law.duke.edu/article/gun-law-history-in-the-united-states-and-second-amendment-rights-spitzer-vol80-iss2/">Gun Law History in the United States and Second Amendment Rights</a>” is cited by the Solicitor General of the US in his <em>amicus </em>brief.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3165</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>John A. Dearborn, "Power Shifts: Congress and Presidential Representation" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist John Dearborn’s new book, Power Shifts: Congress and Presidential Representation (U Chicago Press, 2021), weaves together three connected threads in the course of his analysis: the role and capacity of ideas to make political change, the evolution of the position and understanding of the President of the United States as a representative of the citizens of the United States, and the way in which congressional legislation also works to shift the constitutional or institutional relationship between Congress and the President. This is a propulsive book, which is not necessarily the norm for academic publications, and Dearborn keeps the reader engaged through fascinating details about legislation that Congress passes in the midst of the 20th century that not only sets up policy outcomes but also provides the president with the power to create those outcomes. Dearborn then traces the ways, in the latter part of the 20th century, in which Congress attempts to wrangle some of that power back from the president, or to develop its own power to rival or parallel the president’s power.
Power Shifts focuses on this concept of the president as a national representative, which was not necessarily the idea that the Founders had for the president at the time of the Constitutional Convention. Some thought was given to how this national office would operate, but because of the way that the president is elected, at a remove from the people, the idea that the president was the voice or tribune of the people was not the key concept in the design of the presidency. Dearborn takes the reader through the evolution of this concept during the 19th and 20th century, highlighting how the presidents made claim to this particular role, while noting that it became clear that the veto power was not sufficient to reflect the voice of the people. During a number of decades in the midst of the 20th century, Congress builds up the presidency as an institution, formalizing presidential agenda-setting capacities and giving the presidency the organizational capacity to function as the center of the governmental structure and as the representative of all of the people. In examining several congressional acts, including the Budget Act of 1921, the Reorganization Act of 1939, and other particular constructions by Congress, Power Shifts examines how these creations centered presidential representation as the key to the design for these legislative moves. In the second part of the book, Dearborn explores the period of congressional resurgence in the 1970s and 1980s, and how Congress created connected legislation that sought to pull some of these powers away from the president, or at least provide Congress with sufficient capacity to challenge the president in a number of different arenas. And again, the arguments around the legislation dive into the question of whether the president is operating as a national representative, with a focus on the best interests of the people and the country.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>552</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John A. Dearborn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist John Dearborn’s new book, Power Shifts: Congress and Presidential Representation (U Chicago Press, 2021), weaves together three connected threads in the course of his analysis: the role and capacity of ideas to make political change, the evolution of the position and understanding of the President of the United States as a representative of the citizens of the United States, and the way in which congressional legislation also works to shift the constitutional or institutional relationship between Congress and the President. This is a propulsive book, which is not necessarily the norm for academic publications, and Dearborn keeps the reader engaged through fascinating details about legislation that Congress passes in the midst of the 20th century that not only sets up policy outcomes but also provides the president with the power to create those outcomes. Dearborn then traces the ways, in the latter part of the 20th century, in which Congress attempts to wrangle some of that power back from the president, or to develop its own power to rival or parallel the president’s power.
Power Shifts focuses on this concept of the president as a national representative, which was not necessarily the idea that the Founders had for the president at the time of the Constitutional Convention. Some thought was given to how this national office would operate, but because of the way that the president is elected, at a remove from the people, the idea that the president was the voice or tribune of the people was not the key concept in the design of the presidency. Dearborn takes the reader through the evolution of this concept during the 19th and 20th century, highlighting how the presidents made claim to this particular role, while noting that it became clear that the veto power was not sufficient to reflect the voice of the people. During a number of decades in the midst of the 20th century, Congress builds up the presidency as an institution, formalizing presidential agenda-setting capacities and giving the presidency the organizational capacity to function as the center of the governmental structure and as the representative of all of the people. In examining several congressional acts, including the Budget Act of 1921, the Reorganization Act of 1939, and other particular constructions by Congress, Power Shifts examines how these creations centered presidential representation as the key to the design for these legislative moves. In the second part of the book, Dearborn explores the period of congressional resurgence in the 1970s and 1980s, and how Congress created connected legislation that sought to pull some of these powers away from the president, or at least provide Congress with sufficient capacity to challenge the president in a number of different arenas. And again, the arguments around the legislation dive into the question of whether the president is operating as a national representative, with a focus on the best interests of the people and the country.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist John Dearborn’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226797830"><em>Power Shifts: Congress and Presidential Representation</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2021), weaves together three connected threads in the course of his analysis: the role and capacity of ideas to make political change, the evolution of the position and understanding of the President of the United States as a representative of the citizens of the United States, and the way in which congressional legislation also works to shift the constitutional or institutional relationship between Congress and the President. This is a propulsive book, which is not necessarily the norm for academic publications, and Dearborn keeps the reader engaged through fascinating details about legislation that Congress passes in the midst of the 20th century that not only sets up policy outcomes but also provides the president with the power to create those outcomes. Dearborn then traces the ways, in the latter part of the 20th century, in which Congress attempts to wrangle some of that power back from the president, or to develop its own power to rival or parallel the president’s power.</p><p><em>Power Shifts</em> focuses on this concept of the president as a national representative, which was not necessarily the idea that the Founders had for the president at the time of the Constitutional Convention. Some thought was given to how this national office would operate, but because of the way that the president is elected, at a remove from the people, the idea that the president was the voice or tribune of the people was not the key concept in the design of the presidency. Dearborn takes the reader through the evolution of this concept during the 19th and 20th century, highlighting how the presidents made claim to this particular role, while noting that it became clear that the veto power was not sufficient to reflect the voice of the people. During a number of decades in the midst of the 20th century, Congress builds up the presidency as an institution, formalizing presidential agenda-setting capacities and giving the presidency the organizational capacity to function as the center of the governmental structure and as the representative of all of the people. In examining several congressional acts, including the Budget Act of 1921, the Reorganization Act of 1939, and other particular constructions by Congress, <em>Power Shifts</em> examines how these creations centered presidential representation as the key to the design for these legislative moves. In the second part of the book, Dearborn explores the period of congressional resurgence in the 1970s and 1980s, and how Congress created connected legislation that sought to pull some of these powers away from the president, or at least provide Congress with sufficient capacity to challenge the president in a number of different arenas. And again, the arguments around the legislation dive into the question of whether the president is operating as a national representative, with a focus on the best interests of the people and the country.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3078</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[05f3b2f4-c01f-11ec-8d8c-5f7ae12fc426]]></guid>
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      <title>Rebecca DeWolf, "Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict Over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920-1963" (U Nebraska Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In Political Science, we are very familiar with the work of scholars who try to unpack why the ERA failed to get the required states. But Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920-1963 published by the University of Nebraska in 2021 interrogates how earlier debates on the ERA transcended traditional political divides and ultimately redefined the concept of citizenship in the United States. By using a rich collection of public and private sources, Dr. Rebecca DeWolf shows that support for and opposition to the ERA was not tied to either conservatism or liberalism. Instead unusual allies coalesced around two competing views of citizenship – what DeWolf calls the emancipatory and the protectionist. Gendered Citizenship argues that the early conflict over the ERA changed the definition of rights -- and the catalyst for that change was the 19th amendment. Those opposing the ERA provided a modern justification for separate and distinct standards of rights for men and women citizens -- and that formulation still haunts 21st century politics.
Dr. Rebecca DeWolf is a historian focused on gender and women’s history, politics, and United States' constitutional culture. She has received the Dirksen Center Congressional Research Grant as well as grants from American University to do her archival research on the ERA. Her writing has appeared in the Washington Post, History News Network, New America Weekly, and Frontiers.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>555</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rebecca DeWolf</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Political Science, we are very familiar with the work of scholars who try to unpack why the ERA failed to get the required states. But Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920-1963 published by the University of Nebraska in 2021 interrogates how earlier debates on the ERA transcended traditional political divides and ultimately redefined the concept of citizenship in the United States. By using a rich collection of public and private sources, Dr. Rebecca DeWolf shows that support for and opposition to the ERA was not tied to either conservatism or liberalism. Instead unusual allies coalesced around two competing views of citizenship – what DeWolf calls the emancipatory and the protectionist. Gendered Citizenship argues that the early conflict over the ERA changed the definition of rights -- and the catalyst for that change was the 19th amendment. Those opposing the ERA provided a modern justification for separate and distinct standards of rights for men and women citizens -- and that formulation still haunts 21st century politics.
Dr. Rebecca DeWolf is a historian focused on gender and women’s history, politics, and United States' constitutional culture. She has received the Dirksen Center Congressional Research Grant as well as grants from American University to do her archival research on the ERA. Her writing has appeared in the Washington Post, History News Network, New America Weekly, and Frontiers.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In Political Science, we are very familiar with the work of scholars who try to unpack why the ERA failed to get the required states. But <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496215567"><em>Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920-1963</em></a><em> </em>published by the University of Nebraska in 2021 interrogates how earlier debates on the ERA transcended traditional political divides and ultimately redefined the concept of citizenship in the United States. By using a rich collection of public and private sources, Dr. Rebecca DeWolf shows that support for and opposition to the ERA was not tied to either conservatism or liberalism. Instead unusual allies coalesced around two competing views of citizenship – what DeWolf calls the emancipatory and the protectionist. <em>Gendered Citizenship </em>argues that the early conflict over the ERA changed the definition of rights -- and the catalyst for that change was the 19th amendment. Those opposing the ERA provided a modern justification for separate and distinct standards of rights for men and women citizens -- and that formulation still haunts 21st century politics.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://www.rebeccadewolf.com/">Rebecca DeWolf</a> is a historian focused on gender and women’s history, politics, and United States' constitutional culture. She has received the Dirksen Center Congressional Research Grant as well as grants from American University to do her archival research on the ERA. Her writing has appeared in the <em>Washington Post</em>, <em>History News Network</em>, <em>New America Weekly</em>, and <em>Frontiers</em>.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4475</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>John Roy Price, "The Last Liberal Republican: An Insider's Perspective on Nixon's Surprising Social Policy" (UP of Kansas, 2021)</title>
      <description>History is told, it is said, by the victors. And so it is in regard to Richard Nixon. We all know how his presidency ended. What too few of us recall or bother to learn is how it started. In his new The Last Liberal Republican: An Insider's Perspective on Nixon's Surprising Social Policy (UP of Kansas, 2021), John Roy Price details how in Nixon's first few years in office, the President ardently tried to lead from the middle to eradicate the widespread poverty that had so characterized his own upbringing. It is a view of Nixon and a big-tent, policy-driven Republican Party that few of us would recognize today. Part policy history, part political history, part memoir, John Roy Price's account of his time in the White House from 1969 to 1971 is an important corrective to simplistic views of Richard Nixon and the current Republican Party.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are at https://strategicdividendinves...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1090</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John Roy Price</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>History is told, it is said, by the victors. And so it is in regard to Richard Nixon. We all know how his presidency ended. What too few of us recall or bother to learn is how it started. In his new The Last Liberal Republican: An Insider's Perspective on Nixon's Surprising Social Policy (UP of Kansas, 2021), John Roy Price details how in Nixon's first few years in office, the President ardently tried to lead from the middle to eradicate the widespread poverty that had so characterized his own upbringing. It is a view of Nixon and a big-tent, policy-driven Republican Party that few of us would recognize today. Part policy history, part political history, part memoir, John Roy Price's account of his time in the White House from 1969 to 1971 is an important corrective to simplistic views of Richard Nixon and the current Republican Party.
Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are at https://strategicdividendinves...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>History is told, it is said, by the victors. And so it is in regard to Richard Nixon. We all know how his presidency ended. What too few of us recall or bother to learn is how it started. In his new <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700632053"><em>The Last Liberal Republican: An Insider's Perspective on Nixon's Surprising Social Policy</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2021), <a href="https://www.grinnell.edu/user/price">John Roy Price</a> details how in Nixon's first few years in office, the President ardently tried to lead from the middle to eradicate the widespread poverty that had so characterized his own upbringing. It is a view of Nixon and a big-tent, policy-driven Republican Party that few of us would recognize today. Part policy history, part political history, part memoir, John Roy Price's account of his time in the White House from 1969 to 1971 is an important corrective to simplistic views of Richard Nixon and the current Republican Party.</p><p><em>Daniel Peris is Senior Vice President at Federated Hermes in Pittsburgh. He can be reached at DanielxPeris@gmail.com or via Twitter @HistoryInvestor. His History and Investing blog and Keep Calm &amp; Carry On Investing podcast are at </em><a href="https://strategicdividendinvestor.com/"><em>https://strategicdividendinves...</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2148</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[d7827ffc-c00c-11ec-a478-23ff288bb00f]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5248177928.mp3?updated=1634564962" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ronald J. Pestritto, "America Transformed: The Rise and Legacy of American Progressivism" (Encounter Books, 2021)</title>
      <description>What’s a “progressive?” We hear constantly about the rift in the Democratic Party between its “progressive” wing and its “moderate” one. But what exactly was “Progressivism?” And why do we hear the word “progressive” but not much about “Progressivism?”
The answer may lie in the fact that modern day progressive Democrats or those who ally with them (such as Bernie Sanders) don’t want to dwell on the fact that much of their political program descends from political leaders they now disown (such as Woodrow Wilson) or who were, at various times, Republicans (like Theodore Roosevelt).
Additionally, progressives are probably not eager to be so openly opposed to the basic principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the U.S. Constitution as their political and intellectual forebears were because that might hurt their poll numbers among average Americans.
Moreover, the progressives really do not need to embrace the idea of the rule of the elites and the need for an administrative state and to fight for those things because that is the world we live in thanks to the Progressive thinkers and leaders profiled in the 2021 book America Transformed: The Rise and Legacy of American Progressivism by Ronald J. Pestritto.
The book is must reading for everyone who wants to understand why unelected people such as the personnel of federal agencies, city managers, federal judges at many levels and so forth wield so much power and are so unanswerable to the bulk of the population.
Pestritto reveals the dual legacy of Progressivism. To wit, via illuminating and meticulous examination of the writings and speeches of well-known figures such as Wilson and Roosevelt and lesser known but influential thinkers such as the theorists and academics Richard Ely, Frank Goodnow and James Landis, Pestritto documents how the Progressives disempowered average Americans even as those figures harped on the theme of accountability in government and dismissed the safeguards for individual liberty that the Constitution provides.
Pestritto traces the intellectual incoherence of much of progressive thinking and policy c. 1880-1945 and demonstrates how the conflict between the oft-stated concern of the progressive left for the common man and the reality of bureaucratization has its roots in the Progressive Era and why so many Americans are frustrated by the fact that Congress has willingly signed over to the administrative state the right to write its own rules, to determine if those rules are fair and to implement those rules and regulations.
It is not for nothing that Pestritto uses the word “transformed” given the curtailment of involvement by everyday Americans in their own governing processes that the Progressives ensured. A particular strength of his book is his exposure of the way that progressives from Wilson down to Obama and since have disingenuously claimed that Abraham Lincoln was a proto-progressive even though Lincoln was one of the most ardent, eloquent proponents of the Declaration of Independence and natural rights.
We often hear from progressives that we need to be on the “right side of history.” In this valuable book, Ronald J. Pestritto explains to us the intellectual background of such platitudes. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 20 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>130</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ronald J. Pestritto</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What’s a “progressive?” We hear constantly about the rift in the Democratic Party between its “progressive” wing and its “moderate” one. But what exactly was “Progressivism?” And why do we hear the word “progressive” but not much about “Progressivism?”
The answer may lie in the fact that modern day progressive Democrats or those who ally with them (such as Bernie Sanders) don’t want to dwell on the fact that much of their political program descends from political leaders they now disown (such as Woodrow Wilson) or who were, at various times, Republicans (like Theodore Roosevelt).
Additionally, progressives are probably not eager to be so openly opposed to the basic principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the U.S. Constitution as their political and intellectual forebears were because that might hurt their poll numbers among average Americans.
Moreover, the progressives really do not need to embrace the idea of the rule of the elites and the need for an administrative state and to fight for those things because that is the world we live in thanks to the Progressive thinkers and leaders profiled in the 2021 book America Transformed: The Rise and Legacy of American Progressivism by Ronald J. Pestritto.
The book is must reading for everyone who wants to understand why unelected people such as the personnel of federal agencies, city managers, federal judges at many levels and so forth wield so much power and are so unanswerable to the bulk of the population.
Pestritto reveals the dual legacy of Progressivism. To wit, via illuminating and meticulous examination of the writings and speeches of well-known figures such as Wilson and Roosevelt and lesser known but influential thinkers such as the theorists and academics Richard Ely, Frank Goodnow and James Landis, Pestritto documents how the Progressives disempowered average Americans even as those figures harped on the theme of accountability in government and dismissed the safeguards for individual liberty that the Constitution provides.
Pestritto traces the intellectual incoherence of much of progressive thinking and policy c. 1880-1945 and demonstrates how the conflict between the oft-stated concern of the progressive left for the common man and the reality of bureaucratization has its roots in the Progressive Era and why so many Americans are frustrated by the fact that Congress has willingly signed over to the administrative state the right to write its own rules, to determine if those rules are fair and to implement those rules and regulations.
It is not for nothing that Pestritto uses the word “transformed” given the curtailment of involvement by everyday Americans in their own governing processes that the Progressives ensured. A particular strength of his book is his exposure of the way that progressives from Wilson down to Obama and since have disingenuously claimed that Abraham Lincoln was a proto-progressive even though Lincoln was one of the most ardent, eloquent proponents of the Declaration of Independence and natural rights.
We often hear from progressives that we need to be on the “right side of history.” In this valuable book, Ronald J. Pestritto explains to us the intellectual background of such platitudes. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What’s a “progressive?” We hear constantly about the rift in the Democratic Party between its “progressive” wing and its “moderate” one. But what exactly was “Progressivism?” And why do we hear the word “progressive” but not much about “Progressivism?”</p><p>The answer may lie in the fact that modern day progressive Democrats or those who ally with them (such as Bernie Sanders) don’t want to dwell on the fact that much of their political program descends from political leaders they now disown (such as Woodrow Wilson) or who were, at various times, Republicans (like Theodore Roosevelt).</p><p>Additionally, progressives are probably not eager to be so openly opposed to the basic principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the U.S. Constitution as their political and intellectual forebears were because that might hurt their poll numbers among average Americans.</p><p>Moreover, the progressives really do not need to embrace the idea of the rule of the elites and the need for an administrative state and to fight for those things because that is the world we live in thanks to the Progressive thinkers and leaders profiled in the 2021 book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641771689"><em>America Transformed: The Rise and Legacy of American Progressivism</em></a> by Ronald J. Pestritto.</p><p>The book is must reading for everyone who wants to understand why unelected people such as the personnel of federal agencies, city managers, federal judges at many levels and so forth wield so much power and are so unanswerable to the bulk of the population.</p><p>Pestritto reveals the dual legacy of Progressivism. To wit, via illuminating and meticulous examination of the writings and speeches of well-known figures such as Wilson and Roosevelt and lesser known but influential thinkers such as the theorists and academics Richard Ely, Frank Goodnow and James Landis, Pestritto documents how the Progressives disempowered average Americans even as those figures harped on the theme of accountability in government and dismissed the safeguards for individual liberty that the Constitution provides.</p><p>Pestritto traces the intellectual incoherence of much of progressive thinking and policy c. 1880-1945 and demonstrates how the conflict between the oft-stated concern of the progressive left for the common man and the reality of bureaucratization has its roots in the Progressive Era and why so many Americans are frustrated by the fact that Congress has willingly signed over to the administrative state the right to write its own rules, to determine if those rules are fair and to implement those rules and regulations.</p><p>It is not for nothing that Pestritto uses the word “transformed” given the curtailment of involvement by everyday Americans in their own governing processes that the Progressives ensured. A particular strength of his book is his exposure of the way that progressives from Wilson down to Obama and since have disingenuously claimed that Abraham Lincoln was a proto-progressive even though Lincoln was one of the most ardent, eloquent proponents of the Declaration of Independence and natural rights.</p><p>We often hear from progressives that we need to be on the “right side of history.” In this valuable book, Ronald J. Pestritto explains to us the intellectual background of such platitudes. Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3245</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3530918937.mp3?updated=1634065601" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>P. Gabrielle Foreman and Jim Casey, "The Colored Conventions Movement: Black Organizing in the Nineteenth Century" (UNC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>P. Gabrielle Foreman and Jim Casey's edited volume The Colored Conventions Movement: Black Organizing in the Nineteenth Century (UNC Press, 2021) is the first to focus on the Colored Conventions movement, the nineteenth century's longest campaign for Black civil rights. Well before the founding of the NAACP and other twentieth-century pillars of the civil rights movement, tens of thousands of Black leaders organized state and national conventions across North America. Over seven decades, they advocated for social justice and against slavery, protesting state-sanctioned and mob violence while demanding voting, legal, labor, and educational rights. While Black-led activism in this era is often overshadowed by the attention paid to the abolition movement, this collection centers Black activist networks, influence, and institution building. Collectively, these essays highlight the vital role of the Colored Conventions in the lives of thousands of early organizers, including many of the most famous writers, ministers, politicians, and entrepreneurs in the long history of Black activism. Explore accompanying exhibits and historical records at The Colored Conventions Project website.
Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>257</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with P. Gabrielle Foreman and Jim Casey</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>P. Gabrielle Foreman and Jim Casey's edited volume The Colored Conventions Movement: Black Organizing in the Nineteenth Century (UNC Press, 2021) is the first to focus on the Colored Conventions movement, the nineteenth century's longest campaign for Black civil rights. Well before the founding of the NAACP and other twentieth-century pillars of the civil rights movement, tens of thousands of Black leaders organized state and national conventions across North America. Over seven decades, they advocated for social justice and against slavery, protesting state-sanctioned and mob violence while demanding voting, legal, labor, and educational rights. While Black-led activism in this era is often overshadowed by the attention paid to the abolition movement, this collection centers Black activist networks, influence, and institution building. Collectively, these essays highlight the vital role of the Colored Conventions in the lives of thousands of early organizers, including many of the most famous writers, ministers, politicians, and entrepreneurs in the long history of Black activism. Explore accompanying exhibits and historical records at The Colored Conventions Project website.
Adam McNeil is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>P. Gabrielle Foreman and Jim Casey's edited volume <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469654263"><em>The Colored Conventions Movement: Black Organizing in the Nineteenth Century</em></a> (UNC Press, 2021) is the first to focus on the Colored Conventions movement, the nineteenth century's longest campaign for Black civil rights. Well before the founding of the NAACP and other twentieth-century pillars of the civil rights movement, tens of thousands of Black leaders organized state and national conventions across North America. Over seven decades, they advocated for social justice and against slavery, protesting state-sanctioned and mob violence while demanding voting, legal, labor, and educational rights. While Black-led activism in this era is often overshadowed by the attention paid to the abolition movement, this collection centers Black activist networks, influence, and institution building. Collectively, these essays highlight the vital role of the Colored Conventions in the lives of thousands of early organizers, including many of the most famous writers, ministers, politicians, and entrepreneurs in the long history of Black activism. Explore accompanying exhibits and historical records at The Colored Conventions Project <a href="https://coloredconventions.org/">website</a>.</p><p><a href="https://history.rutgers.edu/people/graduate-students/grad-student/1155-mcneil-adam"><em>Adam McNeil</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in History at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6028</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6795627896.mp3?updated=1634988135" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rachel M. Blum, "How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics" (U Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>The discussion of factions in American politics is as old as the republic itself. But there is more to consider, particularly in terms of the way that contemporary factions operate within our current political landscape. Political Scientist Rachel Blum, in her new book, How The
How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics (U Chicago Press, 2020), focuses on the Tea Party’s rise, as a new faction within a long line of factions, and how the Tea Party infiltrated the Republican Party—impacting the disposition of the party itself and how it now operates. Blum’s personal background and political interests contributed to her capacity to analyze and evaluate the strategies and approaches used by the Tea Party, helping her to understand the structure and the sometimes-confusing tactics that these activists used to pursue their goals. Blum’s book also examines the Republican Party as an organization that, at its core, is aimed at getting Republicans elected to office, and how the Tea Party was able to take advantage of the structure and organization of the GOP at the most local levels, as well as at state and national levels, to aid in the drive to activate the Tea Party agenda within the Republican Party itself. Ultimately, the Tea Party would push against the GOP like a party within a party.
How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics is a multi-method investigation into the Tea Party and the Republican Party, constructed out of an elaborate collection of evidence including network analysis, the use of text-as-data, and long-form interviews with Tea Party activists. Blum started her research as a result of a conversation with a Tea Party activist in 2012 where, rather than discussing President Obama’s re-election, Obamacare, or government spending, Blum was surprised to find the activist preferred to discuss their distrust of the Republican Party. Why would this lifelong Republican choose to be upset with his own party, rather than with the Democrats? This is the question that drove Blum’s investigation of political polarization within the Republican party itself, and this led to a complex matrix of approaches to weave together the analysis of what was going on between the Tea Party and the Republican Party. Blum’s understanding of factions within factions presents a new way to understand the Tea Party’s political strategies, but it also helps us to understand the more expansive polarization across the political spectrum in the United States. Blum’s work also outlines how candidate Donald Trump picked up on the topics and the rhetoric of the Tea Party, and how the Trump/MAGA faction has also been able to take over the current Republican Party. How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics is an elegant and articulate exploration of the Tea Party, including an analysis of the Tea Party strategies, message, and its insurgent approach to politics. How the Tea Party Captured the GOP also formulates a lesson that guides the reader to better understand party dynamics, both inside the parties themselves and in competition with each other.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>549</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Rachel M. Blum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The discussion of factions in American politics is as old as the republic itself. But there is more to consider, particularly in terms of the way that contemporary factions operate within our current political landscape. Political Scientist Rachel Blum, in her new book, How The
How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics (U Chicago Press, 2020), focuses on the Tea Party’s rise, as a new faction within a long line of factions, and how the Tea Party infiltrated the Republican Party—impacting the disposition of the party itself and how it now operates. Blum’s personal background and political interests contributed to her capacity to analyze and evaluate the strategies and approaches used by the Tea Party, helping her to understand the structure and the sometimes-confusing tactics that these activists used to pursue their goals. Blum’s book also examines the Republican Party as an organization that, at its core, is aimed at getting Republicans elected to office, and how the Tea Party was able to take advantage of the structure and organization of the GOP at the most local levels, as well as at state and national levels, to aid in the drive to activate the Tea Party agenda within the Republican Party itself. Ultimately, the Tea Party would push against the GOP like a party within a party.
How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics is a multi-method investigation into the Tea Party and the Republican Party, constructed out of an elaborate collection of evidence including network analysis, the use of text-as-data, and long-form interviews with Tea Party activists. Blum started her research as a result of a conversation with a Tea Party activist in 2012 where, rather than discussing President Obama’s re-election, Obamacare, or government spending, Blum was surprised to find the activist preferred to discuss their distrust of the Republican Party. Why would this lifelong Republican choose to be upset with his own party, rather than with the Democrats? This is the question that drove Blum’s investigation of political polarization within the Republican party itself, and this led to a complex matrix of approaches to weave together the analysis of what was going on between the Tea Party and the Republican Party. Blum’s understanding of factions within factions presents a new way to understand the Tea Party’s political strategies, but it also helps us to understand the more expansive polarization across the political spectrum in the United States. Blum’s work also outlines how candidate Donald Trump picked up on the topics and the rhetoric of the Tea Party, and how the Trump/MAGA faction has also been able to take over the current Republican Party. How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics is an elegant and articulate exploration of the Tea Party, including an analysis of the Tea Party strategies, message, and its insurgent approach to politics. How the Tea Party Captured the GOP also formulates a lesson that guides the reader to better understand party dynamics, both inside the parties themselves and in competition with each other.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The discussion of factions in American politics is as old as the republic itself. But there is more to consider, particularly in terms of the way that contemporary factions operate within our current political landscape. Political Scientist Rachel Blum, in her new book, <em>How The</em></p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226687520"><em>How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2020), f<em>ocuses on the Tea Party’s rise, as a new faction within a long line of factions, and how the Tea Party infiltrated the Republican Party—impacting the disposition of the party itself and how it now operates. Blum’s personal background and political interests contributed to her capacity to analyze and evaluate the strategies and approaches used by the Tea Party, helping her to understand the structure and the sometimes-confusing tactics that these activists used to pursue their goals. Blum’s book also examines the Republican Party as an organization that, at its core, is aimed at getting Republicans elected to office, and how the Tea Party was able to take advantage of the structure and organization of the GOP at the most local levels, as well as at state and national levels, to aid in the drive to activate the Tea Party agenda within the Republican Party itself. Ultimately, the Tea Party would push against the GOP like a party within a party.</em></p><p><em>How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics </em>is a multi-method investigation into the Tea Party and the Republican Party, constructed out of an elaborate collection of evidence including network analysis, the use of text-as-data, and long-form interviews with Tea Party activists. Blum started her research as a result of a conversation with a Tea Party activist in 2012 where, rather than discussing President Obama’s re-election, Obamacare, or government spending, Blum was surprised to find the activist preferred to discuss their distrust of the Republican Party. Why would this lifelong Republican choose to be upset with his own party, rather than with the Democrats? This is the question that drove Blum’s investigation of political polarization within the Republican party itself, and this led to a complex matrix of approaches to weave together the analysis of what was going on between the Tea Party and the Republican Party. Blum’s understanding of factions within factions presents a new way to understand the Tea Party’s political strategies, but it also helps us to understand the more expansive polarization across the political spectrum in the United States. Blum’s work also outlines how candidate Donald Trump picked up on the topics and the rhetoric of the Tea Party, and how the Trump/MAGA faction has also been able to take over the current Republican Party. <em>How the Tea Party Captured the GOP: Insurgent Factions in American Politics </em>is an elegant and articulate exploration of the Tea Party, including an analysis of the Tea Party strategies, message, and its insurgent approach to politics. <em>How the Tea Party Captured the GOP</em> also formulates a lesson that guides the reader to better understand party dynamics, both inside the parties themselves and in competition with each other.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3040</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Eugene Price, "The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed" (Routledge, 2020)</title>
      <description>With years of experience as the Representative of the Fourth District in North Carolina, as an educator, a writer, and a political scientist, David Price examines the last 45 years of politics in the United States Congress, in North Carolina, and in his life as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. Representative Price currently serves as Chairman of the House Transportation, Housing and Urban Development Appropriations Subcommittee, and he is also the Chair of the House Democracy Partnership, which we discuss during the podcast interview. The Congressional Experience begins with Price’s personal anecdote of the progression of his career as a politician so as to provide a fuller look into the life of a member of Congress. Following the subtitle of the book, “an institution transformed,” Price opens the conversation about how the U.S. Congress has developed over time, through the Cold War, the economic successes of the 1990’s, international terrorism, recession, the Obama and Trump administrations, and through a global pandemic. Price also brings into focus the changes in the ways that Congress functions because of the increased political polarization in the United States. 
The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed (Routledge, 2020) outlines the complex issues that the U.S. Congress, and the American government in general, regularly faces, in both the domestic and the international sphere. But Price’s approach to explaining these policy processes and complexities is through an intimate picture of how Congress works. Price unpacks the political polarization between executive and legislative government—especially during periods of divided government, and how that has drastically changed citizens’ opinion of the U.S. governmental system from admiration to contempt. In his efforts as a member of Congress, as a representative of the people in North Carolina’s 4th District, and as a political scientist, Price works to alter the perceptions of government in The Congressional Experience. His hope is that readers will have a better understanding of the fundamentals of government, the way that the institutions function, and how those who are elected to public office work within these political institutions. Given the shifts over the years, members have become more entrepreneurial, pursuing different goals and outcomes, some tied to the original roles and responsibilities of elected office holders, others tied to opportunities that might be pursued after leaving public office. Price stresses the need for citizens to understand how political institutions were designed to work, and to hold their elected official responsible for making decisions on their behalf while in Washington, D.C. This is a truly fascinating textbook about the U.S. Congress, since it weaves together Price’s decades of experiences in the U.S. House, as well as his expertise not only as a member of the House, but also as a political scientist. The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed provides a unique perspective on the U.S. Congress, especially during this period of institutional transition while also magnifying the importance of local government.
Shaina Boldt assisted with the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 07 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>548</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with David Eugene Price</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With years of experience as the Representative of the Fourth District in North Carolina, as an educator, a writer, and a political scientist, David Price examines the last 45 years of politics in the United States Congress, in North Carolina, and in his life as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. Representative Price currently serves as Chairman of the House Transportation, Housing and Urban Development Appropriations Subcommittee, and he is also the Chair of the House Democracy Partnership, which we discuss during the podcast interview. The Congressional Experience begins with Price’s personal anecdote of the progression of his career as a politician so as to provide a fuller look into the life of a member of Congress. Following the subtitle of the book, “an institution transformed,” Price opens the conversation about how the U.S. Congress has developed over time, through the Cold War, the economic successes of the 1990’s, international terrorism, recession, the Obama and Trump administrations, and through a global pandemic. Price also brings into focus the changes in the ways that Congress functions because of the increased political polarization in the United States. 
The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed (Routledge, 2020) outlines the complex issues that the U.S. Congress, and the American government in general, regularly faces, in both the domestic and the international sphere. But Price’s approach to explaining these policy processes and complexities is through an intimate picture of how Congress works. Price unpacks the political polarization between executive and legislative government—especially during periods of divided government, and how that has drastically changed citizens’ opinion of the U.S. governmental system from admiration to contempt. In his efforts as a member of Congress, as a representative of the people in North Carolina’s 4th District, and as a political scientist, Price works to alter the perceptions of government in The Congressional Experience. His hope is that readers will have a better understanding of the fundamentals of government, the way that the institutions function, and how those who are elected to public office work within these political institutions. Given the shifts over the years, members have become more entrepreneurial, pursuing different goals and outcomes, some tied to the original roles and responsibilities of elected office holders, others tied to opportunities that might be pursued after leaving public office. Price stresses the need for citizens to understand how political institutions were designed to work, and to hold their elected official responsible for making decisions on their behalf while in Washington, D.C. This is a truly fascinating textbook about the U.S. Congress, since it weaves together Price’s decades of experiences in the U.S. House, as well as his expertise not only as a member of the House, but also as a political scientist. The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed provides a unique perspective on the U.S. Congress, especially during this period of institutional transition while also magnifying the importance of local government.
Shaina Boldt assisted with the production of this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With years of experience as the Representative of the Fourth District in North Carolina, as an educator, a writer, and a political scientist, David Price examines the last 45 years of politics in the United States Congress, in North Carolina, and in his life as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives. Representative Price currently serves as Chairman of the House Transportation, Housing and Urban Development Appropriations Subcommittee, and he is also the Chair of the House Democracy Partnership, which we discuss during the podcast interview. <em>The Congressional Experience</em> begins with Price’s personal anecdote of the progression of his career as a politician so as to provide a fuller look into the life of a member of Congress. Following the subtitle of the book, “an institution transformed,” Price opens the conversation about how the U.S. Congress has developed over time, through the Cold War, the economic successes of the 1990’s, international terrorism, recession, the Obama and Trump administrations, and through a global pandemic. Price also brings into focus the changes in the ways that Congress functions because of the increased political polarization in the United States. </p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367627072"><em>The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed</em></a> (Routledge, 2020) outlines the complex issues that the U.S. Congress, and the American government in general, regularly faces, in both the domestic and the international sphere. But Price’s approach to explaining these policy processes and complexities is through an intimate picture of how Congress works. Price unpacks the political polarization between executive and legislative government—especially during periods of divided government, and how that has drastically changed citizens’ opinion of the U.S. governmental system from admiration to contempt. In his efforts as a member of Congress, as a representative of the people in North Carolina’s 4th District, and as a political scientist, Price works to alter the perceptions of government in <em>The Congressional Experience</em>. His hope is that readers will have a better understanding of the fundamentals of government, the way that the institutions function, and how those who are elected to public office work within these political institutions. Given the shifts over the years, members have become more entrepreneurial, pursuing different goals and outcomes, some tied to the original roles and responsibilities of elected office holders, others tied to opportunities that might be pursued after leaving public office. Price stresses the need for citizens to understand how political institutions were designed to work, and to hold their elected official responsible for making decisions on their behalf while in Washington, D.C. This is a truly fascinating textbook about the U.S. Congress, since it weaves together Price’s decades of experiences in the U.S. House, as well as his expertise not only as a member of the House, but also as a political scientist. <em>The Congressional Experience: An Institution Transformed</em> provides a unique perspective on the U.S. Congress, especially during this period of institutional transition while also magnifying the importance of local government.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with the production of this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3291</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>James M. Curry and Frances E. Lee, "The Limits of Party: Congress and Lawmaking in a Polarized Era" (U Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>To many observers, Congress has become a deeply partisan institution where ideologically-distinct political parties do little more than engage in legislative trench warfare. A zero-sum, winner-take-all approach to congressional politics has replaced the bipartisan comity ofpast eras. If the parties cannot get everything they want in national policymaking, then they prefer gridlock and stalemate to compromise. Or, at least, that is the conventional wisdom.
In The Limits of Party: Congress and Lawmaking in a Polarized Era (U Chicago Press, 2020), James M. Curry and Frances E. Lee challenge this conventional wisdom. By constructing legislative histories of congressional majority parties’attempts to enact their policy agendas in every congress since the 1980s and by drawing on interviews with Washington insiders, the authors analyze the successes and failures of congressional parties to enact their legislative agendas. Their conclusions will surprise many congressional observers: Even in our time of intense party polarization, bipartisanship remains the key to legislative success on Capitol Hill.
Frances E. Lee is Professor of Politics and Public Affairs in the Department of Politics at Princeton University. James Curry is Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Political Science at the University of Utah. Their book, The Limits of Party, won the American Political Science Association's Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book in the field of US national policy.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Oct 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>118</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with James M. Curry and Frances E. Lee</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>To many observers, Congress has become a deeply partisan institution where ideologically-distinct political parties do little more than engage in legislative trench warfare. A zero-sum, winner-take-all approach to congressional politics has replaced the bipartisan comity ofpast eras. If the parties cannot get everything they want in national policymaking, then they prefer gridlock and stalemate to compromise. Or, at least, that is the conventional wisdom.
In The Limits of Party: Congress and Lawmaking in a Polarized Era (U Chicago Press, 2020), James M. Curry and Frances E. Lee challenge this conventional wisdom. By constructing legislative histories of congressional majority parties’attempts to enact their policy agendas in every congress since the 1980s and by drawing on interviews with Washington insiders, the authors analyze the successes and failures of congressional parties to enact their legislative agendas. Their conclusions will surprise many congressional observers: Even in our time of intense party polarization, bipartisanship remains the key to legislative success on Capitol Hill.
Frances E. Lee is Professor of Politics and Public Affairs in the Department of Politics at Princeton University. James Curry is Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Political Science at the University of Utah. Their book, The Limits of Party, won the American Political Science Association's Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book in the field of US national policy.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>To many observers, Congress has become a deeply partisan institution where ideologically-distinct political parties do little more than engage in legislative trench warfare. A zero-sum, winner-take-all approach to congressional politics has replaced the bipartisan comity ofpast eras. If the parties cannot get everything they want in national policymaking, then they prefer gridlock and stalemate to compromise. Or, at least, that is the conventional wisdom.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226716350"><em>The Limits of Party: Congress and Lawmaking in a Polarized Era</em></a><em> </em>(U Chicago Press, 2020), James M. Curry and Frances E. Lee challenge this conventional wisdom. By constructing legislative histories of congressional majority parties’attempts to enact their policy agendas in every congress since the 1980s and by drawing on interviews with Washington insiders, the authors analyze the successes and failures of congressional parties to enact their legislative agendas. Their conclusions will surprise many congressional observers: Even in our time of intense party polarization, bipartisanship remains the key to legislative success on Capitol Hill.</p><p>Frances E. Lee is Professor of Politics and Public Affairs in the Department of Politics at <a href="https://www.princeton.edu/">Princeton University</a>. James Curry is Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in the Department of Political Science at the <a href="http://www.utah.edu/">University of Utah</a>. Their book, The Limits of Party, won the American Political Science Association's Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book in the field of US national policy.</p><p><em>Host </em><strong><em>Ursula Hackett </em></strong><em>is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2727</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Robinson Woodward-Burns, "Hidden Laws: How State Constitutions Stabilize American Politics" (Yale UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Robinson Woodward-Burns is the author of Hidden Laws: How the State Constitutions Stabilize American Politics, published by Yale University Press in 2021. Hidden Laws explores the relationship between both state and national constitutional development, debates, and reform. A sprawling study of American constitutional history, Woodward-Burns’s book shows how the federal government often deferred to state constitutional reform as a mechanism for dealing with national constitutional controversies. From banking to slavery, women’s suffrage to welfare, Woodward-Burns explores the myriad of ways constitutional controversies were debated and resolved in the United States.
Woodward-Burns is an Assistant Professor at Howard University.
Derek Litvak is a PhD candidate at the University of Maryland—College Park. His dissertation, "The Specter of Black Citizens: Race, Slavery, and Citizenship in the Early United States," examines how citizenship was used to both bolster the institution of slavery and exclude Black Americans from the body politic.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1071</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robinson Woodward-Burns</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robinson Woodward-Burns is the author of Hidden Laws: How the State Constitutions Stabilize American Politics, published by Yale University Press in 2021. Hidden Laws explores the relationship between both state and national constitutional development, debates, and reform. A sprawling study of American constitutional history, Woodward-Burns’s book shows how the federal government often deferred to state constitutional reform as a mechanism for dealing with national constitutional controversies. From banking to slavery, women’s suffrage to welfare, Woodward-Burns explores the myriad of ways constitutional controversies were debated and resolved in the United States.
Woodward-Burns is an Assistant Professor at Howard University.
Derek Litvak is a PhD candidate at the University of Maryland—College Park. His dissertation, "The Specter of Black Citizens: Race, Slavery, and Citizenship in the Early United States," examines how citizenship was used to both bolster the institution of slavery and exclude Black Americans from the body politic.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Robinson Woodward-Burns is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300248692"><em>Hidden Laws: How the State Constitutions Stabilize American Politics</em></a>, published by Yale University Press in 2021. <em>Hidden Laws</em> explores the relationship between both state and national constitutional development, debates, and reform. A sprawling study of American constitutional history, Woodward-Burns’s book shows how the federal government often deferred to state constitutional reform as a mechanism for dealing with national constitutional controversies. From banking to slavery, women’s suffrage to welfare, Woodward-Burns explores the myriad of ways constitutional controversies were debated and resolved in the United States.</p><p>Woodward-Burns is an Assistant Professor at Howard University.</p><p><em>Derek Litvak is a PhD candidate at the University of Maryland—College Park. His dissertation, "The Specter of Black Citizens: Race, Slavery, and Citizenship in the Early United States," examines how citizenship was used to both bolster the institution of slavery and exclude Black Americans from the body politic.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3059</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>J. P. M. Drury and S. A. M. Drury, "Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: an American Musical" (Peter Lang, 2021)</title>
      <description>Hamilton: An American Musical made its record-breaking Broadway debut in 2015—but the musical has reached far beyond typical Broadway audiences to pave a path into political discourse, pop culture, classroom curriculums, and the broader conversation about contemporary American politics. What led to this chain reaction of popularity, and how does it continue to influence these cultural and political dynamics? Jeffery and Sara Mehltretter Drury work to answer these questions using the tools of rhetorical criticism by bringing together a collection of essays in their book, Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: an American Musical (Peter Lang, 2021). This volume is part of the Frontiers in Political Communication series at Peter Lang Publishers—a book series that aims to produce timely scholarship at the very cutting edge of political communication, emphasizing “how citizens, governments, and the media interact is the communication process.” Dr. Sara Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric, and the Director of Democracy &amp; Public Discourse at Wabash College. Dr. Jeffery Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric at Wabash College. Their combined expertise has helped to produce an edited volume that invites the reader to join the deep analysis of the musical Hamilton.
The book is structured around three major themes in the realm of rhetorical criticism: public memory, rhetoric and social identity, rhetoric of democracy and social change. Each section of the book presents multiple interpretations of the musical in order to present new perspectives in understanding Hamilton’s relevance to politics and culture. Public memory centers on the narrative concepts of Hamilton and how it addresses American myths regarding the American Dream and the foundation of America. Rhetoric and Social Identity approaches race and gender within Hamilton, including the juxtaposition of portraying the nation’s white founders as people of color on stage. This section examines the musical’s accessibility to communities across America to discuss both historical and modern-day political conflicts. Rhetoric of Democracy and Social Change evaluates Hamilton’s influence in contemporary politics in how it normalizes political debate by humanizing historical political figures. By utilizing academic theories and analyzing multifaceted aspects of the musical, Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: An American Musical welcomes a variety of arguments to encourage its readers to engage in the ideas, arguments, and representation of American history in a contemporary context.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>544</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with J. P. M. Drury and S. A. M. Drury</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hamilton: An American Musical made its record-breaking Broadway debut in 2015—but the musical has reached far beyond typical Broadway audiences to pave a path into political discourse, pop culture, classroom curriculums, and the broader conversation about contemporary American politics. What led to this chain reaction of popularity, and how does it continue to influence these cultural and political dynamics? Jeffery and Sara Mehltretter Drury work to answer these questions using the tools of rhetorical criticism by bringing together a collection of essays in their book, Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: an American Musical (Peter Lang, 2021). This volume is part of the Frontiers in Political Communication series at Peter Lang Publishers—a book series that aims to produce timely scholarship at the very cutting edge of political communication, emphasizing “how citizens, governments, and the media interact is the communication process.” Dr. Sara Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric, and the Director of Democracy &amp; Public Discourse at Wabash College. Dr. Jeffery Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric at Wabash College. Their combined expertise has helped to produce an edited volume that invites the reader to join the deep analysis of the musical Hamilton.
The book is structured around three major themes in the realm of rhetorical criticism: public memory, rhetoric and social identity, rhetoric of democracy and social change. Each section of the book presents multiple interpretations of the musical in order to present new perspectives in understanding Hamilton’s relevance to politics and culture. Public memory centers on the narrative concepts of Hamilton and how it addresses American myths regarding the American Dream and the foundation of America. Rhetoric and Social Identity approaches race and gender within Hamilton, including the juxtaposition of portraying the nation’s white founders as people of color on stage. This section examines the musical’s accessibility to communities across America to discuss both historical and modern-day political conflicts. Rhetoric of Democracy and Social Change evaluates Hamilton’s influence in contemporary politics in how it normalizes political debate by humanizing historical political figures. By utilizing academic theories and analyzing multifaceted aspects of the musical, Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: An American Musical welcomes a variety of arguments to encourage its readers to engage in the ideas, arguments, and representation of American history in a contemporary context.
Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>Hamilton: An American Musical </em>made its record-breaking Broadway debut in 2015—but the musical has reached far beyond typical Broadway audiences to pave a path into political discourse, pop culture, classroom curriculums, and the broader conversation about contemporary American politics. What led to this chain reaction of popularity, and how does it continue to influence these cultural and political dynamics? Jeffery and Sara Mehltretter Drury work to answer these questions using the tools of rhetorical criticism by bringing together a collection of essays in their book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781433180651"><em>Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: an American Musical</em></a><em> </em>(Peter Lang, 2021). This volume is part of the <em>Frontiers in Political Communication</em> series at Peter Lang Publishers—a book series that aims to produce timely scholarship at the very cutting edge of political communication, emphasizing “how citizens, governments, and the media interact is the communication process.” Dr. Sara Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric, and the Director of Democracy &amp; Public Discourse at Wabash College. Dr. Jeffery Mehltretter Drury is an Associate Professor of Rhetoric at Wabash College. Their combined expertise has helped to produce an edited volume that invites the reader to join the deep analysis of the musical <em>Hamilton</em>.</p><p>The book is structured around three major themes in the realm of rhetorical criticism: public memory, rhetoric and social identity, rhetoric of democracy and social change. Each section of the book presents multiple interpretations of the musical in order to present new perspectives in understanding <em>Hamilton</em>’s relevance to politics and culture. Public memory centers on the narrative concepts of <em>Hamilton</em> and how it addresses American myths regarding the American Dream and the foundation of America. Rhetoric and Social Identity approaches race and gender within <em>Hamilton,</em> including the juxtaposition of portraying the nation’s white founders as people of color on stage. This section examines the musical’s accessibility to communities across America to discuss both historical and modern-day political conflicts. Rhetoric of Democracy and Social Change evaluates <em>Hamilton</em>’s influence in contemporary politics in how it normalizes political debate by humanizing historical political figures. By utilizing academic theories and analyzing multifaceted aspects of the musical, <em>Rhetoric, Politics, and Hamilton: An American Musical</em> welcomes a variety of arguments to encourage its readers to engage in the ideas, arguments, and representation of American history in a contemporary context.</p><p>Shaina Boldt assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2846</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard W. Maass, "The Picky Eagle: How Democracy and Xenophobia Limited U. S. Territorial Expansion" (Cornell UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The Picky Eagle: How Democracy and Xenophobia Limited U. S. Territorial Expansion (Cornell UP, 2020) explains why the United States stopped annexing territory by focusing on annexation's domestic consequences, both political and normative. It describes how the U.S. rejection of further annexations, despite its rising power, set the stage for twentieth-century efforts to outlaw conquest. In contrast to conventional accounts of a nineteenth-century shift from territorial expansion to commercial expansion, Richard W. Maass argues that U.S. ambitions were selective from the start.
By presenting twenty-three case studies, Maass examines the decision-making of U.S. leaders facing opportunities to pursue annexation between 1775 and 1898. U.S. presidents, secretaries, and congressmen consistently worried about how absorbing new territories would affect their domestic political influence and their goals for their country. These leaders were particularly sensitive to annexation's domestic costs where xenophobia interacted with their commitment to democracy: rather than grant political representation to a large alien population or subject it to a long-term imperial regime, they regularly avoided both of these perceived bad options by rejecting annexation. As a result, U.S. leaders often declined even profitable opportunities for territorial expansion, and they renounced the practice entirely once no desirable targets remained.
In addition to offering an updated history of the foundations of U.S. territorial expansion, The Picky Eagle adds important nuance to previous theories of great-power expansion, with implications for our understanding of U.S. foreign policy and international relations.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>3</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard W. Maass</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Picky Eagle: How Democracy and Xenophobia Limited U. S. Territorial Expansion (Cornell UP, 2020) explains why the United States stopped annexing territory by focusing on annexation's domestic consequences, both political and normative. It describes how the U.S. rejection of further annexations, despite its rising power, set the stage for twentieth-century efforts to outlaw conquest. In contrast to conventional accounts of a nineteenth-century shift from territorial expansion to commercial expansion, Richard W. Maass argues that U.S. ambitions were selective from the start.
By presenting twenty-three case studies, Maass examines the decision-making of U.S. leaders facing opportunities to pursue annexation between 1775 and 1898. U.S. presidents, secretaries, and congressmen consistently worried about how absorbing new territories would affect their domestic political influence and their goals for their country. These leaders were particularly sensitive to annexation's domestic costs where xenophobia interacted with their commitment to democracy: rather than grant political representation to a large alien population or subject it to a long-term imperial regime, they regularly avoided both of these perceived bad options by rejecting annexation. As a result, U.S. leaders often declined even profitable opportunities for territorial expansion, and they renounced the practice entirely once no desirable targets remained.
In addition to offering an updated history of the foundations of U.S. territorial expansion, The Picky Eagle adds important nuance to previous theories of great-power expansion, with implications for our understanding of U.S. foreign policy and international relations.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781501748752"><em>The Picky Eagle: How Democracy and Xenophobia Limited U. S. Territorial Expansion</em></a><em> </em>(Cornell UP, 2020) explains why the United States stopped annexing territory by focusing on annexation's domestic consequences, both political and normative. It describes how the U.S. rejection of further annexations, despite its rising power, set the stage for twentieth-century efforts to outlaw conquest. In contrast to conventional accounts of a nineteenth-century shift from territorial expansion to commercial expansion, Richard W. Maass argues that U.S. ambitions were selective from the start.</p><p>By presenting twenty-three case studies, Maass examines the decision-making of U.S. leaders facing opportunities to pursue annexation between 1775 and 1898. U.S. presidents, secretaries, and congressmen consistently worried about how absorbing new territories would affect their domestic political influence and their goals for their country. These leaders were particularly sensitive to annexation's domestic costs where xenophobia interacted with their commitment to democracy: rather than grant political representation to a large alien population or subject it to a long-term imperial regime, they regularly avoided both of these perceived bad options by rejecting annexation. As a result, U.S. leaders often declined even profitable opportunities for territorial expansion, and they renounced the practice entirely once no desirable targets remained.</p><p>In addition to offering an updated history of the foundations of U.S. territorial expansion, <em>The Picky Eagle</em> adds important nuance to previous theories of great-power expansion, with implications for our understanding of U.S. foreign policy and international relations.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4241</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: The Changing Landscape of Abortion Politics</title>
      <description>Today’s Postscript (a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) engages the latest chapter in American abortion politics as the United States Supreme Court has just allowed a Texas statute banning abortions after 6 weeks to go into effect. Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell have assembled a panel of experts in political science and law to interrogate the construction of the Texas law, the Supreme Court ruling, and how these cases map onto the wider political landscape.
Dr. Renée Ann Cramer is a Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University -- and the author of Birthing a Movement: Midwives, Law, and the Politics of Reproductive Care from Stanford University Press, 2021.
Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer is an Associate Professor of Public Policy and an Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill -- and the author of some of the most downloaded articles in political science on the abortion policy environment such as “Anti-Abortion Policymaking and Women’s Representation” (co-authored with Reingold, Beth, Tracy L. Osborn, and Michele Swers) in Political Research Quarterly. See her Monkey Cage piece on SB-8 from last week.
Dr. Andrew R. Lewis is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati and the author of The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars (Cambridge, 2017). He writes at the intersection of politics, religion, and law in America with expertise in Evangelicals and politics, conservative legal activism, and rights politics.
Dr. Joshua C. Wilson is Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver -- and the . author of The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, &amp; America’s Culture Wars and The New States of Abortion Politics both from Stanford University Press 2013 and 2016. His article “Striving to Rollback or Protect Roe: State Legislation and the Trump-Era Politics of Abortion appeared in Publius last summer.
Dr. Mary Ziegler is a Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law. She is the author of Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, Roe v. Wade to the Present (Cambridge University Press, 2020) and has a forthcoming book Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment expected from Yale University Press, 2022).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A Discussion with Renée Ann Cramer, Rebecca Kreitzer, Andrew R. Lewis, Joshua C. Wilson, and Mary Ziegler</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today’s Postscript (a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) engages the latest chapter in American abortion politics as the United States Supreme Court has just allowed a Texas statute banning abortions after 6 weeks to go into effect. Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell have assembled a panel of experts in political science and law to interrogate the construction of the Texas law, the Supreme Court ruling, and how these cases map onto the wider political landscape.
Dr. Renée Ann Cramer is a Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University -- and the author of Birthing a Movement: Midwives, Law, and the Politics of Reproductive Care from Stanford University Press, 2021.
Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer is an Associate Professor of Public Policy and an Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill -- and the author of some of the most downloaded articles in political science on the abortion policy environment such as “Anti-Abortion Policymaking and Women’s Representation” (co-authored with Reingold, Beth, Tracy L. Osborn, and Michele Swers) in Political Research Quarterly. See her Monkey Cage piece on SB-8 from last week.
Dr. Andrew R. Lewis is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati and the author of The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars (Cambridge, 2017). He writes at the intersection of politics, religion, and law in America with expertise in Evangelicals and politics, conservative legal activism, and rights politics.
Dr. Joshua C. Wilson is Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver -- and the . author of The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, &amp; America’s Culture Wars and The New States of Abortion Politics both from Stanford University Press 2013 and 2016. His article “Striving to Rollback or Protect Roe: State Legislation and the Trump-Era Politics of Abortion appeared in Publius last summer.
Dr. Mary Ziegler is a Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law. She is the author of Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, Roe v. Wade to the Present (Cambridge University Press, 2020) and has a forthcoming book Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment expected from Yale University Press, 2022).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today’s <em>Postscript </em>(a special series that allows scholars to comment on pressing contemporary issues) engages the latest chapter in American abortion politics as the United States Supreme Court has just allowed a Texas statute banning abortions after 6 weeks to go into effect. Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell have assembled a panel of experts in political science and law to interrogate the construction of the Texas law, the Supreme Court ruling, and how these cases map onto the wider political landscape.</p><p><a href="https://www.drake.edu/lps/facultystaff/reneecramer/">Dr. Renée Ann Cramer</a> is a Professor of Law, Politics, and Society at Drake University -- and the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/birthing-a-movement-midwives-law-and-the-politics-of-reproductive-care/9781503609839">Birthing a Movement: Midwives, Law, and the Politics of Reproductive Care </a>from Stanford University Press, 2021.</p><p><a href="http://www.rebeccakreitzer.com/">Dr. Rebecca Kreitzer</a> is an Associate Professor of Public Policy and an Adjunct Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill -- and the author of some of the most downloaded articles in political science on the abortion policy environment such as <a href="https://www.rebeccakreitzer.com/research/#1576178744259-7af501a1-1ea2">“Anti-Abortion Policymaking and Women’s Representation” </a>(co-authored with Reingold, Beth, Tracy L. Osborn, and Michele Swers) in Political Research Quarterly. See her <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/09/09/texas-beyond-conservative-republican-women-are-helping-lead-fight-restrict-abortion/">Monkey Cage piece</a> on SB-8 from last week.</p><p><a href="http://www.andrewrlewis.com/about-2">Dr. Andrew R. Lewis</a> is an Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Cincinnati and the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-rights-turn-in-conservative-christian-politics-how-abortion-transformed-the-culture-wars/9781108405607"><em>The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge, 2017). He writes at the intersection of politics, religion, and law in America with expertise in Evangelicals and politics, conservative legal activism, and rights politics.</p><p><a href="https://liberalarts.du.edu/about/people/joshua-c-wilson">Dr. Joshua C. Wilson</a> is Professor of Political Science at the University of Denver -- and the . author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-street-politics-of-abortion-speech-violence-and-america-s-culture-wars/9780804785334"><em>The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, &amp; America’s Culture Wars</em></a> and <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-new-states-of-abortion-politics/9780804792028"><em>The New States of Abortion Politics</em></a><em> both from </em>Stanford University Press 2013 and 2016. His article “<a href="https://academic.oup.com/publius/article/50/3/370/5870418?login=true"><em>Striving to Rollback or Protect Roe: State Legislation and the Trump-Era Politics of Abortion appeared in Publius last summer.</em></a></p><p><a href="https://www.maryrziegler.com/op-eds">Dr. Mary Ziegler</a> is a Stearns Weaver Miller Professor at Florida State University College of Law. She is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/abortion-and-the-law-in-america/9781108735599"><em>Abortion and the Law in America: A Legal History, </em>Roe v. Wade<em> to the Present</em> </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2020) and has a forthcoming book <em>Dollars for Life: The Antiabortion Movement and the Fall of the Republican Establishment </em>expected from Yale University Press, 2022).</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is Dirk Warren '50 Professor of Political Science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. </em><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4618</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8410954569.mp3?updated=1631523109" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeanne Sheehan, "American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government" (Palgrave Macmillian, 2021)</title>
      <description>Public disenchantment with and distrust of American government is at an all-time high and who can blame them?
In the face of widespread challenges--everything from record levels of personal and national debt and the sky high cost of education, to gun violence, racial discrimination, an immigration crisis, overpriced pharmaceuticals, and much more--the government seems paralyzed and unable to act, the most recent example being Covid-19. It's the deadliest pandemic in over a century. In addition to an unimaginable sick and death toll, it has left more than thirty million Americans unemployed. Despite this, Washington let the first round of supplemental unemployment benefits run out and for more than a month were unable to agree on a bill to help those suffering.
Jeanne Sheehan's book American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government (Palgrave Macmillian, 2021) explains why we are in this situation, why the government is unable to respond to key challenges, and what we can do to right the ship. It requires that readers "upstream," stop blaming the individuals in office and instead look at the root cause of the problem. The real culprit is the system; it was designed to protect liberty and structured accordingly. As a result, however, it has left us with a government that is not responsive, largely unaccountable, and often ineffective. This is not an accident; it is by design. Changing the way our government operates requires rethinking its primary goal(s) and then restructuring to meet them.
To this end, this book offers specific reform proposals to restructure the government and in the process make it more accountable, effective, and responsive.
Jeanne Sheehan is a Carol S. Russett Award winning Professor of Political Science and International Studies at Iona College School of Arts &amp; Science. She is also Bloomberg News Political Contributor and the author of several books and articles
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Sep 2021 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>122</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeanne Sheehan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Public disenchantment with and distrust of American government is at an all-time high and who can blame them?
In the face of widespread challenges--everything from record levels of personal and national debt and the sky high cost of education, to gun violence, racial discrimination, an immigration crisis, overpriced pharmaceuticals, and much more--the government seems paralyzed and unable to act, the most recent example being Covid-19. It's the deadliest pandemic in over a century. In addition to an unimaginable sick and death toll, it has left more than thirty million Americans unemployed. Despite this, Washington let the first round of supplemental unemployment benefits run out and for more than a month were unable to agree on a bill to help those suffering.
Jeanne Sheehan's book American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government (Palgrave Macmillian, 2021) explains why we are in this situation, why the government is unable to respond to key challenges, and what we can do to right the ship. It requires that readers "upstream," stop blaming the individuals in office and instead look at the root cause of the problem. The real culprit is the system; it was designed to protect liberty and structured accordingly. As a result, however, it has left us with a government that is not responsive, largely unaccountable, and often ineffective. This is not an accident; it is by design. Changing the way our government operates requires rethinking its primary goal(s) and then restructuring to meet them.
To this end, this book offers specific reform proposals to restructure the government and in the process make it more accountable, effective, and responsive.
Jeanne Sheehan is a Carol S. Russett Award winning Professor of Political Science and International Studies at Iona College School of Arts &amp; Science. She is also Bloomberg News Political Contributor and the author of several books and articles
Kirk Meighoo is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Public disenchantment with and distrust of American government is at an all-time high and who can blame them?</p><p>In the face of widespread challenges--everything from record levels of personal and national debt and the sky high cost of education, to gun violence, racial discrimination, an immigration crisis, overpriced pharmaceuticals, and much more--the government seems paralyzed and unable to act, the most recent example being Covid-19. It's the deadliest pandemic in over a century. In addition to an unimaginable sick and death toll, it has left more than thirty million Americans unemployed. Despite this, Washington let the first round of supplemental unemployment benefits run out and for more than a month were unable to agree on a bill to help those suffering.</p><p>Jeanne Sheehan's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9783030622800"><em>American Democracy in Crisis: The Case for Rethinking Madisonian Government</em></a> (Palgrave Macmillian, 2021) explains why we are in this situation, why the government is unable to respond to key challenges, and what we can do to right the ship. It requires that readers "upstream," stop blaming the individuals in office and instead look at the root cause of the problem. The real culprit is the system; it was designed to protect liberty and structured accordingly. As a result, however, it has left us with a government that is not responsive, largely unaccountable, and often ineffective. This is not an accident; it is by design. Changing the way our government operates requires rethinking its primary goal(s) and then restructuring to meet them.</p><p>To this end, this book offers specific reform proposals to restructure the government and in the process make it more accountable, effective, and responsive.</p><p><a href="https://jeannesheehanzaino.net/">Jeanne Sheehan</a> is a Carol S. Russett Award winning Professor of Political Science and International Studies at Iona College School of Arts &amp; Science. She is also Bloomberg News Political Contributor and the author of several books and articles</p><p><a href="https://independent.academia.edu/KirkMeighoo"><em>Kirk Meighoo</em></a><em> is Public Relations Officer for the United National Congress, the Official Opposition in Trinidad and Tobago. His career has spanned media, academia, and politics for three decades.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4020</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c0dc5550-c0a9-11ec-95b7-5f95da1d33ca]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1131318944.mp3?updated=1630950290" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gender Ideologies, Conservative Christianity, and Legislation in the U.S.</title>
      <description>Gender, and regulations of and discourses on it, have historically been a cornerstone of the conservative Christian belief system. The stance of the Catholic Church on feminism, for instance, has often been criticized for being reductive and exclusionary. As Christianity has exerted a profound influence on the government and principles of the United States from the time of its founding, in this modern age, it is natural to examine the extent of its influence on LGBTQ-related, and particularly trans-related legislation.
In the fourth episode of our themed series Across the Rainbow, Dr. SJ Crasnow, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Rockhurst University, Kansas City, and author of the article “The Legacy of ‘Gender Ideology.” Dr. Crasnow talks to us about the current state of anti-trans legislation in the U.S., and the role played by conservative Christianity in shaping it.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>51</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with SJ Crasnow</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gender, and regulations of and discourses on it, have historically been a cornerstone of the conservative Christian belief system. The stance of the Catholic Church on feminism, for instance, has often been criticized for being reductive and exclusionary. As Christianity has exerted a profound influence on the government and principles of the United States from the time of its founding, in this modern age, it is natural to examine the extent of its influence on LGBTQ-related, and particularly trans-related legislation.
In the fourth episode of our themed series Across the Rainbow, Dr. SJ Crasnow, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Rockhurst University, Kansas City, and author of the article “The Legacy of ‘Gender Ideology.” Dr. Crasnow talks to us about the current state of anti-trans legislation in the U.S., and the role played by conservative Christianity in shaping it.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Gender, and regulations of and discourses on it, have historically been a cornerstone of the conservative Christian belief system. The stance of the Catholic Church on feminism, for instance, has often been criticized for being reductive and exclusionary. As Christianity has exerted a profound influence on the government and principles of the United States from the time of its founding, in this modern age, it is natural to examine the extent of its influence on LGBTQ-related, and particularly trans-related legislation.</p><p>In the fourth episode of our themed series Across the Rainbow, Dr. SJ Crasnow, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Rockhurst University, Kansas City, and author of the article “<a href="https://www.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-01101005">The Legacy of ‘Gender Ideology</a>.” Dr. Crasnow talks to us about the current state of anti-trans legislation in the U.S., and the role played by conservative Christianity in shaping it.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>829</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[77fdabba-e59b-11ec-b3ec-277fbb0b90a7]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4361845322.mp3?updated=1654452314" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Herbert M. Kritzer, "Judicial Selection in the States: Politics and the Struggle for Reform" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Herbert “Bert” Kritzer, the Marvin J. Sonosky Chair of Law and Public Policy at the University of Minnesota Law School, has a new book that explores the process for reform of judicial selection across the fifty states. This is a fascinating examination of the different approaches that state legislatures, governors, partisans, and citizens have pursued in reforming the process, within each state, of judicial selection at all levels. With a brief historical overview of how this process was initially pursued in the early days of the republic, Kritzer moves to the central time period of the book, which is examining the state systems that were in place in the mid-20th century and the moves across the country to modernize court systems and how those moves unfolded. The main period that Kritzer focuses on is between 1980 and 2020, and he carefully reviews the reform efforts that succeeded as well as those that failed
Judicial Selection in the States: Politics and the Struggle for Reform (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines the legal and democratic subcultures as a way to frame and understand the reasons behind the move towards reforms. But the heart of the book is diving into various states to see what they tried to change, who tried to change it, and if they were at all successful in these reform efforts. One of the more popular plans for state-level judicial selection is the “Missouri Plan”, which was designed to improve the quality of judges by establishing a kind of review board/nominating commission that made recommendations to the governor of the state. Many states, between 1960 and 1980, moved towards adopting the Missouri plan as the method for judicial selection. But following this, states continued to reform with an eye towards more legal professionalism as the guiding tenet behind judicial selection. According to Kritzer’s research, this was very much the case between 1980 and 1999, and this was in concert with the overhauling of state constitutions as well. Around 2000 there is a bit of a shift, as partisan politics now starts to be more of the driver behind the moves to reform or change the selection of state judges. Judicial Selection in the States is an interesting exploration of the various forms of judicial selection, the moves towards reform over the decades, the shifting role of partisanship as well as the impetus towards more professional and merit-based outcomes.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 02 Sep 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>541</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Herbert M. Kritzer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Herbert “Bert” Kritzer, the Marvin J. Sonosky Chair of Law and Public Policy at the University of Minnesota Law School, has a new book that explores the process for reform of judicial selection across the fifty states. This is a fascinating examination of the different approaches that state legislatures, governors, partisans, and citizens have pursued in reforming the process, within each state, of judicial selection at all levels. With a brief historical overview of how this process was initially pursued in the early days of the republic, Kritzer moves to the central time period of the book, which is examining the state systems that were in place in the mid-20th century and the moves across the country to modernize court systems and how those moves unfolded. The main period that Kritzer focuses on is between 1980 and 2020, and he carefully reviews the reform efforts that succeeded as well as those that failed
Judicial Selection in the States: Politics and the Struggle for Reform (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines the legal and democratic subcultures as a way to frame and understand the reasons behind the move towards reforms. But the heart of the book is diving into various states to see what they tried to change, who tried to change it, and if they were at all successful in these reform efforts. One of the more popular plans for state-level judicial selection is the “Missouri Plan”, which was designed to improve the quality of judges by establishing a kind of review board/nominating commission that made recommendations to the governor of the state. Many states, between 1960 and 1980, moved towards adopting the Missouri plan as the method for judicial selection. But following this, states continued to reform with an eye towards more legal professionalism as the guiding tenet behind judicial selection. According to Kritzer’s research, this was very much the case between 1980 and 1999, and this was in concert with the overhauling of state constitutions as well. Around 2000 there is a bit of a shift, as partisan politics now starts to be more of the driver behind the moves to reform or change the selection of state judges. Judicial Selection in the States is an interesting exploration of the various forms of judicial selection, the moves towards reform over the decades, the shifting role of partisanship as well as the impetus towards more professional and merit-based outcomes.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Herbert “Bert” Kritzer, the Marvin J. Sonosky Chair of Law and Public Policy at the University of Minnesota Law School, has a new book that explores the process for reform of judicial selection across the fifty states. This is a fascinating examination of the different approaches that state legislatures, governors, partisans, and citizens have pursued in reforming the process, within each state, of judicial selection at all levels. With a brief historical overview of how this process was initially pursued in the early days of the republic, Kritzer moves to the central time period of the book, which is examining the state systems that were in place in the mid-20th century and the moves across the country to modernize court systems and how those moves unfolded. The main period that Kritzer focuses on is between 1980 and 2020, and he carefully reviews the reform efforts that succeeded as well as those that failed</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108496339"><em>Judicial Selection in the States: Politics and the Struggle for Reform</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines the legal and democratic subcultures as a way to frame and understand the reasons behind the move towards reforms. But the heart of the book is diving into various states to see what they tried to change, who tried to change it, and if they were at all successful in these reform efforts. One of the more popular plans for state-level judicial selection is the “Missouri Plan”, which was designed to improve the quality of judges by establishing a kind of review board/nominating commission that made recommendations to the governor of the state. Many states, between 1960 and 1980, moved towards adopting the Missouri plan as the method for judicial selection. But following this, states continued to reform with an eye towards more legal professionalism as the guiding tenet behind judicial selection. According to Kritzer’s research, this was very much the case between 1980 and 1999, and this was in concert with the overhauling of state constitutions as well. Around 2000 there is a bit of a shift, as partisan politics now starts to be more of the driver behind the moves to reform or change the selection of state judges. <em>Judicial Selection in the States </em>is an interesting exploration of the various forms of judicial selection, the moves towards reform over the decades, the shifting role of partisanship as well as the impetus towards more professional and merit-based outcomes.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2628</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Paul Sabin, "Public Citizens: The Attack on Big Government and the Remaking of American Liberalism" (Norton, 2021)</title>
      <description>In the 1960s and 1970s, an insurgent attack on traditional liberalism took shape in America. It was built on new ideals of citizen advocacy and the public interest. Environmentalists, social critics, and consumer advocates like Rachel Carson, Jane Jacobs, and Ralph Nader crusaded against what they saw as a misguided and often corrupt government. Drawing energy from civil rights protests and opposition to the Vietnam War, the new citizens’ movement drew legions of followers and scored major victories. Citizen advocates disrupted government plans for urban highways and new hydroelectric dams and got Congress to pass tough legislation to protect clean air and clean water. They helped lead a revolution in safety that forced companies and governments to better protect consumers and workers from dangerous products and hazardous work conditions.
And yet, in the process, citizen advocates also helped to undermine big government liberalism—the powerful alliance between government, business, and labor that dominated the United States politically in the decades following the New Deal and World War II. Public interest advocates exposed that alliance’s secret bargains and unintended consequences. They showed how government power often was used to advance private interests rather than restrain them. In the process of attacking government for its failings and its dangers, the public interest movement struggled to replace traditional liberalism with a new approach to governing. The citizen critique of government power instead helped clear the way for their antagonists: Reagan-era conservatives seeking to slash regulations and enrich corporations.
Paul Sabin's book Public Citizens: The Attack on Big Government and the Remaking of American Liberalism (Norton, 2021) traces the history of the public interest movement and explores its tangled legacy, showing the ways in which American liberalism has been at war with itself. The book forces us to reckon with the challenges of regaining our faith in government’s ability to advance the common good.
Paul Sabin is a professor of history at Yale University and director of the Yale Environmental Humanities Program. He is the author of The Bet: Paul Ehrlich, Julian Simon, and Our Gamble Over Earth’s Future and Crude Politics: The California Oil Market, 1900-1940. He lives in New Haven, Connecticut. Twitter. Website.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy and a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. Twitter. Website
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>72</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul Sabin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the 1960s and 1970s, an insurgent attack on traditional liberalism took shape in America. It was built on new ideals of citizen advocacy and the public interest. Environmentalists, social critics, and consumer advocates like Rachel Carson, Jane Jacobs, and Ralph Nader crusaded against what they saw as a misguided and often corrupt government. Drawing energy from civil rights protests and opposition to the Vietnam War, the new citizens’ movement drew legions of followers and scored major victories. Citizen advocates disrupted government plans for urban highways and new hydroelectric dams and got Congress to pass tough legislation to protect clean air and clean water. They helped lead a revolution in safety that forced companies and governments to better protect consumers and workers from dangerous products and hazardous work conditions.
And yet, in the process, citizen advocates also helped to undermine big government liberalism—the powerful alliance between government, business, and labor that dominated the United States politically in the decades following the New Deal and World War II. Public interest advocates exposed that alliance’s secret bargains and unintended consequences. They showed how government power often was used to advance private interests rather than restrain them. In the process of attacking government for its failings and its dangers, the public interest movement struggled to replace traditional liberalism with a new approach to governing. The citizen critique of government power instead helped clear the way for their antagonists: Reagan-era conservatives seeking to slash regulations and enrich corporations.
Paul Sabin's book Public Citizens: The Attack on Big Government and the Remaking of American Liberalism (Norton, 2021) traces the history of the public interest movement and explores its tangled legacy, showing the ways in which American liberalism has been at war with itself. The book forces us to reckon with the challenges of regaining our faith in government’s ability to advance the common good.
Paul Sabin is a professor of history at Yale University and director of the Yale Environmental Humanities Program. He is the author of The Bet: Paul Ehrlich, Julian Simon, and Our Gamble Over Earth’s Future and Crude Politics: The California Oil Market, 1900-1940. He lives in New Haven, Connecticut. Twitter. Website.
Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy and a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. Twitter. Website
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the 1960s and 1970s, an insurgent attack on traditional liberalism took shape in America. It was built on new ideals of citizen advocacy and the public interest. Environmentalists, social critics, and consumer advocates like Rachel Carson, Jane Jacobs, and Ralph Nader crusaded against what they saw as a misguided and often corrupt government. Drawing energy from civil rights protests and opposition to the Vietnam War, the new citizens’ movement drew legions of followers and scored major victories. Citizen advocates disrupted government plans for urban highways and new hydroelectric dams and got Congress to pass tough legislation to protect clean air and clean water. They helped lead a revolution in safety that forced companies and governments to better protect consumers and workers from dangerous products and hazardous work conditions.</p><p>And yet, in the process, citizen advocates also helped to undermine big government liberalism—the powerful alliance between government, business, and labor that dominated the United States politically in the decades following the New Deal and World War II. Public interest advocates exposed that alliance’s secret bargains and unintended consequences. They showed how government power often was used to advance private interests rather than restrain them. In the process of attacking government for its failings and its dangers, the public interest movement struggled to replace traditional liberalism with a new approach to governing. The citizen critique of government power instead helped clear the way for their antagonists: Reagan-era conservatives seeking to slash regulations and enrich corporations.</p><p>Paul Sabin's book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780393634044"><em>Public Citizens: The Attack on Big Government and the Remaking of American Liberalism</em></a> (Norton, 2021) traces the history of the public interest movement and explores its tangled legacy, showing the ways in which American liberalism has been at war with itself. The book forces us to reckon with the challenges of regaining our faith in government’s ability to advance the common good.</p><p>Paul Sabin is a professor of history at Yale University and director of the Yale Environmental Humanities Program. He is the author of <em>The Bet: Paul Ehrlich, Julian Simon, and Our Gamble Over Earth’s Future </em>and <em>Crude Politics: The California Oil Market, 1900-1940</em>. He lives in New Haven, Connecticut. <a href="https://twitter.com/paulesabin">Twitter</a>. <a href="https://paulsabin.com/">Website</a>.</p><p><em>Brian Hamilton is Chair of the Department of History and Social Science at Deerfield Academy and a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. </em><a href="http://twitter.com/brianfhamilton"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>. </em><a href="http://brian-hamilton.org/"><em>Website</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2655</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Donald A. Barr, "Crossing the American Health Care Chasm: Finding the Path to Bipartisan Collaboration in National Health Care Policy" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Why is there such a deep partisan division within the United States regarding how health care should be organized and financed and how can we encourage politicians to band together again for the good of everyone? For decades, Democratic and Republican political leaders have disagreed about the fundamental goals of American health policy. The modern-day consequences of this disagreement, particularly in the Republicans' campaign to erode the coverage and equity gains of the Affordable Care Act, can be seen in the tragic and disparate impact of COVID-19 on the country. In Crossing the American Health Care Chasm: Finding the Path to Bipartisan Collaboration in National Health Care Policy (Johns Hopkins UP, 2021), Donald A. Barr, MD, PhD, details the breakdown in political relations in the United States. Why, he asks, has health policy, which used to be a place where the two sides could find common ground, become the nexus of fiery political conflict? Ultimately, Barr argues, this divide is more dangerous than ever at a time when health care costs continue to skyrocket, the number of uninsured Americans is rising, many state governments are chipping away at Medicaid, and the GOP has not let up in its efforts to dismantle the ACA. 
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>113</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Donald A. Barr</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why is there such a deep partisan division within the United States regarding how health care should be organized and financed and how can we encourage politicians to band together again for the good of everyone? For decades, Democratic and Republican political leaders have disagreed about the fundamental goals of American health policy. The modern-day consequences of this disagreement, particularly in the Republicans' campaign to erode the coverage and equity gains of the Affordable Care Act, can be seen in the tragic and disparate impact of COVID-19 on the country. In Crossing the American Health Care Chasm: Finding the Path to Bipartisan Collaboration in National Health Care Policy (Johns Hopkins UP, 2021), Donald A. Barr, MD, PhD, details the breakdown in political relations in the United States. Why, he asks, has health policy, which used to be a place where the two sides could find common ground, become the nexus of fiery political conflict? Ultimately, Barr argues, this divide is more dangerous than ever at a time when health care costs continue to skyrocket, the number of uninsured Americans is rising, many state governments are chipping away at Medicaid, and the GOP has not let up in its efforts to dismantle the ACA. 
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why is there such a deep partisan division within the United States regarding how health care should be organized and financed and how can we encourage politicians to band together again for the good of everyone? For decades, Democratic and Republican political leaders have disagreed about the fundamental goals of American health policy. The modern-day consequences of this disagreement, particularly in the Republicans' campaign to erode the coverage and equity gains of the Affordable Care Act, can be seen in the tragic and disparate impact of COVID-19 on the country. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421441337"><em>Crossing the American Health Care Chasm: Finding the Path to Bipartisan Collaboration in National Health Care Policy</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2021), Donald A. Barr, MD, PhD, details the breakdown in political relations in the United States. Why, he asks, has health policy, which used to be a place where the two sides could find common ground, become the nexus of fiery political conflict? Ultimately, Barr argues, this divide is more dangerous than ever at a time when health care costs continue to skyrocket, the number of uninsured Americans is rising, many state governments are chipping away at Medicaid, and the GOP has not let up in its efforts to dismantle the ACA. </p><p><em> </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2159</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[4f43d73a-c0ac-11ec-8d63-d735231e1630]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3383514338.mp3?updated=1629288282" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>LaFleur Stephens-Dougan, "Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics" (U Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics (U Chicago Press, 2020), LaFleur Stephens-Dougan argues that we focus on the use of negative racial appeals by the Republican Party, while ignoring the incentives that exist for some Democratic candidates to use race as much as, if not more than Republican candidates. The conventional wisdom is that a Democratic candidate would never be incentivized to invoke race and activate negative racial predispositions. Yet, according to the author, Democratic politicians regularly invoke negative stereotypes about African Americans. On numerous occasions President Obama, for example, publicly chastised black audiences. And, while it might seem surprising that a Democratic politician would use rhetoric that disparages their most loyal constituency, Obama is just one of many Democratic politicians who have been criticized for invoking negative stereotypes about African Americans for political gain. Stephens-Dougan explores when and why politicians of both parties will use negative racial appeals.
LaFleur Stephens-Dougan is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Princeton University. Her book Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics won the 2021 David O. Sears Best Book on Mass Politics Award from the International Society for Political Psychology, and the 2021 Ralph J. Bunche Award from the American Political Science Association.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>111</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with LaFleur Stephens-Dougan</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics (U Chicago Press, 2020), LaFleur Stephens-Dougan argues that we focus on the use of negative racial appeals by the Republican Party, while ignoring the incentives that exist for some Democratic candidates to use race as much as, if not more than Republican candidates. The conventional wisdom is that a Democratic candidate would never be incentivized to invoke race and activate negative racial predispositions. Yet, according to the author, Democratic politicians regularly invoke negative stereotypes about African Americans. On numerous occasions President Obama, for example, publicly chastised black audiences. And, while it might seem surprising that a Democratic politician would use rhetoric that disparages their most loyal constituency, Obama is just one of many Democratic politicians who have been criticized for invoking negative stereotypes about African Americans for political gain. Stephens-Dougan explores when and why politicians of both parties will use negative racial appeals.
LaFleur Stephens-Dougan is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Princeton University. Her book Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics won the 2021 David O. Sears Best Book on Mass Politics Award from the International Society for Political Psychology, and the 2021 Ralph J. Bunche Award from the American Political Science Association.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226698984"><em>Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2020), LaFleur Stephens-Dougan argues that we focus on the use of negative racial appeals by the Republican Party, while ignoring the incentives that exist for some Democratic candidates to use race as much as, if not more than Republican candidates. The conventional wisdom is that a Democratic candidate would never be incentivized to invoke race and activate negative racial predispositions. Yet, according to the author, Democratic politicians regularly invoke negative stereotypes about African Americans. On numerous occasions President Obama, for example, publicly chastised black audiences. And, while it might seem surprising that a Democratic politician would use rhetoric that disparages their most loyal constituency, Obama is just one of many Democratic politicians who have been criticized for invoking negative stereotypes about African Americans for political gain. Stephens-Dougan explores when and why politicians of both parties will use negative racial appeals.</p><p>LaFleur Stephens-Dougan is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Princeton University. Her book <em>Race to the Bottom: How Racial Appeals Work in American Politics</em> won the 2021 David O. Sears Best Book on Mass Politics Award from the International Society for Political Psychology, and the 2021 Ralph J. Bunche Award from the American Political Science Association.</p><p><em>Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her Cambridge University Press book America's Voucher Politics: How Elites Learned to Hide the State won the 2021 Education Politics and Policy Best Book Award from the American Political Science Association. Her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills. She tweets @UrsulaBHackett.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3036</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Ken Starr, "Religious Liberty in Crisis: Exercising Your Faith in an Age of Uncertainty" (Encounter, 2021)</title>
      <description>“Religious liberty” is a phrase that we often hear, particularly in news stories revolving around Supreme Court decisions. But what is religious liberty and why is it often referred to as “the first liberty?”
These are among the questions addressed in Kenneth Starr’s 2021 book, Religious Liberty in Crisis: Exercising Your Faith in an Age of Uncertainty (Encounter, 2021)
Although Judge Starr possesses impeccable scholarly credentials, the book is intended for general readers. It is an informative blend of American legal and constitutional history and a primer for all of us about a crucial component of our set of rights as citizens.
Even if you are not religious, the book will endow you with a greater understanding of an issue that frequently roils the body politic and that is both timeless and of ongoing concern. Think Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission—decided by the Supreme Court in 2018.
Luckily, we have with us today one of America’s leading lawyers to walk us through the fascinating history of religious liberty and give us the lowdown on what we need to know should we find ourselves facing a choice between honoring our sabbath day and keeping our jobs.
Kenneth Starr has been a figure of great note on the American legal landscape for decades. He is perhaps best known for his role in the Whitewater investigation during the Clinton administration and as a key member of Donald Trump’s defense team in the latter’s first impeachment trial. He has been among other things, a federal judge at the highest levels, a law school dean and a university president.
Most significantly in terms of the subject matter of his new book and thus the main focus of our interview, he is a long-time champion of religious liberty and, as solicitor general under George HW Bush, argued before the Supreme Court such notable religious liberty and freedom of speech cases as Westside Community Schools v. Mergens, in which the Supreme Court found that a Bible club has the same right of equal access on school grounds as any other student-led organization. Judge Starr employs that famous case to illustrate one of the concepts discussed in book, equality. It is a cause dear to his heart and probably even more so given own quite humble origins in his home state of Texas.
The common man aspects of Starr’s background have enabled him to make this book approachable to its intended broad-ranging audience. Most of us at one time or another have found ourselves in school, work or business environments or simply driving along a highway and it is surprising how often questions involving religious liberty pop up for average people in such settings.
Starr guides the reader engagingly and expertly through such questions as:
What is the Lemon Test? What do you need to know about religious liberty as a parent, public school or college student, teacher, small business owner or employee? How have wedding cakes, monuments in the shape of Christian crosses, public displays of the Ten Commandments on government property, and government-subsidized school bus rides played into all of this? What is “accommodation” in this context and when might you need to seek one and what should you do if you are denied it? What is the relationship between free speech and religious liberty?
We welcome Judge Starr, a Christian gentleman of the first order.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ken Starr</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Religious liberty” is a phrase that we often hear, particularly in news stories revolving around Supreme Court decisions. But what is religious liberty and why is it often referred to as “the first liberty?”
These are among the questions addressed in Kenneth Starr’s 2021 book, Religious Liberty in Crisis: Exercising Your Faith in an Age of Uncertainty (Encounter, 2021)
Although Judge Starr possesses impeccable scholarly credentials, the book is intended for general readers. It is an informative blend of American legal and constitutional history and a primer for all of us about a crucial component of our set of rights as citizens.
Even if you are not religious, the book will endow you with a greater understanding of an issue that frequently roils the body politic and that is both timeless and of ongoing concern. Think Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission—decided by the Supreme Court in 2018.
Luckily, we have with us today one of America’s leading lawyers to walk us through the fascinating history of religious liberty and give us the lowdown on what we need to know should we find ourselves facing a choice between honoring our sabbath day and keeping our jobs.
Kenneth Starr has been a figure of great note on the American legal landscape for decades. He is perhaps best known for his role in the Whitewater investigation during the Clinton administration and as a key member of Donald Trump’s defense team in the latter’s first impeachment trial. He has been among other things, a federal judge at the highest levels, a law school dean and a university president.
Most significantly in terms of the subject matter of his new book and thus the main focus of our interview, he is a long-time champion of religious liberty and, as solicitor general under George HW Bush, argued before the Supreme Court such notable religious liberty and freedom of speech cases as Westside Community Schools v. Mergens, in which the Supreme Court found that a Bible club has the same right of equal access on school grounds as any other student-led organization. Judge Starr employs that famous case to illustrate one of the concepts discussed in book, equality. It is a cause dear to his heart and probably even more so given own quite humble origins in his home state of Texas.
The common man aspects of Starr’s background have enabled him to make this book approachable to its intended broad-ranging audience. Most of us at one time or another have found ourselves in school, work or business environments or simply driving along a highway and it is surprising how often questions involving religious liberty pop up for average people in such settings.
Starr guides the reader engagingly and expertly through such questions as:
What is the Lemon Test? What do you need to know about religious liberty as a parent, public school or college student, teacher, small business owner or employee? How have wedding cakes, monuments in the shape of Christian crosses, public displays of the Ten Commandments on government property, and government-subsidized school bus rides played into all of this? What is “accommodation” in this context and when might you need to seek one and what should you do if you are denied it? What is the relationship between free speech and religious liberty?
We welcome Judge Starr, a Christian gentleman of the first order.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Religious liberty” is a phrase that we often hear, particularly in news stories revolving around Supreme Court decisions. But what <strong>is</strong> religious liberty and why is it often referred to as “the first liberty?”</p><p>These are among the questions addressed in Kenneth Starr’s 2021 book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641771801"><em>Religious Liberty in Crisis: Exercising Your Faith in an Age of Uncertainty</em></a> (Encounter, 2021)</p><p>Although Judge Starr possesses impeccable scholarly credentials, the book is intended for general readers. It is an informative blend of American legal and constitutional history and a primer for all of us about a crucial component of our set of rights as citizens.</p><p>Even if you are not religious, the book will endow you with a greater understanding of an issue that frequently roils the body politic and that is both timeless and of ongoing concern. Think Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission—decided by the Supreme Court in 2018.</p><p>Luckily, we have with us today one of America’s leading lawyers to walk us through the fascinating history of religious liberty and give us the lowdown on what we need to know should we find ourselves facing a choice between honoring our sabbath day and keeping our jobs.</p><p>Kenneth Starr has been a figure of great note on the American legal landscape for decades. He is perhaps best known for his role in the Whitewater investigation during the Clinton administration and as a key member of Donald Trump’s defense team in the latter’s first impeachment trial. He has been among other things, a federal judge at the highest levels, a law school dean and a university president.</p><p>Most significantly in terms of the subject matter of his new book and thus the main focus of our interview, he is a long-time champion of religious liberty and, as solicitor general under George HW Bush, argued before the Supreme Court such notable religious liberty and freedom of speech cases as Westside Community Schools v. Mergens, in which the Supreme Court found that a Bible club has the same right of equal access on school grounds as any other student-led organization. Judge Starr employs that famous case to illustrate one of the concepts discussed in book, equality. It is a cause dear to his heart and probably even more so given own quite humble origins in his home state of Texas.</p><p>The common man aspects of Starr’s background have enabled him to make this book approachable to its intended broad-ranging audience. Most of us at one time or another have found ourselves in school, work or business environments or simply driving along a highway and it is surprising how often questions involving religious liberty pop up for average people in such settings.</p><p>Starr guides the reader engagingly and expertly through such questions as:</p><p>What is the Lemon Test? What do you need to know about religious liberty as a parent, public school or college student, teacher, small business owner or employee? How have wedding cakes, monuments in the shape of Christian crosses, public displays of the Ten Commandments on government property, and government-subsidized school bus rides played into all of this? What is “accommodation” in this context and when might you need to seek one and what should you do if you are denied it? What is the relationship between free speech and religious liberty?</p><p>We welcome Judge Starr, a Christian gentleman of the first order.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3248</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Joseph Stieb, "The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003" (Cambridge UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>Why did the United States invade Iraq, setting off a chain of events that profoundly changed the Middle East and the US global position? In The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Cambridge UP, 2021), Joseph Stieb offers a compelling look at how the United States pivoted from a policy of containment to regime change in Iraq after September 11, 2001. Starting with the Persian Gulf War, the book traces how a coalition of political actors argued with increasing success that the totalitarian nature of Saddam Hussein's regime and the untrustworthy behavior of the international coalition behind sanctions meant that containment was a doomed policy. By the end of the 1990s, a consensus belief emerged that only regime change and democratization could fully address the Iraqi threat. Through careful examination, Stieb expands our understanding of the origins of the Iraq War while also explaining why so many politicians and policymakers rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>2</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joseph Stieb</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why did the United States invade Iraq, setting off a chain of events that profoundly changed the Middle East and the US global position? In The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Cambridge UP, 2021), Joseph Stieb offers a compelling look at how the United States pivoted from a policy of containment to regime change in Iraq after September 11, 2001. Starting with the Persian Gulf War, the book traces how a coalition of political actors argued with increasing success that the totalitarian nature of Saddam Hussein's regime and the untrustworthy behavior of the international coalition behind sanctions meant that containment was a doomed policy. By the end of the 1990s, a consensus belief emerged that only regime change and democratization could fully address the Iraqi threat. Through careful examination, Stieb expands our understanding of the origins of the Iraq War while also explaining why so many politicians and policymakers rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change.
Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why did the United States invade Iraq, setting off a chain of events that profoundly changed the Middle East and the US global position? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108838245"><em>The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003</em></a><em> </em>(Cambridge UP, 2021), Joseph Stieb offers a compelling look at how the United States pivoted from a policy of containment to regime change in Iraq after September 11, 2001. Starting with the Persian Gulf War, the book traces how a coalition of political actors argued with increasing success that the totalitarian nature of Saddam Hussein's regime and the untrustworthy behavior of the international coalition behind sanctions meant that containment was a doomed policy. By the end of the 1990s, a consensus belief emerged that only regime change and democratization could fully address the Iraqi threat. Through careful examination, Stieb expands our understanding of the origins of the Iraq War while also explaining why so many politicians and policymakers rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change.</p><p><em>Grant Golub is a PhD candidate in the Department of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on the politics of American grand strategy during World War II.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4153</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>David E Campbell et al., "Secular Surge: A New Fault Line in American Politics" (Cambridge UP. 2020)</title>
      <description>American society is rapidly secularizing – a radical departure from its historically high level of religiosity–and politics is a big part of the reason. Just as, forty years ago, the Religious Right arose as a new political movement, today secularism is gaining traction as a distinct and politically energized identity. Secular Surge: A New Faultline in American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2020) examines the political causes and political consequences of this secular surge, drawing on a wealth of original data. The authors show that secular identity is in part a reaction to the Religious Right. However, while the political impact of secularism is profound, there may not yet be a Secular Left to counterbalance the Religious Right. Secularism has introduced new tensions within the Democratic Party while adding oxygen to political polarization between Democrats and Republicans. Still there may be opportunities to reach common ground if politicians seek to forge coalitions that encompass both secular and religious Americans.
David Campbell is the Packey J. Dee Professor of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame and the former chairperson of the political science department. His research focuses on civic and political
engagement, with a particular focus on religion (and secularism) and young people.
Geoff Layman serves as the chair of the Department of Political Science and is the co-editor of the journal Political Behavior. His research focuses on political behavior, political parties, and religion and politics, with a particular emphasis on long-term changes in the parties and their electoral coalitions.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her research focuses on American Political Development (APD), federalism, education, and religion and politics. Her award-winning book America's Voucher Politics is out now with Cambridge University Press, and her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>110</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American society is rapidly secularizing – a radical departure from its historically high level of religiosity–and politics is a big part of the reason. Just as, forty years ago, the Religious Right arose as a new political movement, today secularism is gaining traction as a distinct and politically energized identity. Secular Surge: A New Faultline in American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2020) examines the political causes and political consequences of this secular surge, drawing on a wealth of original data. The authors show that secular identity is in part a reaction to the Religious Right. However, while the political impact of secularism is profound, there may not yet be a Secular Left to counterbalance the Religious Right. Secularism has introduced new tensions within the Democratic Party while adding oxygen to political polarization between Democrats and Republicans. Still there may be opportunities to reach common ground if politicians seek to forge coalitions that encompass both secular and religious Americans.
David Campbell is the Packey J. Dee Professor of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame and the former chairperson of the political science department. His research focuses on civic and political
engagement, with a particular focus on religion (and secularism) and young people.
Geoff Layman serves as the chair of the Department of Political Science and is the co-editor of the journal Political Behavior. His research focuses on political behavior, political parties, and religion and politics, with a particular emphasis on long-term changes in the parties and their electoral coalitions.
Host Ursula Hackett is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her research focuses on American Political Development (APD), federalism, education, and religion and politics. Her award-winning book America's Voucher Politics is out now with Cambridge University Press, and her writing guide Brilliant Essays is published by Macmillan Study Skills.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>American society is rapidly secularizing – a radical departure from its historically high level of religiosity–and politics is a big part of the reason. Just as, forty years ago, the Religious Right arose as a new political movement, today secularism is gaining traction as a distinct and politically energized identity. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108926379"><em>Secular Surge: A New Faultline in American Politics</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020) examines the political causes and political consequences of this secular surge, drawing on a wealth of original data. The authors show that secular identity is in part a reaction to the Religious Right. However, while the political impact of secularism is profound, there may not yet be a Secular Left to counterbalance the Religious Right. Secularism has introduced new tensions within the Democratic Party while adding oxygen to political polarization between Democrats and Republicans. Still there may be opportunities to reach common ground if politicians seek to forge coalitions that encompass both secular and religious Americans.</p><p>David Campbell is the Packey J. Dee Professor of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame and the former chairperson of the political science department. His research focuses on civic and political</p><p>engagement, with a particular focus on religion (and secularism) and young people.</p><p>Geoff Layman serves as the chair of the Department of Political Science and is the co-editor of the journal <em>Political Behavior. </em>His research focuses on political behavior, political parties, and religion and politics, with a particular emphasis on long-term changes in the parties and their electoral coalitions.</p><p><em>Host </em><a href="http://www.ursulahackett.com/"><em>Ursula Hackett</em></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in Politics at Royal Holloway, University of London. Her research focuses on American Political Development (APD), federalism, education, and religion and politics. Her award-winning book </em><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/americas-voucher-politics/EE49368A0C4BAECC2161A9F1DE2DCF09"><em>America's Voucher Politics</em></a><em> is out now with Cambridge University Press, and her writing guide </em><a href="https://www.redglobepress.com//page/detail/Brilliant-Essays/?K=9781352011371"><em>Brilliant Essays</em></a><em> is published by Macmillan Study Skills.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3559</itunes:duration>
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      <title>John Lovett, "The Politics of Herding Cats: When Congressional Leaders Fail" (U Michigan Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>In considering how legislation moves forward in the American political system, we often think about elected representatives sitting in committee hearings or Senators speaking from the floor of the Senate to make a particular point. Woven into all of these ideas, which are not misguided, is the role (often behind the scenes) that congressional leaders play in trying to wrangle their caucuses to vote for or against legislation. 
In The Politics of Herding Cats: When Congressional Leaders Fail (U Michigan Press, 2021), Political Scientist John Lovett leads us into these processes and assumptions and unpacks the ways that congressional leaders are far less able to exert control over their caucuses because of the ways that individual members are able to pursue attention through the changing media landscape. While Lovett provides a coda at the end of the book indicating that social media, especially Twitter, has an outsized role in the ways that individual members can capture attention, the focus of the book is to look more closely at heritage media, especially The Washington Post, and trace the ways that members are able to work outside and around party and congressional leaders. By accessing media attention on their own, individual members can exercise power and have the capacity to essentially ignore the demands and requests of the party leadership within Congress.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Aug 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>540</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with John Lovett</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In considering how legislation moves forward in the American political system, we often think about elected representatives sitting in committee hearings or Senators speaking from the floor of the Senate to make a particular point. Woven into all of these ideas, which are not misguided, is the role (often behind the scenes) that congressional leaders play in trying to wrangle their caucuses to vote for or against legislation. 
In The Politics of Herding Cats: When Congressional Leaders Fail (U Michigan Press, 2021), Political Scientist John Lovett leads us into these processes and assumptions and unpacks the ways that congressional leaders are far less able to exert control over their caucuses because of the ways that individual members are able to pursue attention through the changing media landscape. While Lovett provides a coda at the end of the book indicating that social media, especially Twitter, has an outsized role in the ways that individual members can capture attention, the focus of the book is to look more closely at heritage media, especially The Washington Post, and trace the ways that members are able to work outside and around party and congressional leaders. By accessing media attention on their own, individual members can exercise power and have the capacity to essentially ignore the demands and requests of the party leadership within Congress.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In considering how legislation moves forward in the American political system, we often think about elected representatives sitting in committee hearings or Senators speaking from the floor of the Senate to make a particular point. Woven into all of these ideas, which are not misguided, is the role (often behind the scenes) that congressional leaders play in trying to wrangle their caucuses to vote for or against legislation. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780472132317"><em>The Politics of Herding Cats: When Congressional Leaders Fail</em></a> (U Michigan Press, 2021), Political Scientist John Lovett leads us into these processes and assumptions and unpacks the ways that congressional leaders are far less able to exert control over their caucuses because of the ways that individual members are able to pursue attention through the changing media landscape. While Lovett provides a coda at the end of the book indicating that social media, especially Twitter, has an outsized role in the ways that individual members can capture attention, the focus of the book is to look more closely at heritage media, especially <em>The Washington Post</em>, and trace the ways that members are able to work outside and around party and congressional leaders. By accessing media attention on their own, individual members can exercise power and have the capacity to essentially ignore the demands and requests of the party leadership within Congress.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2571</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jeffery A. Jenkins and Justin Peck, "Congress and the First Civil Rights Era, 1861-1918" (U Chicago Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>Jeffrey Jenkins and Justin Peck’s new book Congress and the First Civil Rights Era, 1861-1918 (U Chicago Press, 2021) explores how Congressional Republicans enacted laws aimed at establishing an inclusive, multiracial democracy. During the Civil War and Reconstruction, Congress crafted a civil rights agenda -- including laws, strict enforcement mechanisms, and Constitutional amendments that (for a brief time) enabled Black Americans to vote, sit on juries, and exercise other civil rights. Using a rich collection of data, the book documents how the Republican coalitions that passed and enforced civil rights weakened because of GOP political weakness in the South, shifts in the political preferences of Northern voters, and lack of GOP unity over core assumptions. Jenkins and Peck offer a Congress-centered American political development perspective to understand how Republicans built civil rights yet subsequently undermined the nascent multiracial democracy that their civil rights agenda helped make possible. The book focuses on the conflict within the Republican Party and electoral trends to argue that “policy enactments are a consequence of, and a window into, evolving attitudes about civil rights.” The book’s granular political history demonstrates how legal institutions -- created by majoritarian bodies like Congress -- liberated and protected an oppressed class of citizens but also reasserted the power of the white majority.
Dr. Jeffery A. Jenkins is Provost Professor of Public Policy, Political Science, and Law, Judith &amp; John Bedrosian Chair of Governance and the Public Enterprise, Director of the Bedrosian Center, and Director of the Political Institutions and Political Economy (PIPE) Collaborative at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.
Dr. Justin Peck is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Wesleyan University. In addition to his work on Congress and Civil Rights, he is engaged in a project that seeks to understand how the United States’ role in international affairs leads to the production of new political ideas and to the reform of domestic political institutions.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. “BLM versus #BLM:The Dangers of the New Armed Rebellion Narrative” was recently published as part of the Brennan Center for Justice’s series on Protest, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment and “Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth Self-Defense in District of Columbia v. Heller” appeared in July 2021’s Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Jul 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>543</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffery A. Jenkins and Justin Peck</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jeffrey Jenkins and Justin Peck’s new book Congress and the First Civil Rights Era, 1861-1918 (U Chicago Press, 2021) explores how Congressional Republicans enacted laws aimed at establishing an inclusive, multiracial democracy. During the Civil War and Reconstruction, Congress crafted a civil rights agenda -- including laws, strict enforcement mechanisms, and Constitutional amendments that (for a brief time) enabled Black Americans to vote, sit on juries, and exercise other civil rights. Using a rich collection of data, the book documents how the Republican coalitions that passed and enforced civil rights weakened because of GOP political weakness in the South, shifts in the political preferences of Northern voters, and lack of GOP unity over core assumptions. Jenkins and Peck offer a Congress-centered American political development perspective to understand how Republicans built civil rights yet subsequently undermined the nascent multiracial democracy that their civil rights agenda helped make possible. The book focuses on the conflict within the Republican Party and electoral trends to argue that “policy enactments are a consequence of, and a window into, evolving attitudes about civil rights.” The book’s granular political history demonstrates how legal institutions -- created by majoritarian bodies like Congress -- liberated and protected an oppressed class of citizens but also reasserted the power of the white majority.
Dr. Jeffery A. Jenkins is Provost Professor of Public Policy, Political Science, and Law, Judith &amp; John Bedrosian Chair of Governance and the Public Enterprise, Director of the Bedrosian Center, and Director of the Political Institutions and Political Economy (PIPE) Collaborative at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.
Dr. Justin Peck is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Wesleyan University. In addition to his work on Congress and Civil Rights, he is engaged in a project that seeks to understand how the United States’ role in international affairs leads to the production of new political ideas and to the reform of domestic political institutions.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. “BLM versus #BLM:The Dangers of the New Armed Rebellion Narrative” was recently published as part of the Brennan Center for Justice’s series on Protest, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment and “Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth Self-Defense in District of Columbia v. Heller” appeared in July 2021’s Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Jeffrey Jenkins and Justin Peck’s new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226756226"><em>Congress and the First Civil Rights Era, 1861-1918</em></a> (U Chicago Press, 2021) explores how Congressional Republicans enacted laws aimed at establishing an inclusive, multiracial democracy. During the Civil War and Reconstruction, Congress crafted a civil rights agenda -- including laws, strict enforcement mechanisms, and Constitutional amendments that (for a brief time) enabled Black Americans to vote, sit on juries, and exercise other civil rights. Using a rich collection of data, the book documents how the Republican coalitions that passed and enforced civil rights weakened because of GOP political weakness in the South, shifts in the political preferences of Northern voters, and lack of GOP unity over core assumptions. Jenkins and Peck offer a Congress-centered American political development perspective to understand how Republicans built civil rights yet subsequently undermined the nascent multiracial democracy that their civil rights agenda helped make possible. The book focuses on the conflict within the Republican Party and electoral trends to argue that “policy enactments are a consequence of, and a window into, evolving attitudes about civil rights.” The book’s granular political history demonstrates how legal institutions -- created by majoritarian bodies like Congress -- liberated and protected an oppressed class of citizens but also reasserted the power of the white majority.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://priceschool.usc.edu/people/jeffery-a-jenkins/">Jeffery A. Jenkins</a> is Provost Professor of Public Policy, Political Science, and Law, Judith &amp; John Bedrosian Chair of Governance and the Public Enterprise, Director of the Bedrosian Center, and Director of the Political Institutions and Political Economy (PIPE) Collaborative at the University of Southern California’s Sol Price School of Public Policy.</p><p>Dr. <a href="https://jcpeck.wordpress.com/">Justin Peck</a> is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Wesleyan University. In addition to his work on Congress and Civil Rights, he is engaged in a project that seeks to understand how the United States’ role in international affairs leads to the production of new political ideas and to the reform of domestic political institutions.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is professor of political science at Saint</em> <em>Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. “</em><a href="https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/blm-versus-blm"><em>BLM versus #BLM:The Dangers of the New Armed Rebellion Narrative</em></a><em>” was recently published as part of the Brennan Center for Justice’s series on Protest, Insurrection, and the Second Amendment and “</em><a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/pol/current"><em>Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth Self-Defense in District of Columbia v. Heller</em></a><em>” appeared in July 2021’s Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"> <em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3546</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Meena Bose and Andrew Rudalevige, "Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency" (Brookings, 2020)</title>
      <description>The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) is sometimes described as “the most important governmental office no one has ever heard of” and it certainly occupies a very important position and role in the functioning of the American presidency and the way that the Executive branch operates. Political Scientists Meena Bose (Hofstra University) and Andrew Rudalevige (Bowdoin College) have edited an excellent primer on OMB, not just in terms of exploring what it does and how it works, but also integrating a host of perspectives examining the history, function, and details of OMB. The book begins with a Forward and an introductory chapter by the Honorable Jacob J. Lew, who served as OMB Director during both the Clinton and Obama Administrations. Lew’s chapter sets up the rest of the work in
Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (Brookings Institution Press, 2020), since he discusses OMB as an insider and a leader of the agency, as well as from the position as a cabinet secretary who also needed to work with OMB and as President Obama’s chief of staff, a position that requires a similar kind of broad understanding of the functioning and structure of the entire Executive branch. The rest of the chapters in Executive Policymaking follow Lew’s lead, with analysis from academics who study and research the presidency and the Executive branch and bureaucracy along with co-authored chapters that bring in the perspectives from other current and former OMB employees.
The Office of Management and Budget has evolved from the Bureau of the Budget (BOB) that was put into place in 1921, a century ago. Over time, the BOB was moved to the Department of Treasury, but OMB was given more the responsibilities that provide it with the capacity to essentially manage the workings of the Executive branch, which is no small undertaking. The president’s budget is the way that the Executive branch can broadly manage the priorities of the bureaucracy, and OMB is the centralizing actor in the way that this essentially operates. Bose and Rudalevige, both experts on the presidency and the bureaucracy, have brought together authors who examine OMB from important and distinct perspectives. The first section of Executive Policymaking explains the role that OMB plays in the federal budget process. This section also includes a chapter that specifically looks at the president’s budget powers during the Trump Era, since abuse of these powers also led to the first of President Donald Trump’s two impeachments. The next part of the book explores Executive Orders, Central Clearance, and the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), all of which are key components of the role that OMB plays in regard to the Executive branch agencies and departments. The final section of the book shifts the focus a bit from the budget to management, looking at the role that OMB plays in terms of managing the entirety of the Executive branch and also managing itself. The authors in this section also include OMB employees, who speak to their own experiences working inside this complex and important agency and the role and position that OMB holds in relation to the president, the presidency, and the Executive branch. This is a fascinating and useful examination of the many dimensions of the Office of Management and Budget, placing the agency in historical, political, and institutional context.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Jul 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>543</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Meena Bose and Andrew Rudalevige</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) is sometimes described as “the most important governmental office no one has ever heard of” and it certainly occupies a very important position and role in the functioning of the American presidency and the way that the Executive branch operates. Political Scientists Meena Bose (Hofstra University) and Andrew Rudalevige (Bowdoin College) have edited an excellent primer on OMB, not just in terms of exploring what it does and how it works, but also integrating a host of perspectives examining the history, function, and details of OMB. The book begins with a Forward and an introductory chapter by the Honorable Jacob J. Lew, who served as OMB Director during both the Clinton and Obama Administrations. Lew’s chapter sets up the rest of the work in
Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency (Brookings Institution Press, 2020), since he discusses OMB as an insider and a leader of the agency, as well as from the position as a cabinet secretary who also needed to work with OMB and as President Obama’s chief of staff, a position that requires a similar kind of broad understanding of the functioning and structure of the entire Executive branch. The rest of the chapters in Executive Policymaking follow Lew’s lead, with analysis from academics who study and research the presidency and the Executive branch and bureaucracy along with co-authored chapters that bring in the perspectives from other current and former OMB employees.
The Office of Management and Budget has evolved from the Bureau of the Budget (BOB) that was put into place in 1921, a century ago. Over time, the BOB was moved to the Department of Treasury, but OMB was given more the responsibilities that provide it with the capacity to essentially manage the workings of the Executive branch, which is no small undertaking. The president’s budget is the way that the Executive branch can broadly manage the priorities of the bureaucracy, and OMB is the centralizing actor in the way that this essentially operates. Bose and Rudalevige, both experts on the presidency and the bureaucracy, have brought together authors who examine OMB from important and distinct perspectives. The first section of Executive Policymaking explains the role that OMB plays in the federal budget process. This section also includes a chapter that specifically looks at the president’s budget powers during the Trump Era, since abuse of these powers also led to the first of President Donald Trump’s two impeachments. The next part of the book explores Executive Orders, Central Clearance, and the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), all of which are key components of the role that OMB plays in regard to the Executive branch agencies and departments. The final section of the book shifts the focus a bit from the budget to management, looking at the role that OMB plays in terms of managing the entirety of the Executive branch and also managing itself. The authors in this section also include OMB employees, who speak to their own experiences working inside this complex and important agency and the role and position that OMB holds in relation to the president, the presidency, and the Executive branch. This is a fascinating and useful examination of the many dimensions of the Office of Management and Budget, placing the agency in historical, political, and institutional context.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) is sometimes described as “the most important governmental office no one has ever heard of” and it certainly occupies a very important position and role in the functioning of the American presidency and the way that the Executive branch operates. Political Scientists Meena Bose (Hofstra University) and Andrew Rudalevige (Bowdoin College) have edited an excellent primer on OMB, not just in terms of exploring what it does and how it works, but also integrating a host of perspectives examining the history, function, and details of OMB. The book begins with a <em>Forward</em> and an introductory chapter by the Honorable Jacob J. Lew, who served as OMB Director during both the Clinton and Obama Administrations. Lew’s chapter sets up the rest of the work in</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780815737957"><em>Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency</em></a> (Brookings Institution Press, 2020), since he discusses OMB as an insider and a leader of the agency, as well as from the position as a cabinet secretary who also needed to work with OMB and as President Obama’s chief of staff, a position that requires a similar kind of broad understanding of the functioning and structure of the entire Executive branch. The rest of the chapters in Executive Policymaking follow Lew’s lead, with analysis from academics who study and research the presidency and the Executive branch and bureaucracy along with co-authored chapters that bring in the perspectives from other current and former OMB employees.</p><p>The Office of Management and Budget has evolved from the Bureau of the Budget (BOB) that was put into place in 1921, a century ago. Over time, the BOB was moved to the Department of Treasury, but OMB was given more the responsibilities that provide it with the capacity to essentially manage the workings of the Executive branch, which is no small undertaking. The president’s budget is the way that the Executive branch can broadly manage the priorities of the bureaucracy, and OMB is the centralizing actor in the way that this essentially operates. Bose and Rudalevige, both experts on the presidency and the bureaucracy, have brought together authors who examine OMB from important and distinct perspectives. The first section of <em>Executive Policymaking</em> explains the role that OMB plays in the federal budget process. This section also includes a chapter that specifically looks at the president’s budget powers during the Trump Era, since abuse of these powers also led to the first of President Donald Trump’s two impeachments. The next part of the book explores Executive Orders, Central Clearance, and the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA), all of which are key components of the role that OMB plays in regard to the Executive branch agencies and departments. The final section of the book shifts the focus a bit from the budget to management, looking at the role that OMB plays in terms of managing the entirety of the Executive branch and also managing itself. The authors in this section also include OMB employees, who speak to their own experiences working inside this complex and important agency and the role and position that OMB holds in relation to the president, the presidency, and the Executive branch. This is a fascinating and useful examination of the many dimensions of the Office of Management and Budget, placing the agency in historical, political, and institutional context.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Nathan Kalmoe, "With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Nathan Kalmoe has written a fascinating historical and political exploration of the connections between violence and partisanship before, during, and after the American Civil War. This book brings together work by historians and political scientists and straddles both disciplines in the examination of the way that partisan politics at the time of the Civil War also contributed to the rise and use of violence, and how this violence then fed back into partisan politics during this period. Kalmoe engaged a multi-method approach to the research, examining election returns, especially county-level returns during this time; he also integrated the census data from the time to map where voters lived and where soldiers were coming from when they became part of the military. Kalmoe dug deeply into the records about the soldiers (which have been digitized), learning about what happened to them, where they fought, and where they called home. Finally, in order to get a clear sense of the partisan divisions and the action and rhetoric of the party elite, he integrated content from local newspapers—these newspapers were often the media arms of particular political parties in cities and localities, and thus they directly reflected the thinking of the party leaders in those same cities and localities. Kalmoe noted that literacy rates were quite high during this time, which also makes the case for the usefulness of what these partisan newspapers were writing about and reflecting to their readership.
With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines this violent period of American history, and Kalmoe is able to essentially measure how casualties effected voting and mass political behavior by using all of these historical sources to discern this data. By tracing these related behaviors, Kalmoe highlights some of the changes in attitude and approach that takes place in the two main political parties at the time. He finds that the northern Democrats shifted markedly from a pro-war stance earlier in the war to, in 1864, every northern Democratic newspaper taking an anti-war position. This is a rather dynamic change that takes place over a short time. During this same period, the northern Republican partisans were suffering significantly more losses, and they were even more committed to the war, as reflected in the newspapers and in the public events where speakers addressed the topic of the war. This pattern of war memory also continues in Reconstruction, as Republican states built monuments to remember the fallen, and as the regiments also wrote up their own histories, delineating the heroic deeds of those who were members of the respective regiments. This is a sophisticated and complex analysis of the connection between violence and partisan in an earlier era in the United States, when the Union and the Confederacy were moved to take up arms and to commit to violence in ways that were also directly related to the active political parties and partisan affiliation with those parties. In reading through With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War it hard not to see echoes and images of more recent political violence and the way that this more contemporary violence is also tied to partisanship.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jul 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>535</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nathan Kalmoe</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Nathan Kalmoe has written a fascinating historical and political exploration of the connections between violence and partisanship before, during, and after the American Civil War. This book brings together work by historians and political scientists and straddles both disciplines in the examination of the way that partisan politics at the time of the Civil War also contributed to the rise and use of violence, and how this violence then fed back into partisan politics during this period. Kalmoe engaged a multi-method approach to the research, examining election returns, especially county-level returns during this time; he also integrated the census data from the time to map where voters lived and where soldiers were coming from when they became part of the military. Kalmoe dug deeply into the records about the soldiers (which have been digitized), learning about what happened to them, where they fought, and where they called home. Finally, in order to get a clear sense of the partisan divisions and the action and rhetoric of the party elite, he integrated content from local newspapers—these newspapers were often the media arms of particular political parties in cities and localities, and thus they directly reflected the thinking of the party leaders in those same cities and localities. Kalmoe noted that literacy rates were quite high during this time, which also makes the case for the usefulness of what these partisan newspapers were writing about and reflecting to their readership.
With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines this violent period of American history, and Kalmoe is able to essentially measure how casualties effected voting and mass political behavior by using all of these historical sources to discern this data. By tracing these related behaviors, Kalmoe highlights some of the changes in attitude and approach that takes place in the two main political parties at the time. He finds that the northern Democrats shifted markedly from a pro-war stance earlier in the war to, in 1864, every northern Democratic newspaper taking an anti-war position. This is a rather dynamic change that takes place over a short time. During this same period, the northern Republican partisans were suffering significantly more losses, and they were even more committed to the war, as reflected in the newspapers and in the public events where speakers addressed the topic of the war. This pattern of war memory also continues in Reconstruction, as Republican states built monuments to remember the fallen, and as the regiments also wrote up their own histories, delineating the heroic deeds of those who were members of the respective regiments. This is a sophisticated and complex analysis of the connection between violence and partisan in an earlier era in the United States, when the Union and the Confederacy were moved to take up arms and to commit to violence in ways that were also directly related to the active political parties and partisan affiliation with those parties. In reading through With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War it hard not to see echoes and images of more recent political violence and the way that this more contemporary violence is also tied to partisanship.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist Nathan Kalmoe has written a fascinating historical and political exploration of the connections between violence and partisanship before, during, and after the American Civil War. This book brings together work by historians and political scientists and straddles both disciplines in the examination of the way that partisan politics at the time of the Civil War also contributed to the rise and use of violence, and how this violence then fed back into partisan politics during this period. Kalmoe engaged a multi-method approach to the research, examining election returns, especially county-level returns during this time; he also integrated the census data from the time to map where voters lived and where soldiers were coming from when they became part of the military. Kalmoe dug deeply into the records about the soldiers (which have been digitized), learning about what happened to them, where they fought, and where they called home. Finally, in order to get a clear sense of the partisan divisions and the action and rhetoric of the party elite, he integrated content from local newspapers—these newspapers were often the media arms of particular political parties in cities and localities, and thus they directly reflected the thinking of the party leaders in those same cities and localities. Kalmoe noted that literacy rates were quite high during this time, which also makes the case for the usefulness of what these partisan newspapers were writing about and reflecting to their readership.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108792585"><em>With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020) examines this violent period of American history, and Kalmoe is able to essentially measure how casualties effected voting and mass political behavior by using all of these historical sources to discern this data. By tracing these related behaviors, Kalmoe highlights some of the changes in attitude and approach that takes place in the two main political parties at the time. He finds that the northern Democrats shifted markedly from a pro-war stance earlier in the war to, in 1864, every northern Democratic newspaper taking an anti-war position. This is a rather dynamic change that takes place over a short time. During this same period, the northern Republican partisans were suffering significantly more losses, and they were even more committed to the war, as reflected in the newspapers and in the public events where speakers addressed the topic of the war. This pattern of war memory also continues in Reconstruction, as Republican states built monuments to remember the fallen, and as the regiments also wrote up their own histories, delineating the heroic deeds of those who were members of the respective regiments. This is a sophisticated and complex analysis of the connection between violence and partisan in an earlier era in the United States, when the Union and the Confederacy were moved to take up arms and to commit to violence in ways that were also directly related to the active political parties and partisan affiliation with those parties. In reading through With Ballots and Bullets: Partisanship and Violence in the American Civil War it hard not to see echoes and images of more recent political violence and the way that this more contemporary violence is also tied to partisanship.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2502</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Van Gosse, "The First Reconstruction: Black Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War" (UNC Press, 2021)</title>
      <description>It may be difficult to imagine that a consequential black electoral politics evolved in the United States before the Civil War, for as of 1860, the overwhelming majority of African Americans remained in bondage. Yet free black men, many of them escaped slaves, steadily increased their influence in electoral politics over the course of the early American republic. Despite efforts to disfranchise them, black men voted across much of the North, sometimes in numbers sufficient to swing elections. In The First Reconstruction: Black Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (UNC Press, 2021), Van Gosse offers a sweeping reappraisal of the formative era of American democracy from the Constitution's ratification through Abraham Lincoln's election, chronicling the rise of an organized, visible black politics focused on the quest for citizenship, the vote, and power within the free states.
Full of untold stories and thorough examinations of political battles, this book traces a First Reconstruction of black political activism following emancipation in the North. From Portland, Maine and New Bedford, Massachusetts to Brooklyn and Cleveland, black men operated as voting blocs, denouncing the notion that skin color could define citizenship.
Jessica Georges is a third year history PhD student at the CUNY Graduate Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jun 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1022</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Van Gosse</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It may be difficult to imagine that a consequential black electoral politics evolved in the United States before the Civil War, for as of 1860, the overwhelming majority of African Americans remained in bondage. Yet free black men, many of them escaped slaves, steadily increased their influence in electoral politics over the course of the early American republic. Despite efforts to disfranchise them, black men voted across much of the North, sometimes in numbers sufficient to swing elections. In The First Reconstruction: Black Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War (UNC Press, 2021), Van Gosse offers a sweeping reappraisal of the formative era of American democracy from the Constitution's ratification through Abraham Lincoln's election, chronicling the rise of an organized, visible black politics focused on the quest for citizenship, the vote, and power within the free states.
Full of untold stories and thorough examinations of political battles, this book traces a First Reconstruction of black political activism following emancipation in the North. From Portland, Maine and New Bedford, Massachusetts to Brooklyn and Cleveland, black men operated as voting blocs, denouncing the notion that skin color could define citizenship.
Jessica Georges is a third year history PhD student at the CUNY Graduate Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It may be difficult to imagine that a consequential black electoral politics evolved in the United States before the Civil War, for as of 1860, the overwhelming majority of African Americans remained in bondage. Yet free black men, many of them escaped slaves, steadily increased their influence in electoral politics over the course of the early American republic. Despite efforts to disfranchise them, black men voted across much of the North, sometimes in numbers sufficient to swing elections. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469660103"><em>The First Reconstruction: Black Politics in America from the Revolution to the Civil War</em></a> (UNC Press, 2021), Van Gosse offers a sweeping reappraisal of the formative era of American democracy from the Constitution's ratification through Abraham Lincoln's election, chronicling the rise of an organized, visible black politics focused on the quest for citizenship, the vote, and power within the free states.</p><p>Full of untold stories and thorough examinations of political battles, this book traces a First Reconstruction of black political activism following emancipation in the North. From Portland, Maine and New Bedford, Massachusetts to Brooklyn and Cleveland, black men operated as voting blocs, denouncing the notion that skin color could define citizenship.</p><p><em>Jessica Georges is a third year history PhD student at the CUNY Graduate Center.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3378</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael W. McConnell, "The President Who Would Not Be King: Executive Power under the Constitution" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Michael McConnell, the Richard and Frances Mallery Professor and director of the Constitutional Law Center at Stanford University Law School and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, has written an examination of the power that the president has in the U.S. constitutional system. The President Who Would Not Be King: Executive Power under the Constitution (Princeton UP, 2020) presents a unique analysis of the powers that were allocated to the executive in Article II of the Constitution, as well as an exploration of the origin of many of the executive powers that are outlined in the Constitution but allocated to other branches of government within the new constitutional system. Thus, while McConnell’s focus is on the executive in the American constitutional system, the framing of this focus is in delineating the prerogative powers that Blackstone had noted belong to the monarch or the individual head of state, but that the Founders in 1787 split up. The argument in the book also clarifies the structure of Article II, explaining in important detail the sections of Article II and how they are connected to each other. McConnell’s deep dive into the discussions not only in Philadelphia in 1787, but also in the state ratifying conventions and among the different founders provide the historical context for the explicit and implied powers distributed throughout the Constitution. McConnell’s historical analysis pays particular attention to the committees that were established during the Constitutional Convention, like the Committee on Detail, that had to flesh out how the powers that were being invested in the document would manifest in operation. Thus, The President Who Would Not Be King is an historical examination of the competing ideas that were part of the conversation that ultimately became the U.S. Constitution. 
But McConnell does not stop at the founding period. He provides much more contemporary examples and case studies of some of the tensions around these prerogative powers that were not all given to the president in Article II. This takes up Justice Robert Jackson’s important decision in Youngstown Sheet and Tube v. Sawyer in terms of how that decision shaped expectations around executive use of power and authority, and has also positioned those expectations within, intentionally or not, our highly partisan political environment. McConnell’s work provides a path to understanding constitutional meaning from before the constitution itself was written, which is distinct from constitutional theories like originalism. The President Who Would Not Be King also wrestles with the Founders’ ideas around the complexity of separation of powers, given the executive powers that Congress holds and can use, as well as the executive powers vested in the presidency.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Jun 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>529</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Michael W. McConnell</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael McConnell, the Richard and Frances Mallery Professor and director of the Constitutional Law Center at Stanford University Law School and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, has written an examination of the power that the president has in the U.S. constitutional system. The President Who Would Not Be King: Executive Power under the Constitution (Princeton UP, 2020) presents a unique analysis of the powers that were allocated to the executive in Article II of the Constitution, as well as an exploration of the origin of many of the executive powers that are outlined in the Constitution but allocated to other branches of government within the new constitutional system. Thus, while McConnell’s focus is on the executive in the American constitutional system, the framing of this focus is in delineating the prerogative powers that Blackstone had noted belong to the monarch or the individual head of state, but that the Founders in 1787 split up. The argument in the book also clarifies the structure of Article II, explaining in important detail the sections of Article II and how they are connected to each other. McConnell’s deep dive into the discussions not only in Philadelphia in 1787, but also in the state ratifying conventions and among the different founders provide the historical context for the explicit and implied powers distributed throughout the Constitution. McConnell’s historical analysis pays particular attention to the committees that were established during the Constitutional Convention, like the Committee on Detail, that had to flesh out how the powers that were being invested in the document would manifest in operation. Thus, The President Who Would Not Be King is an historical examination of the competing ideas that were part of the conversation that ultimately became the U.S. Constitution. 
But McConnell does not stop at the founding period. He provides much more contemporary examples and case studies of some of the tensions around these prerogative powers that were not all given to the president in Article II. This takes up Justice Robert Jackson’s important decision in Youngstown Sheet and Tube v. Sawyer in terms of how that decision shaped expectations around executive use of power and authority, and has also positioned those expectations within, intentionally or not, our highly partisan political environment. McConnell’s work provides a path to understanding constitutional meaning from before the constitution itself was written, which is distinct from constitutional theories like originalism. The President Who Would Not Be King also wrestles with the Founders’ ideas around the complexity of separation of powers, given the executive powers that Congress holds and can use, as well as the executive powers vested in the presidency.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Michael McConnell, the Richard and Frances Mallery Professor and director of the Constitutional Law Center at Stanford University Law School and senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, has written an examination of the power that the president has in the U.S. constitutional system. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691207520"><em>The President Who Would Not Be King: Executive Power under the Constitution</em></a> (Princeton UP, 2020) presents a unique analysis of the powers that were allocated to the executive in Article II of the <em>Constitution</em>, as well as an exploration of the origin of many of the executive powers that are outlined in the <em>Constitution</em> but allocated to other branches of government within the new constitutional system. Thus, while McConnell’s focus is on the executive in the American constitutional system, the framing of this focus is in delineating the prerogative powers that Blackstone had noted belong to the monarch or the individual head of state, but that the Founders in 1787 split up. The argument in the book also clarifies the structure of Article II, explaining in important detail the sections of Article II and how they are connected to each other. McConnell’s deep dive into the discussions not only in Philadelphia in 1787, but also in the state ratifying conventions and among the different founders provide the historical context for the explicit and implied powers distributed throughout the <em>Constitution</em>. McConnell’s historical analysis pays particular attention to the committees that were established during the Constitutional Convention, like the Committee on Detail, that had to flesh out how the powers that were being invested in the document would manifest in operation. Thus, <em>The President Who Would Not Be King</em> is an historical examination of the competing ideas that were part of the conversation that ultimately became the <em>U.S. Constitution</em>. </p><p>But McConnell does not stop at the founding period. He provides much more contemporary examples and case studies of some of the tensions around these prerogative powers that were not all given to the president in Article II. This takes up Justice Robert Jackson’s important decision in <em>Youngstown Sheet and Tube v. Sawyer</em> in terms of how that decision shaped expectations around executive use of power and authority, and has also positioned those expectations within, intentionally or not, our highly partisan political environment. McConnell’s work provides a path to understanding constitutional meaning from before the constitution itself was written, which is distinct from constitutional theories like originalism. <em>The President Who Would Not Be King</em> also wrestles with the Founders’ ideas around the complexity of separation of powers, given the executive powers that Congress holds and can use, as well as the executive powers vested in the presidency.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Ronald C. White, "Lincoln in Private: What His Most Personal Reflections Tell Us About Our Greatest President" (Random House, 2021)</title>
      <description>From the New York Times bestselling author of A. Lincoln and American Ulysses, a revelatory glimpse into the mind and soul of our sixteenth president through his private notes to himself, explored together here for the first time. A deeply private man, shut off even to those who worked closely with him, Abraham Lincoln often captured “his best thoughts,” as he called them, in short notes to himself. He would work out his personal stances on the biggest issues of the day, never expecting anyone to see these frank, unpolished pieces of writing, which he’d then keep close at hand, in desk drawers and even in his top hat. The profound importance of these notes has been overlooked, because the originals are scattered across several different archives and have never before been brought together and examined as a coherent whole. 
In Lincoln in Private: What His Most Personal Reflections Tell Us About Our Greatest President (Random House, 2021), Ronald C. White walks readers through twelve of Lincoln’s most important private notes, showcasing our greatest president’s brilliance and empathy, but also his very human anxieties and ambitions. We look over Lincoln’s shoulder as he grapples with the problem of slavery, attempting to find convincing rebuttals to those who supported the evil institution (“As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy.”); prepares for his historic debates with Stephen Douglas; expresses his private feelings after a defeated bid for a Senate seat (“With me, the race of ambition has been a failure—a flat failure”); voices his concerns about the new Republican Party’s long-term prospects; develops an argument for national unity amidst a secession crisis that would ultimately rend the nation in two; and, for a president many have viewed as not religious, develops a sophisticated theological reflection in the midst of the Civil War (“it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party”). Additionally, in a historic first, all 111 Lincoln notes are transcribed in the appendix, a gift to scholars and Lincoln buffs alike. These are notes Lincoln never expected anyone to read, put into context by a writer who has spent his career studying Lincoln’s life and words. The result is a rare glimpse into the mind and soul of one of our nation’s most important figures.
Zach McCulley (@zamccull) is a historian of religion and literary cultures in early modern England and PhD candidate in History at Queen's University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>992</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ronald C. White</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the New York Times bestselling author of A. Lincoln and American Ulysses, a revelatory glimpse into the mind and soul of our sixteenth president through his private notes to himself, explored together here for the first time. A deeply private man, shut off even to those who worked closely with him, Abraham Lincoln often captured “his best thoughts,” as he called them, in short notes to himself. He would work out his personal stances on the biggest issues of the day, never expecting anyone to see these frank, unpolished pieces of writing, which he’d then keep close at hand, in desk drawers and even in his top hat. The profound importance of these notes has been overlooked, because the originals are scattered across several different archives and have never before been brought together and examined as a coherent whole. 
In Lincoln in Private: What His Most Personal Reflections Tell Us About Our Greatest President (Random House, 2021), Ronald C. White walks readers through twelve of Lincoln’s most important private notes, showcasing our greatest president’s brilliance and empathy, but also his very human anxieties and ambitions. We look over Lincoln’s shoulder as he grapples with the problem of slavery, attempting to find convincing rebuttals to those who supported the evil institution (“As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy.”); prepares for his historic debates with Stephen Douglas; expresses his private feelings after a defeated bid for a Senate seat (“With me, the race of ambition has been a failure—a flat failure”); voices his concerns about the new Republican Party’s long-term prospects; develops an argument for national unity amidst a secession crisis that would ultimately rend the nation in two; and, for a president many have viewed as not religious, develops a sophisticated theological reflection in the midst of the Civil War (“it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party”). Additionally, in a historic first, all 111 Lincoln notes are transcribed in the appendix, a gift to scholars and Lincoln buffs alike. These are notes Lincoln never expected anyone to read, put into context by a writer who has spent his career studying Lincoln’s life and words. The result is a rare glimpse into the mind and soul of one of our nation’s most important figures.
Zach McCulley (@zamccull) is a historian of religion and literary cultures in early modern England and PhD candidate in History at Queen's University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the New York Times bestselling author of <em>A. Lincoln</em> and <em>American Ulysses</em>, a revelatory glimpse into the mind and soul of our sixteenth president through his private notes to himself, explored together here for the first time. A deeply private man, shut off even to those who worked closely with him, Abraham Lincoln often captured “his best thoughts,” as he called them, in short notes to himself. He would work out his personal stances on the biggest issues of the day, never expecting anyone to see these frank, unpolished pieces of writing, which he’d then keep close at hand, in desk drawers and even in his top hat. The profound importance of these notes has been overlooked, because the originals are scattered across several different archives and have never before been brought together and examined as a coherent whole. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781984855091"><em>Lincoln in Private: What His Most Personal Reflections Tell Us About Our Greatest Presiden</em>t</a> (Random House, 2021), Ronald C. White walks readers through twelve of Lincoln’s most important private notes, showcasing our greatest president’s brilliance and empathy, but also his very human anxieties and ambitions. We look over Lincoln’s shoulder as he grapples with the problem of slavery, attempting to find convincing rebuttals to those who supported the evil institution (“As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy.”); prepares for his historic debates with Stephen Douglas; expresses his private feelings after a defeated bid for a Senate seat (“With me, the race of ambition has been a failure—a flat failure”); voices his concerns about the new Republican Party’s long-term prospects; develops an argument for national unity amidst a secession crisis that would ultimately rend the nation in two; and, for a president many have viewed as not religious, develops a sophisticated theological reflection in the midst of the Civil War (“it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party”). Additionally, in a historic first, all 111 Lincoln notes are transcribed in the appendix, a gift to scholars and Lincoln buffs alike. These are notes Lincoln never expected anyone to read, put into context by a writer who has spent his career studying Lincoln’s life and words. The result is a rare glimpse into the mind and soul of one of our nation’s most important figures.</p><p><em>Zach McCulley (@zamccull) is a historian of religion and literary cultures in early modern England and PhD candidate in History at Queen's University Belfast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>1600</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi, "Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites" (Oxford UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>All political candidates make strategic choices about how to present themselves to voters but not all candidates have to “weigh decisions about their self-presentation alongside stereotypical tropes, culture norms that denigrate Blackness, and European beauty standards, in addition to the historical legacies of racism, colorism, sexism, and heteropatriarchy.” Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites (Oxford UP, 2021) interrogates the “everyday politicization of Black women’s bodies and its ramifications for politics.” Hair is not simply hair.
Drs. Brown and Lemi use a wide-range of qualitative and quantitative methods, including focus groups with Black women candidates and elected officials to argue that “Black women's political experience and the way that voters evaluate them is shaped overtly by their skin tone and hair texture, with hair being a particular point of scrutiny.” Sister Style explores “what the politics of appearance for Black women means for Black women politicians and Black voters, and how expectations about self-presentation differ for Black women versus Black men, White men, and White women.” For many black women in politics, racist and sexist cultural ideas have been used to “demean and fetishize” them based on their physical appearance. They are oftentimes pressured into changing their appearance to look more like their white female counterparts. But Brown and Lemi highlight the agency of Black women candidates and the book reconceptualizes how “Black women political elites are thought about, assessed, measured, and evaluated.”
The book is organized around several questions. What are the origins of the contemporary focus on Black women’s bodies in public life? How do Black women politicians make sense of the politics of appearance? Is there a phenotypic profile in who which most Black women politicians fit? How do voters process the appearances of Black women candidates?
Dr. Nadia Brown is an Associate Professor of Political Science and African American Studies at Purdue University. Beginning in July 2021, Dr. Brown will be a professor of Government and director of the Women’s and Gender Studies program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown is also the author of Sisters in the Statehouse: Black Women and Legislative Decision Making (Oxford, 2014) and editor of three books: Distinct Identities: Minority Women in U.S. Politics (Routledge, 2016), Body Politics (Routledge, 2019), and Me Too Political Science (Routledge, 2019). She edits Politics, Groups, and Identities and is a founding board member of @WomenAlsoKnowStuff. Her most recent public facing publication is “Here’s how to teach Black Lives Matter: We’ve developed a short course” Washington Post’s Monkey Cage with Ray Block, Jr. and Christopher Stout.
Dr. Danielle Casarez Lemi is a Tower Center Fellow at the John G. Tower Center for Political Science at Southern Methodist University. Her specialization is representation in American politics with a focus on gender, race, and identity. Her research has appeared in Politics, Groups, and Identities, Du Bois Review, Journal of Race, Ethnicity and Politics, PS: Political Science and Politics, British Journal of Political Science, and Perspectives on Politics.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth Self-Defense in District of Columbia v. Heller” can be found in July 2021’s Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>521</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>All political candidates make strategic choices about how to present themselves to voters but not all candidates have to “weigh decisions about their self-presentation alongside stereotypical tropes, culture norms that denigrate Blackness, and European beauty standards, in addition to the historical legacies of racism, colorism, sexism, and heteropatriarchy.” Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites (Oxford UP, 2021) interrogates the “everyday politicization of Black women’s bodies and its ramifications for politics.” Hair is not simply hair.
Drs. Brown and Lemi use a wide-range of qualitative and quantitative methods, including focus groups with Black women candidates and elected officials to argue that “Black women's political experience and the way that voters evaluate them is shaped overtly by their skin tone and hair texture, with hair being a particular point of scrutiny.” Sister Style explores “what the politics of appearance for Black women means for Black women politicians and Black voters, and how expectations about self-presentation differ for Black women versus Black men, White men, and White women.” For many black women in politics, racist and sexist cultural ideas have been used to “demean and fetishize” them based on their physical appearance. They are oftentimes pressured into changing their appearance to look more like their white female counterparts. But Brown and Lemi highlight the agency of Black women candidates and the book reconceptualizes how “Black women political elites are thought about, assessed, measured, and evaluated.”
The book is organized around several questions. What are the origins of the contemporary focus on Black women’s bodies in public life? How do Black women politicians make sense of the politics of appearance? Is there a phenotypic profile in who which most Black women politicians fit? How do voters process the appearances of Black women candidates?
Dr. Nadia Brown is an Associate Professor of Political Science and African American Studies at Purdue University. Beginning in July 2021, Dr. Brown will be a professor of Government and director of the Women’s and Gender Studies program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown is also the author of Sisters in the Statehouse: Black Women and Legislative Decision Making (Oxford, 2014) and editor of three books: Distinct Identities: Minority Women in U.S. Politics (Routledge, 2016), Body Politics (Routledge, 2019), and Me Too Political Science (Routledge, 2019). She edits Politics, Groups, and Identities and is a founding board member of @WomenAlsoKnowStuff. Her most recent public facing publication is “Here’s how to teach Black Lives Matter: We’ve developed a short course” Washington Post’s Monkey Cage with Ray Block, Jr. and Christopher Stout.
Dr. Danielle Casarez Lemi is a Tower Center Fellow at the John G. Tower Center for Political Science at Southern Methodist University. Her specialization is representation in American politics with a focus on gender, race, and identity. Her research has appeared in Politics, Groups, and Identities, Du Bois Review, Journal of Race, Ethnicity and Politics, PS: Political Science and Politics, British Journal of Political Science, and Perspectives on Politics.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth Self-Defense in District of Columbia v. Heller” can be found in July 2021’s Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>All political candidates make strategic choices about how to present themselves to voters but not all candidates have to “weigh decisions about their self-presentation alongside stereotypical tropes, culture norms that denigrate Blackness, and European beauty standards, in addition to the historical legacies of racism, colorism, sexism, and heteropatriarchy.” <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197540589"><em>Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2021) interrogates the “everyday politicization of Black women’s bodies and its ramifications for politics.” Hair is not simply hair.</p><p>Drs. Brown and Lemi use a wide-range of qualitative and quantitative methods, including focus groups with Black women candidates and elected officials to argue that “Black women's political experience and the way that voters evaluate them is shaped overtly by their skin tone and hair texture, with hair being a particular point of scrutiny.” <em>Sister Style </em>explores “what the politics of appearance for Black women means for Black women politicians and Black voters, and how expectations about self-presentation differ for Black women versus Black men, White men, and White women.” For many black women in politics, racist and sexist cultural ideas have been used to “demean and fetishize” them based on their physical appearance. They are oftentimes pressured into changing their appearance to look more like their white female counterparts. But Brown and Lemi highlight the agency of Black women candidates and the book reconceptualizes how “Black women political elites are thought about, assessed, measured, and evaluated.”</p><p>The book is organized around several questions. What are the origins of the contemporary focus on Black women’s bodies in public life? How do Black women politicians make sense of the politics of appearance? Is there a phenotypic profile in who which most Black women politicians fit? How do voters process the appearances of Black women candidates?</p><p><a href="https://www.nadiaebrownphd.com/">Dr. Nadia Brown</a> is an Associate Professor of Political Science and African American Studies at Purdue University. Beginning in July 2021, Dr. Brown will be a professor of Government and director of the Women’s and Gender Studies program at Georgetown University. Dr. Brown is also the author of<em> Sisters in the </em><a href="https://bookshop.org/books/sisters-in-the-statehouse-black-women-and-legislative-decision-making/9780199352432"><em>Statehouse: Black Women and Legislative Decision Making</em></a> (Oxford, 2014) and editor of three books: <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/distinct-identities-minority-women-in-u-s-politics/9781138958845"><em>Distinct Identities: Minority Women in U.S. Politics</em></a> (Routledge, 2016), <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/body-politics/9780367358136"><em>Body Politics</em></a> (Routledge, 2019), and <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/me-too-political-science/9780367857066"><em>Me Too Political Science </em></a>(Routledge, 2019). She edits <em>Politics, Groups, and Identities</em> and is a founding board member of @WomenAlsoKnowStuff. Her most recent public facing publication is “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/06/11/heres-how-teach-black-lives-matter/">Here’s how to teach Black Lives Matter: We’ve developed a short course</a>” Washington Post’s Monkey Cage with Ray Block, Jr. and Christopher Stout.</p><p><a href="https://sites.google.com/view/danielle-casarez-lemi/home">Dr. Danielle Casarez Lemi </a>is a Tower Center Fellow at the John G. Tower Center for Political Science at Southern Methodist University. Her specialization is representation in American politics with a focus on gender, race, and identity. Her research has appeared in <em>Politics, Groups, and Identities, Du Bois Review</em>, <em>Journal of Race, Ethnicity and Politics, PS: Political Science and Politics,</em> <em>British Journal of Political Science, </em>and <em>Perspectives on Politics.</em></p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint</em> <em>Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"> <em>Why Diehard Originalists</em></a> <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"><em>Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and</em> “<a href="https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/pol/current"><em>Sensitive Places: Originalism, Gender, and the Myth </em>Self-Defense in <em>District of Columbia v. Heller</em></a><em>” </em>can be found in July 2021’s <em>Polity. Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"> <em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4412</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6027185298.mp3?updated=1621627754" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew L. Whitehead, "Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Why do so many conservative Christians continue to support Donald Trump despite his many overt moral failings? Why do many Americans advocate so vehemently for xenophobic policies, such as a border wall with Mexico? Why do many Americans seem so unwilling to acknowledge the injustices that ethnic and racial minorities experience in the United States? Why do a sizeable proportion of Americans continue to oppose women's equality in the workplace and in the home?
Andrew Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry seek to answer these questions in Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States (Oxford University Press, 2020), which explores the phenomenon of "Christian nationalism," the belief that the United States is-and should be-a Christian nation. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in American public life, but Christian nationalism is about far more than whether the phrase "under God" belongs in the pledge of allegiance. At its heart, Christian nationalism demands that we must preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone--Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women recognizes their "proper" place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, Taking America Back for God illustrates the influence of Christian nationalism on today's most contentious social and political issues.
Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data as well as in-depth interviews, Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry document how Christian nationalism shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Americans' stance toward Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Islam, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues-very much including who they want in the White House. Taking America Back for God is a guide to one of the most important-and least understood-forces shaping American politics.
Andrew Whitehead is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Clemson University and Assistant Director of the Association of Religion Data Archives.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 20 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>183</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Andrew L. Whitehead</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why do so many conservative Christians continue to support Donald Trump despite his many overt moral failings? Why do many Americans advocate so vehemently for xenophobic policies, such as a border wall with Mexico? Why do many Americans seem so unwilling to acknowledge the injustices that ethnic and racial minorities experience in the United States? Why do a sizeable proportion of Americans continue to oppose women's equality in the workplace and in the home?
Andrew Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry seek to answer these questions in Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States (Oxford University Press, 2020), which explores the phenomenon of "Christian nationalism," the belief that the United States is-and should be-a Christian nation. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in American public life, but Christian nationalism is about far more than whether the phrase "under God" belongs in the pledge of allegiance. At its heart, Christian nationalism demands that we must preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone--Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women recognizes their "proper" place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, Taking America Back for God illustrates the influence of Christian nationalism on today's most contentious social and political issues.
Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data as well as in-depth interviews, Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry document how Christian nationalism shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Americans' stance toward Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Islam, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues-very much including who they want in the White House. Taking America Back for God is a guide to one of the most important-and least understood-forces shaping American politics.
Andrew Whitehead is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Clemson University and Assistant Director of the Association of Religion Data Archives.
Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why do so many conservative Christians continue to support Donald Trump despite his many overt moral failings? Why do many Americans advocate so vehemently for xenophobic policies, such as a border wall with Mexico? Why do many Americans seem so unwilling to acknowledge the injustices that ethnic and racial minorities experience in the United States? Why do a sizeable proportion of Americans continue to oppose women's equality in the workplace and in the home?</p><p>Andrew Whitehead and Samuel L. Perry seek to answer these questions in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190057886"><em>Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2020), which explores the phenomenon of "Christian nationalism," the belief that the United States is-and should be-a Christian nation. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in American public life, but Christian nationalism is about far more than whether the phrase "under God" belongs in the pledge of allegiance. At its heart, Christian nationalism demands that we must preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone--Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women recognizes their "proper" place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, <em>Taking America Back for God</em> illustrates the influence of Christian nationalism on today's most contentious social and political issues.</p><p>Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data as well as in-depth interviews, Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry document how Christian nationalism shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Americans' stance toward Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Islam, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues-very much including who they want in the White House. <em>Taking America Back for God</em> is a guide to one of the most important-and least understood-forces shaping American politics.</p><p>Andrew Whitehead is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Clemson University and Assistant Director of the Association of Religion Data Archives.</p><p><em>Schneur Zalman Newfield is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New York, and the author of Degrees of Separation: Identity Formation While Leaving Ultra-Orthodox Judaism (Temple University Press, 2020). Visit him online at ZalmanNewfield.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Cristina Beltrán, "Cruelty As Citizenship: How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy" (U Minnesota Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Cristina Beltrán has written a thoughtful and interrogating analysis of the concept of citizenship, particularly in the United States, and how the history of the United States as a country has shaped an understanding of who gets to be “belong” as a member of this society. The book, Cruelty as Citizenship: How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy is part of the Forerunners book series published by the University of Minnesota Press—this series, as we discuss in our conversation, publishes shorter works that dig into ideas across a broad and interdisciplinary spectrum. And this is precisely what Beltrán has done in this book, in terms of engaging historiography, Cultural Studies, LatinX Studies, political theory, American Studies, and other disciplines to aid her unwrapping of our understanding of immigrants and migrants, and why there is an interest in seeing these groups as “others” and, among certain segments of the population, wanting to make sure they suffer in this exclusionary position. Beltrán takes the reader through both imagined and real spaces in terms of the place of the immigrant and the migrant in the United States, weaving the role of the American frontier, the way that settler-colonialism operated inside the U.S., and an understanding of white identity within all of these contexts.
Cruelty as Citizenship is an accessible exploration of the tensions within the United States that surround our reactions to those coming to this country (forcibly, or by choice) and how racial identity has shaped the varied experiences and responses of those who come to the United States and those who have proceeded them here. As Beltrán noted in our discussion, she had come to this work in an effort to tease out the different political affiliations within the LatinX population in the U.S. What she found was that in order to understand the political responses by LatinX voters, the entire dynamic between different racial groups and the role of racial domination needs to be explored. Thus, Cruelty as Citizenship is the result of digging into the political dynamics within different racial groups in the United States, and getting at the role of white identity, and thus white democracy, within American cultural concepts and expectations of political and state power. Cruelty as Citizenship guides the reader through multiple facets of American history, politics, culture, and ideas about what it is to be American and who has the right to claim this identity as their own.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>523</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Cristina Beltrán</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Cristina Beltrán has written a thoughtful and interrogating analysis of the concept of citizenship, particularly in the United States, and how the history of the United States as a country has shaped an understanding of who gets to be “belong” as a member of this society. The book, Cruelty as Citizenship: How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy is part of the Forerunners book series published by the University of Minnesota Press—this series, as we discuss in our conversation, publishes shorter works that dig into ideas across a broad and interdisciplinary spectrum. And this is precisely what Beltrán has done in this book, in terms of engaging historiography, Cultural Studies, LatinX Studies, political theory, American Studies, and other disciplines to aid her unwrapping of our understanding of immigrants and migrants, and why there is an interest in seeing these groups as “others” and, among certain segments of the population, wanting to make sure they suffer in this exclusionary position. Beltrán takes the reader through both imagined and real spaces in terms of the place of the immigrant and the migrant in the United States, weaving the role of the American frontier, the way that settler-colonialism operated inside the U.S., and an understanding of white identity within all of these contexts.
Cruelty as Citizenship is an accessible exploration of the tensions within the United States that surround our reactions to those coming to this country (forcibly, or by choice) and how racial identity has shaped the varied experiences and responses of those who come to the United States and those who have proceeded them here. As Beltrán noted in our discussion, she had come to this work in an effort to tease out the different political affiliations within the LatinX population in the U.S. What she found was that in order to understand the political responses by LatinX voters, the entire dynamic between different racial groups and the role of racial domination needs to be explored. Thus, Cruelty as Citizenship is the result of digging into the political dynamics within different racial groups in the United States, and getting at the role of white identity, and thus white democracy, within American cultural concepts and expectations of political and state power. Cruelty as Citizenship guides the reader through multiple facets of American history, politics, culture, and ideas about what it is to be American and who has the right to claim this identity as their own.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Cristina Beltrán has written a thoughtful and interrogating analysis of the concept of citizenship, particularly in the United States, and how the history of the United States as a country has shaped an understanding of who gets to be “belong” as a member of this society. The book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781517911928"><em>Cruelty as Citizenship: How Migrant Suffering Sustains White Democracy</em></a> is part of the Forerunners book series published by the University of Minnesota Press—this series, as we discuss in our conversation, publishes shorter works that dig into ideas across a broad and interdisciplinary spectrum. And this is precisely what Beltrán has done in this book, in terms of engaging historiography, Cultural Studies, LatinX Studies, political theory, American Studies, and other disciplines to aid her unwrapping of our understanding of immigrants and migrants, and why there is an interest in seeing these groups as “others” and, among certain segments of the population, wanting to make sure they suffer in this exclusionary position. Beltrán takes the reader through both imagined and real spaces in terms of the place of the immigrant and the migrant in the United States, weaving the role of the American frontier, the way that settler-colonialism operated inside the U.S., and an understanding of white identity within all of these contexts.</p><p><em>Cruelty as Citizenship</em> is an accessible exploration of the tensions within the United States that surround our reactions to those coming to this country (forcibly, or by choice) and how racial identity has shaped the varied experiences and responses of those who come to the United States and those who have proceeded them here. As Beltrán noted in our discussion, she had come to this work in an effort to tease out the different political affiliations within the LatinX population in the U.S. What she found was that in order to understand the political responses by LatinX voters, the entire dynamic between different racial groups and the role of racial domination needs to be explored. Thus, <em>Cruelty as Citizenship</em> is the result of digging into the political dynamics within different racial groups in the United States, and getting at the role of white identity, and thus white democracy, within American cultural concepts and expectations of political and state power. <em>Cruelty as Citizenship</em> guides the reader through multiple facets of American history, politics, culture, and ideas about what it is to be American and who has the right to claim this identity as their own.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3249</itunes:duration>
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      <title>C. G. Faricy and C. Ellis, "The Other Side of the Coin: Public Opinion toward Social Tax Expenditures" (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021)</title>
      <description>In The Other Side of the Coin: Public Opinion toward Social Tax Expenditures (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021), political scientists Christopher Ellis and Christopher Faricy examine public opinion towards social tax expenditures—the other side of the American social welfare state—and their potential to expand support for such social investment. Tax expenditures seek to accomplish many of the goals of direct government expenditures, but they distribute money indirectly, through tax refunds or reductions in taxable income, rather than direct payments on goods and services or benefits. They tend to privilege market-based solutions to social problems such as employer-based tax subsidies for purchasing health insurance versus government-provided health insurance. 
Drawing on nationally representative surveys and survey experiments, Ellis and Faricy show that social welfare policies designed as tax expenditures, as opposed to direct spending on social welfare programs, are widely popular with the general public. Contrary to previous research suggesting that recipients of these subsidies are often unaware of indirect government aid—sometimes called “the hidden welfare state”—Ellis and Faricy find that citizens are well aware of them and act in their economic self-interest in supporting tax breaks for social welfare purposes. The authors find that many people view the beneficiaries of social tax expenditures to be more deserving of government aid than recipients of direct public social programs, indicating that how government benefits are delivered affects people’s views of recipients’ worthiness. Importantly, tax expenditures are more likely to appeal to citizens with anti-government attitudes, low levels of trust in government, or racial prejudices. As a result, social spending conducted through the tax code is likely to be far more popular than direct government spending on public programs that have the same goals. The first empirical examination of the broad popularity of tax expenditures, The Other Side of the Coin provides compelling insights into constructing a politically feasible—and potentially bipartisan—way to expand the scope of the American welfare state.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 04 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>105</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher G. Faricy and Christopher Ellis</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Other Side of the Coin: Public Opinion toward Social Tax Expenditures (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021), political scientists Christopher Ellis and Christopher Faricy examine public opinion towards social tax expenditures—the other side of the American social welfare state—and their potential to expand support for such social investment. Tax expenditures seek to accomplish many of the goals of direct government expenditures, but they distribute money indirectly, through tax refunds or reductions in taxable income, rather than direct payments on goods and services or benefits. They tend to privilege market-based solutions to social problems such as employer-based tax subsidies for purchasing health insurance versus government-provided health insurance. 
Drawing on nationally representative surveys and survey experiments, Ellis and Faricy show that social welfare policies designed as tax expenditures, as opposed to direct spending on social welfare programs, are widely popular with the general public. Contrary to previous research suggesting that recipients of these subsidies are often unaware of indirect government aid—sometimes called “the hidden welfare state”—Ellis and Faricy find that citizens are well aware of them and act in their economic self-interest in supporting tax breaks for social welfare purposes. The authors find that many people view the beneficiaries of social tax expenditures to be more deserving of government aid than recipients of direct public social programs, indicating that how government benefits are delivered affects people’s views of recipients’ worthiness. Importantly, tax expenditures are more likely to appeal to citizens with anti-government attitudes, low levels of trust in government, or racial prejudices. As a result, social spending conducted through the tax code is likely to be far more popular than direct government spending on public programs that have the same goals. The first empirical examination of the broad popularity of tax expenditures, The Other Side of the Coin provides compelling insights into constructing a politically feasible—and potentially bipartisan—way to expand the scope of the American welfare state.
Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780871544407"><em>The Other Side of the Coin: Public Opinion toward Social Tax Expenditures</em></a> (Russell Sage Foundation, 2021), political scientists Christopher Ellis and Christopher Faricy examine public opinion towards social tax expenditures—the other side of the American social welfare state—and their potential to expand support for such social investment. Tax expenditures seek to accomplish many of the goals of direct government expenditures, but they distribute money indirectly, through tax refunds or reductions in taxable income, rather than direct payments on goods and services or benefits. They tend to privilege market-based solutions to social problems such as employer-based tax subsidies for purchasing health insurance versus government-provided health insurance. </p><p>Drawing on nationally representative surveys and survey experiments, Ellis and Faricy show that social welfare policies designed as tax expenditures, as opposed to direct spending on social welfare programs, are widely popular with the general public. Contrary to previous research suggesting that recipients of these subsidies are often unaware of indirect government aid—sometimes called “the hidden welfare state”—Ellis and Faricy find that citizens are well aware of them and act in their economic self-interest in supporting tax breaks for social welfare purposes. The authors find that many people view the beneficiaries of social tax expenditures to be more deserving of government aid than recipients of direct public social programs, indicating that how government benefits are delivered affects people’s views of recipients’ worthiness. Importantly, tax expenditures are more likely to appeal to citizens with anti-government attitudes, low levels of trust in government, or racial prejudices. As a result, social spending conducted through the tax code is likely to be far more popular than direct government spending on public programs that have the same goals. The first empirical examination of the broad popularity of tax expenditures, The Other Side of the Coin provides compelling insights into constructing a politically feasible—and potentially bipartisan—way to expand the scope of the American welfare state.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2042</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Dorothy Cobble, "For the Many: American Feminists and the Global Fight for Democratic Equality" (Princeton UP, 2021)</title>
      <description>For the Many: American Feminists and the Global Fight for Democratic Equality (Princeton University Press, 2021) presents an inspiring look at how US women and their global allies pushed the nation and the world toward justice and greater equality for all. Reclaiming social democracy as one of the central threads of American feminism, Dorothy Sue Cobble offers a bold rewriting of twentieth-century feminist history and documents how forces, peoples, and ideas worldwide shaped American politics. Cobble follows egalitarian women’s activism from the explosion of democracy movements before World War I to the establishment of the New Deal, through the upheavals in rights and social citizenship at midcentury, to the reassertion of conservatism and the revival of female-led movements today.
Cobble brings to life the women who crossed borders of class, race, and nation to build grassroots campaigns, found international institutions, and enact policies dedicated to raising standards of life for everyone. Readers encounter famous figures, including Eleanor Roosevelt, Frances Perkins, and Mary McLeod Bethune, together with less well-known leaders, such as Rose Schneiderman, Maida Springer Kemp, and Esther Peterson. Multiple generations partnered to expand social and economic rights, and despite setbacks, the fight for the many persists, as twenty-first-century activists urgently demand a more caring, inclusive world.
Putting women at the center of US political history, For the Many reveals the powerful currents of democratic equality that spurred American feminists to seek a better life for all.
 Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 May 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dorothy Sue Cobble</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For the Many: American Feminists and the Global Fight for Democratic Equality (Princeton University Press, 2021) presents an inspiring look at how US women and their global allies pushed the nation and the world toward justice and greater equality for all. Reclaiming social democracy as one of the central threads of American feminism, Dorothy Sue Cobble offers a bold rewriting of twentieth-century feminist history and documents how forces, peoples, and ideas worldwide shaped American politics. Cobble follows egalitarian women’s activism from the explosion of democracy movements before World War I to the establishment of the New Deal, through the upheavals in rights and social citizenship at midcentury, to the reassertion of conservatism and the revival of female-led movements today.
Cobble brings to life the women who crossed borders of class, race, and nation to build grassroots campaigns, found international institutions, and enact policies dedicated to raising standards of life for everyone. Readers encounter famous figures, including Eleanor Roosevelt, Frances Perkins, and Mary McLeod Bethune, together with less well-known leaders, such as Rose Schneiderman, Maida Springer Kemp, and Esther Peterson. Multiple generations partnered to expand social and economic rights, and despite setbacks, the fight for the many persists, as twenty-first-century activists urgently demand a more caring, inclusive world.
Putting women at the center of US political history, For the Many reveals the powerful currents of democratic equality that spurred American feminists to seek a better life for all.
 Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691156873/for-the-many"><em>For the Many: American Feminists and the Global Fight for Democratic Equality</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2021)<em> </em>presents an inspiring look at how US women and their global allies pushed the nation and the world toward justice and greater equality for all. Reclaiming social democracy as one of the central threads of American feminism, Dorothy Sue Cobble offers a bold rewriting of twentieth-century feminist history and documents how forces, peoples, and ideas worldwide shaped American politics. Cobble follows egalitarian women’s activism from the explosion of democracy movements before World War I to the establishment of the New Deal, through the upheavals in rights and social citizenship at midcentury, to the reassertion of conservatism and the revival of female-led movements today.</p><p>Cobble brings to life the women who crossed borders of class, race, and nation to build grassroots campaigns, found international institutions, and enact policies dedicated to raising standards of life for everyone. Readers encounter famous figures, including Eleanor Roosevelt, Frances Perkins, and Mary McLeod Bethune, together with less well-known leaders, such as Rose Schneiderman, Maida Springer Kemp, and Esther Peterson. Multiple generations partnered to expand social and economic rights, and despite setbacks, the fight for the many persists, as twenty-first-century activists urgently demand a more caring, inclusive world.</p><p>Putting women at the center of US political history, <em>For the Many </em>reveals the powerful currents of democratic equality that spurred American feminists to seek a better life for all.</p><p><em> Marshall Poe is the founder and editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3254</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Paul M. Renfro et al., "Growing Up America: Youth and Politics Since 1945" (U Georgia Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Growing Up America: Youth and Politics Since 1945 (U Georgia Press, 2019) is a fascinating book that weaves together the burgeoning field of Childhood History, the post-World War II history of the United States, and the familiar concepts of political advocacy by younger citizens. Eckelmann Berghel, Fieldston, and Renfro, all historians, have brought together a rigorous and engaging work by other historians, legal scholars, and ethnic and indigenous studies experts, to which they have also contributed their own expertise. This book brings in the actual voices of children in the United States in the postwar period, highlighting their roles as political actors in their own right, and examining so many aspects of politics and culture as seen through the eyes of young people. The contributing authors of Growing Up America are knitting together, in their respective chapters of the book, children as agents, as actively engaged members of the society, and children as symbols, used in a whole host of different ways by different political actors and organizations.
The book is divided into three sections that follow the chronological direction of recent American history, but that also focus on conceptual frameworks for each era under examination. The first part of the book is focused on the Cold War period and how children were integrated into both the symbolic and the political constructions of life during the Cold War. This section integrates the book’s first discussion of young people and science, as well as exploring the role that groups like the Boy Scouts played in building America’s Cold War empire. There is also research about the ways in which American girls and women, in particular, were supposed to look and act and how they were taught these qualities in school and how they were to shape the projected image of Americans. The second part of Growing Up America follows the arc of history through the Rights revolution that comes to dominate the political and cultural landscape in the U.S. (and elsewhere) in the 1960s and 1970s. This part of the book examines expected areas of youth involvement, but perhaps in unexpected ways, such as the many pre-adolescents who wrote to President Lyndon Johnson supporting the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. The final section of the book examines the late 20th century political turn towards conservativism in American politics, and how this shift impacted and was experienced by children. Growing Up America brings in another chapter focusing on young people and science in this section, with a chapter on young women and STEM. The final chapter in this section evaluates the real and perceived vulnerability of childhood, especially in the racially segregated symbolism that was the milk carton campaign for missing children in the mid-1980s. Growing up America will be of great interest to scholars and students across a range of disciplines and areas of expertise, especially in the ways it draws on different arenas of politics and culture to explore youth engagement in the United States since 1945.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Apr 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>519</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Paul M. Renfro, Susan Eckelmann Berghel, and Sara Fieldston</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Growing Up America: Youth and Politics Since 1945 (U Georgia Press, 2019) is a fascinating book that weaves together the burgeoning field of Childhood History, the post-World War II history of the United States, and the familiar concepts of political advocacy by younger citizens. Eckelmann Berghel, Fieldston, and Renfro, all historians, have brought together a rigorous and engaging work by other historians, legal scholars, and ethnic and indigenous studies experts, to which they have also contributed their own expertise. This book brings in the actual voices of children in the United States in the postwar period, highlighting their roles as political actors in their own right, and examining so many aspects of politics and culture as seen through the eyes of young people. The contributing authors of Growing Up America are knitting together, in their respective chapters of the book, children as agents, as actively engaged members of the society, and children as symbols, used in a whole host of different ways by different political actors and organizations.
The book is divided into three sections that follow the chronological direction of recent American history, but that also focus on conceptual frameworks for each era under examination. The first part of the book is focused on the Cold War period and how children were integrated into both the symbolic and the political constructions of life during the Cold War. This section integrates the book’s first discussion of young people and science, as well as exploring the role that groups like the Boy Scouts played in building America’s Cold War empire. There is also research about the ways in which American girls and women, in particular, were supposed to look and act and how they were taught these qualities in school and how they were to shape the projected image of Americans. The second part of Growing Up America follows the arc of history through the Rights revolution that comes to dominate the political and cultural landscape in the U.S. (and elsewhere) in the 1960s and 1970s. This part of the book examines expected areas of youth involvement, but perhaps in unexpected ways, such as the many pre-adolescents who wrote to President Lyndon Johnson supporting the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. The final section of the book examines the late 20th century political turn towards conservativism in American politics, and how this shift impacted and was experienced by children. Growing Up America brings in another chapter focusing on young people and science in this section, with a chapter on young women and STEM. The final chapter in this section evaluates the real and perceived vulnerability of childhood, especially in the racially segregated symbolism that was the milk carton campaign for missing children in the mid-1980s. Growing up America will be of great interest to scholars and students across a range of disciplines and areas of expertise, especially in the ways it draws on different arenas of politics and culture to explore youth engagement in the United States since 1945.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780820356631"><em>Growing Up America: Youth and Politics Since 1945</em></a><em> </em>(U Georgia Press, 2019) is a fascinating book that weaves together the burgeoning field of Childhood History, the post-World War II history of the United States, and the familiar concepts of political advocacy by younger citizens. Eckelmann Berghel, Fieldston, and Renfro, all historians, have brought together a rigorous and engaging work by other historians, legal scholars, and ethnic and indigenous studies experts, to which they have also contributed their own expertise. This book brings in the actual voices of children in the United States in the postwar period, highlighting their roles as political actors in their own right, and examining so many aspects of politics and culture as seen through the eyes of young people. The contributing authors of <em>Growing Up America</em> are knitting together, in their respective chapters of the book, children as agents, as actively engaged members of the society, and children as symbols, used in a whole host of different ways by different political actors and organizations.</p><p>The book is divided into three sections that follow the chronological direction of recent American history, but that also focus on conceptual frameworks for each era under examination. The first part of the book is focused on the Cold War period and how children were integrated into both the symbolic and the political constructions of life during the Cold War. This section integrates the book’s first discussion of young people and science, as well as exploring the role that groups like the Boy Scouts played in building America’s Cold War empire. There is also research about the ways in which American girls and women, in particular, were supposed to look and act and how they were taught these qualities in school and how they were to shape the projected image of Americans. The second part of <em>Growing Up America</em> follows the arc of history through the Rights revolution that comes to dominate the political and cultural landscape in the U.S. (and elsewhere) in the 1960s and 1970s. This part of the book examines expected areas of youth involvement, but perhaps in unexpected ways, such as the many pre-adolescents who wrote to President Lyndon Johnson supporting the U.S. involvement in Vietnam. The final section of the book examines the late 20th century political turn towards conservativism in American politics, and how this shift impacted and was experienced by children. <em>Growing Up America</em> brings in another chapter focusing on young people and science in this section, with a chapter on young women and STEM. The final chapter in this section evaluates the real and perceived vulnerability of childhood, especially in the racially segregated symbolism that was the milk carton campaign for missing children in the mid-1980s. <em>Growing up America</em> will be of great interest to scholars and students across a range of disciplines and areas of expertise, especially in the ways it draws on different arenas of politics and culture to explore youth engagement in the United States since 1945.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3025</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Susan Ware, "American Women's Suffrage: Voices from the Long Struggle for the Vote, 1776-1965" (Library of America, 2020)</title>
      <description>The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which granted women the right to vote nationwide, was the culmination of a long and oftentimes contentious campaign that had its origins in the beginnings of the nation itself. In American Women’s Suffrage: Voices from the Long Struggle for the Vote, 1776-1965 (Library of America, 2020) Susan Ware provides readers with a sampling of the letters, articles, speeches, and other contemporary documents that reflect both the ideas of the movement and the arguments deployed against it. Her selections demonstrate how the battle of women’s suffrage was itself a part of a broader campaign for women’s rights in the early 19th century. Though it was galvanized by the activism of women from the abolitionist movement, the solidarity born of common oppression was shattered after the Civil War, when many suffragists expressed frustration with their exclusion from the voting rights being granted to Blacks. While a corps of dedicated activists continued their campaign into the 20th century, it was only in the 1910s that momentum shifted decisively in their direction. As Ware demonstrates, their success in gaining ratification in 1920 was less the conclusion of women’s efforts for political quality than it was the end of one stage and the beginning of a new effort to turn the newly-won franchise into political power – an effort that continues down to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Apr 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>972</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An Interview with Susan Ware </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which granted women the right to vote nationwide, was the culmination of a long and oftentimes contentious campaign that had its origins in the beginnings of the nation itself. In American Women’s Suffrage: Voices from the Long Struggle for the Vote, 1776-1965 (Library of America, 2020) Susan Ware provides readers with a sampling of the letters, articles, speeches, and other contemporary documents that reflect both the ideas of the movement and the arguments deployed against it. Her selections demonstrate how the battle of women’s suffrage was itself a part of a broader campaign for women’s rights in the early 19th century. Though it was galvanized by the activism of women from the abolitionist movement, the solidarity born of common oppression was shattered after the Civil War, when many suffragists expressed frustration with their exclusion from the voting rights being granted to Blacks. While a corps of dedicated activists continued their campaign into the 20th century, it was only in the 1910s that momentum shifted decisively in their direction. As Ware demonstrates, their success in gaining ratification in 1920 was less the conclusion of women’s efforts for political quality than it was the end of one stage and the beginning of a new effort to turn the newly-won franchise into political power – an effort that continues down to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which granted women the right to vote nationwide, was the culmination of a long and oftentimes contentious campaign that had its origins in the beginnings of the nation itself. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/american-women-s-suffrage-voices-from-the-long-struggle-for-the-vote-1776-1965-loa-332/9781598536645"><em>American Women’s Suffrage: Voices from the Long Struggle for the Vote, 1776-1965</em></a> (Library of America, 2020) Susan Ware provides readers with a sampling of the letters, articles, speeches, and other contemporary documents that reflect both the ideas of the movement and the arguments deployed against it. Her selections demonstrate how the battle of women’s suffrage was itself a part of a broader campaign for women’s rights in the early 19th century. Though it was galvanized by the activism of women from the abolitionist movement, the solidarity born of common oppression was shattered after the Civil War, when many suffragists expressed frustration with their exclusion from the voting rights being granted to Blacks. While a corps of dedicated activists continued their campaign into the 20th century, it was only in the 1910s that momentum shifted decisively in their direction. As Ware demonstrates, their success in gaining ratification in 1920 was less the conclusion of women’s efforts for political quality than it was the end of one stage and the beginning of a new effort to turn the newly-won franchise into political power – an effort that continues down to the present day.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3325</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Postscript: Biden's First 100 Days</title>
      <description>Much has long been made of the bold legislative action that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt marshalled forward in his first 100 days in office in the midst of the Great Depression. To take stock of the Biden presidency, Lilly and Susan asked three thoughtful political scientists—Dr. Jonathan Bernstein (Bloomberg Media), Dr. Nadia E. Brown (Purdue University), and Dr. Jane Junn (University of Southern California) to interrogate the early days of the Biden Administration. They not only provided keen observations about the Executive Branch, but also about Congress and state governments. The lively discussion shifted quickly from the arbitrary marker of the first 100 days to what is necessary to move policy forward in the closely divided U.S. House and Senate, and what the legislative agenda may look like going forward. We chat about the apparent pause in the swift swirling of our politics—though we debate whether the new administration is a return to normalcy and if it is possible, post Trump, to return to normalcy. In this context, there was a discussion of competence, expertise, intelligence, rationality,
preparation, and integrity. We pay close attention to the political parties, with specific focus on the internal tensions in both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. Our guests also spend time framing the political landscape with an understanding of the role and place of news media and social media.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Apr 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>8</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jonathan Bernstein, Nadia E. Brown, and Jane Junn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Much has long been made of the bold legislative action that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt marshalled forward in his first 100 days in office in the midst of the Great Depression. To take stock of the Biden presidency, Lilly and Susan asked three thoughtful political scientists—Dr. Jonathan Bernstein (Bloomberg Media), Dr. Nadia E. Brown (Purdue University), and Dr. Jane Junn (University of Southern California) to interrogate the early days of the Biden Administration. They not only provided keen observations about the Executive Branch, but also about Congress and state governments. The lively discussion shifted quickly from the arbitrary marker of the first 100 days to what is necessary to move policy forward in the closely divided U.S. House and Senate, and what the legislative agenda may look like going forward. We chat about the apparent pause in the swift swirling of our politics—though we debate whether the new administration is a return to normalcy and if it is possible, post Trump, to return to normalcy. In this context, there was a discussion of competence, expertise, intelligence, rationality,
preparation, and integrity. We pay close attention to the political parties, with specific focus on the internal tensions in both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. Our guests also spend time framing the political landscape with an understanding of the role and place of news media and social media.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Much has long been made of the bold legislative action that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt marshalled forward in his first 100 days in office in the midst of the Great Depression. To take stock of the Biden presidency, Lilly and Susan asked three thoughtful political scientists—Dr. <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/authors/ARq9kPCuG1Y/jonathan-bernstein">Jonathan Bernstein</a> (Bloomberg Media), Dr. <a href="https://www.nadiaebrownphd.com/">Nadia E. Brown</a> (Purdue University), and Dr. <a href="https://dornsife.usc.edu/cf/faculty-and-staff/faculty.cfm?pid=1027346">Jane Junn</a> (University of Southern California) to interrogate the early days of the Biden Administration. They not only provided keen observations about the Executive Branch, but also about Congress and state governments. The lively discussion shifted quickly from the arbitrary marker of the first 100 days to what is necessary to move policy forward in the closely divided U.S. House and Senate, and what the legislative agenda may look like going forward. We chat about the apparent pause in the swift swirling of our politics—though we debate whether the new administration is a return to normalcy and if it is possible, post Trump, to return to normalcy. In this context, there was a discussion of competence, expertise, intelligence, rationality,</p><p>preparation, and integrity. We pay close attention to the political parties, with specific focus on the internal tensions in both the Democratic Party and the Republican Party. Our guests also spend time framing the political landscape with an understanding of the role and place of news media and social media.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"><em> Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a> <em>(University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"><em> @gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell</em></a> <em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"><em> Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a> <em>recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and</em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em> “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em> @SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3658</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Joshua Gunn, "Political Perversion: Rhetorical Aberration in the Time of Trumpeteering" (U of Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>When Trump became president, much of the country was repelled by what they saw as the vulgar spectacle of his ascent, a perversion of the highest office in the land. In his bold, innovative book, Political Perversion: Rhetorical Aberration in the Time of Trumpeteering (University of Chicago Press, 2020), rhetorician Joshua Gunn argues that this “mean-spirited turn” in American politics (of which Trump is the paragon) is best understood as a structural perversion in our common culture, on a continuum with infantile and “gotcha” forms of entertainment meant to engender provocation and sadistic enjoyment. 
On this episode of the New Books Network, Dr. Lee Pierce (s/t) interviews Dr. Joshua Gunn (h) about lots of things other than Trump, from horror shows to sexting to Pee-Wee Herman, structural perversion, and, yes, some Trump.
We are recording this episode as the second impeachment trial for former President Donald Trump begins and the Trump fatigue is real. But this is not exactly a book about Trump. As Gunn puts it, “labeling Trump and his ilk as ‘fascist’ displaces our collective responsibility for their ascent to national power.” In Political Perversion, Gunn argues that “Trump’s rhetoric and person are better understood as replicating a style and genre of political discourse” that has a long history, but Gunn has eloquently re-imagined as what he calls “structural perversion.”
Gunn argues that perverse rhetorics dominate not only the political sphere but also our daily interactions with others, in person and online. From sexting to campaign rhetoric, Gunn advances a new way to interpret our contemporary political context that explains why so many of us have difficulty deciphering the appeal of aberrant public figures. In this book, Trump is only the tip of a sinister, rapidly growing iceberg, one to which we ourselves unwittingly contribute on a daily basis.
We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Apr 2021 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>64</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Joshua Gunn</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When Trump became president, much of the country was repelled by what they saw as the vulgar spectacle of his ascent, a perversion of the highest office in the land. In his bold, innovative book, Political Perversion: Rhetorical Aberration in the Time of Trumpeteering (University of Chicago Press, 2020), rhetorician Joshua Gunn argues that this “mean-spirited turn” in American politics (of which Trump is the paragon) is best understood as a structural perversion in our common culture, on a continuum with infantile and “gotcha” forms of entertainment meant to engender provocation and sadistic enjoyment. 
On this episode of the New Books Network, Dr. Lee Pierce (s/t) interviews Dr. Joshua Gunn (h) about lots of things other than Trump, from horror shows to sexting to Pee-Wee Herman, structural perversion, and, yes, some Trump.
We are recording this episode as the second impeachment trial for former President Donald Trump begins and the Trump fatigue is real. But this is not exactly a book about Trump. As Gunn puts it, “labeling Trump and his ilk as ‘fascist’ displaces our collective responsibility for their ascent to national power.” In Political Perversion, Gunn argues that “Trump’s rhetoric and person are better understood as replicating a style and genre of political discourse” that has a long history, but Gunn has eloquently re-imagined as what he calls “structural perversion.”
Gunn argues that perverse rhetorics dominate not only the political sphere but also our daily interactions with others, in person and online. From sexting to campaign rhetoric, Gunn advances a new way to interpret our contemporary political context that explains why so many of us have difficulty deciphering the appeal of aberrant public figures. In this book, Trump is only the tip of a sinister, rapidly growing iceberg, one to which we ourselves unwittingly contribute on a daily basis.
We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When Trump became president, much of the country was repelled by what they saw as the vulgar spectacle of his ascent, a perversion of the highest office in the land. In his bold, innovative book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780226713304"><em>Political Perversion: Rhetorical Aberration in the Time of Trumpeteering</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2020), rhetorician Joshua Gunn argues that this “mean-spirited turn” in American politics (of which Trump is the paragon) is best understood as a structural perversion in our common culture, on a continuum with infantile and “gotcha” forms of entertainment meant to engender provocation and sadistic enjoyment. </p><p>On this episode of the New Books Network, <a href="https://leempierce.com/">Dr. Lee Pierce</a> (s/t) interviews <a href="https://commstudies.utexas.edu/faculty/joshua-gunn">Dr. Joshua Gunn</a> (h) about lots of things other than Trump, from horror shows to sexting to Pee-Wee Herman, structural perversion, and, yes, some Trump.</p><p>We are recording this episode as the second impeachment trial for former President Donald Trump begins and the Trump fatigue is real. But this is not exactly a book about Trump. As Gunn puts it, “labeling Trump and his ilk as ‘fascist’ displaces our collective responsibility for their ascent to national power.” In <em>Political Perversion</em>, Gunn argues that “Trump’s rhetoric and person are better understood as replicating a style and genre of political discourse” that has a long history, but Gunn has eloquently re-imagined as what he calls “structural perversion.”</p><p>Gunn argues that perverse rhetorics dominate not only the political sphere but also our daily interactions with others, in person and online. From sexting to campaign rhetoric, Gunn advances a new way to interpret our contemporary political context that explains why so many of us have difficulty deciphering the appeal of aberrant public figures. In this book, Trump is only the tip of a sinister, rapidly growing iceberg, one to which we ourselves unwittingly contribute on a daily basis.</p><p><em>We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on</em><a href="https://twitter.com/RhetoricLee"><em> Twitter</em></a><em>,</em><a href="http://www.instagram.com/rhetoricleespeaking"><em> </em></a><a href="http://www.instagram.com/rhetoriclee/"><em>Instagram</em></a><em>, and</em><a href="http://www.facebook.com/rhetoriclee"><em> Facebook</em></a><em> for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3483</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Karen Petrou, "Engine of Inequality: The Fed and the Future of Wealth in America" (Wiley, 2021)</title>
      <description>Following the 2008 financial crisis, the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy placed much greater focus on stabilizing the market than on helping struggling Americans. As a result, the richest Americans got a lot richer while the middle class shrank and economic and wealth inequality skyrocketed. In Engine of Inequality, Karen Petrou offers pragmatic solutions for creating more inclusive monetary policy and equality-enhancing financial regulation as quickly and painlessly as possible. Instead of proposing legislation that would never pass Congress, the author provides an insider's look at politically plausible, high-impact financial policy fixes that will radically shift the equality balance. Offering an innovative, powerful, and highly practical solution for immediately turning around the enormous nationwide problem of economic inequality, this groundbreaking book: 

Presents practical ways America can and should tackle economic inequality with fast-acting results; 

Provides revealing examples of exactly how bad economic inequality in America has become no matter how hard we all work; 

Demonstrates that increasing inequality is disastrous for long-term economic growth, political action, and even personal happiness; 

Explains why your bank's interest rates are still only a fraction of what they were even though the rich are getting richer than ever, faster than ever; 

Reveals the dangers of FinTech and BigTech companies taking over banking; Shows how Facebook wants to control even the dollars in your wallet; and 

Discusses who shares the blame for our economic inequality, including the Fed, regulators, Congress, and even economists. 

Engine of Inequality: The Fed and the Future of Wealth in America (Wiley, 2021) should be required reading for leaders, policymakers, regulators, media professionals, and all Americans wanting to ensure that the nation’s financial policy will be a force for promoting economic equality.
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Apr 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>102</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Karen Petrou</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Following the 2008 financial crisis, the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy placed much greater focus on stabilizing the market than on helping struggling Americans. As a result, the richest Americans got a lot richer while the middle class shrank and economic and wealth inequality skyrocketed. In Engine of Inequality, Karen Petrou offers pragmatic solutions for creating more inclusive monetary policy and equality-enhancing financial regulation as quickly and painlessly as possible. Instead of proposing legislation that would never pass Congress, the author provides an insider's look at politically plausible, high-impact financial policy fixes that will radically shift the equality balance. Offering an innovative, powerful, and highly practical solution for immediately turning around the enormous nationwide problem of economic inequality, this groundbreaking book: 

Presents practical ways America can and should tackle economic inequality with fast-acting results; 

Provides revealing examples of exactly how bad economic inequality in America has become no matter how hard we all work; 

Demonstrates that increasing inequality is disastrous for long-term economic growth, political action, and even personal happiness; 

Explains why your bank's interest rates are still only a fraction of what they were even though the rich are getting richer than ever, faster than ever; 

Reveals the dangers of FinTech and BigTech companies taking over banking; Shows how Facebook wants to control even the dollars in your wallet; and 

Discusses who shares the blame for our economic inequality, including the Fed, regulators, Congress, and even economists. 

Engine of Inequality: The Fed and the Future of Wealth in America (Wiley, 2021) should be required reading for leaders, policymakers, regulators, media professionals, and all Americans wanting to ensure that the nation’s financial policy will be a force for promoting economic equality.
 Stephen Pimpare is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Following the 2008 financial crisis, the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy placed much greater focus on stabilizing the market than on helping struggling Americans. As a result, the richest Americans got a lot richer while the middle class shrank and economic and wealth inequality skyrocketed. In Engine of Inequality, Karen Petrou offers pragmatic solutions for creating more inclusive monetary policy and equality-enhancing financial regulation as quickly and painlessly as possible. Instead of proposing legislation that would never pass Congress, the author provides an insider's look at politically plausible, high-impact financial policy fixes that will radically shift the equality balance. Offering an innovative, powerful, and highly practical solution for immediately turning around the enormous nationwide problem of economic inequality, this groundbreaking book: </p><ul>
<li>Presents practical ways America can and should tackle economic inequality with fast-acting results; </li>
<li>Provides revealing examples of exactly how bad economic inequality in America has become no matter how hard we all work; </li>
<li>Demonstrates that increasing inequality is disastrous for long-term economic growth, political action, and even personal happiness; </li>
<li>Explains why your bank's interest rates are still only a fraction of what they were even though the rich are getting richer than ever, faster than ever; </li>
<li>Reveals the dangers of FinTech and BigTech companies taking over banking; Shows how Facebook wants to control even the dollars in your wallet; and </li>
<li>Discusses who shares the blame for our economic inequality, including the Fed, regulators, Congress, and even economists. </li>
</ul><p><em>Engine of Inequality: The Fed and the Future of Wealth in America</em> (Wiley, 2021) should be required reading for leaders, policymakers, regulators, media professionals, and all Americans wanting to ensure that the nation’s financial policy will be a force for promoting economic equality.</p><p><em> </em><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/stephenpimpare/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is director of the Public Service &amp; Nonprofit Leadership program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1860</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Philip N. Howard, "Lie Machines: How to Save Democracy from Troll Armies, Deceitful Robots, Junk News Operations, and Political Operatives" (Yale UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Technology is breaking politics - what can be done about it? Artificially intelligent "bot" accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these "lie machines" apart. Lie Machines: How to Save Democracy from Troll Armies, Deceitful Robots, Junk News Operations, and Political Operatives (Yale UP, 2020) is full of riveting behind the scenes stories from the world's biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives--including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and shows us how to shut them down. 
As dangerous as things are now, they will only get worse; the enormous flood of data coming from the so-called Internet of Things, along with the growing sophistication of artificial intelligence, will make disinformation easier to generate and disseminate and much harder to spot and remove. Howard tackles the tough task of suggesting the changes that are needed to create a radically redesigned social media ecosystem that would reinforce, rather than erode, democracy.
Medha Prasanna is an MA candidate at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Her current research focuses on International Organizations and Human Rights Law. You can learn more about her here or email her medp16@gwu.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Apr 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>47</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle></itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Technology is breaking politics - what can be done about it? Artificially intelligent "bot" accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these "lie machines" apart. Lie Machines: How to Save Democracy from Troll Armies, Deceitful Robots, Junk News Operations, and Political Operatives (Yale UP, 2020) is full of riveting behind the scenes stories from the world's biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives--including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and shows us how to shut them down. 
As dangerous as things are now, they will only get worse; the enormous flood of data coming from the so-called Internet of Things, along with the growing sophistication of artificial intelligence, will make disinformation easier to generate and disseminate and much harder to spot and remove. Howard tackles the tough task of suggesting the changes that are needed to create a radically redesigned social media ecosystem that would reinforce, rather than erode, democracy.
Medha Prasanna is an MA candidate at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Her current research focuses on International Organizations and Human Rights Law. You can learn more about her here or email her medp16@gwu.edu
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Technology is breaking politics - what can be done about it? Artificially intelligent "bot" accounts attack politicians and public figures on social media. Conspiracy theorists publish junk news sites to promote their outlandish beliefs. Campaigners create fake dating profiles to attract young voters. We live in a world of technologies that misdirect our attention, poison our political conversations, and jeopardize our democracies. With massive amounts of social media and public polling data, and in-depth interviews with political consultants, bot writers, and journalists, Philip N. Howard offers ways to take these "lie machines" apart. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300250206"><em>Lie Machines: How to Save Democracy from Troll Armies, Deceitful Robots, Junk News Operations, and Political Operatives</em></a> (Yale UP, 2020) is full of riveting behind the scenes stories from the world's biggest and most damagingly successful misinformation initiatives--including those used in Brexit and U.S. elections. Howard not only shows how these campaigns evolved from older propaganda operations but also exposes their new powers, gives us insight into their effectiveness, and shows us how to shut them down. </p><p>As dangerous as things are now, they will only get worse; the enormous flood of data coming from the so-called Internet of Things, along with the growing sophistication of artificial intelligence, will make disinformation easier to generate and disseminate and much harder to spot and remove. Howard tackles the tough task of suggesting the changes that are needed to create a radically redesigned social media ecosystem that would reinforce, rather than erode, democracy.</p><p><em>Medha Prasanna is an MA candidate at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Her current research focuses on International Organizations and Human Rights Law. You can learn more about her </em><a href="https://ace-usa.org/meet-the-team/medha-prasanna-foreign-policy-research-associate"><em>here</em></a><em> or email her </em><a href="mailto:medp16@gwu.edu"><em>medp16@gwu.edu</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2760</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Bertram Levine and Grande Lum, "America's Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights" (U Missouri Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>The Community Relations Service (CRS) came into being alongside the Voting Rights Act—as part of the Act itself. And this organization was integrated into the Voting Rights Act in 1964 because President Lyndon Johnson wanted it to be included in that landmark legislation, in part because Johnson, as an adept politician and negotiator, saw the importance of establishing a means for mediation and negotiation on the local level in many places throughout the United States. The initial portfolio of the CRS was focused solely on issues around race and racial disputes, though it has since been formally extended to include issues around ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, etc. The CRS is housed in the Department of Justice, but operates as an independent entity, and does not work as part of the FBI or the Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice. Grande Lum, who is currently provost and vice president for Academic Affairs at Menlo College, had served as the Director of the CRS from 2012-2016, and he has taken the original edition of
America's Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights (U Missouri Press, 2020), written by Bertram Levine, and updated it with another twenty years of the history of the CRS. This is a fascinating history of this often- overlooked governmental institution, and in our podcast conversation, Grande and I also discuss the process of updating the book itself, since he had made such great use of the original edition when he first became Director of the CRS. In taking the original text and adding in another two decades of history, Grande Lum worked with Bertram Levine’s children to make sure his work was also in the spirit of their father’s work, since Levine had written the original edition of the book. This podcast is an engaging discussion about the history of the Community Relations Service itself, the book that incorporates that history, highlighting the many successes of these domestic mediators and peacemakers, and the process for collaboratively updating this kind of a book. Lum also discusses some of the projects that have come out of the CRS, including the Divided Community Project at the Moritz School of Law at the Ohio State University (https://moritzlaw.osu.edu/dividedcommunityproject/), and other community mediation centers in different states and localities around the United States. These local and national organizations, along with the CRS, have been pursuing many of the ideas that are currently being discussed about law enforcement reform. America’s Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights, co-authored by Bertram Levine and Grande Lum, is a fascinating history of the organization that has, for more than fifty years, been working to bring divided communities together, in peaceful dialogue, in an effort to defuse situations without violence or indictments.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Apr 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>514</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Grande Lum</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Community Relations Service (CRS) came into being alongside the Voting Rights Act—as part of the Act itself. And this organization was integrated into the Voting Rights Act in 1964 because President Lyndon Johnson wanted it to be included in that landmark legislation, in part because Johnson, as an adept politician and negotiator, saw the importance of establishing a means for mediation and negotiation on the local level in many places throughout the United States. The initial portfolio of the CRS was focused solely on issues around race and racial disputes, though it has since been formally extended to include issues around ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, etc. The CRS is housed in the Department of Justice, but operates as an independent entity, and does not work as part of the FBI or the Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice. Grande Lum, who is currently provost and vice president for Academic Affairs at Menlo College, had served as the Director of the CRS from 2012-2016, and he has taken the original edition of
America's Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights (U Missouri Press, 2020), written by Bertram Levine, and updated it with another twenty years of the history of the CRS. This is a fascinating history of this often- overlooked governmental institution, and in our podcast conversation, Grande and I also discuss the process of updating the book itself, since he had made such great use of the original edition when he first became Director of the CRS. In taking the original text and adding in another two decades of history, Grande Lum worked with Bertram Levine’s children to make sure his work was also in the spirit of their father’s work, since Levine had written the original edition of the book. This podcast is an engaging discussion about the history of the Community Relations Service itself, the book that incorporates that history, highlighting the many successes of these domestic mediators and peacemakers, and the process for collaboratively updating this kind of a book. Lum also discusses some of the projects that have come out of the CRS, including the Divided Community Project at the Moritz School of Law at the Ohio State University (https://moritzlaw.osu.edu/dividedcommunityproject/), and other community mediation centers in different states and localities around the United States. These local and national organizations, along with the CRS, have been pursuing many of the ideas that are currently being discussed about law enforcement reform. America’s Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights, co-authored by Bertram Levine and Grande Lum, is a fascinating history of the organization that has, for more than fifty years, been working to bring divided communities together, in peaceful dialogue, in an effort to defuse situations without violence or indictments.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Community Relations Service (CRS) came into being alongside the Voting Rights Act—as part of the Act itself. And this organization was integrated into the Voting Rights Act in 1964 because President Lyndon Johnson wanted it to be included in that landmark legislation, in part because Johnson, as an adept politician and negotiator, saw the importance of establishing a means for mediation and negotiation on the local level in many places throughout the United States. The initial portfolio of the CRS was focused solely on issues around race and racial disputes, though it has since been formally extended to include issues around ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, etc. The CRS is housed in the Department of Justice, but operates as an independent entity, and does not work as part of the FBI or the Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice. Grande Lum, who is currently provost and vice president for Academic Affairs at Menlo College, had served as the Director of the CRS from 2012-2016, and he has taken the original edition of</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780826222169"><em>America's Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights</em></a><em> </em>(U Missouri Press, 2020),<em> </em>written by Bertram Levine, and updated it with another twenty years of the history of the CRS. This is a fascinating history of this often- overlooked governmental institution, and in our podcast conversation, Grande and I also discuss the process of updating the book itself, since he had made such great use of the original edition when he first became Director of the CRS. In taking the original text and adding in another two decades of history, Grande Lum worked with Bertram Levine’s children to make sure his work was also in the spirit of their father’s work, since Levine had written the original edition of the book. This podcast is an engaging discussion about the history of the Community Relations Service itself, the book that incorporates that history, highlighting the many successes of these domestic mediators and peacemakers, and the process for collaboratively updating this kind of a book. Lum also discusses some of the projects that have come out of the CRS, including the <em>Divided Community Project</em> at the Moritz School of Law at the Ohio State University (<a href="https://moritzlaw.osu.edu/dividedcommunityproject/">https://moritzlaw.osu.edu/dividedcommunityproject/</a>), and other community mediation centers in different states and localities around the United States. These local and national organizations, along with the CRS, have been pursuing many of the ideas that are currently being discussed about law enforcement reform. <em>America’s Peacemakers: The Community Relations Service and Civil Rights</em>, co-authored by Bertram Levine and Grande Lum, is a fascinating history of the organization that has, for more than fifty years, been working to bring divided communities together, in peaceful dialogue, in an effort to defuse situations without violence or indictments.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3807</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Max Edling, "Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>On the face of things, the Constitution is concerned with individual and collective rights - to free speech, assembly, religion and that part about guns. Supreme Court cases serve as public tests of its core precepts, and lightning rods for current political argument. The focus tends to be on the Bill of Rights. Between ‘We the People’ and the end of the 7th Article is everything else, of which the text of the Presidential Oath of Office is the most recognisable. The document’s concern with the architecture of government, combined with disputes between originalists and loose constructionists obscures the fact that the Constitution is not merely a mechanism of domestic law.
In Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution (Oxford UP, 2020), Max Edling offers a very different account of the creation of the Constitution. It appeared at a juncture when a loose federation of states seized control of a large segment of the American Continent from Britain and sought to establish a lasting republic in a political landscape dominated by Indigenous and European imperial formations. This was an international as opposed to purely national context. Edling’s book reminds us that the founding was not a neat intellectual exercise of drawing up a new government, but part of a messy, protracted and always violent process of carving states out of Indigenous spaces and assuming a position among the powers of the earth.
Max M Edling is Reader in Early American History at King's College, London.
Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), where he co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. His latest publication is Settlers in Indian Country (Cambridge University Press).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Mar 2021 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>935</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Max Edling</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On the face of things, the Constitution is concerned with individual and collective rights - to free speech, assembly, religion and that part about guns. Supreme Court cases serve as public tests of its core precepts, and lightning rods for current political argument. The focus tends to be on the Bill of Rights. Between ‘We the People’ and the end of the 7th Article is everything else, of which the text of the Presidential Oath of Office is the most recognisable. The document’s concern with the architecture of government, combined with disputes between originalists and loose constructionists obscures the fact that the Constitution is not merely a mechanism of domestic law.
In Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution (Oxford UP, 2020), Max Edling offers a very different account of the creation of the Constitution. It appeared at a juncture when a loose federation of states seized control of a large segment of the American Continent from Britain and sought to establish a lasting republic in a political landscape dominated by Indigenous and European imperial formations. This was an international as opposed to purely national context. Edling’s book reminds us that the founding was not a neat intellectual exercise of drawing up a new government, but part of a messy, protracted and always violent process of carving states out of Indigenous spaces and assuming a position among the powers of the earth.
Max M Edling is Reader in Early American History at King's College, London.
Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), where he co-leads the Treatied Spaces Research Cluster. His latest publication is Settlers in Indian Country (Cambridge University Press).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On the face of things, the Constitution is concerned with individual and collective rights - to free speech, assembly, religion and that part about guns. Supreme Court cases serve as public tests of its core precepts, and lightning rods for current political argument. The focus tends to be on the Bill of Rights. Between ‘We the People’ and the end of the 7th Article is everything else, of which the text of the Presidential Oath of Office is the most recognisable. The document’s concern with the architecture of government, combined with disputes between originalists and loose constructionists obscures the fact that the Constitution is not merely a mechanism of domestic law.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197534717"><em>Perfecting the Union: National and State Authority in the US Constitution</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020), Max Edling offers a very different account of the creation of the Constitution. It appeared at a juncture when a loose federation of states seized control of a large segment of the American Continent from Britain and sought to establish a lasting republic in a political landscape dominated by Indigenous and European imperial formations. This was an international as opposed to purely national context. Edling’s book reminds us that the founding was not a neat intellectual exercise of drawing up a new government, but part of a messy, protracted and always violent process of carving states out of Indigenous spaces and assuming a position among the powers of the earth.</p><p><a href="https://www.kcl.ac.uk/people/max-edling">Max M Edling</a> is Reader in Early American History at King's College, London.</p><p><em>Charles Prior is Senior Lecturer in Early Modern History at the University of Hull (UK), where he co-leads the </em><a href="https://treatiedspaces.com/"><em>Treatied Spaces Research Cluster</em></a><em>. His latest publication is </em><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/elements/settlers-in-indian-country/188B117ABC95F12253CF5A2A0E58D3B0"><em>Settlers in Indian Country</em></a> (Cambridge University Press).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1636</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Christopher T. Stout, "The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals" (U Virginia Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals (University of Virginia Press, 2020) dives into the discussion and debate surrounding the 2016 primary and how Donald Trump was ultimately nominated by the Republican Party to be their standard bearer and then elected president. But this is not the center of the book—though it is a very important data point. Christopher Stout, Associate Professor of Political Science at Oregon State University, came to this question about identity politics and how this understanding of rhetorical and political levers is at play with different groups of voters in the United States, through the work of Charles Hamilton and considerations of the idea of deracialized strategies in American politics. Hamilton, who has written a forward to The Case for Identity Politics, co-authored, with Kwame Toure, the 1967 text Black Power: The Politics of Liberation, bringing forward this deracialization thesis that provides the jumping off point for Stout’s research and analysis. Stout discusses this concept of the deracialization of political rhetoric and campaigns, especially by Democratic presidential candidates over the past thirty or forty years. The Case for Identity Politics explores the nuances of policy appeals that center on race and policy appeals that deracialize the policy itself. Stout, in examining these different paths over the past decades, also traces some of the changes within American political parties, most particularly within the parties themselves and whom the parties see and respond to as their base supporters. This is a rich, detailed, and methodologically diverse study of identity politics, and how identity, particularly racial identity, has worked within politics in the United States, operating differently at state/local levels and national levels.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Mar 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>506</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Christopher T. Stout</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals (University of Virginia Press, 2020) dives into the discussion and debate surrounding the 2016 primary and how Donald Trump was ultimately nominated by the Republican Party to be their standard bearer and then elected president. But this is not the center of the book—though it is a very important data point. Christopher Stout, Associate Professor of Political Science at Oregon State University, came to this question about identity politics and how this understanding of rhetorical and political levers is at play with different groups of voters in the United States, through the work of Charles Hamilton and considerations of the idea of deracialized strategies in American politics. Hamilton, who has written a forward to The Case for Identity Politics, co-authored, with Kwame Toure, the 1967 text Black Power: The Politics of Liberation, bringing forward this deracialization thesis that provides the jumping off point for Stout’s research and analysis. Stout discusses this concept of the deracialization of political rhetoric and campaigns, especially by Democratic presidential candidates over the past thirty or forty years. The Case for Identity Politics explores the nuances of policy appeals that center on race and policy appeals that deracialize the policy itself. Stout, in examining these different paths over the past decades, also traces some of the changes within American political parties, most particularly within the parties themselves and whom the parties see and respond to as their base supporters. This is a rich, detailed, and methodologically diverse study of identity politics, and how identity, particularly racial identity, has worked within politics in the United States, operating differently at state/local levels and national levels.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780813944982"><em>The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals</em></a> (University of Virginia Press, 2020) dives into the discussion and debate surrounding the 2016 primary and how Donald Trump was ultimately nominated by the Republican Party to be their standard bearer and then elected president. But this is not the center of the book—though it is a very important data point. Christopher Stout, Associate Professor of Political Science at Oregon State University, came to this question about identity politics and how this understanding of rhetorical and political levers is at play with different groups of voters in the United States, through the work of Charles Hamilton and considerations of the idea of deracialized strategies in American politics. Hamilton, who has written a forward to <em>The Case for Identity Politics</em>, co-authored, with Kwame Toure, the 1967 text <em>Black Power: The Politics of Liberation</em>, bringing forward this deracialization thesis that provides the jumping off point for Stout’s research and analysis. Stout discusses this concept of the deracialization of political rhetoric and campaigns, especially by Democratic presidential candidates over the past thirty or forty years. <em>The Case for Identity Politics</em> explores the nuances of policy appeals that center on race and policy appeals that deracialize the policy itself. Stout, in examining these different paths over the past decades, also traces some of the changes within American political parties, most particularly within the parties themselves and whom the parties see and respond to as their base supporters. This is a rich, detailed, and methodologically diverse study of identity politics, and how identity, particularly racial identity, has worked within politics in the United States, operating differently at state/local levels and national levels.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2472</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8181171584.mp3?updated=1614006036" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Democracy, Protest, and Progress with Melvin Rogers</title>
      <description>Melvin Rogers is Associate Professor of Political Science at Brown University. You can follow Melvin on Twitter at @MRogers097. Professor Rogers specializes in democratic theory, with special focus on the traditions of American and African-American politics.
The "Why We Argue" podcast is produced by the Humanities Institute at the University of Connecticut as part of the Future of Truth project.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Mar 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>2</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>39</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/ac08e648-c0ae-11ec-86c7-3bece70f3adb/image/WWA_Logo_No_Season.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Melvin Rogers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Melvin Rogers is Associate Professor of Political Science at Brown University. You can follow Melvin on Twitter at @MRogers097. Professor Rogers specializes in democratic theory, with special focus on the traditions of American and African-American politics.
The "Why We Argue" podcast is produced by the Humanities Institute at the University of Connecticut as part of the Future of Truth project.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Melvin Rogers is Associate Professor of Political Science at Brown University. You can follow Melvin on Twitter at @MRogers097. Professor Rogers specializes in democratic theory, with special focus on the traditions of American and African-American politics.</p><p><em>The "</em><a href="https://humilityandconviction.uconn.edu/why-we-argue/"><em>Why We Argue</em></a><em>" podcast is produced by the </em><a href="https://humanities.uconn.edu/"><em>Humanities Institute</em></a><em> at the University of Connecticut as part of the </em><a href="https://futureoftruth.uconn.edu/"><em>Future of Truth</em></a><em> project.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1717</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert Elder, "Calhoun: American Heretic" (Basic Books, 2021)</title>
      <description>In Calhoun: American Heretic (Basic Books, 2021), historian Robert Elder documents the life and thought of one of America's most controversial statesman, John C. Calhoun. 
A congressman, a vice president, and a senator, Calhoun represented Jeffersonian republicanism during a time of national expansion and imperialism. He became the nation's most ardent defender of slavery and one of its most complex thinkers on the issue of state sovereignty. Elder's book reconsiders the legacy of this consequential political figure and what it means for America's past and present.
 Lane Davis is a doctoral candidate in the Graduate Program in Religious Studies at Southern Methodist University where he studies American religious history. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Mar 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>919</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Robert Elder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Calhoun: American Heretic (Basic Books, 2021), historian Robert Elder documents the life and thought of one of America's most controversial statesman, John C. Calhoun. 
A congressman, a vice president, and a senator, Calhoun represented Jeffersonian republicanism during a time of national expansion and imperialism. He became the nation's most ardent defender of slavery and one of its most complex thinkers on the issue of state sovereignty. Elder's book reconsiders the legacy of this consequential political figure and what it means for America's past and present.
 Lane Davis is a doctoral candidate in the Graduate Program in Religious Studies at Southern Methodist University where he studies American religious history. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780465096442"><em>Calhoun: American Heretic</em></a> (Basic Books, 2021), historian Robert Elder documents the life and thought of one of America's most controversial statesman, John C. Calhoun. </p><p>A congressman, a vice president, and a senator, Calhoun represented Jeffersonian republicanism during a time of national expansion and imperialism. He became the nation's most ardent defender of slavery and one of its most complex thinkers on the issue of state sovereignty. Elder's book reconsiders the legacy of this consequential political figure and what it means for America's past and present.</p><p><em> Lane Davis is a doctoral candidate in the Graduate Program in Religious Studies at Southern Methodist University where he studies American religious history. Find him on Twitter @TheeLaneDavis</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3111</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3218861550.mp3?updated=1613369787" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>L. Cox Han and C. Heldman, "Madam President?: Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House" (Lynne Rienner, 2020)</title>
      <description>Lori Cox Han and Caroline Heldman, both scholars of gender and politics as well as scholars of the American Presidency, have assembled a wide array of essays[*] to revisit the question about whether “we” are ready for the first female president of the United States, and what the path might look like to arrive at that glass-ceiling shattering event. Cox Han and Heldman had edited a previous version of this concept in 2007 (Rethinking Madam President: Are We Ready for the First Woman in the White House? Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007) and they and their contributing authors had concluded that, in 2007, the United States was not yet ready to give “female presidential candidates a fair run.” 
But much has shifted and changed over the years since the publication of that previous interrogation of this perennial consideration and Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020) revisits this consideration having seen Hillary Clinton as the standard bearer for the Democratic Party in 2016, even while she lost the Electoral College vote to Donald Trump. Cox Han and Heldman, and the contributing authors to Madam President? are evaluating the political landscape following Clinton’s loss and exploring what changed as a result of the presidential race in 2016, including the Women’s Movement/March that came together following Trump’s Inauguration and the rise of the #MeToo and #TimesUp movements as well.
The chapters that make up Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House cover quite a few different dimensions of presidential politics and gender politics, including examining where female candidates have been able to compete on a more equal playing field with male candidates, such as in their capacity to fundraise, as Victoria Farrar-Myers explains in her chapter on “Money and Candidate Viability.” Other chapters explore the masculine nature of the presidency itself and the difficulty this poses for candidates and for voters. Authors approach this complicated foundation of the American presidency from a variety of perspectives, including Meredith Conroy’s chapter on masculinity and media coverage during the course of the campaign, and Karen Hult’s and Meena Bose’s respective chapters on sex, gender, and leadership within the Executive Branch, and key areas of presidential responsibility. Madam President? helps us think about the newly elected female Vice President, Kamala Harris, and her husband’s role as first spouse. As Cox Han and Heldman explain during the course of our conversation, there is some cause of optimism that we may already be seeing the first woman president of the United States, it just may be a few years before she takes office.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
[*] Full disclosure: I am a contributing co-author, with Linda Beail, of one of these essays.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>504</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with L. Cox Han and C. Heldman</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lori Cox Han and Caroline Heldman, both scholars of gender and politics as well as scholars of the American Presidency, have assembled a wide array of essays[*] to revisit the question about whether “we” are ready for the first female president of the United States, and what the path might look like to arrive at that glass-ceiling shattering event. Cox Han and Heldman had edited a previous version of this concept in 2007 (Rethinking Madam President: Are We Ready for the First Woman in the White House? Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007) and they and their contributing authors had concluded that, in 2007, the United States was not yet ready to give “female presidential candidates a fair run.” 
But much has shifted and changed over the years since the publication of that previous interrogation of this perennial consideration and Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020) revisits this consideration having seen Hillary Clinton as the standard bearer for the Democratic Party in 2016, even while she lost the Electoral College vote to Donald Trump. Cox Han and Heldman, and the contributing authors to Madam President? are evaluating the political landscape following Clinton’s loss and exploring what changed as a result of the presidential race in 2016, including the Women’s Movement/March that came together following Trump’s Inauguration and the rise of the #MeToo and #TimesUp movements as well.
The chapters that make up Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House cover quite a few different dimensions of presidential politics and gender politics, including examining where female candidates have been able to compete on a more equal playing field with male candidates, such as in their capacity to fundraise, as Victoria Farrar-Myers explains in her chapter on “Money and Candidate Viability.” Other chapters explore the masculine nature of the presidency itself and the difficulty this poses for candidates and for voters. Authors approach this complicated foundation of the American presidency from a variety of perspectives, including Meredith Conroy’s chapter on masculinity and media coverage during the course of the campaign, and Karen Hult’s and Meena Bose’s respective chapters on sex, gender, and leadership within the Executive Branch, and key areas of presidential responsibility. Madam President? helps us think about the newly elected female Vice President, Kamala Harris, and her husband’s role as first spouse. As Cox Han and Heldman explain during the course of our conversation, there is some cause of optimism that we may already be seeing the first woman president of the United States, it just may be a few years before she takes office.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
[*] Full disclosure: I am a contributing co-author, with Linda Beail, of one of these essays.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Lori Cox Han and Caroline Heldman, both scholars of gender and politics as well as scholars of the American Presidency, have assembled a wide array of essays<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/52648-madam-president?draftId=360#_ftn1">[*]</a> to revisit the question about whether “we” are ready for the first female president of the United States, and what the path might look like to arrive at that glass-ceiling shattering event. Cox Han and Heldman had edited a previous version of this concept in 2007 (<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Rethinking-Madam-President-Ready-Woman/dp/1588265196"><em>Rethinking Madam President: Are We Ready for the First Woman in the White House?</em></a> Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007) and they and their contributing authors had concluded that, in 2007, the United States was not yet ready to give “female presidential candidates a fair run.” </p><p>But much has shifted and changed over the years since the publication of that previous interrogation of this perennial consideration and <a href="https://www.rienner.com/title/Madam_President_Gender_and_Politics_on_the_Road_to_the_White_House?added_to_cart=40994"><em>Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House</em></a><em> </em>(Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020) revisits this consideration having seen Hillary Clinton as the standard bearer for the Democratic Party in 2016, even while she lost the Electoral College vote to Donald Trump. Cox Han and Heldman, and the contributing authors to <em>Madam President?</em> are evaluating the political landscape following Clinton’s loss and exploring what changed as a result of the presidential race in 2016, including the Women’s Movement/March that came together following Trump’s Inauguration and the rise of the #MeToo and #TimesUp movements as well.</p><p>The chapters that make up <em>Madam President? Gender and Politics on the Road to the White House</em> cover quite a few different dimensions of presidential politics and gender politics, including examining where female candidates have been able to compete on a more equal playing field with male candidates, such as in their capacity to fundraise, as Victoria Farrar-Myers explains in her chapter on “Money and Candidate Viability.” Other chapters explore the masculine nature of the presidency itself and the difficulty this poses for candidates and for voters. Authors approach this complicated foundation of the American presidency from a variety of perspectives, including Meredith Conroy’s chapter on masculinity and media coverage during the course of the campaign, and Karen Hult’s and Meena Bose’s respective chapters on sex, gender, and leadership within the Executive Branch, and key areas of presidential responsibility. <em>Madam President?</em> helps us think about the newly elected female Vice President, Kamala Harris, and her husband’s role as first spouse. As Cox Han and Heldman explain during the course of our conversation, there is some cause of optimism that we may already be seeing the first woman president of the United States, it just may be a few years before she takes office.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of </em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"><em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:lgoren@carrollu.edu"><em>lgoren@carrollu.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"><em>@gorenlj</em></a>.</p><p><a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/52648-madam-president?draftId=360#_ftnref1">[*]</a> Full disclosure: I am a contributing co-author, with Linda Beail, of one of these essays.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2337</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>A. Hollis-Brusky and J. C. Wilson. "Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right's Radical Struggle to Transform Law and Legal Culture" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>How do we understand the nuances of efforts by Christian conservatives to affect American law – and evaluate their success? What lessons do they hold for other social movements? Dr. Amanda Hollis-Brusky, associate professor of politics at Pomona College and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson, professor of Political Science at the University of Denver join the podcast to discuss Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right's Radical Struggle to Transform Law and Legal Culture (Oxford UP, 2020)
The book evaluates whether activists pushing for lawyers and judges with a Christian Worldview have been able to achieve their goals and transform American legal culture. This impressive book contributes to our general understanding of social movements, legal mobilization, and constitutional development – but also the specifics of how the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (CCLM) has attempted to transform American law from secular and liberal to Christian and natural. While many people know of The Federalist Society’s attempts to influence scholarship, they may be less familiar with the push to create separate law schools and legal institutions that teach from a Christian worldview such as Regent University Law School, Liberty University Law School, and Ave Maria School of Law. This thoughtfully written and well-researched book uses a modified version of Support Structure Theory and extensive data collected by the authors to interrogate why the New Christian Right rejected the lower-cost, lower risk infiltration approach to support structure building in favor of “a mix of parallel alternative and supplemental approaches.” The book includes a helpful model (the Support Structure Pyramid) for conceptualizing litigation-based movement support structures, institutions, and their relationship to legal change. The podcast includes a conversation about the evolution of that particular conception (and what the authors might change). Their analysis of different forms of capital (human, social, cultural, and intellectual) allows Hollis-Brusky and Wilson to assess the actual and potential capital outputs of each institution and the extent to which the Christian Conservative Legal Movement achieved their goals. The Christian Right has struggled to influence the legal and political mainstream but it has succeeded in creating a space of resistance to unify and connect those who seek to challenge “a dominant legal culture” seen as “incorrigibly liberal.” In the podcast, the authors discuss how they brought together Hollis-Brusky’s scholarship on the Federalist Society (Ideas With Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Oxford, 2019) and Wilson’s earlier research on The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, and American’s Culture Wars (Stanford, 2013) to create this nuanced, collaborative book.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Feb 2021 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>503</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Amanda Hollis-Brusky and Joshua C. Wilson</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do we understand the nuances of efforts by Christian conservatives to affect American law – and evaluate their success? What lessons do they hold for other social movements? Dr. Amanda Hollis-Brusky, associate professor of politics at Pomona College and Dr. Joshua C. Wilson, professor of Political Science at the University of Denver join the podcast to discuss Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right's Radical Struggle to Transform Law and Legal Culture (Oxford UP, 2020)
The book evaluates whether activists pushing for lawyers and judges with a Christian Worldview have been able to achieve their goals and transform American legal culture. This impressive book contributes to our general understanding of social movements, legal mobilization, and constitutional development – but also the specifics of how the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (CCLM) has attempted to transform American law from secular and liberal to Christian and natural. While many people know of The Federalist Society’s attempts to influence scholarship, they may be less familiar with the push to create separate law schools and legal institutions that teach from a Christian worldview such as Regent University Law School, Liberty University Law School, and Ave Maria School of Law. This thoughtfully written and well-researched book uses a modified version of Support Structure Theory and extensive data collected by the authors to interrogate why the New Christian Right rejected the lower-cost, lower risk infiltration approach to support structure building in favor of “a mix of parallel alternative and supplemental approaches.” The book includes a helpful model (the Support Structure Pyramid) for conceptualizing litigation-based movement support structures, institutions, and their relationship to legal change. The podcast includes a conversation about the evolution of that particular conception (and what the authors might change). Their analysis of different forms of capital (human, social, cultural, and intellectual) allows Hollis-Brusky and Wilson to assess the actual and potential capital outputs of each institution and the extent to which the Christian Conservative Legal Movement achieved their goals. The Christian Right has struggled to influence the legal and political mainstream but it has succeeded in creating a space of resistance to unify and connect those who seek to challenge “a dominant legal culture” seen as “incorrigibly liberal.” In the podcast, the authors discuss how they brought together Hollis-Brusky’s scholarship on the Federalist Society (Ideas With Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Oxford, 2019) and Wilson’s earlier research on The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, and American’s Culture Wars (Stanford, 2013) to create this nuanced, collaborative book.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do we understand the nuances of efforts by Christian conservatives to affect American law – and evaluate their success? What lessons do they hold for other social movements? Dr. <a href="https://research.pomona.edu/amanda-hollis-brusky/">Amanda Hollis-Brusky</a>, associate professor of politics at Pomona College and Dr. <a href="https://joshuacwilsonsite.wordpress.com/">Joshua C. Wilson</a>, professor of Political Science at the University of Denver join the podcast to discuss <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190637262"><em>Separate But Faithful: The Christian Right's Radical Struggle to Transform Law and Legal Culture</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020)</p><p>The book evaluates whether activists pushing for lawyers and judges with a Christian Worldview have been able to achieve their goals and transform American legal culture. This impressive book contributes to our general understanding of social movements, legal mobilization, and constitutional development – but also the specifics of how the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (CCLM) has attempted to transform American law from secular and liberal to Christian and natural. While many people know of The Federalist Society’s attempts to influence scholarship, they may be less familiar with the push to create separate law schools and legal institutions that teach from a Christian worldview such as Regent University Law School, Liberty University Law School, and Ave Maria School of Law. This thoughtfully written and well-researched book uses a modified version of Support Structure Theory and extensive data collected by the authors to interrogate why the New Christian Right rejected the lower-cost, lower risk infiltration approach to support structure building in favor of “a mix of <em>parallel alternative</em> and <em>supplemental </em>approaches.” The book includes a helpful model (the Support Structure Pyramid) for conceptualizing litigation-based movement support structures, institutions, and their relationship to legal change. The podcast includes a conversation about the evolution of that particular conception (and what the authors might change). Their analysis of different forms of capital (human, social, cultural, and intellectual) allows Hollis-Brusky and Wilson to assess the actual and potential capital outputs of each institution and the extent to which the Christian Conservative Legal Movement achieved their goals. The Christian Right has struggled to influence the legal and political mainstream but it has succeeded in creating a space of resistance to unify and connect those who seek to challenge “a dominant legal culture” seen as “incorrigibly liberal.” In the podcast, the authors discuss how they brought together Hollis-Brusky’s scholarship on the Federalist Society (<a href="https://bookshop.org/books/ideas-with-consequences-the-federalist-society-and-the-conservative-counterrevolution/9780190933746"><em>Ideas With Consequences: The Federalist Society and the Conservative Counterrevolution</em></a> (Oxford, 2019) and Wilson’s earlier research on <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-street-politics-of-abortion-speech-violence-and-america-s-culture-wars/9780804785334"><em>The Street Politics of Abortion: Speech, Violence, and American’s Culture Wars</em></a> (Stanford, 2013) to create this nuanced, collaborative book.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. </em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"><em>Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>4611</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Postscript: Trump, Trumpism, and the Future of the GOP</title>
      <description>As the impeachment trial ends, Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell explore the future of the GOP with two media-savvy political scientists. Dr. Jonathan Bernstein is familiar to many as the Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering politics and policy -- also doing Bloomberg television and radio. He taught political science at the University of Texas at San Antonio and DePauw University and his most recent book is The Making of the Presidential Candidates (Roman &amp; Littlefield 2020 -- Lilly interviewed him and his co-editor, Casey Dominguez, for the New Books in Political Science). Dr. Christopher Galdieri, Associate Professor at Saint Anselm College is the author of Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from RFK to Scott Brown (SUNY Press, 2019 -- and Lilly interviewed him for New Books in Political Science) as well as Donald Trump &amp; New Hampshire Politics (Palgrave, 2019). He often does interviews for CBC news, AP Radio, and others.
In this spirited conversation, we interrogate the consequences of Trump and Trumpism for the Republican Party, the success of the Trump presidency in terms of policy and party politics, the level of dysfunctionality in the Republican Party, the tension between what is good for the party and what is good for individual office holders, and the ultimate effect on the American political system. The conversation dives into Trump’s second impeachment and the role of the GOP in both the House and the Senate around this most recent impeachment and trial. Galdieri and Bernstein also discuss the presidential nominating process over the past few decades, focusing on more recent nomination cycles and how these processes, and the functioning of both the Democratic and Republican parties, shape the outcomes and the winners.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>7</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An discussion with Jonathan Bernstein and Christopher Galdieri</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the impeachment trial ends, Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell explore the future of the GOP with two media-savvy political scientists. Dr. Jonathan Bernstein is familiar to many as the Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering politics and policy -- also doing Bloomberg television and radio. He taught political science at the University of Texas at San Antonio and DePauw University and his most recent book is The Making of the Presidential Candidates (Roman &amp; Littlefield 2020 -- Lilly interviewed him and his co-editor, Casey Dominguez, for the New Books in Political Science). Dr. Christopher Galdieri, Associate Professor at Saint Anselm College is the author of Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from RFK to Scott Brown (SUNY Press, 2019 -- and Lilly interviewed him for New Books in Political Science) as well as Donald Trump &amp; New Hampshire Politics (Palgrave, 2019). He often does interviews for CBC news, AP Radio, and others.
In this spirited conversation, we interrogate the consequences of Trump and Trumpism for the Republican Party, the success of the Trump presidency in terms of policy and party politics, the level of dysfunctionality in the Republican Party, the tension between what is good for the party and what is good for individual office holders, and the ultimate effect on the American political system. The conversation dives into Trump’s second impeachment and the role of the GOP in both the House and the Senate around this most recent impeachment and trial. Galdieri and Bernstein also discuss the presidential nominating process over the past few decades, focusing on more recent nomination cycles and how these processes, and the functioning of both the Democratic and Republican parties, shape the outcomes and the winners.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the impeachment trial ends, Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell explore the future of the GOP with two media-savvy political scientists. <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/authors/ARq9kPCuG1Y/jonathan-bernstein">Dr. Jonathan Bernstein</a> is familiar to many as the Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering politics and policy -- also doing Bloomberg television and radio. He taught political science at the University of Texas at San Antonio and DePauw University and his most recent book is <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/the-making-of-the-presidential-candidates-2020/9781538131077"><em>The Making of the Presidential Candidates</em></a> (Roman &amp; Littlefield 2020 -- <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/j-bernstein-and-c-b-k-dominguez-the-making-of-the-presidential-candidates-2020-rowman-and-littlefield-2019">Lilly interviewed him and his co-editor</a>, Casey Dominguez, for the New Books in Political Science). Dr. <a href="https://www.anselm.edu/faculty-directory/christopher-galdieri">Christopher Galdieri</a>, Associate Professor at Saint Anselm College is the author of <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/stranger-in-a-strange-state/9781438474021"><em>Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from RFK to Scott Brown</em></a> (SUNY Press, 2019 -- and <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/christopher-j-galdieri-stranger-in-a-strange-state-the-politics-of-carpetbagging-from-robert-kennedy-to-scott-brown-suny-press-2019">Lilly interviewed him</a> for New Books in Political Science) as well as <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/donald-trump-and-new-hampshire-politics-2020/9783030247966"><em>Donald Trump &amp; New Hampshire Politics</em></a> (Palgrave, 2019). He often does interviews for CBC news, AP Radio, and others.</p><p>In this spirited conversation, we interrogate the consequences of Trump and Trumpism for the Republican Party, the success of the Trump presidency in terms of policy and party politics, the level of dysfunctionality in the Republican Party, the tension between what is good for the party and what is good for individual office holders, and the ultimate effect on the American political system. The conversation dives into Trump’s second impeachment and the role of the GOP in both the House and the Senate around this most recent impeachment and trial. Galdieri and Bernstein also discuss the presidential nominating process over the past few decades, focusing on more recent nomination cycles and how these processes, and the functioning of both the Democratic and Republican parties, shape the outcomes and the winners.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell</em></a> <em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"> <em>Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and</em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"> <em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"> <em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3620</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Cathleen D. Cahill, "Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement" (U North Carolina Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>We think we know the story of women's suffrage in the United States: women met at Seneca Falls, marched in Washington, D.C., and demanded the vote until they won it with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. 
But the fight for women's voting rights extended far beyond these familiar scenes. From social clubs in New York's Chinatown to conferences for Native American rights, and in African American newspapers and pamphlets demanding equality for Spanish-speaking New Mexicans, a diverse cadre of extraordinary women struggled to build a movement that would truly include all women, regardless of race or national origin. 
In Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement (The University of North Carolina Press, 2020), Cathleen D. Cahill tells the powerful stories of a multiracial group of activists who propelled the national suffrage movement toward a more inclusive vision of equal rights. Cahill reveals a new cast of heroines largely ignored in earlier suffrage histories: Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin (Zitkala-Ša), Laura Cornelius Kellogg, Carrie Williams Clifford, Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, and Adelina "Nina" Luna Otero-Warren. With these feminists of color in the foreground, Cahill recasts the suffrage movement as an unfinished struggle that extended beyond the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.
As we celebrate the centennial of a great triumph for the women's movement, Cahill's powerful history reminds us of the work that remains.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Feb 2021 04:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>912</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Interview with Cathleen D. Cahill </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>We think we know the story of women's suffrage in the United States: women met at Seneca Falls, marched in Washington, D.C., and demanded the vote until they won it with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. 
But the fight for women's voting rights extended far beyond these familiar scenes. From social clubs in New York's Chinatown to conferences for Native American rights, and in African American newspapers and pamphlets demanding equality for Spanish-speaking New Mexicans, a diverse cadre of extraordinary women struggled to build a movement that would truly include all women, regardless of race or national origin. 
In Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement (The University of North Carolina Press, 2020), Cathleen D. Cahill tells the powerful stories of a multiracial group of activists who propelled the national suffrage movement toward a more inclusive vision of equal rights. Cahill reveals a new cast of heroines largely ignored in earlier suffrage histories: Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin (Zitkala-Ša), Laura Cornelius Kellogg, Carrie Williams Clifford, Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, and Adelina "Nina" Luna Otero-Warren. With these feminists of color in the foreground, Cahill recasts the suffrage movement as an unfinished struggle that extended beyond the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.
As we celebrate the centennial of a great triumph for the women's movement, Cahill's powerful history reminds us of the work that remains.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>We think we know the story of women's suffrage in the United States: women met at Seneca Falls, marched in Washington, D.C., and demanded the vote until they won it with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment. </p><p>But the fight for women's voting rights extended far beyond these familiar scenes. From social clubs in New York's Chinatown to conferences for Native American rights, and in African American newspapers and pamphlets demanding equality for Spanish-speaking New Mexicans, a diverse cadre of extraordinary women struggled to build a movement that would <em>truly</em> include all women, regardless of race or national origin. </p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781469659329"><em>Recasting the Vote: How Women of Color Transformed the Suffrage Movement</em></a><em> </em>(The University of North Carolina Press, 2020), <a href="https://history.la.psu.edu/directory/czc335">Cathleen D. Cahill</a> tells the powerful stories of a multiracial group of activists who propelled the national suffrage movement toward a more inclusive vision of equal rights. Cahill reveals a new cast of heroines largely ignored in earlier suffrage histories: Marie Louise Bottineau Baldwin, Gertrude Simmons Bonnin (Zitkala-Ša), Laura Cornelius Kellogg, Carrie Williams Clifford, Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, and Adelina "Nina" Luna Otero-Warren. With these feminists of color in the foreground, Cahill recasts the suffrage movement as an unfinished struggle that extended beyond the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.</p><p>As we celebrate the centennial of a great triumph for the women's movement, Cahill's powerful history reminds us of the work that remains.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4083</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Richard Kreitner, "Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union" (Little Brown, 2020)</title>
      <description>Journalists, scholars, politicians, and citizens often assume that calls for secession are political or historical aberrations. Our founding myth is that the Civil War divided an otherwise united nation and we soon reconstructed the United States to form a more perfect union. But Richard Kreitner’s provocative new book,
Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union (Little Brown, 2020), argues that “disunion” is the hidden thread in the history of the United States. Kreitner is a contributing writer to The Nation who has also published in The New York Times, Boston Globe, Washington Post, USA Today, Slate, Raritan, and The Baffler.
American politics from colonial times to the present, Break it Up argues, has always included “forces that have conspired to divide it” and Kreitner insists that we get a more nuanced and comprehensive “understanding of both our contentious past and our uncertain future” if we confront that history. Drawing on rich scholarship from multiple disciplines Break It Up argues that the United States has “always been riven by race and religion, cleaved by class and culture, sundered by section, and fragmented by geography.” The United States was always a “tentative proposition” – an “experiment that might fail at any time.” The book insists that asking questions about unity is the “prerequisite for serious discussion about what we Americans want the future to hold for ourselves and this perennially divided union.” Moreover, facing disunion assists in the work of building an inclusive, multiracial democracy capable of combating climate change or racial equality. As the book starkly puts it, the U.S. should either finish the work of Reconstruction or give up on the idea of the “united” states as currently conceived.
Break It Up uses four eras to trace the theme of disunion. “A Vast, Unwieldy Machine” deals with the colonial and Revolutionary periods with Kreitner arguing that resisting a common enemy in the British should not be mistaken for unity. For example, the process of unification was characterized by bitter disagreements over representation and the protection of enslavement in the proposed Constitution. Here, Kreitner reviews some of what is well known in the literature but also smaller (and heated) controversies that may surprise those who think they know the period well. The second era highlights the disagreements in the early Republic over the increase in land (e.g., the Louisiana Purchase) and Aaron Burr’s attempt to break off parts of the country to form an independent Empire. For Hamilton: An American Musical buffs, Kreitner challenges some of Chernow’s assumptions to create a more nuanced understanding of the first Secretary of the Treasury. Kreitner’s third era documents the increasing appetite for disunion in the years before the American Civil War – and the ultimate schism. The fourth period is less defined by chronology. “Return of the Repressed” ranges from Reconstruction to 21st century plans for secession. Kreitner argues that Reconstruction’s failure to resolve fundamental conflicts leave us with a nation perpetually split over race and class.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>500</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Richard Kreitner</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Journalists, scholars, politicians, and citizens often assume that calls for secession are political or historical aberrations. Our founding myth is that the Civil War divided an otherwise united nation and we soon reconstructed the United States to form a more perfect union. But Richard Kreitner’s provocative new book,
Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union (Little Brown, 2020), argues that “disunion” is the hidden thread in the history of the United States. Kreitner is a contributing writer to The Nation who has also published in The New York Times, Boston Globe, Washington Post, USA Today, Slate, Raritan, and The Baffler.
American politics from colonial times to the present, Break it Up argues, has always included “forces that have conspired to divide it” and Kreitner insists that we get a more nuanced and comprehensive “understanding of both our contentious past and our uncertain future” if we confront that history. Drawing on rich scholarship from multiple disciplines Break It Up argues that the United States has “always been riven by race and religion, cleaved by class and culture, sundered by section, and fragmented by geography.” The United States was always a “tentative proposition” – an “experiment that might fail at any time.” The book insists that asking questions about unity is the “prerequisite for serious discussion about what we Americans want the future to hold for ourselves and this perennially divided union.” Moreover, facing disunion assists in the work of building an inclusive, multiracial democracy capable of combating climate change or racial equality. As the book starkly puts it, the U.S. should either finish the work of Reconstruction or give up on the idea of the “united” states as currently conceived.
Break It Up uses four eras to trace the theme of disunion. “A Vast, Unwieldy Machine” deals with the colonial and Revolutionary periods with Kreitner arguing that resisting a common enemy in the British should not be mistaken for unity. For example, the process of unification was characterized by bitter disagreements over representation and the protection of enslavement in the proposed Constitution. Here, Kreitner reviews some of what is well known in the literature but also smaller (and heated) controversies that may surprise those who think they know the period well. The second era highlights the disagreements in the early Republic over the increase in land (e.g., the Louisiana Purchase) and Aaron Burr’s attempt to break off parts of the country to form an independent Empire. For Hamilton: An American Musical buffs, Kreitner challenges some of Chernow’s assumptions to create a more nuanced understanding of the first Secretary of the Treasury. Kreitner’s third era documents the increasing appetite for disunion in the years before the American Civil War – and the ultimate schism. The fourth period is less defined by chronology. “Return of the Repressed” ranges from Reconstruction to 21st century plans for secession. Kreitner argues that Reconstruction’s failure to resolve fundamental conflicts leave us with a nation perpetually split over race and class.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Journalists, scholars, politicians, and citizens often assume that calls for secession are political or historical aberrations. Our founding myth is that the Civil War divided an otherwise united nation and we soon reconstructed the United States to form a more perfect union. But <a href="https://www.richardkreitner.com/">Richard Kreitner</a>’s provocative new book,</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780316510608"><em>Break It Up: Secession, Division, and the Secret History of America's Imperfect Union</em></a> (Little Brown, 2020), argues that “disunion” is the hidden thread in the history of the United States. Kreitner is a contributing writer to <em>The Nation</em> who has also published in <em>The New York Times, Boston Globe, Washington Post, USA Today, Slate, Raritan, and The Baffler.</em></p><p>American politics from colonial times to the present, <em>Break it Up </em>argues, has always included “forces that have conspired to divide it” and Kreitner insists that we get a more nuanced and comprehensive “understanding of both our contentious past and our uncertain future” if we confront that history. Drawing on rich scholarship from multiple disciplines <em>Break It Up </em>argues that the United States has “always been riven by race and religion, cleaved by class and culture, sundered by section, and fragmented by geography.” The United States was always a “tentative proposition” – an “experiment that might fail at any time.” The book insists that asking questions about unity is the “prerequisite for serious discussion about what we Americans want the future to hold for ourselves and this perennially divided union.” Moreover, facing disunion assists in the work of building an inclusive, multiracial democracy capable of combating climate change or racial equality. As the book starkly puts it, the U.S. should either finish the work of Reconstruction or give up on the idea of the “united” states as currently conceived.</p><p><em>Break It Up</em> uses four eras to trace the theme of disunion. “A Vast, Unwieldy Machine” deals with the colonial and Revolutionary periods with Kreitner arguing that resisting a common enemy in the British should not be mistaken for unity. For example, the process of unification was characterized by bitter disagreements over representation and the protection of enslavement in the proposed Constitution. Here, Kreitner reviews some of what is well known in the literature but also smaller (and heated) controversies that may surprise those who think they know the period well. The second era highlights the disagreements in the early Republic over the increase in land (e.g., the Louisiana Purchase) and Aaron Burr’s attempt to break off parts of the country to form an independent Empire. For <em>Hamilton: An American Musical</em> buffs, Kreitner challenges some of Chernow’s assumptions to create a more nuanced understanding of the first Secretary of the Treasury. Kreitner’s third era documents the increasing appetite for disunion in the years before the American Civil War – and the ultimate schism. The fourth period is less defined by chronology. “Return of the Repressed” ranges from Reconstruction to 21st century plans for secession. Kreitner argues that Reconstruction’s failure to resolve fundamental conflicts leave us with a nation perpetually split over race and class.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. </em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"><em>Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4552</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Postscript: The Biden Administration and the Resiliency of the American Presidency</title>
      <description>As we enter the first month of the new presidential administration, Dr. Meena Bose, Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, at Hofstra University, and Dr. Daniel E. Ponder, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University joined the team at New Books in Political Science to discuss the institution of the presidency as the U.S. transitions from one administration to another. Ponder joined Lilly to talk about Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State on an earlier podcast and Bose’s new book, Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency will be featured on an upcoming podcast.
Bose and Ponder, experts on the U.S. Presidency and American political institutions, began by identifying what defines the first few weeks of the Biden Administration in contrast to Trump. Focusing on the office of the presidency itself, the group discussed how the Executive Office is positioned in regard to the American Congress, U.S. political parties, and the limited windows of opportunities that presidents often have at the beginning of their administrations. As Ponder and Bose considered the resiliency of the American presidency, they highlighted scholarship that contributed to their thinking including Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith’s new book, After Trump, Steve Knott’s recent book, The Lost Soul of the American Presidency, and Julia Azari and Jennifer Smith’s “Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies.” Ponder and Bose explained how foundational works like James Pfiffner’s The Strategic Presidency and James MacGregor Burns’ The Deadlock of Democracy: Four-Party Politics in America framed their analyses of how the president and the presidency function (or do not) with the American political system. Join us for this broad and fascinating conversation about the American presidency and contemporary political pressures and tensions that shape how that institution functions and operates.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>6</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Meena Bose and Daniel E. Ponder</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As we enter the first month of the new presidential administration, Dr. Meena Bose, Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, at Hofstra University, and Dr. Daniel E. Ponder, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship at Drury University joined the team at New Books in Political Science to discuss the institution of the presidency as the U.S. transitions from one administration to another. Ponder joined Lilly to talk about Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State on an earlier podcast and Bose’s new book, Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency will be featured on an upcoming podcast.
Bose and Ponder, experts on the U.S. Presidency and American political institutions, began by identifying what defines the first few weeks of the Biden Administration in contrast to Trump. Focusing on the office of the presidency itself, the group discussed how the Executive Office is positioned in regard to the American Congress, U.S. political parties, and the limited windows of opportunities that presidents often have at the beginning of their administrations. As Ponder and Bose considered the resiliency of the American presidency, they highlighted scholarship that contributed to their thinking including Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith’s new book, After Trump, Steve Knott’s recent book, The Lost Soul of the American Presidency, and Julia Azari and Jennifer Smith’s “Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies.” Ponder and Bose explained how foundational works like James Pfiffner’s The Strategic Presidency and James MacGregor Burns’ The Deadlock of Democracy: Four-Party Politics in America framed their analyses of how the president and the presidency function (or do not) with the American political system. Join us for this broad and fascinating conversation about the American presidency and contemporary political pressures and tensions that shape how that institution functions and operates.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to @gorenlj.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As we enter the first month of the new presidential administration, Dr. <a href="https://www.hofstra.edu/faculty/fac_profiles.cfm?id=139">Meena Bose</a>, Executive Dean for Public Policy and Public Service Programs at the Peter S. Kalikow School of Government, Public Policy and International Affairs and director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency, at Hofstra University, and Dr. <a href="https://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Daniel E. Ponder</a>, the L.E. Meador Professor of Political Science and Director of the <a href="https://www.drury.edu/meador-center/meador-center-for-politics-and-citizenship-grants">Meador Center for Politics and Citizenship </a>at Drury University joined the team at <em>New Books in Political Science</em> to discuss the institution of the presidency as the U.S. transitions from one administration to another. Ponder joined Lilly to talk about <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/daniel-e-ponder-presidential-leverage-presidents-approval-and-the-american-state-stanford-up-2018"><em>Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State</em></a> on an earlier podcast and Bose’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/books/executive-policymaking-the-role-of-the-omb-in-the-presidency/9780815737957"><em>Executive Policymaking: The Role of the OMB in the Presidency</em></a> will be featured on an upcoming podcast.</p><p>Bose and Ponder, experts on the U.S. Presidency and American political institutions, began by identifying what defines the first few weeks of the Biden Administration in contrast to Trump. Focusing on the office of the presidency itself, the group discussed how the Executive Office is positioned in regard to the American Congress, U.S. political parties, and the limited windows of opportunities that presidents often have at the beginning of their administrations. As Ponder and Bose considered the resiliency of the American presidency, they highlighted scholarship that contributed to their thinking including Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith’s new book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/after-trump"><em>After Trump</em></a>, Steve Knott’s recent book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/stephen-f-knott-the-lost-soul-of-the-american-presidency-up-of-kansas-2019"><em>The Lost Soul of the American Presidency</em></a>, and Julia Azari and Jennifer Smith’s “<a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/23327062">Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies</a>.” Ponder and Bose explained how foundational works like James Pfiffner’s <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691154367/the-strategic-president"><em>The Strategic Presidency</em></a> and James MacGregor Burns’ <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Deadlock-Democracy-Four-Party-Politics-America/dp/0131969498"><em>The Deadlock of Democracy: Four-Party Politics in America</em></a> framed their analyses of how the president and the presidency function (or do not) with the American political system. Join us for this broad and fascinating conversation about the American presidency and contemporary political pressures and tensions that shape how that institution functions and operates.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book,</em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0"> <em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of</em><a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/"> <em>Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</em></a><em> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015). Email her comments at lgoren@carrollu.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj"> <em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell</em></a> <em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"> <em>Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and</em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"> <em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to</em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"> <em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2759</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Frank L. Jones, "Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age" (UP Kansas, 2020)</title>
      <description>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).
Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.
At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age (University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.
Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>76</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Frank L. Jones</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).
Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.
At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age (University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.
Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In a 2012 opinion piece bemoaning the state of the US Senate, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank cited a “leading theory: There are no giants in the chamber today.” Among the respected members who once walked the Senate floor, admired for their expertise and with a stature that went beyond party, Milbank counted Sam Nunn (D-GA).</p><p>Nunn served in the Senate for four terms beginning in 1972, at a moment when domestic politics and foreign policy were undergoing far-reaching changes. As a member and then chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he had a vital impact on most of the crucial national security and defense issues of the Cold War era and the “new world order” that followed—issues that included the revitalization of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's military capability, US-Soviet relations, national defense reorganization and reform, the Persian Gulf conflict, and nuclear arms control. In this first full account of Nunn’s senatorial career, Frank Leith Jones reveals how, as a congressional leader and “shadow secretary of defense,” Nunn helped win the Cold War, constructing the foundation for the defense and foreign policies of the 1970s and 1980s that secured the United States and its allies from the Soviet threat.</p><p>At a time of bitter political polarization and partisanship, Nunn’s reputation remains that of a statesman with a record of bipartisanship and a dedication to US national interests above all. His career, as recounted in <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700630127"><em>Sam Nunn: Statesman of the Nuclear Age</em></a><em> </em>(University Press of Kansas, 2020), provides both a valuable lesson in the relationships among the US government, foreign powers, and societies and a welcome reminder of the capacity of Congress, even a lone senator, to promote and enact policies that can make the country, and the world, a better and safer place.</p><p>Frank Leith Jones is professor of security studies and the General C. Marshall Chair of Military Studies in the Department of National Security and Strategy at the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. His published work includes <em>Blowtorch: Robert Komer, Vietnam, and American Cold War Strategy</em>.</p><p><a href="http://www.linkedin.com/in/aryah"><em>Arya Hariharan</em></a><em> is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or </em><a href="https://twitter.com/arya_hariharan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3826</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Thomas P. Crocker, "Overcoming Necessity: Emergency, Constraint, and the Meanings of American Constitutionalism" (Yale UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>A core duty of government is keeping those it governs safe. However, in modern democratic states, government is structured by a Constitution, which establishes constraints and checks on the power of any one office. But emergencies – from natural disasters to terrorist attacks – often call for a swift response that presses against those constraints and checks. In the United States, the President has claimed the authority to do what’s necessary to secure and protect the American people. Can such claims be squared with a commitment to the Constitution?
In Overcoming Necessity: Emergency, Constraint, and the Meanings of American Constitutionalism (Yale 2021), Thomas Crocker argues for a conception of American constitutionalism that can address the need for government to respond to emergencies without losing its normative bearings.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Feb 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>240</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Thomas P. Crocker</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>A core duty of government is keeping those it governs safe. However, in modern democratic states, government is structured by a Constitution, which establishes constraints and checks on the power of any one office. But emergencies – from natural disasters to terrorist attacks – often call for a swift response that presses against those constraints and checks. In the United States, the President has claimed the authority to do what’s necessary to secure and protect the American people. Can such claims be squared with a commitment to the Constitution?
In Overcoming Necessity: Emergency, Constraint, and the Meanings of American Constitutionalism (Yale 2021), Thomas Crocker argues for a conception of American constitutionalism that can address the need for government to respond to emergencies without losing its normative bearings.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>A core duty of government is keeping those it governs safe. However, in modern democratic states, government is structured by a Constitution, which establishes constraints and checks on the power of any one office. But emergencies – from natural disasters to terrorist attacks – often call for a swift response that presses against those constraints and checks. In the United States, the President has claimed the authority to do what’s <em>necessary </em>to secure and protect the American people. Can such claims be squared with a commitment to the Constitution?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300181616"><em>Overcoming Necessity: Emergency, Constraint, and the Meanings of American Constitutionalism</em></a> <em>(Yale 2021)</em>, <a href="https://sc.edu/study/colleges_schools/law/faculty_and_staff/directory/crocker_thomas.php">Thomas Crocker</a> argues for a conception of American constitutionalism that can address the need for government to respond to emergencies without losing its normative bearings.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3813</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jeffrey D. Broxmeyer, "Electoral Capitalism: The Party System in New York's Gilded Age" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Jeff Broxmeyer has written a fascinating and insightful book about the party system in New York during the Gilded Age, but this is really only the foundation of the analysis. Electoral Capitalism: The Party System in New York's Gilded Age (U Pennsylvania Press, 2020) unwraps the many layers that contribute to our understanding of the party system not only in New York during this period after the Civil War, but throughout much of American politics during this time. As Broxmeyer notes throughout the book, this concept of electoral capitalism organized the party system in Gilded Age New York—and helps us think about how struggles over unequal wealth, or wealth gaps, shape democracy in America and the evolution of the party system in the U.S.
Electoral Capitalism essentially examines these ideas from the top down and from the bottom up, spending the first half of the book examining the different political machines that became the power and wealth brokers in New York (William “Boss” Tweed and Tammany Hall, and Roscoe Conkling and the Stalwart machine), and the second half of the book exploring the “spoilsmen” and the individuals who were desperate for these very precarious positions that would possibly help them through a difficult economic situation or keep them from losing their homes. Broxmeyer focuses particular attention on the interweaving of wealth and power that came together in politics during this time, and that it is quite difficult, if not impossible, to disentangle wealth and power from each other and from politics during the Gilded Age. Electoral Capitalism braids together historical and cultural contexts to better understand American political parties and their development, the evolution of democracy in the United States, and the role of money and politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 28 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>496</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Jeffrey D. Broxmeyer</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jeff Broxmeyer has written a fascinating and insightful book about the party system in New York during the Gilded Age, but this is really only the foundation of the analysis. Electoral Capitalism: The Party System in New York's Gilded Age (U Pennsylvania Press, 2020) unwraps the many layers that contribute to our understanding of the party system not only in New York during this period after the Civil War, but throughout much of American politics during this time. As Broxmeyer notes throughout the book, this concept of electoral capitalism organized the party system in Gilded Age New York—and helps us think about how struggles over unequal wealth, or wealth gaps, shape democracy in America and the evolution of the party system in the U.S.
Electoral Capitalism essentially examines these ideas from the top down and from the bottom up, spending the first half of the book examining the different political machines that became the power and wealth brokers in New York (William “Boss” Tweed and Tammany Hall, and Roscoe Conkling and the Stalwart machine), and the second half of the book exploring the “spoilsmen” and the individuals who were desperate for these very precarious positions that would possibly help them through a difficult economic situation or keep them from losing their homes. Broxmeyer focuses particular attention on the interweaving of wealth and power that came together in politics during this time, and that it is quite difficult, if not impossible, to disentangle wealth and power from each other and from politics during the Gilded Age. Electoral Capitalism braids together historical and cultural contexts to better understand American political parties and their development, the evolution of democracy in the United States, and the role of money and politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Jeff Broxmeyer has written a fascinating and insightful book about the party system in New York during the Gilded Age, but this is really only the foundation of the analysis. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780812252361"><em>Electoral Capitalism: The Party System in New York's Gilded Age</em></a><em> </em>(U Pennsylvania Press, 2020) unwraps the many layers that contribute to our understanding of the party system not only in New York during this period after the Civil War, but throughout much of American politics during this time. As Broxmeyer notes throughout the book, this concept of electoral capitalism organized the party system in Gilded Age New York—and helps us think about how struggles over unequal wealth, or wealth gaps, shape democracy in America and the evolution of the party system in the U.S.</p><p><em>Electoral Capitalism </em>essentially examines these ideas from the top down and from the bottom up, spending the first half of the book examining the different political machines that became the power and wealth brokers in New York (William “Boss” Tweed and Tammany Hall, and Roscoe Conkling and the Stalwart machine), and the second half of the book exploring the “spoilsmen” and the individuals who were desperate for these very precarious positions that would possibly help them through a difficult economic situation or keep them from losing their homes. Broxmeyer focuses particular attention on the interweaving of wealth and power that came together in politics during this time, and that it is quite difficult, if not impossible, to disentangle wealth and power from each other and from politics during the Gilded Age. Electoral Capitalism braids together historical and cultural contexts to better understand American political parties and their development, the evolution of democracy in the United States, and the role of money and politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3262</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Matthew Rowley, "Trump and the Protestant Reaction to Make America Great Again" (Routledge, 2020)</title>
      <description>The relationship between American Protestant Evangelicals and the candidacy, presidency, and legacy of Donald Trump arrests the attention of journalists and pundits alike. But few have probed the implication that the rally cry "Make America Great Again" contains within it a certain historiographical claim. Protestant Christian leaders in America have responded in polarized ways to this slogan. In Trump and the Protestant Reaction to Make America Great Again (Routledge, 2021), Dr Matthew Rowley offers something of a study partisan historiography, exploring three different responses to the approach to history as suggested by Donald Trump. Some embrace the call to "Make America Great Again," others respond with a counter call to "Make America Lament," while still others prefer to "Make America Better." This accessible and timely study utilizes empathy as a means of understanding and critique, and contributes much needed perspective and balm for the current state of fracture within American religion and politics. 
Ryan David Shelton (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>120</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Matthew Rowley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The relationship between American Protestant Evangelicals and the candidacy, presidency, and legacy of Donald Trump arrests the attention of journalists and pundits alike. But few have probed the implication that the rally cry "Make America Great Again" contains within it a certain historiographical claim. Protestant Christian leaders in America have responded in polarized ways to this slogan. In Trump and the Protestant Reaction to Make America Great Again (Routledge, 2021), Dr Matthew Rowley offers something of a study partisan historiography, exploring three different responses to the approach to history as suggested by Donald Trump. Some embrace the call to "Make America Great Again," others respond with a counter call to "Make America Lament," while still others prefer to "Make America Better." This accessible and timely study utilizes empathy as a means of understanding and critique, and contributes much needed perspective and balm for the current state of fracture within American religion and politics. 
Ryan David Shelton (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The relationship between American Protestant Evangelicals and the candidacy, presidency, and legacy of Donald Trump arrests the attention of journalists and pundits alike. But few have probed the implication that the rally cry "Make America Great Again" contains within it a certain historiographical claim. Protestant Christian leaders in America have responded in polarized ways to this slogan. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780367676841"><em>Trump and the Protestant Reaction to Make America Great Again</em> </a>(Routledge, 2021), Dr Matthew Rowley offers something of a study partisan historiography, exploring three different responses to the approach to history as suggested by Donald Trump. Some embrace the call to "Make America Great Again," others respond with a counter call to "Make America Lament," while still others prefer to "Make America Better." This accessible and timely study utilizes empathy as a means of understanding and critique, and contributes much needed perspective and balm for the current state of fracture within American religion and politics. </p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ryandavidshelton/"><em>Ryan David Shelton</em></a><em> (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2768</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Dov H. Levin, "Meddling in the Ballot Box: The Causes and Effects of Partisan Electoral Interventions" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Journalists, politicians, scholars, and citizens often talk about election interference – for example, the interference of the Russians in the 2016 United States elections – as an aberration. But Dr. Dov H. Levin’s new book Meddling in the Ballot Box: The Causes and Effects of Partisan Electoral Interventions (Oxford UP, 2020) argues that they are a common form of intervention in the modern world, a “tool of great power politics” that are used by both liberal democratic and non-democratic great powers. Although work has been done in diplomatic history and intelligence studies, Levin claims that that electoral interventions have received very little attention from political scientists and he has created the first quantitative, book-length study treating partisan electoral interventions as a “discrete, stand-alone phenomenon.”
Levin (an assistant professor of international relations at the University of Hong Kong) aims to answer two important and relevant questions. First, when and where does such meddling occur? Second, what effects do meddling attempts have on the targeted election? Are they successful? Using a combination of methodological approaches – including multiple case studies, the creation of an original database, and multiple quantitative analyses -- Levin finds that interventions by great powers have significant impact in the desired direction in most cases when two concurrent conditions exist: the “great power perceives its interests as being greatly endangered by a significant candidate or party within the target” and another significant domestic actor within the country “wants or is willing to” collude with the intervention. Only when both of these conditions are present will partisan elector interventions occur.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>497</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Dov H. Levin</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Journalists, politicians, scholars, and citizens often talk about election interference – for example, the interference of the Russians in the 2016 United States elections – as an aberration. But Dr. Dov H. Levin’s new book Meddling in the Ballot Box: The Causes and Effects of Partisan Electoral Interventions (Oxford UP, 2020) argues that they are a common form of intervention in the modern world, a “tool of great power politics” that are used by both liberal democratic and non-democratic great powers. Although work has been done in diplomatic history and intelligence studies, Levin claims that that electoral interventions have received very little attention from political scientists and he has created the first quantitative, book-length study treating partisan electoral interventions as a “discrete, stand-alone phenomenon.”
Levin (an assistant professor of international relations at the University of Hong Kong) aims to answer two important and relevant questions. First, when and where does such meddling occur? Second, what effects do meddling attempts have on the targeted election? Are they successful? Using a combination of methodological approaches – including multiple case studies, the creation of an original database, and multiple quantitative analyses -- Levin finds that interventions by great powers have significant impact in the desired direction in most cases when two concurrent conditions exist: the “great power perceives its interests as being greatly endangered by a significant candidate or party within the target” and another significant domestic actor within the country “wants or is willing to” collude with the intervention. Only when both of these conditions are present will partisan elector interventions occur.
Susan Liebell is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Journalists, politicians, scholars, and citizens often talk about election interference – for example, the interference of the Russians in the 2016 United States elections – as an aberration. But <a href="https://www.dovhlevin.com/">Dr. Dov H. Levin</a>’s new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780197519899"><em>Meddling in the Ballot Box: The Causes and Effects of Partisan Electoral Interventions</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020) argues that they are a common form of intervention in the modern world, a “tool of great power politics” that are used by both liberal democratic and non-democratic great powers. Although work has been done in diplomatic history and intelligence studies, Levin claims that that electoral interventions have received very little attention from political scientists and he has created the first quantitative, book-length study treating partisan electoral interventions as a “discrete, stand-alone phenomenon.”</p><p>Levin (an assistant professor of international relations at the University of Hong Kong) aims to answer two important and relevant questions. First, <em>when and where does such meddling occur</em>? Second, <em>what effects do meddling attempts have on the targeted election</em>? Are they successful? Using a combination of methodological approaches – including multiple case studies, the creation of an original database, and multiple quantitative analyses -- Levin finds that interventions by great powers have significant impact in the desired direction in most cases when two <em>concurrent</em> conditions exist: the “great power perceives its interests as being greatly endangered by a significant candidate or party within the target” and another <em>significant</em> <em>domestic</em> actor within the country “wants or is willing to” collude with the intervention. Only when both of these conditions are present will partisan elector interventions occur.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is an associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3154</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel T. Rodgers, "As a City on a Hill: The Story of America's Most Famous Lay Sermon" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Since the presidency of Ronald Reagan, John Winthrop's famous phrase, "We shall be as a city upon a hill," has become political creed and rallying cry for American exceptionalism. But for over three centuries the text of Winthrop's "Model of Christian Charity" was largely forgotten in the American textual canon. In a charming book of textual history, the Henry Charles Lea Professor Emeritus at Princeton University, Daniel T. Rodgers, tells a fascinating tale with surprising twists and turns about how an obscure Puritan treatise became indispensable political rhetoric for late-twentieth-century American politics and into the new millennium. As a City on a Hill: The Story of America's Most Famous Lay Sermon (Princeton University Press, 2018) traces Winthrop's model from its seventeenth-century context, through centuries of neglect and forgetfulness, to its unlikely and meteoric rise as a foundational text of the American idea.
Ryan David Shelton (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>171</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Interview with Daniel T. Rodgers</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since the presidency of Ronald Reagan, John Winthrop's famous phrase, "We shall be as a city upon a hill," has become political creed and rallying cry for American exceptionalism. But for over three centuries the text of Winthrop's "Model of Christian Charity" was largely forgotten in the American textual canon. In a charming book of textual history, the Henry Charles Lea Professor Emeritus at Princeton University, Daniel T. Rodgers, tells a fascinating tale with surprising twists and turns about how an obscure Puritan treatise became indispensable political rhetoric for late-twentieth-century American politics and into the new millennium. As a City on a Hill: The Story of America's Most Famous Lay Sermon (Princeton University Press, 2018) traces Winthrop's model from its seventeenth-century context, through centuries of neglect and forgetfulness, to its unlikely and meteoric rise as a foundational text of the American idea.
Ryan David Shelton (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since the presidency of Ronald Reagan, John Winthrop's famous phrase, "We shall be as a city upon a hill," has become political creed and rallying cry for American exceptionalism. But for over three centuries the text of Winthrop's "Model of Christian Charity" was largely forgotten in the American textual canon. In a charming book of textual history, the Henry Charles Lea Professor Emeritus at Princeton University, Daniel T. Rodgers, tells a fascinating tale with surprising twists and turns about how an obscure Puritan treatise became indispensable political rhetoric for late-twentieth-century American politics and into the new millennium. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781594206733"><em>As a City on a Hill: The Story of America's Most Famous Lay Sermon</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2018) traces Winthrop's model from its seventeenth-century context, through centuries of neglect and forgetfulness, to its unlikely and meteoric rise as a foundational text of the American idea.</p><p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ryandavidshelton/"><em>Ryan David Shelton</em></a><em> (@ryoldfashioned) is a social historian of British and American Protestantism and a PhD researcher at Queen’s University Belfast.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2333</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ilya Shapiro, "Supreme Disorder: Judicial Nominations and the Politics of America's Highest Court" (Gateway, 2020)</title>
      <description>High drama at the high court. Grandstanding at Senate hearings. Distrust on all sides. Nominations made by presidents and ignored or voted down by the Senate or withdrawn due to scandal, calumny or nominee intellectual nullity or professional capacity issues. The personal character of nominees assailed. Questions asked of nominees; detailed answers politely refused. Cries of illegitimacy and calls for reform.
All of this and more is on offer in Ilya Shapiro’s 2020 book, Supreme Disorder: Judicial Nominations and the Politics of America's Highest Court (Gateway, 2020)
Everyone who cares about the law and the history and the future of the United States should read this book. It offers something to every sort of reader.
First, it is a serious work of scholarship that examines such questions as:
Is the Court, as progressives claim, really in some sort of crisis and merely a tool of a cabal involving the rather unlikely combination of corporate America and the supposedly evil religious right?
Or, as many on the right argue, has the legislative branch, for expediency’s sake and in a cowardly and self-serving fashion, abrogated its constitutional responsibilities, thereby ceding far too much power to both the administrative state and the courts?
Shapiro parses these questions with authority, weighing the pros and cons of the various reform measures of recent years with shrewdness, fairness and wit.
Second, for general readers it is an entertaining yet substantive tour of the American political and legal landscape since the Founding Era and abounds in fascinating facts (e.g., when the first public Senate hearings on a Supreme Court nominee were held, the first time such a nominee testified in person before the Senate, the first time such hearings were televised).
We learn about everything from the famous “Midnight Judges” to the fiascos of the nomination of Harriet Miers and those of Haysworth and Carswell. The book provides succinct profiles of such people that present them as distinct individuals and not as punchlines.
The book is perfectly timed given that it was published just before the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and the Senate hearings on the confirmation of now Justice Amy Coney Barrett.
This is the book to turn to in coming years for solid analysis as the left pushes for “reform” of not only the Supreme Court but the entire federal judiciary—which Shapiro also discusses in depth.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>116</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ilya Shapiro</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>High drama at the high court. Grandstanding at Senate hearings. Distrust on all sides. Nominations made by presidents and ignored or voted down by the Senate or withdrawn due to scandal, calumny or nominee intellectual nullity or professional capacity issues. The personal character of nominees assailed. Questions asked of nominees; detailed answers politely refused. Cries of illegitimacy and calls for reform.
All of this and more is on offer in Ilya Shapiro’s 2020 book, Supreme Disorder: Judicial Nominations and the Politics of America's Highest Court (Gateway, 2020)
Everyone who cares about the law and the history and the future of the United States should read this book. It offers something to every sort of reader.
First, it is a serious work of scholarship that examines such questions as:
Is the Court, as progressives claim, really in some sort of crisis and merely a tool of a cabal involving the rather unlikely combination of corporate America and the supposedly evil religious right?
Or, as many on the right argue, has the legislative branch, for expediency’s sake and in a cowardly and self-serving fashion, abrogated its constitutional responsibilities, thereby ceding far too much power to both the administrative state and the courts?
Shapiro parses these questions with authority, weighing the pros and cons of the various reform measures of recent years with shrewdness, fairness and wit.
Second, for general readers it is an entertaining yet substantive tour of the American political and legal landscape since the Founding Era and abounds in fascinating facts (e.g., when the first public Senate hearings on a Supreme Court nominee were held, the first time such a nominee testified in person before the Senate, the first time such hearings were televised).
We learn about everything from the famous “Midnight Judges” to the fiascos of the nomination of Harriet Miers and those of Haysworth and Carswell. The book provides succinct profiles of such people that present them as distinct individuals and not as punchlines.
The book is perfectly timed given that it was published just before the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and the Senate hearings on the confirmation of now Justice Amy Coney Barrett.
This is the book to turn to in coming years for solid analysis as the left pushes for “reform” of not only the Supreme Court but the entire federal judiciary—which Shapiro also discusses in depth.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>High drama at the high court. Grandstanding at Senate hearings. Distrust on all sides. Nominations made by presidents and ignored or voted down by the Senate or withdrawn due to scandal, calumny or nominee intellectual nullity or professional capacity issues. The personal character of nominees assailed. Questions asked of nominees; detailed answers politely refused. Cries of illegitimacy and calls for reform.</p><p>All of this and more is on offer in Ilya Shapiro’s 2020 book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/admin/entries/episodes/Supreme%20Disorder:%20Judicial%20Nominations%20and%20the%20Politics%20of%20America's%20Highest%20Court"><em>Supreme Disorder: Judicial Nominations and the Politics of America's Highest Court</em></a> (Gateway, 2020)</p><p>Everyone who cares about the law and the history and the future of the United States should read this book. It offers something to every sort of reader.</p><p>First, it is a serious work of scholarship that examines such questions as:</p><p>Is the Court, as progressives claim, really in some sort of crisis and merely a tool of a cabal involving the rather unlikely combination of corporate America and the supposedly evil religious right?</p><p>Or, as many on the right argue, has the legislative branch, for expediency’s sake and in a cowardly and self-serving fashion, abrogated its constitutional responsibilities, thereby ceding far too much power to both the administrative state and the courts?</p><p>Shapiro parses these questions with authority, weighing the pros and cons of the various reform measures of recent years with shrewdness, fairness and wit.</p><p>Second, for general readers it is an entertaining yet substantive tour of the American political and legal landscape since the Founding Era and abounds in fascinating facts (e.g., when the first public Senate hearings on a Supreme Court nominee were held, the first time such a nominee testified in person before the Senate, the first time such hearings were televised).</p><p>We learn about everything from the famous “Midnight Judges” to the fiascos of the nomination of Harriet Miers and those of Haysworth and Carswell. The book provides succinct profiles of such people that present them as distinct individuals and not as punchlines.</p><p>The book is perfectly timed given that it was published just before the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and the Senate hearings on the confirmation of now Justice Amy Coney Barrett.</p><p>This is the book to turn to in coming years for solid analysis as the left pushes for “reform” of not only the Supreme Court but the entire federal judiciary—which Shapiro also discusses in depth.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5600</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Arie Perliger, "American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism" (Columbia UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.
In American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger (Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, American Zealots is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 06 Jan 2021 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>73</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Arie Perliger</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.
In American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger (Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, American Zealots is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In an unsettling time in American history, the outbreak of right-wing violence is among the most disturbing developments. In recent years, attacks originating from the far right of American politics have targeted religious and ethnic minorities, with a series of antigovernment militants, religious extremists, and lone-wolf mass shooters inspired by right-wing ideologies. The need to understand the nature and danger of far-right violence is greater than ever.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780231167116"><em>American Zealots: Inside Right-Wing Domestic Terrorism by Arie Perliger</em></a><em> </em>(Columbia University Press, 2020), Arie Perliger provides a wide-ranging and rigorously researched overview of right-wing domestic terrorism. He analyzes its historical roots, characteristics, tactics, rhetoric, and organization, assessing the current and future trajectory of the use of violence by the far right. Perliger draws on a comprehensive dataset of more than 5,000 attacks and their perpetrators from 1990 through 2017 in order to explore key trends in American right-wing terrorism. He describes the entire ideological spectrum of the American far right, including today’s white supremacists, antigovernment groups, and antiabortion fundamentalists, as well as the histories of the KKK, skinheads, and neo-Nazis. Based on these findings, Perliger suggests counterterrorism policies that can respond effectively to the far-right threat. A groundbreaking examination of violence spawned from right-wing ideologies, <em>American Zealots</em> is essential reading for everyone seeking to understand the transformation of domestic terrorism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>K. A. Young and M. Schwartz, "Levers of Power: How the 1% Rules and What the 99% Can Do About It" (Verso, 2020)</title>
      <description>It is often assumed that American politics is dominated by financial elites and the 1%, who use their massive wealth to gain power and influence, pushing for legislation that benefits them at the expense of everyone else. The actual mechanics of how this works, however, are often difficult to see and understand, obscured by distortion via the media, politicians, and the stories we often tell ourselves about how political change happens. These narratives often tell us about noble figures who come forward with powerful speeches and pieces of legislation that pushes us forward, as well as figures who sell out and cave to the powers that be. What these narratives often leave out is the broader context that those leaders were in the middle of, not only shaping but being shaped by the organizing that was happening around them. 
Filling in this gap are my guests today, Kevin Young and Michael Schwartz (cowriter Tarun Banerjee was unable to join us), here to discuss their book Levers of Power: How the 1% Rules and What the 99% Can Do About It (Verso, 2020). A work of political theory, sociology and history, this book covers a lot of different areas, but underlying it all is a belief in the importance of mass organizing to resist the power of capital. The first half of the book delivers an insightful and critical look at the Obama presidency, looking at his failures and limitations when it came to healthcare reform, Wall Street regulation and environmental protection, looking to understand the underlying mechanics of his political orientation and how they were insufficient for the tasks at hand. The later chapters of the book then look at various political successes, such as the labor movements during the depression of the 1930's and the struggles for civil rights in the 1960's, analyzing the ways massive organizing efforts were made to apply political and financial pressure and force capital to the bargaining table.
Written with a brilliant combination of academic rigor and accessibility, this is a how-to guide for how to organize movements and challenge power, and will be of interest not just to people who want to understand the world, but who want to change it as well.
Kevin Young is an assistant professor of history at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and is also the author of Blood of the Earth: Resource Nationalism, Revolution, and Empire in Bolivia (2017). Michael Schwartz is a distinguished professor emeritus of sociology at Stony Brook University, and is also the author of The War Without End: The Iraq War in Context (2008). Tarun Banerjee is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Pittsburgh.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>112</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kevin Young and Michael Schwartz</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It is often assumed that American politics is dominated by financial elites and the 1%, who use their massive wealth to gain power and influence, pushing for legislation that benefits them at the expense of everyone else. The actual mechanics of how this works, however, are often difficult to see and understand, obscured by distortion via the media, politicians, and the stories we often tell ourselves about how political change happens. These narratives often tell us about noble figures who come forward with powerful speeches and pieces of legislation that pushes us forward, as well as figures who sell out and cave to the powers that be. What these narratives often leave out is the broader context that those leaders were in the middle of, not only shaping but being shaped by the organizing that was happening around them. 
Filling in this gap are my guests today, Kevin Young and Michael Schwartz (cowriter Tarun Banerjee was unable to join us), here to discuss their book Levers of Power: How the 1% Rules and What the 99% Can Do About It (Verso, 2020). A work of political theory, sociology and history, this book covers a lot of different areas, but underlying it all is a belief in the importance of mass organizing to resist the power of capital. The first half of the book delivers an insightful and critical look at the Obama presidency, looking at his failures and limitations when it came to healthcare reform, Wall Street regulation and environmental protection, looking to understand the underlying mechanics of his political orientation and how they were insufficient for the tasks at hand. The later chapters of the book then look at various political successes, such as the labor movements during the depression of the 1930's and the struggles for civil rights in the 1960's, analyzing the ways massive organizing efforts were made to apply political and financial pressure and force capital to the bargaining table.
Written with a brilliant combination of academic rigor and accessibility, this is a how-to guide for how to organize movements and challenge power, and will be of interest not just to people who want to understand the world, but who want to change it as well.
Kevin Young is an assistant professor of history at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and is also the author of Blood of the Earth: Resource Nationalism, Revolution, and Empire in Bolivia (2017). Michael Schwartz is a distinguished professor emeritus of sociology at Stony Brook University, and is also the author of The War Without End: The Iraq War in Context (2008). Tarun Banerjee is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Pittsburgh.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It is often assumed that American politics is dominated by financial elites and the 1%, who use their massive wealth to gain power and influence, pushing for legislation that benefits them at the expense of everyone else. The actual mechanics of how this works, however, are often difficult to see and understand, obscured by distortion via the media, politicians, and the stories we often tell ourselves about how political change happens. These narratives often tell us about noble figures who come forward with powerful speeches and pieces of legislation that pushes us forward, as well as figures who sell out and cave to the powers that be. What these narratives often leave out is the broader context that those leaders were in the middle of, not only shaping but being shaped by the organizing that was happening around them. </p><p>Filling in this gap are my guests today, Kevin Young and Michael Schwartz (cowriter Tarun Banerjee was unable to join us), here to discuss their book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781788730969"><em>Levers of Power: How the 1% Rules and What the 99% Can Do About It</em></a> (Verso, 2020). A work of political theory, sociology and history, this book covers a lot of different areas, but underlying it all is a belief in the importance of mass organizing to resist the power of capital. The first half of the book delivers an insightful and critical look at the Obama presidency, looking at his failures and limitations when it came to healthcare reform, Wall Street regulation and environmental protection, looking to understand the underlying mechanics of his political orientation and how they were insufficient for the tasks at hand. The later chapters of the book then look at various political successes, such as the labor movements during the depression of the 1930's and the struggles for civil rights in the 1960's, analyzing the ways massive organizing efforts were made to apply political and financial pressure and force capital to the bargaining table.</p><p>Written with a brilliant combination of academic rigor and accessibility, this is a how-to guide for how to organize movements and challenge power, and will be of interest not just to people who want to understand the world, but who want to change it as well.</p><p>Kevin Young is an assistant professor of history at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and is also the author of <em>Blood of the Earth: Resource Nationalism, Revolution, and Empire in Bolivia</em> (2017). Michael Schwartz is a distinguished professor emeritus of sociology at Stony Brook University, and is also the author of <em>The War Without End: The Iraq War in Context</em> (2008). Tarun Banerjee is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Pittsburgh.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>7702</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Simon J. Gilhooley, "The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding (Cambridge University Press, 2020) argues that conflicts over slavery and abolition in the early American Republic generated a mode of constitutional interpretation that remains powerful today: the belief that the historical spirit of founding holds authority over the current moment. Simon J. Gilhooley traces how debates around the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia gave rise to the articulation of this constitutional interpretation, which constrained the radical potential of the constitutional text. To reconstruct the origins of this interpretation, Gilhooley draws on rich sources that include historical newspapers, pamphlets, and congressional debates. Examining free black activism in the North, abolitionism in the 1830s, and the evolution of pro-slavery thought, this book shows how in navigating the existence of slavery in the District and the fundamental constitutional issue of the enslaved's personhood, antebellum opponents of abolition came to promote an enduring but constraining constitutional imaginary.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>880</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Simon J. Gilhooley</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding (Cambridge University Press, 2020) argues that conflicts over slavery and abolition in the early American Republic generated a mode of constitutional interpretation that remains powerful today: the belief that the historical spirit of founding holds authority over the current moment. Simon J. Gilhooley traces how debates around the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia gave rise to the articulation of this constitutional interpretation, which constrained the radical potential of the constitutional text. To reconstruct the origins of this interpretation, Gilhooley draws on rich sources that include historical newspapers, pamphlets, and congressional debates. Examining free black activism in the North, abolitionism in the 1830s, and the evolution of pro-slavery thought, this book shows how in navigating the existence of slavery in the District and the fundamental constitutional issue of the enslaved's personhood, antebellum opponents of abolition came to promote an enduring but constraining constitutional imaginary.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108496124"><em>The Antebellum Origins of the Modern Constitution: Slavery and the Spirit of the American Founding</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020) argues that conflicts over slavery and abolition in the early American Republic generated a mode of constitutional interpretation that remains powerful today: the belief that the historical spirit of founding holds authority over the current moment. <a href="http://www.simongilhooley.com/about">Simon J. Gilhooley</a> traces how debates around the existence of slavery in the District of Columbia gave rise to the articulation of this constitutional interpretation, which constrained the radical potential of the constitutional text. To reconstruct the origins of this interpretation, Gilhooley draws on rich sources that include historical newspapers, pamphlets, and congressional debates. Examining free black activism in the North, abolitionism in the 1830s, and the evolution of pro-slavery thought, this book shows how in navigating the existence of slavery in the District and the fundamental constitutional issue of the enslaved's personhood, antebellum opponents of abolition came to promote an enduring but constraining constitutional imaginary.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3890</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9551720994.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith, "After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency" (Lawfair Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith, two attorneys who have worked, respectively, in the Barack Obama and the George W. Bush Administrations, have written a blueprint of considerations to reform and revise aspects of the Executive Branch and the presidency. After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency (Lawfair Press, 2020) joins a number of recent books—among them Susan Hennessey and Benjamin Wittes’ Unmaking the Presidency, Stephen F. Knott’s The Lost Soul of the American Presidency, Lara M. Brown’s Amateur Hour—that assess the American Presidency, pointing out weaknesses in the structure of the office and the means to hold presidents accountable for their actions and decisions while in office. Bauer and Goldsmith come to their analysis from their perspectives and experiences working as attorneys at the highest levels of the Executive Branch and the presidency. They use these experiences to examine what they have seen transpire over the past four years of the Trump Administration, and the abuses of the office itself and aspects of the Executive Branch, particularly with regard to the Justice Department. This book looks at the institution of the presidency, while also exploring the way that Congress and the Courts work in relation to the Executive, providing a fairly comprehensive road map for reforms that can be done by a number of different political actors, including the next president.
After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency really is a map or blueprint, outlining particular problems or controversial behavior by President Donald Trump and members of the Administration and/or Executive Office of the President staff, examining previous examples of the same kind of problems or behaviors, and then offering proposals for reform or revision that would address the problems or behaviors. After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency is divided into three sections, each section has particular focal points with regard to the presidency. Part one of the book focuses specifically on the president and advances proposals that, in many cases, would institutionalize and legalize norms that had been in place and adhered to by previous presidents, but not by President Trump. The second section, which is quite extensive, spotlights the relationship between the president and the Department of Justice. This part of the book proposes reforms that aim to keep the Justice Department independent of presidential interference and allows the Department to function and use its extraordinary tools and law enforcement capacities in a way that is free from corruption or inappropriate influence. The third part of the book is also the most difficult part in terms of reforms, since this section of the book treads into the area of presidential power that is long standing, and historically the realm of the Executive in the constitutional system. Bauer and Goldsmith note that they are committed to the idea of a powerful president, in line with Alexander Hamilton’s argument for an energetic executive in Federalist #70. But they also note that the president needs to be constitutionally accountable, thus their book aims at reforms that will institutionalize some of the guardrails that would contribute to more accountability without weakening the president or the presidency.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award-winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 24 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>490</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith, two attorneys who have worked, respectively, in the Barack Obama and the George W. Bush Administrations, have written a blueprint of considerations to reform and revise aspects of the Executive Branch and the presidency. After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency (Lawfair Press, 2020) joins a number of recent books—among them Susan Hennessey and Benjamin Wittes’ Unmaking the Presidency, Stephen F. Knott’s The Lost Soul of the American Presidency, Lara M. Brown’s Amateur Hour—that assess the American Presidency, pointing out weaknesses in the structure of the office and the means to hold presidents accountable for their actions and decisions while in office. Bauer and Goldsmith come to their analysis from their perspectives and experiences working as attorneys at the highest levels of the Executive Branch and the presidency. They use these experiences to examine what they have seen transpire over the past four years of the Trump Administration, and the abuses of the office itself and aspects of the Executive Branch, particularly with regard to the Justice Department. This book looks at the institution of the presidency, while also exploring the way that Congress and the Courts work in relation to the Executive, providing a fairly comprehensive road map for reforms that can be done by a number of different political actors, including the next president.
After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency really is a map or blueprint, outlining particular problems or controversial behavior by President Donald Trump and members of the Administration and/or Executive Office of the President staff, examining previous examples of the same kind of problems or behaviors, and then offering proposals for reform or revision that would address the problems or behaviors. After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency is divided into three sections, each section has particular focal points with regard to the presidency. Part one of the book focuses specifically on the president and advances proposals that, in many cases, would institutionalize and legalize norms that had been in place and adhered to by previous presidents, but not by President Trump. The second section, which is quite extensive, spotlights the relationship between the president and the Department of Justice. This part of the book proposes reforms that aim to keep the Justice Department independent of presidential interference and allows the Department to function and use its extraordinary tools and law enforcement capacities in a way that is free from corruption or inappropriate influence. The third part of the book is also the most difficult part in terms of reforms, since this section of the book treads into the area of presidential power that is long standing, and historically the realm of the Executive in the constitutional system. Bauer and Goldsmith note that they are committed to the idea of a powerful president, in line with Alexander Hamilton’s argument for an energetic executive in Federalist #70. But they also note that the president needs to be constitutionally accountable, thus their book aims at reforms that will institutionalize some of the guardrails that would contribute to more accountability without weakening the president or the presidency.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award-winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith, two attorneys who have worked, respectively, in the Barack Obama and the George W. Bush Administrations, have written a blueprint of considerations to reform and revise aspects of the Executive Branch and the presidency. <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781735480619"><em>After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency</em></a> (Lawfair Press, 2020) joins a number of recent books—among them Susan Hennessey and Benjamin Wittes’ <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/benjamin-wittes-unmaking-the-presidency-donald-trumps-war-on-the-worlds-most-powerful-office-fsg-2020"><em>Unmaking the Presidency</em></a><em>,</em> Stephen F. Knott’s <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/stephen-f-knott-the-lost-soul-of-the-american-presidency-up-of-kansas-2019"><em>The Lost Soul of the American Presidency</em></a>, Lara M. Brown’s <a href="https://www.routledge.com/Amateur-Hour-Presidential-Character-and-the-Question-of-Leadership/Brown/p/book/9780367468286"><em>Amateur Hour</em></a>—that assess the American Presidency, pointing out weaknesses in the structure of the office and the means to hold presidents accountable for their actions and decisions while in office. Bauer and Goldsmith come to their analysis from their perspectives and experiences working as attorneys at the highest levels of the Executive Branch and the presidency. They use these experiences to examine what they have seen transpire over the past four years of the Trump Administration, and the abuses of the office itself and aspects of the Executive Branch, particularly with regard to the Justice Department. This book looks at the institution of the presidency, while also exploring the way that Congress and the Courts work in relation to the Executive, providing a fairly comprehensive road map for reforms that can be done by a number of different political actors, including the next president.</p><p><em>After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency</em> really is a map or blueprint, outlining particular problems or controversial behavior by President Donald Trump and members of the Administration and/or Executive Office of the President staff, examining previous examples of the same kind of problems or behaviors, and then offering proposals for reform or revision that would address the problems or behaviors. <em>After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency</em> is divided into three sections, each section has particular focal points with regard to the presidency. Part one of the book focuses specifically on the president and advances proposals that, in many cases, would institutionalize and legalize norms that had been in place and adhered to by previous presidents, but not by President Trump. The second section, which is quite extensive, spotlights the relationship between the president and the Department of Justice. This part of the book proposes reforms that aim to keep the Justice Department independent of presidential interference and allows the Department to function and use its extraordinary tools and law enforcement capacities in a way that is free from corruption or inappropriate influence. The third part of the book is also the most difficult part in terms of reforms, since this section of the book treads into the area of presidential power that is long standing, and historically the realm of the Executive in the constitutional system. Bauer and Goldsmith note that they are committed to the idea of a powerful president, in line with Alexander Hamilton’s argument for an energetic executive in <em>Federalist #70</em>. But they also note that the president needs to be constitutionally accountable, thus their book aims at reforms that will institutionalize some of the guardrails that would contribute to more accountability without weakening the president or the presidency.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award-winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3440</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Steven W. Webster, "American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Today I talked to Steven W. Webster about his book American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics (Cambridge UP, 2020). We discuss the behavioral implications of anger in American politics, from increased intolerance, blame, and aggression, to an ever-deepening lack of trust in government’s efficacy. Among the topics addressed was the role of the media and internet in stoking anger, and how democratic norms are threatened by partisan taunting and the way anger invites narrow loyalty to party over country.
Steven W. Webster is an assistant professor of political science at Indiana University, Bloomington. His research and writings focus on the role of anger in American politics, including the growth of “negative partisanship” in our country, and the ever greater polarization separating Democrats and Republicans.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>33</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven W. Webster</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today I talked to Steven W. Webster about his book American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics (Cambridge UP, 2020). We discuss the behavioral implications of anger in American politics, from increased intolerance, blame, and aggression, to an ever-deepening lack of trust in government’s efficacy. Among the topics addressed was the role of the media and internet in stoking anger, and how democratic norms are threatened by partisan taunting and the way anger invites narrow loyalty to party over country.
Steven W. Webster is an assistant professor of political science at Indiana University, Bloomington. His research and writings focus on the role of anger in American politics, including the growth of “negative partisanship” in our country, and the ever greater polarization separating Democrats and Republicans.
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today I talked to Steven W. Webster about his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108811927"><em>American Rage: How Anger Shapes Our Politics</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020). We discuss the behavioral implications of anger in American politics, from increased intolerance, blame, and aggression, to an ever-deepening lack of trust in government’s efficacy. Among the topics addressed was the role of the media and internet in stoking anger, and how democratic norms are threatened by partisan taunting and the way anger invites narrow loyalty to party over country.</p><p>Steven W. Webster is an assistant professor of political science at Indiana University, Bloomington. His research and writings focus on the role of anger in American politics, including the growth of “negative partisanship” in our country, and the ever greater polarization separating Democrats and Republicans.</p><p>Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (<a href="https://www.sensorylogic.com/">https://www.sensorylogic.com</a>). To check out his related “Dan Hill’s EQ Spotlight” blog, visit <a href="https://emotionswizard.com/">https://emotionswizard.com</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1930</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[97942c12-c00a-11ec-a11e-af71ad1e5994]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8894039647.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Ian Ayres and Fredrick E. Vars, "Weapon of Choice: Fighting Gun Violence While Respecting Gun Rights" (Harvard UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In the United States, gun violence is in a state of national crisis, yet efforts to reform gun regulation face significant political and constitutional barriers. In this innovative book, Ian Ayres and Fredrick E. Vars put forward creative and practical solutions, proposing legislative reform which will reduce gun deaths.
Theirs is a libertarian 'bottom-up' approach which seeks to empower those most at risk by allowing individuals a choice to opt in to common-sense gun regulation for themselves. At the same time, the genius of Weapon of Choice: Fighting Gun Violence While Respecting Gun Rights (Harvard University Press, 2020) is that the proposals do not infringe the individual freedoms of gun ownership protected by the second amendment.
Ayres and Vars put forward practical solutions which, where adopted, will cause an immediate reduction in lives lost as a result of gun violence. Their work is empirically grounded and provides a roadmap for legislators and policy makers who wish to keep people safe by reducing gun deaths.
Ian Ayres is the William K. Townsend Professor of Law and Professor of Management at Yale University. He is the author of many books, including the New York Times bestseller Super Crunchers. He is a contributor to Forbes, NPR's Marketplace, and the New York Times.
Fredrick E. Vars is the Ira Drayton Pruitt, Sr., Professor of Law at the University of Alabama, where he specializes in mental health law. He works with numerous suicide-prevention organizations and is a member of the American Bar Association Standing Committee on Gun Violence.
Jane Richards is in the final stages of completing her doctoral thesis on the application of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to the insanity defence and its disposition orders at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>113</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Ayres and Vars put forward creative and practical solutions, proposing legislative reform which will reduce gun deaths....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, gun violence is in a state of national crisis, yet efforts to reform gun regulation face significant political and constitutional barriers. In this innovative book, Ian Ayres and Fredrick E. Vars put forward creative and practical solutions, proposing legislative reform which will reduce gun deaths.
Theirs is a libertarian 'bottom-up' approach which seeks to empower those most at risk by allowing individuals a choice to opt in to common-sense gun regulation for themselves. At the same time, the genius of Weapon of Choice: Fighting Gun Violence While Respecting Gun Rights (Harvard University Press, 2020) is that the proposals do not infringe the individual freedoms of gun ownership protected by the second amendment.
Ayres and Vars put forward practical solutions which, where adopted, will cause an immediate reduction in lives lost as a result of gun violence. Their work is empirically grounded and provides a roadmap for legislators and policy makers who wish to keep people safe by reducing gun deaths.
Ian Ayres is the William K. Townsend Professor of Law and Professor of Management at Yale University. He is the author of many books, including the New York Times bestseller Super Crunchers. He is a contributor to Forbes, NPR's Marketplace, and the New York Times.
Fredrick E. Vars is the Ira Drayton Pruitt, Sr., Professor of Law at the University of Alabama, where he specializes in mental health law. He works with numerous suicide-prevention organizations and is a member of the American Bar Association Standing Committee on Gun Violence.
Jane Richards is in the final stages of completing her doctoral thesis on the application of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to the insanity defence and its disposition orders at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, gun violence is in a state of national crisis, yet efforts to reform gun regulation face significant political and constitutional barriers. In this innovative book, <a href="https://law.yale.edu/ian-ayres">Ian Ayres</a> and <a href="https://www.law.ua.edu/directory/People/view/Fredrick_Vars">Fredrick E. Vars</a> put forward creative and practical solutions, proposing legislative reform which will reduce gun deaths.</p><p>Theirs is a libertarian 'bottom-up' approach which seeks to empower those most at risk by allowing individuals a choice to opt in to common-sense gun regulation for themselves. At the same time, the genius of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780674241091"><em>Weapon of Choice: Fighting Gun Violence While Respecting Gun Rights</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2020) is that the proposals do not infringe the individual freedoms of gun ownership protected by the second amendment.</p><p>Ayres and Vars put forward practical solutions which, where adopted, will cause an immediate reduction in lives lost as a result of gun violence. Their work is empirically grounded and provides a roadmap for legislators and policy makers who wish to keep people safe by reducing gun deaths.</p><p>Ian Ayres is the William K. Townsend Professor of Law and Professor of Management at Yale University. He is the author of many books, including the New York Times bestseller <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Super-Crunchers-Thinking-Numbers-Smart/dp/0553384732"><em>Super Crunchers</em></a>. He is a contributor to Forbes, NPR's Marketplace, and the New York Times.</p><p>Fredrick E. Vars is the Ira Drayton Pruitt, Sr., Professor of Law at the University of Alabama, where he specializes in mental health law. He works with numerous suicide-prevention organizations and is a member of the American Bar Association Standing Committee on Gun Violence.</p><p><em>Jane Richards is in the final stages of completing her doctoral thesis on the application of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities to the insanity defence and its disposition orders at the University of Hong Kong. You can find her on twitter where she follows all things related to human rights and Hong Kong politics @JaneRichardsHK</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3587</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Martha S. Jones, "Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All" (Basic Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>The epic history of African American women's pursuit of political power-and how it transformed America In the standard story, the suffrage crusade began in Seneca Falls in 1848 and ended with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. But this overwhelmingly white women's movement did not win the vote for most black women. Securing their rights required a movement of their own. In Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All (Basic Books, 2020), acclaimed historian Dr. Martha S. Jones offers a new history of African American women's political lives in America. She recounts how they defied both racism and sexism to fight for the ballot, and how they wielded political power to secure the equality and dignity of all persons. From the earliest days of the republic to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and beyond, Jones excavates the lives and work of black women-Maria Stewart, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Fannie Lou Hamer, and more-who were the vanguard of women's rights, calling on America to realize its best ideals.
Adam McNeil is a third year Ph.D. in History student at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>226</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Martha S. Jones</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The epic history of African American women's pursuit of political power-and how it transformed America In the standard story, the suffrage crusade began in Seneca Falls in 1848 and ended with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. But this overwhelmingly white women's movement did not win the vote for most black women. Securing their rights required a movement of their own. In Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All (Basic Books, 2020), acclaimed historian Dr. Martha S. Jones offers a new history of African American women's political lives in America. She recounts how they defied both racism and sexism to fight for the ballot, and how they wielded political power to secure the equality and dignity of all persons. From the earliest days of the republic to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and beyond, Jones excavates the lives and work of black women-Maria Stewart, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Fannie Lou Hamer, and more-who were the vanguard of women's rights, calling on America to realize its best ideals.
Adam McNeil is a third year Ph.D. in History student at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The epic history of African American women's pursuit of political power-and how it transformed America In the standard story, the suffrage crusade began in Seneca Falls in 1848 and ended with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. But this overwhelmingly white women's movement did not win the vote for most black women. Securing their rights required a movement of their own. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781541618619"><em>Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2020), acclaimed historian Dr. Martha S. Jones offers a new history of African American women's political lives in America. She recounts how they defied both racism and sexism to fight for the ballot, and how they wielded political power to secure the equality and dignity of all persons. From the earliest days of the republic to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act and beyond, Jones excavates the lives and work of black women-Maria Stewart, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, Fannie Lou Hamer, and more-who were the vanguard of women's rights, calling on America to realize its best ideals.</p><p><a href="https://history.rutgers.edu/people/graduate-students/grad-student/1155-mcneil-adam"><em>Adam McNeil</em></a><em> is a third year Ph.D. in History student at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3775</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Daniel S. Lucks, "Reconsidering Reagan: Racism, Republicans, and the Road to Trump" (Beacon Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Ronald Reagan is regarded today as one of the most consequential presidents of the postwar era, yet many aspects of his legacy are largely unappreciated. In Reconsidering Reagan: Racism, Republicans and the Road to Trump (Beacon Press, 2020), Daniel Lucks looks at Reagan’s approach to racial issues over the course of his political career and details how his policies on race impacted Black and Hispanic populations in the United States. Though he was raised in a racially tolerant household, as he embraced conservatism in the 1950s and 1960s Reagan echoed much of the rhetoric of the opponents of the civil rights movement that was then transforming the country. When Reagan ran for political office in the mid-1960s he benefited politically from the white backlash against racial unrest and often took public stances on controversial issues that aligned with their views. While undoing the civil rights revolution was not a priority of his as president, Reagan nonetheless presided over an administration whose policies challenged many of its achievements, culminating in a racially-focused “war on drugs” that contributed to the problems facing African Americans down to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>193</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Lucks looks at Reagan’s approach to racial issues over the course of his political career...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ronald Reagan is regarded today as one of the most consequential presidents of the postwar era, yet many aspects of his legacy are largely unappreciated. In Reconsidering Reagan: Racism, Republicans and the Road to Trump (Beacon Press, 2020), Daniel Lucks looks at Reagan’s approach to racial issues over the course of his political career and details how his policies on race impacted Black and Hispanic populations in the United States. Though he was raised in a racially tolerant household, as he embraced conservatism in the 1950s and 1960s Reagan echoed much of the rhetoric of the opponents of the civil rights movement that was then transforming the country. When Reagan ran for political office in the mid-1960s he benefited politically from the white backlash against racial unrest and often took public stances on controversial issues that aligned with their views. While undoing the civil rights revolution was not a priority of his as president, Reagan nonetheless presided over an administration whose policies challenged many of its achievements, culminating in a racially-focused “war on drugs” that contributed to the problems facing African Americans down to the present day.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ronald Reagan is regarded today as one of the most consequential presidents of the postwar era, yet many aspects of his legacy are largely unappreciated. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780807029572"><em>Reconsidering Reagan: Racism, Republicans and the Road to Trump</em></a> (Beacon Press, 2020), Daniel Lucks looks at Reagan’s approach to racial issues over the course of his political career and details how his policies on race impacted Black and Hispanic populations in the United States. Though he was raised in a racially tolerant household, as he embraced conservatism in the 1950s and 1960s Reagan echoed much of the rhetoric of the opponents of the civil rights movement that was then transforming the country. When Reagan ran for political office in the mid-1960s he benefited politically from the white backlash against racial unrest and often took public stances on controversial issues that aligned with their views. While undoing the civil rights revolution was not a priority of his as president, Reagan nonetheless presided over an administration whose policies challenged many of its achievements, culminating in a racially-focused “war on drugs” that contributed to the problems facing African Americans down to the present day.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2379</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6944662012.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nazita Lajevardi, "Outsiders at Home: The Politics of American Islamophobia" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>What is the status of Muslim Americans in American democracy? Dr. Nazita Lajevardi’s superb new study concludes they are ‘outsiders at home.’
In Outsiders at Homes: The Politics of American Islamophobia published by Cambridge University Press in 2020, Dr. Lajevardi uses a combination of quantitative methods – including survey experiments, field experiments, and textual analysis of media transcripts – to find that the citizenship and inclusion of American Muslims is inhibited because Muslim Americans are viewed negatively by the public, portrayed negatively by the media, and treated negatively by political elites. The book portrays Muslim American citizenship as grudgingly bestowed and remarkably insecure – and highlights the extent to which American Muslims are aware of their exclusion and precarity and how that awareness affects their political behavior.
Dr. Nazita Lajevardi is an attorney and assistant professor of political science at Michigan State University. Her research has been featured in The Atlantic, New York Times, Washington Post, Vox, and the Huffington Post. The book combines sophisticated quantitative methods with forceful prose accessible to all.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Her Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and her “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>486</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Nazita Lajevardi</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is the status of Muslim Americans in American democracy? Dr. Nazita Lajevardi’s superb new study concludes they are ‘outsiders at home.’
In Outsiders at Homes: The Politics of American Islamophobia published by Cambridge University Press in 2020, Dr. Lajevardi uses a combination of quantitative methods – including survey experiments, field experiments, and textual analysis of media transcripts – to find that the citizenship and inclusion of American Muslims is inhibited because Muslim Americans are viewed negatively by the public, portrayed negatively by the media, and treated negatively by political elites. The book portrays Muslim American citizenship as grudgingly bestowed and remarkably insecure – and highlights the extent to which American Muslims are aware of their exclusion and precarity and how that awareness affects their political behavior.
Dr. Nazita Lajevardi is an attorney and assistant professor of political science at Michigan State University. Her research has been featured in The Atlantic, New York Times, Washington Post, Vox, and the Huffington Post. The book combines sophisticated quantitative methods with forceful prose accessible to all.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Her Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and her “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is the status of Muslim Americans in American democracy? Dr. Nazita Lajevardi’s superb new study concludes they are ‘outsiders at home.’</p><p>In <em>Outsiders at Homes: The Politics of American Islamophobia</em> published by Cambridge University Press in 2020, Dr. Lajevardi uses a combination of quantitative methods – including survey experiments, field experiments, and textual analysis of media transcripts – to find that the citizenship and inclusion of American Muslims is inhibited because Muslim Americans are viewed negatively by the public, portrayed negatively by the media, and treated negatively by political elites. The book portrays Muslim American citizenship as grudgingly bestowed and remarkably insecure – and highlights the extent to which American Muslims are <em>aware</em> of their exclusion and precarity and how that awareness affects their political behavior.</p><p>Dr. Nazita Lajevardi is an attorney and assistant professor of political science at Michigan State University. Her research has been featured in <em>The Atlantic, New York Times, Washington Post, Vox, and the Huffington Post. </em>The book combines sophisticated quantitative methods with forceful prose accessible to all.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. Her </em><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2020/10/21/why-even-diehard-originalists-arent-really-originalists/"><em>Why Diehard Originalists Aren’t Really Originalists</em></a><em> recently appeared in the Washington Post’s Monkey Cage and her </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” was published in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3218</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Stacie Taranto and Leandra Zarnow, "Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920 (Johns Hopkins UP, 2020) is a wonderful and sweeping exploration of the way that women and their access to the ballot have contributed to politics and life in the United States for the past century. Editors Stacie Taranto, professor of history at Ramapo College in New Jersey, and Leandra Zarnow, professor of history at the University of Houston, have compiled a broad and deep group of contributing authors, all of whom have written chapters that examine women, politics, power, activism, and citizenship in the United States. This is an intersectional history of American feminism and an analysis of women in politics and as citizens. The book is split into three sections, that follow the historical contours of social movements and political engagement, starting with the period before the 19th Amendment but spanning the period of suffrage through post-World War II America. The next section of the book pays close attention to the wave of advocacy and activism from the 1960s through the 1980s. The final section of the book focuses on more contemporary history and politics, examining the period that straddles the new century, from the 1990s up to the Trump era. By centering biography in many of these chapters, the authors and editors explore political history through those who actively participated in politics.
Taranto and Zarnow have assembled a book that looks at where women have been, in terms of achieving voting power, to where women have moved, as citizens and in elected and appointed office, in terms of acquiring and using political power. The full sweep of the book weaves together women’s history and political history, moving away from thinking about politics through the lens of constitutionally regulated election cycles, especially presidential election cycles, and instead focuses on engagement with politics, activism, and policy change. The editors set up the framework for the broader analysis and research in the book, examining the ways that citizenship and power are gendered male in the United States, and how this constructed perspective and expectation has impacted women, especially as they were granted more of the rights of citizenship. These constraints also affected different women in different ways, benefiting white women, while excluding black women, Asian women, and others until later in the century. At the same time, the role and impact of republican motherhood is also examined within the pages of Suffrage at 100. In this anniversary year, Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920 is a great companion to Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder’s A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections since Suffrage (Cambridge University Press, 2020), which concentrates specifically on the role that women have played as voters in American elections over the past century. Suffrage at 100 takes the same sweep of time, with a similar focus on women, but in this case, the thrust is biographical, in examining particular women who engaged in politics over the course of the last century, and historical, centering women as political actors within the scope of social and political history.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>485</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Stacie Taranto and Leandra Zarnow</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920 (Johns Hopkins UP, 2020) is a wonderful and sweeping exploration of the way that women and their access to the ballot have contributed to politics and life in the United States for the past century. Editors Stacie Taranto, professor of history at Ramapo College in New Jersey, and Leandra Zarnow, professor of history at the University of Houston, have compiled a broad and deep group of contributing authors, all of whom have written chapters that examine women, politics, power, activism, and citizenship in the United States. This is an intersectional history of American feminism and an analysis of women in politics and as citizens. The book is split into three sections, that follow the historical contours of social movements and political engagement, starting with the period before the 19th Amendment but spanning the period of suffrage through post-World War II America. The next section of the book pays close attention to the wave of advocacy and activism from the 1960s through the 1980s. The final section of the book focuses on more contemporary history and politics, examining the period that straddles the new century, from the 1990s up to the Trump era. By centering biography in many of these chapters, the authors and editors explore political history through those who actively participated in politics.
Taranto and Zarnow have assembled a book that looks at where women have been, in terms of achieving voting power, to where women have moved, as citizens and in elected and appointed office, in terms of acquiring and using political power. The full sweep of the book weaves together women’s history and political history, moving away from thinking about politics through the lens of constitutionally regulated election cycles, especially presidential election cycles, and instead focuses on engagement with politics, activism, and policy change. The editors set up the framework for the broader analysis and research in the book, examining the ways that citizenship and power are gendered male in the United States, and how this constructed perspective and expectation has impacted women, especially as they were granted more of the rights of citizenship. These constraints also affected different women in different ways, benefiting white women, while excluding black women, Asian women, and others until later in the century. At the same time, the role and impact of republican motherhood is also examined within the pages of Suffrage at 100. In this anniversary year, Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920 is a great companion to Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder’s A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections since Suffrage (Cambridge University Press, 2020), which concentrates specifically on the role that women have played as voters in American elections over the past century. Suffrage at 100 takes the same sweep of time, with a similar focus on women, but in this case, the thrust is biographical, in examining particular women who engaged in politics over the course of the last century, and historical, centering women as political actors within the scope of social and political history.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781421438689"><em>Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920</em></a> (Johns Hopkins UP, 2020) is a wonderful and sweeping exploration of the way that women and their access to the ballot have contributed to politics and life in the United States for the past century. Editors Stacie Taranto, professor of history at Ramapo College in New Jersey, and Leandra Zarnow, professor of history at the University of Houston, have compiled a broad and deep group of contributing authors, all of whom have written chapters that examine women, politics, power, activism, and citizenship in the United States. This is an intersectional history of American feminism and an analysis of women in politics and as citizens. The book is split into three sections, that follow the historical contours of social movements and political engagement, starting with the period before the 19th Amendment but spanning the period of suffrage through post-World War II America. The next section of the book pays close attention to the wave of advocacy and activism from the 1960s through the 1980s. The final section of the book focuses on more contemporary history and politics, examining the period that straddles the new century, from the 1990s up to the Trump era. By centering biography in many of these chapters, the authors and editors explore political history through those who actively participated in politics.</p><p>Taranto and Zarnow have assembled a book that looks at where women have been, in terms of achieving voting power, to where women have moved, as citizens and in elected and appointed office, in terms of acquiring and using political power. The full sweep of the book weaves together women’s history and political history, moving away from thinking about politics through the lens of constitutionally regulated election cycles, especially presidential election cycles, and instead focuses on engagement with politics, activism, and policy change. The editors set up the framework for the broader analysis and research in the book, examining the ways that citizenship and power are gendered male in the United States, and how this constructed perspective and expectation has impacted women, especially as they were granted more of the rights of citizenship. These constraints also affected different women in different ways, benefiting white women, while excluding black women, Asian women, and others until later in the century. At the same time, the role and impact of republican motherhood is also examined within the pages of <em>Suffrage at 100</em>. In this anniversary year, <em>Suffrage at 100: Women in American Politics since 1920</em> is a great companion to Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder’s <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/politics-international-relations/american-government-politics-and-policy/century-votes-women-american-elections-suffrage?format=PB"><em>A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections since Suffrage</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020), which concentrates specifically on the role that women have played as voters in American elections over the past century. <em>Suffrage at 100</em> takes the same sweep of time, with a similar focus on women, but in this case, the thrust is biographical, in examining particular women who engaged in politics over the course of the last century, and historical, centering women as political actors within the scope of social and political history.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3386</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael Brenes, "For Might and Right: Cold War Defense Spending and the Remaking of American Democracy" (U Massachusetts Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Donald Trump campaigned on a great many things in 2016, but one of the issues he used to criticize Democrats was their role in supporting sequestration and cuts to the military budget. While partisan rhetoric about the country being unsafe or the military being underfunded plays well, it obscures an important reality about the relative size of U.S. military funding. The United State spends more than the next ten leading countries combined. The Democratic Party, while often criticized as soft on defense, generally supports high military spending. This seems to contradict many statements made by politicians, and it also confounds expectations about where one might expect the Democrats’ priorities to lay. How did it get to be this way, with Democrats and Republicans supporting high military spending?
Michael Brenes’ For Might and Right: Cold War Defense Spending and the Remaking of American Democracy explains this contradictory history. Brenes argues that after the beginning of the Cold War, defense spending became an important part of the federal social safety net, winning over adherents from both parties who sought guaranteed employment. This blurred lines between Republicans and Democrats, instead creating a “Cold War Coalition” that was propped up by anticommunists and liberals. While occasionally challenged by progressives and the left or by libertarian-minded conservatives, this coalition has persisted to the present and explains why bipartisan support for the military-industrial complex remains so strong.
Zeb Larson is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>859</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Brenes argues that after the beginning of the Cold War, defense spending became an important part of the federal social safety net...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Donald Trump campaigned on a great many things in 2016, but one of the issues he used to criticize Democrats was their role in supporting sequestration and cuts to the military budget. While partisan rhetoric about the country being unsafe or the military being underfunded plays well, it obscures an important reality about the relative size of U.S. military funding. The United State spends more than the next ten leading countries combined. The Democratic Party, while often criticized as soft on defense, generally supports high military spending. This seems to contradict many statements made by politicians, and it also confounds expectations about where one might expect the Democrats’ priorities to lay. How did it get to be this way, with Democrats and Republicans supporting high military spending?
Michael Brenes’ For Might and Right: Cold War Defense Spending and the Remaking of American Democracy explains this contradictory history. Brenes argues that after the beginning of the Cold War, defense spending became an important part of the federal social safety net, winning over adherents from both parties who sought guaranteed employment. This blurred lines between Republicans and Democrats, instead creating a “Cold War Coalition” that was propped up by anticommunists and liberals. While occasionally challenged by progressives and the left or by libertarian-minded conservatives, this coalition has persisted to the present and explains why bipartisan support for the military-industrial complex remains so strong.
Zeb Larson is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Donald Trump campaigned on a great many things in 2016, but one of the issues he used to criticize Democrats was their role in supporting sequestration and cuts to the military budget. While partisan rhetoric about the country being unsafe or the military being underfunded plays well, it obscures an important reality about the relative size of U.S. military funding. The United State spends more than the next ten leading countries combined. The Democratic Party, while often criticized as soft on defense, generally supports high military spending. This seems to contradict many statements made by politicians, and it also confounds expectations about where one might expect the Democrats’ priorities to lay. How did it get to be this way, with Democrats and Republicans supporting high military spending?</p><p>Michael Brenes’ <em>For Might and Right: Cold War Defense Spending and the Remaking of American Democracy</em> explains this contradictory history. Brenes argues that after the beginning of the Cold War, defense spending became an important part of the federal social safety net, winning over adherents from both parties who sought guaranteed employment. This blurred lines between Republicans and Democrats, instead creating a “Cold War Coalition” that was propped up by anticommunists and liberals. While occasionally challenged by progressives and the left or by libertarian-minded conservatives, this coalition has persisted to the present and explains why bipartisan support for the military-industrial complex remains so strong.</p><p><em>Zeb Larson is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3849</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Charles A. Kupchan, "Isolationism: A History of America's Efforts to Shield Itself from the World" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In the past few years isolationism, which had long been derided in the national discourse, has been making a comeback as a political force. In Isolationism: A History of America’s Efforts to Shield Itself from the World (Oxford University Press, 2020), Charles A. Kupchan traces the history of the concept in American politics and considers its future influence on American foreign policy. As he demonstrates, isolationism was long dominant in shaping American foreign policy, as for decades political leaders heeded George Washington’s advice to steer clear of entangling alliances. By the end of the 19th century, however, America’s growing engagement with the world sparked policy shifts as various forms of internationalism were introduced. Though isolationism remained a powerful influence on foreign policy, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 publicly discredited isolationism for millions of Americans, paving the way for the adoption of Franklin Roosevelt’s approach of “liberal internationalism.” While this remained the consensus approach through the Cold War, Kupchan shows how the post-Cold War overreach of American foreign policy offered new life to isolationist concepts, giving it a renewed influence shaping America’s relationship with the world.
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      <pubDate>Tue, 01 Dec 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>858</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the past few years isolationism, which had long been derided in the national discourse, has been making a comeback as a political force...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the past few years isolationism, which had long been derided in the national discourse, has been making a comeback as a political force. In Isolationism: A History of America’s Efforts to Shield Itself from the World (Oxford University Press, 2020), Charles A. Kupchan traces the history of the concept in American politics and considers its future influence on American foreign policy. As he demonstrates, isolationism was long dominant in shaping American foreign policy, as for decades political leaders heeded George Washington’s advice to steer clear of entangling alliances. By the end of the 19th century, however, America’s growing engagement with the world sparked policy shifts as various forms of internationalism were introduced. Though isolationism remained a powerful influence on foreign policy, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 publicly discredited isolationism for millions of Americans, paving the way for the adoption of Franklin Roosevelt’s approach of “liberal internationalism.” While this remained the consensus approach through the Cold War, Kupchan shows how the post-Cold War overreach of American foreign policy offered new life to isolationist concepts, giving it a renewed influence shaping America’s relationship with the world.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the past few years isolationism, which had long been derided in the national discourse, has been making a comeback as a political force. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780199393022"><em>Isolationism: A History of America’s Efforts to Shield Itself from the World</em> </a>(Oxford University Press, 2020), Charles A. Kupchan traces the history of the concept in American politics and considers its future influence on American foreign policy. As he demonstrates, isolationism was long dominant in shaping American foreign policy, as for decades political leaders heeded George Washington’s advice to steer clear of entangling alliances. By the end of the 19th century, however, America’s growing engagement with the world sparked policy shifts as various forms of internationalism were introduced. Though isolationism remained a powerful influence on foreign policy, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 publicly discredited isolationism for millions of Americans, paving the way for the adoption of Franklin Roosevelt’s approach of “liberal internationalism.” While this remained the consensus approach through the Cold War, Kupchan shows how the post-Cold War overreach of American foreign policy offered new life to isolationist concepts, giving it a renewed influence shaping America’s relationship with the world.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2868</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jill Watts, "The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt" (Grove Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>When did Black Americans move from stalwart party of Lincoln Republicans to dedicated New Deal Democrats? How did a group of self-organized Black economists, lawyers, sociologists, and journalists call out inequality in the New Deal and push President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to consider the relief of Black Americans? Dr. Jill Watt’s The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt (Grove Press, 2020) traces the origins of a group of self-organized Black men led by a remarkable Black woman to answer these questions and help readers reflect on parties, policy, data, and diversity in American politics.
The book is divided into three periods – tracing two versions of the Black Cabinet.
Early in the century, a group of African-American office holders who had come to Washington, DC as appointees of President Theodore (Teddy) Roosevelt) began meeting regularly for “talkfests” at an upscale black-owned DC restaurant. When they started meeting in 1908, most Black Americans lived in the South: disenfranchised and denied equal access to the criminal justice system. Despite the power and violence of White supremacy, a group of highly educated men had secured positions in the federal government. They included Ralph W. Tyler (auditor of the Department of the Navy), James A. Cobb (special assistant to Washington, DC’s district attorney); Robert H. Terrell, Washington’s first Black judge), John C. Dancy (DC’s recorder of deeds), Calvin Chase (newspaper editor), and Kelly Miller (Howard University professor. As men who had come of age during Reconstruction, they were Republicans who associated Democrats with blocking access to the polls and vigilante groups like the Ku Klux Klan. Although Republicans abandoned Black voters and Reconstruction, President Rutherford B. Hayes nevertheless appointed Frederick Douglas and other Black men federal positions and President Teddy Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to the White House (the first Black American ever to be a dinner guest). Washington subsequently provided Roosevelt with recommendations for appointments to federal posts.
But these appointments were often without sufficient power and national conflicts demonstrated that Republican presidents would not protect Black citizens (e.g., in Atlanta, Teddy Roosevelt refused to send in troops to protect the black population from white mobs and Brownsville, Texas Roosevelt dishonorably discharged Black veterans after false, racially-motivated charges). Although widely covered by the Black press throughout the country, the Black Cabinet was unable to thwart the segregation of federal employees (particularly once Woodrow Wilson became president) and, by 1915, the Black Cabinet folded – even as individuals fought the virulent racism in the GOP and Democratic parties.
By 1932, many of the original members of the Black Cabinet were dead but a new group of leaders – Mary McLeod Bethune, Robert Vann, Robert Weaver, Alfred Edgar Smith, Bill Hastie – ambitiously moved to ask Black voters to turn the picture of Lincoln to the wall. In the election of 1932, a small minority of voters moved from the GOP to the Democratic party to vote for Franklin Delano Roosevelt. By Roosevelt’s reelection in 1936, a significant number of Black voters (many who consider themselves Republicans) vote for Roosevelt.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>484</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>When did Black Americans move from stalwart party of Lincoln Republicans to dedicated New Deal Democrats?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When did Black Americans move from stalwart party of Lincoln Republicans to dedicated New Deal Democrats? How did a group of self-organized Black economists, lawyers, sociologists, and journalists call out inequality in the New Deal and push President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to consider the relief of Black Americans? Dr. Jill Watt’s The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt (Grove Press, 2020) traces the origins of a group of self-organized Black men led by a remarkable Black woman to answer these questions and help readers reflect on parties, policy, data, and diversity in American politics.
The book is divided into three periods – tracing two versions of the Black Cabinet.
Early in the century, a group of African-American office holders who had come to Washington, DC as appointees of President Theodore (Teddy) Roosevelt) began meeting regularly for “talkfests” at an upscale black-owned DC restaurant. When they started meeting in 1908, most Black Americans lived in the South: disenfranchised and denied equal access to the criminal justice system. Despite the power and violence of White supremacy, a group of highly educated men had secured positions in the federal government. They included Ralph W. Tyler (auditor of the Department of the Navy), James A. Cobb (special assistant to Washington, DC’s district attorney); Robert H. Terrell, Washington’s first Black judge), John C. Dancy (DC’s recorder of deeds), Calvin Chase (newspaper editor), and Kelly Miller (Howard University professor. As men who had come of age during Reconstruction, they were Republicans who associated Democrats with blocking access to the polls and vigilante groups like the Ku Klux Klan. Although Republicans abandoned Black voters and Reconstruction, President Rutherford B. Hayes nevertheless appointed Frederick Douglas and other Black men federal positions and President Teddy Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to the White House (the first Black American ever to be a dinner guest). Washington subsequently provided Roosevelt with recommendations for appointments to federal posts.
But these appointments were often without sufficient power and national conflicts demonstrated that Republican presidents would not protect Black citizens (e.g., in Atlanta, Teddy Roosevelt refused to send in troops to protect the black population from white mobs and Brownsville, Texas Roosevelt dishonorably discharged Black veterans after false, racially-motivated charges). Although widely covered by the Black press throughout the country, the Black Cabinet was unable to thwart the segregation of federal employees (particularly once Woodrow Wilson became president) and, by 1915, the Black Cabinet folded – even as individuals fought the virulent racism in the GOP and Democratic parties.
By 1932, many of the original members of the Black Cabinet were dead but a new group of leaders – Mary McLeod Bethune, Robert Vann, Robert Weaver, Alfred Edgar Smith, Bill Hastie – ambitiously moved to ask Black voters to turn the picture of Lincoln to the wall. In the election of 1932, a small minority of voters moved from the GOP to the Democratic party to vote for Franklin Delano Roosevelt. By Roosevelt’s reelection in 1936, a significant number of Black voters (many who consider themselves Republicans) vote for Roosevelt.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When did Black Americans move from stalwart party of Lincoln Republicans to dedicated New Deal Democrats? How did a group of self-organized Black economists, lawyers, sociologists, and journalists call out inequality in the New Deal and push President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to consider the relief of Black Americans? Dr. Jill Watt’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780802129109"><em>The Black Cabinet: The Untold Story of African Americans and Politics During the Age of Roosevelt</em></a> (Grove Press, 2020) traces the origins of a group of self-organized Black men led by a remarkable Black woman to answer these questions and help readers reflect on parties, policy, data, and diversity in American politics.</p><p>The book is divided into three periods – tracing two versions of the Black Cabinet.</p><p>Early in the century, a group of African-American office holders who had come to Washington, DC as appointees of President Theodore (Teddy) Roosevelt) began meeting regularly for “talkfests” at an upscale black-owned DC restaurant. When they started meeting in 1908, most Black Americans lived in the South: disenfranchised and denied equal access to the criminal justice system. Despite the power and violence of White supremacy, a group of highly educated men had secured positions in the federal government. They included Ralph W. Tyler (auditor of the Department of the Navy), James A. Cobb (special assistant to Washington, DC’s district attorney); Robert H. Terrell, Washington’s first Black judge), John C. Dancy (DC’s recorder of deeds), Calvin Chase (newspaper editor), and Kelly Miller (Howard University professor. As men who had come of age during Reconstruction, they were Republicans who associated Democrats with blocking access to the polls and vigilante groups like the Ku Klux Klan. Although Republicans abandoned Black voters and Reconstruction, President Rutherford B. Hayes nevertheless appointed Frederick Douglas and other Black men federal positions and President Teddy Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to the White House (the first Black American ever to be a dinner guest). Washington subsequently provided Roosevelt with recommendations for appointments to federal posts.</p><p>But these appointments were often without sufficient power and national conflicts demonstrated that Republican presidents would not protect Black citizens (e.g., in Atlanta, Teddy Roosevelt refused to send in troops to protect the black population from white mobs and Brownsville, Texas Roosevelt dishonorably discharged Black veterans after false, racially-motivated charges). Although widely covered by the Black press throughout the country, the Black Cabinet was unable to thwart the segregation of federal employees (particularly once Woodrow Wilson became president) and, by 1915, the Black Cabinet folded – even as individuals fought the virulent racism in the GOP and Democratic parties.</p><p>By 1932, many of the original members of the Black Cabinet were dead but a new group of leaders – Mary McLeod Bethune, Robert Vann, Robert Weaver, Alfred Edgar Smith, Bill Hastie – ambitiously moved to ask Black voters to turn the picture of Lincoln to the wall. In the election of 1932, a small minority of voters moved from the GOP to the Democratic party to vote for Franklin Delano Roosevelt. By Roosevelt’s reelection in 1936, a significant number of Black voters (many who consider themselves Republicans) vote for Roosevelt.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3970</itunes:duration>
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      <title>S. Mettler and R. C. Lieberman, "Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy" (St. Martin's Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>The United States experienced race-baiting, polarization, executive overreach, and inequality before the presidency of Donald Trump. Does that political history demonstrate resilience – or vulnerability? Suzanne Mettler (John L. Senior Professor of American Institutions in the Government department, Cornell University) and Robert C. Lieberman (Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of Political Science, Johns Hopkins University) use insights gleaned from comparative politics (particularly the study of liberal democratic and authoritarian regimes) and American politics to interrogate five periods in American political history to argue that there are four central threats to American liberal democracy: political polarization, racism and nativism (issues of who belongs), economic inequality, and excessive executive power. The United States has faced these political threats (even combinations of them) in the past. But those periods of political conflict have had serious, long-term consequences for the robustness of American political institutions and practices. At the beginning of the 21st century, Mettler and Lieberman observe all four: a unique and serious state of affairs.
Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy (St. Martin's Press, 2020) highlights five political moments that span three centuries. “Polarization Wreaks Havoc in the 1790s” unpacks the emergence of factions and proto-parties emerging over the Alien and Sedition Acts – and highlights how the rhetoric of John Adams (targeting of immigrants, the press, and demonizing his political opponents) parallels that of Donald Trump. “Democratic Disintegration in the 1850s” charts the breakup of the Union and Civil War. “Backsliding in the 1890s” interrogates debates over voting rights, identity, and citizenship – and the remarkable violence that enforced white supremacy as states stripped Black Americans of the voting rights that helped protect their civil and political rights. The national government failed to effectively uphold those rights, leaving most Black Americans without effective voting power for over 60 years. In “Executive Aggrandizement in the 1930s,” Mettler and Lieberman demonstrate how Franklin D. Roosevelt’s forceful use of executive power to thwart fascism in Europe and respond to broad public needs in the United States opened the door for the use of power for other purposes. In “The Weaponized Presidency in the 1970s,” they show how Richard Nixon deployed that power to punish political enemies but also how each branch played their constitutional roles to force a president from power.
Designed for students and all readers interested in American history and politics – trying to make sense of the 2016 election and contemporary American politics, the book provides clear and concise definitions of any political science terms or theories.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>483</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The United States experienced race-baiting, polarization, executive overreach, and inequality before the presidency of Donald Trump...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States experienced race-baiting, polarization, executive overreach, and inequality before the presidency of Donald Trump. Does that political history demonstrate resilience – or vulnerability? Suzanne Mettler (John L. Senior Professor of American Institutions in the Government department, Cornell University) and Robert C. Lieberman (Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of Political Science, Johns Hopkins University) use insights gleaned from comparative politics (particularly the study of liberal democratic and authoritarian regimes) and American politics to interrogate five periods in American political history to argue that there are four central threats to American liberal democracy: political polarization, racism and nativism (issues of who belongs), economic inequality, and excessive executive power. The United States has faced these political threats (even combinations of them) in the past. But those periods of political conflict have had serious, long-term consequences for the robustness of American political institutions and practices. At the beginning of the 21st century, Mettler and Lieberman observe all four: a unique and serious state of affairs.
Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy (St. Martin's Press, 2020) highlights five political moments that span three centuries. “Polarization Wreaks Havoc in the 1790s” unpacks the emergence of factions and proto-parties emerging over the Alien and Sedition Acts – and highlights how the rhetoric of John Adams (targeting of immigrants, the press, and demonizing his political opponents) parallels that of Donald Trump. “Democratic Disintegration in the 1850s” charts the breakup of the Union and Civil War. “Backsliding in the 1890s” interrogates debates over voting rights, identity, and citizenship – and the remarkable violence that enforced white supremacy as states stripped Black Americans of the voting rights that helped protect their civil and political rights. The national government failed to effectively uphold those rights, leaving most Black Americans without effective voting power for over 60 years. In “Executive Aggrandizement in the 1930s,” Mettler and Lieberman demonstrate how Franklin D. Roosevelt’s forceful use of executive power to thwart fascism in Europe and respond to broad public needs in the United States opened the door for the use of power for other purposes. In “The Weaponized Presidency in the 1970s,” they show how Richard Nixon deployed that power to punish political enemies but also how each branch played their constitutional roles to force a president from power.
Designed for students and all readers interested in American history and politics – trying to make sense of the 2016 election and contemporary American politics, the book provides clear and concise definitions of any political science terms or theories.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States experienced race-baiting, polarization, executive overreach, and inequality before the presidency of Donald Trump. Does that political history demonstrate resilience – or vulnerability? Suzanne Mettler (John L. Senior Professor of American Institutions in the Government department, Cornell University) and Robert C. Lieberman (Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of Political Science, Johns Hopkins University) use insights gleaned from comparative politics (particularly the study of liberal democratic and authoritarian regimes) and American politics to interrogate five periods in American political history to argue that there are four central threats to American liberal democracy: political polarization, racism and nativism (issues of who belongs), economic inequality, and excessive executive power. The United States <em>has</em> faced these political threats (even combinations of them) in the past. But those periods of political conflict have had serious, long-term consequences for the robustness of American political institutions and practices. At the beginning of the 21st century, Mettler and Lieberman observe all four: a unique and serious state of affairs.</p><p><a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250244420"><em>Four Threats: The Recurring Crises of American Democracy</em></a> (St. Martin's Press, 2020) highlights five political moments that span three centuries. “Polarization Wreaks Havoc in the 1790s” unpacks the emergence of factions and proto-parties emerging over the Alien and Sedition Acts – and highlights how the rhetoric of John Adams (targeting of immigrants, the press, and demonizing his political opponents) parallels that of Donald Trump. “Democratic Disintegration in the 1850s” charts the breakup of the Union and Civil War. “Backsliding in the 1890s” interrogates debates over voting rights, identity, and citizenship – and the remarkable violence that enforced white supremacy as states stripped Black Americans of the voting rights that helped protect their civil and political rights. The national government failed to effectively uphold those rights, leaving most Black Americans without effective voting power for over 60 years. In “Executive Aggrandizement in the 1930s,” Mettler and Lieberman demonstrate how Franklin D. Roosevelt’s forceful use of executive power to thwart fascism in Europe and respond to broad public needs in the United States opened the door for the use of power for other purposes. In “The Weaponized Presidency in the 1970s,” they show how Richard Nixon deployed that power to punish political enemies but also how each branch played their constitutional roles to force a president from power.</p><p>Designed for students and all readers interested in American history and politics – trying to make sense of the 2016 election and contemporary American politics, the book provides clear and concise definitions of any political science terms or theories.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3465</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Jon D. Schaff, "Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy" (SIU Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>There are so many Abraham Lincolns. There is the ruthless Lincoln willing to suspend habeas corpus and who, as president, presided over record levels of bloodshed on American soil. There is the political opportunist Lincoln who declined to take the bold stand against the Know Nothings that some of his contemporaries did, Lincoln preferring to let the movement implode without much action on Lincoln’s part. Lincoln also famously hung back from outright abolitionism for decades, believing that the time was not yet ripe for freeing the slaves. There is the Lincoln who exercised presidential power to an extent that made Andrew Jackson look meek by comparison. There is the Progressives’ Lincoln who saw in him a pioneering backer-in-chief of big government programs such as the creation of land grant colleges and big infrastructure spending such as on a Pacific railroad. There is the Lincoln who supposedly lorded it over Congress like some mafia kingpin demanding fealty and no questions asked. There is Lincoln as the leader of the so-called Second American Revolution who, by destroying the quasi-feudal southern social system and passing landmark economic legislation, drastically reshaped America.
Not so fast, says Jon D. Schaff in his book Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy (SIU Press, 2019). Rather than smashing societal structures willy-nilly and wielding presidential power like a bludgeon, Schaff’s Lincoln was far more deferential to Congress than many of us realized. Schaff fascinatingly shows how Lincoln’s Whig allegiances and distrust of autocratic figures like Jackson and Lincoln’s own background as a legislator at the state and national levels shaped his presidency and governing preferences. And, far from being a proto-New Dealer, Schaff’s Lincoln was very much preoccupied with sound money, making him seem more like a McKinley or a Hamilton than an FDR.
Anyone interested in American government, the presidency, Congress and the mainly domestic aspects of Lincoln’s presidency should read this book. There is even an intriguing comparison of Lincoln’s ideas with those of the Catholic-associated economic theory of distributism.
And those who long for an account of a harmony-seeking governing style will find this a congenial read. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>847</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Rather than smashing societal structures willy-nilly and wielding presidential power like a bludgeon, Schaff’s Lincoln was far more deferential to Congress than many of us realized...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There are so many Abraham Lincolns. There is the ruthless Lincoln willing to suspend habeas corpus and who, as president, presided over record levels of bloodshed on American soil. There is the political opportunist Lincoln who declined to take the bold stand against the Know Nothings that some of his contemporaries did, Lincoln preferring to let the movement implode without much action on Lincoln’s part. Lincoln also famously hung back from outright abolitionism for decades, believing that the time was not yet ripe for freeing the slaves. There is the Lincoln who exercised presidential power to an extent that made Andrew Jackson look meek by comparison. There is the Progressives’ Lincoln who saw in him a pioneering backer-in-chief of big government programs such as the creation of land grant colleges and big infrastructure spending such as on a Pacific railroad. There is the Lincoln who supposedly lorded it over Congress like some mafia kingpin demanding fealty and no questions asked. There is Lincoln as the leader of the so-called Second American Revolution who, by destroying the quasi-feudal southern social system and passing landmark economic legislation, drastically reshaped America.
Not so fast, says Jon D. Schaff in his book Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy (SIU Press, 2019). Rather than smashing societal structures willy-nilly and wielding presidential power like a bludgeon, Schaff’s Lincoln was far more deferential to Congress than many of us realized. Schaff fascinatingly shows how Lincoln’s Whig allegiances and distrust of autocratic figures like Jackson and Lincoln’s own background as a legislator at the state and national levels shaped his presidency and governing preferences. And, far from being a proto-New Dealer, Schaff’s Lincoln was very much preoccupied with sound money, making him seem more like a McKinley or a Hamilton than an FDR.
Anyone interested in American government, the presidency, Congress and the mainly domestic aspects of Lincoln’s presidency should read this book. There is even an intriguing comparison of Lincoln’s ideas with those of the Catholic-associated economic theory of distributism.
And those who long for an account of a harmony-seeking governing style will find this a congenial read. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There are so many Abraham Lincolns. There is the ruthless Lincoln willing to suspend habeas corpus and who, as president, presided over record levels of bloodshed on American soil. There is the political opportunist Lincoln who declined to take the bold stand against the Know Nothings that some of his contemporaries did, Lincoln preferring to let the movement implode without much action on Lincoln’s part. Lincoln also famously hung back from outright abolitionism for decades, believing that the time was not yet ripe for freeing the slaves. There is the Lincoln who exercised presidential power to an extent that made Andrew Jackson look meek by comparison. There is the Progressives’ Lincoln who saw in him a pioneering backer-in-chief of big government programs such as the creation of land grant colleges and big infrastructure spending such as on a Pacific railroad. There is the Lincoln who supposedly lorded it over Congress like some mafia kingpin demanding fealty and no questions asked. There is Lincoln as the leader of the so-called Second American Revolution who, by destroying the quasi-feudal southern social system and passing landmark economic legislation, drastically reshaped America.</p><p>Not so fast, says Jon D. Schaff in his book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809337378"><em>Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy</em></a> (SIU Press, 2019). Rather than smashing societal structures willy-nilly and wielding presidential power like a bludgeon, Schaff’s Lincoln was far more deferential to Congress than many of us realized. Schaff fascinatingly shows how Lincoln’s Whig allegiances and distrust of autocratic figures like Jackson and Lincoln’s own background as a legislator at the state and national levels shaped his presidency and governing preferences. And, far from being a proto-New Dealer, Schaff’s Lincoln was very much preoccupied with sound money, making him seem more like a McKinley or a Hamilton than an FDR.</p><p>Anyone interested in American government, the presidency, Congress and the mainly domestic aspects of Lincoln’s presidency should read this book. There is even an intriguing comparison of Lincoln’s ideas with those of the Catholic-associated economic theory of distributism.</p><p>And those who long for an account of a harmony-seeking governing style will find this a congenial read. Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>7485</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Luke A. Nichter, "The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War" (Yale UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Few have ever enjoyed the degree of foreign-policy influence and versatility that Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the grand-son of Woodrow Wilson’s senatorial antagonist, did. In the postwar era, perhaps only George Marshall, Henry Kissinger, and James Baker. Cabot Lodge, however, had the distinction of wielding that influence under presidents of both parties. For three decades, he was at the center of American foreign policy, serving as advisor to five presidents, from Dwight Eisenhower to Gerald Ford, and as ambassador to the United Nations, Vietnam, West Germany, and presidential envoy to the Vatican.
Cabot Lodge’s political influence was at times immense. He was the first person, in 1943, to see Eisenhower as a potential presidential material; he entered Eisenhower in the 1952 New Hampshire primary without the candidate’s knowledge, crafted his political positions, and managed his campaign. As UN ambassador in the 1950s, Cabot Lodge was effectively at times a second secretary of state. In the 1960s, he was called twice, by John F. Kennedy and by Lyndon Johnson, to serve in the toughest position in the State Department’s portfolio, as ambassador to South Vietnam. In the 1970s, he paved the way for permanent American ties with the Holy See. Over his career, beginning with his arrival in the U.S. Senate at age thirty-four in 1937, when there were just seventeen Republican senators, he did more than anyone else to transform the Republican Party from a regional, isolationist party into the nation’s dominant force in foreign policy, a position it held from Eisenhower’s time until the twenty-first century.
In this book, The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War (Yale University Press, 2020) historian Luke A. Nichter professor of history at Texas A &amp; M University–Central Texas, coeditor (with Douglas Brinkley) of the New York Times bestselling book The Nixon Tapes: 1971–1972, gives us a outstanding narrative of Cabot Lodge’s extraordinary and consequential life. Cabot Lodge was among the last of the well-heeled Eastern Establishment Republicans who put duty over partisanship and saw themselves as the hereditary captains of the American state. Unlike many who reach his position, Cabot Lodge took his secrets to the grave—including some that, revealed here for the first time, will force historians to rethink their understanding of America’s involvement in the Vietnam War.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>857</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Few have ever enjoyed the degree of foreign-policy influence and versatility that Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the grand-son of Woodrow Wilson’s senatorial antagonist, did...,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Few have ever enjoyed the degree of foreign-policy influence and versatility that Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the grand-son of Woodrow Wilson’s senatorial antagonist, did. In the postwar era, perhaps only George Marshall, Henry Kissinger, and James Baker. Cabot Lodge, however, had the distinction of wielding that influence under presidents of both parties. For three decades, he was at the center of American foreign policy, serving as advisor to five presidents, from Dwight Eisenhower to Gerald Ford, and as ambassador to the United Nations, Vietnam, West Germany, and presidential envoy to the Vatican.
Cabot Lodge’s political influence was at times immense. He was the first person, in 1943, to see Eisenhower as a potential presidential material; he entered Eisenhower in the 1952 New Hampshire primary without the candidate’s knowledge, crafted his political positions, and managed his campaign. As UN ambassador in the 1950s, Cabot Lodge was effectively at times a second secretary of state. In the 1960s, he was called twice, by John F. Kennedy and by Lyndon Johnson, to serve in the toughest position in the State Department’s portfolio, as ambassador to South Vietnam. In the 1970s, he paved the way for permanent American ties with the Holy See. Over his career, beginning with his arrival in the U.S. Senate at age thirty-four in 1937, when there were just seventeen Republican senators, he did more than anyone else to transform the Republican Party from a regional, isolationist party into the nation’s dominant force in foreign policy, a position it held from Eisenhower’s time until the twenty-first century.
In this book, The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War (Yale University Press, 2020) historian Luke A. Nichter professor of history at Texas A &amp; M University–Central Texas, coeditor (with Douglas Brinkley) of the New York Times bestselling book The Nixon Tapes: 1971–1972, gives us a outstanding narrative of Cabot Lodge’s extraordinary and consequential life. Cabot Lodge was among the last of the well-heeled Eastern Establishment Republicans who put duty over partisanship and saw themselves as the hereditary captains of the American state. Unlike many who reach his position, Cabot Lodge took his secrets to the grave—including some that, revealed here for the first time, will force historians to rethink their understanding of America’s involvement in the Vietnam War.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Few have ever enjoyed the degree of foreign-policy influence and versatility that Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the grand-son of Woodrow Wilson’s senatorial antagonist, did. In the postwar era, perhaps only George Marshall, Henry Kissinger, and James Baker. Cabot Lodge, however, had the distinction of wielding that influence under presidents of both parties. For three decades, he was at the center of American foreign policy, serving as advisor to five presidents, from Dwight Eisenhower to Gerald Ford, and as ambassador to the United Nations, Vietnam, West Germany, and presidential envoy to the Vatican.</p><p>Cabot Lodge’s political influence was at times immense. He was the first person, in 1943, to see Eisenhower as a potential presidential material; he entered Eisenhower in the 1952 New Hampshire primary without the candidate’s knowledge, crafted his political positions, and managed his campaign. As UN ambassador in the 1950s, Cabot Lodge was effectively at times a second secretary of state. In the 1960s, he was called twice, by John F. Kennedy and by Lyndon Johnson, to serve in the toughest position in the State Department’s portfolio, as ambassador to South Vietnam. In the 1970s, he paved the way for permanent American ties with the Holy See. Over his career, beginning with his arrival in the U.S. Senate at age thirty-four in 1937, when there were just seventeen Republican senators, he did more than anyone else to transform the Republican Party from a regional, isolationist party into the nation’s dominant force in foreign policy, a position it held from Eisenhower’s time until the twenty-first century.</p><p>In this book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300217803"><em>The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War</em></a> (Yale University Press, 2020) historian Luke A. Nichter professor of history at Texas A &amp; M University–Central Texas, coeditor (with Douglas Brinkley) of the <em>New York Times</em> bestselling book <em>The Nixon Tapes: 1971–1972, </em>gives us a outstanding narrative of Cabot Lodge’s extraordinary and consequential life. Cabot Lodge was among the last of the well-heeled Eastern Establishment Republicans who put duty over partisanship and saw themselves as the hereditary captains of the American state. Unlike many who reach his position, Cabot Lodge took his secrets to the grave—including some that, revealed here for the first time, will force historians to rethink their understanding of America’s involvement in the Vietnam War.</p><p><em>Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s </em>International Affairs<em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3619</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Kevin O'Leary, "Madison's Sorrow: Today's War on the Founders and America's Liberal Ideal" (Pegasus Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>The story of America is the struggle between our liberal ideal and illiberal resistance. Donald Trump catalyzed a reactionary revolution by tapping into the dark, shadowy side of American democracy that embraces exclusion and inequality. Throughout American history these alarming impulses have come to the forefront of our culture—during the Civil War, the era of the Robber Barons, and the Civil Rights Movement—but have now come to fruition in the presidency of Donald Trump. 
Arguing that the contemporary Republican Party is waging a counterrevolution against the core beliefs of the nation, journalist and scholar Kevin C. O’Leary cracks open American history to reveal the essence of America’s liberal heritage by critiquing the reactionary illiberal currents that periodically threaten American democracy. American politics is no longer an ongoing debate between liberals and conservatives because the new Republican Party embraces the feudal values of the Old World. While there are millions of conservatives in the population, the elected leadership of the GOP is deeply reactionary. 
Today’s marriage of white-identity Southerners and their northern allies to moneyed libertarians is no run-of-the-mill political partnership. Instead, it is extraordinarily dangerous. Clearly, conservatives have lost their party. And without conservatives debating liberals in an intellectual, respectful manner to address the nation’s problems, Madisonian democracy breaks down. 
A stimulating reinterpretation of the American experience, Madison’s Sorrow: Today's War on the Founders and America's Liberal Ideal (Pegasus Books) exposes the intellectual and moral deficiencies of the illiberal right while offering a robust defense of the liberal tradition.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>102</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Arguing that the contemporary Republican Party is waging a counterrevolution against the core beliefs of the nation, journalist and scholar Kevin C. O’Leary cracks open American history to reveal the essence of America’s liberal heritage...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The story of America is the struggle between our liberal ideal and illiberal resistance. Donald Trump catalyzed a reactionary revolution by tapping into the dark, shadowy side of American democracy that embraces exclusion and inequality. Throughout American history these alarming impulses have come to the forefront of our culture—during the Civil War, the era of the Robber Barons, and the Civil Rights Movement—but have now come to fruition in the presidency of Donald Trump. 
Arguing that the contemporary Republican Party is waging a counterrevolution against the core beliefs of the nation, journalist and scholar Kevin C. O’Leary cracks open American history to reveal the essence of America’s liberal heritage by critiquing the reactionary illiberal currents that periodically threaten American democracy. American politics is no longer an ongoing debate between liberals and conservatives because the new Republican Party embraces the feudal values of the Old World. While there are millions of conservatives in the population, the elected leadership of the GOP is deeply reactionary. 
Today’s marriage of white-identity Southerners and their northern allies to moneyed libertarians is no run-of-the-mill political partnership. Instead, it is extraordinarily dangerous. Clearly, conservatives have lost their party. And without conservatives debating liberals in an intellectual, respectful manner to address the nation’s problems, Madisonian democracy breaks down. 
A stimulating reinterpretation of the American experience, Madison’s Sorrow: Today's War on the Founders and America's Liberal Ideal (Pegasus Books) exposes the intellectual and moral deficiencies of the illiberal right while offering a robust defense of the liberal tradition.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The story of America is the struggle between our liberal ideal and illiberal resistance. Donald Trump catalyzed a reactionary revolution by tapping into the dark, shadowy side of American democracy that embraces exclusion and inequality. Throughout American history these alarming impulses have come to the forefront of our culture—during the Civil War, the era of the Robber Barons, and the Civil Rights Movement—but have now come to fruition in the presidency of Donald Trump. </p><p>Arguing that the contemporary Republican Party is waging a counterrevolution against the core beliefs of the nation, journalist and scholar <a href="https://kevincoleary.com/">Kevin C. O’Leary</a> cracks open American history to reveal the essence of America’s liberal heritage by critiquing the reactionary illiberal currents that periodically threaten American democracy. American politics is no longer an ongoing debate between liberals and conservatives because the new Republican Party embraces the feudal values of the Old World. While there are millions of conservatives in the population, the elected leadership of the GOP is deeply reactionary. </p><p>Today’s marriage of white-identity Southerners and their northern allies to moneyed libertarians is no run-of-the-mill political partnership. Instead, it is extraordinarily dangerous. Clearly, conservatives have lost their party. And without conservatives debating liberals in an intellectual, respectful manner to address the nation’s problems, Madisonian democracy breaks down. </p><p>A stimulating reinterpretation of the American experience, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781643134345"><em>Madison’s Sorrow: Today's War on the Founders and America's Liberal Ideal </em></a>(Pegasus Books) exposes the intellectual and moral deficiencies of the illiberal right while offering a robust defense of the liberal tradition.</p><p><em>Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the </em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/independent-thought-freedom/id1446388269"><em>iTunes Store</em></a><em> or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLJ5dQ_tSNLwkuyJuq5SfJR-8fOFa3zGze"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at </em><a href="https://becomeapublicintellectual.com/?utm_source=nbn"><em>becomeapublicintellectual.com.</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4773</itunes:duration>
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      <title>J. A. Delton, "The Industrialists: How the National Association of Manufacturers Shaped American Capitalism" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Historians often portray the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) as a conservative force in debates over free enterprise, battles against unions and government regulation, and the rise of capitalism in the United States. In The Industrialists: How the National Association of Manufacturers Shaped American Capitalism (Princeton UP, 2020), Jennifer Delton (Professor of History at Skidmore College) provides a comprehensive and nuanced political history. Delton focuses on the conservative policy goals of the organization but also its surprisingly progressive tactics and internal conflicts such as welcoming women and workers with disabilities, supporting the UN, embracing aspects of cosmopolitanism, and supporting the ERA, Civil Rights Act, and aspects of affirmative action. Delton deftly identifies the wider economic, ideological, and institutional concerns that drove NAM actors. As the book interrogates how the National Association of Manufacturing did – and did not – work, NAM emerges as a capitalist modernizer. She examines 125 years of massive change in American economic policy with the NAM at its center in order to interrogate manufacturing’s role in the development of capitalism at home and abroad – with implications for how we understand neoliberalism – especially liberal internationalist tendencies. Delton argues that liberal internationalism (associated often with Woodrow Wilson) can be seen as a crucial step toward the international institutions favored by post World War II European neoliberals.
The book is divided into three parts. Part one traces the ascent and reorganization of industrial manufacturing from the 1890s to 1940. Part two highlights manufacturing’s dominance in US society and the world (1941-1980) as the US lowered tariffs and pursued free trade. The share of GDP peaked in 1953 when manufacturing represented 25.8% of domestic production. Part three treats the decline in manufacturing (beginning in 1960) and emphasizes deindustrialization, globalization, and the disintegration of the large multidivisional corporations in the 1990s.
The book investigates how the globalizing impulse of neoliberalism played out historically in 20th century US politics – more specifically, how liberal internationalist ideas that were promoted by Democrats and antithetical to traditional political conservativism came to be espoused by the Republican party. Delton writes that “this is especially relevant now, as the current head of the Republican party [President Donald Trump, Republican] seems to be undoing the work of neoliberalism and liberal internationalists alike.” NAM’s history helps explain the bipartisan support for economic internationalism, freer trade, and what would later be called neoliberalism, even before the Cold War and Reagan, and even as voters (and Congress) remain extremely divided about these issues. The story of the NAM is full of contradictions, but The Industrialists deftly tracks them all, contextualizing the impacts on the national and global economy.
In the podcast, Dr. Delton describes how the NAM archive was shaped by professional staff members – particularly one woman – whose views departed from NAM leaders. The referenced article, “Who Tells Your Story: Contested History at the NAM” is here.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.

Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 02 Nov 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>478</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Delton focuses on the conservative policy goals of the organization but also its surprisingly progressive tactics...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Historians often portray the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) as a conservative force in debates over free enterprise, battles against unions and government regulation, and the rise of capitalism in the United States. In The Industrialists: How the National Association of Manufacturers Shaped American Capitalism (Princeton UP, 2020), Jennifer Delton (Professor of History at Skidmore College) provides a comprehensive and nuanced political history. Delton focuses on the conservative policy goals of the organization but also its surprisingly progressive tactics and internal conflicts such as welcoming women and workers with disabilities, supporting the UN, embracing aspects of cosmopolitanism, and supporting the ERA, Civil Rights Act, and aspects of affirmative action. Delton deftly identifies the wider economic, ideological, and institutional concerns that drove NAM actors. As the book interrogates how the National Association of Manufacturing did – and did not – work, NAM emerges as a capitalist modernizer. She examines 125 years of massive change in American economic policy with the NAM at its center in order to interrogate manufacturing’s role in the development of capitalism at home and abroad – with implications for how we understand neoliberalism – especially liberal internationalist tendencies. Delton argues that liberal internationalism (associated often with Woodrow Wilson) can be seen as a crucial step toward the international institutions favored by post World War II European neoliberals.
The book is divided into three parts. Part one traces the ascent and reorganization of industrial manufacturing from the 1890s to 1940. Part two highlights manufacturing’s dominance in US society and the world (1941-1980) as the US lowered tariffs and pursued free trade. The share of GDP peaked in 1953 when manufacturing represented 25.8% of domestic production. Part three treats the decline in manufacturing (beginning in 1960) and emphasizes deindustrialization, globalization, and the disintegration of the large multidivisional corporations in the 1990s.
The book investigates how the globalizing impulse of neoliberalism played out historically in 20th century US politics – more specifically, how liberal internationalist ideas that were promoted by Democrats and antithetical to traditional political conservativism came to be espoused by the Republican party. Delton writes that “this is especially relevant now, as the current head of the Republican party [President Donald Trump, Republican] seems to be undoing the work of neoliberalism and liberal internationalists alike.” NAM’s history helps explain the bipartisan support for economic internationalism, freer trade, and what would later be called neoliberalism, even before the Cold War and Reagan, and even as voters (and Congress) remain extremely divided about these issues. The story of the NAM is full of contradictions, but The Industrialists deftly tracks them all, contextualizing the impacts on the national and global economy.
In the podcast, Dr. Delton describes how the NAM archive was shaped by professional staff members – particularly one woman – whose views departed from NAM leaders. The referenced article, “Who Tells Your Story: Contested History at the NAM” is here.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.

Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Historians often portray the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) as a conservative force in debates over free enterprise, battles against unions and government regulation, and the rise of capitalism in the United States. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780691167862"><em>The Industrialists: How the National Association of Manufacturers Shaped American Capitalism</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton UP, 2020), Jennifer Delton (Professor of History at Skidmore College) provides a comprehensive and nuanced political history. Delton focuses on the conservative policy goals of the organization but also its surprisingly progressive tactics and internal conflicts such as welcoming women and workers with disabilities, supporting the UN, embracing aspects of cosmopolitanism, and supporting the ERA, Civil Rights Act, and aspects of affirmative action. Delton deftly identifies the wider economic, ideological, and institutional concerns that drove NAM actors. As the book interrogates how the National Association of Manufacturing did – and did not – work, NAM emerges as a capitalist modernizer. She examines 125 years of massive change in American economic policy with the NAM at its center in order to interrogate manufacturing’s role in the development of capitalism at home and abroad – with implications for how we understand neoliberalism – especially liberal internationalist tendencies. Delton argues that liberal internationalism (associated often with Woodrow Wilson) can be seen as a crucial step toward the international institutions favored by post World War II European neoliberals.</p><p>The book is divided into three parts. Part one traces the ascent and reorganization of industrial manufacturing from the 1890s to 1940. Part two highlights manufacturing’s dominance in US society and the world (1941-1980) as the US lowered tariffs and pursued free trade. The share of GDP peaked in 1953 when manufacturing represented 25.8% of domestic production. Part three treats the decline in manufacturing (beginning in 1960) and emphasizes deindustrialization, globalization, and the disintegration of the large multidivisional corporations in the 1990s.</p><p>The book investigates how the globalizing impulse of neoliberalism played out historically in 20th century US politics – more specifically, how liberal internationalist ideas that were promoted by Democrats and antithetical to traditional political conservativism came to be espoused by the Republican party. Delton writes that “this is especially relevant now, as the current head of the Republican party [President Donald Trump, Republican] seems to be undoing the work of neoliberalism and liberal internationalists alike.” NAM’s history helps explain the bipartisan support for economic internationalism, freer trade, and what would later be called neoliberalism, even before the Cold War and Reagan, and even as voters (and Congress) remain extremely divided about these issues. The story of the NAM is full of contradictions, but <em>The Industrialists </em>deftly tracks them all, contextualizing the impacts on the national and global economy.</p><p>In the podcast, Dr. Delton describes how the NAM archive was shaped by professional staff members – particularly one woman – whose views departed from NAM leaders. The referenced article, “Who Tells Your Story: Contested History at the NAM” is <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/enterprise-and-society/article/who-tells-your-story-contested-history-at-the-nam/E00A5E3E6BE3480832A35841804CBA7F">here</a>.</p><p><em>Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.</em></p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3428</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>F. H. Buckley, "American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Break-Up" (Encounter Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>Francis Buckley, who is Foundation Professor at the Antonin Scalia Law School, George Mason University, has written a fast-moving and provocative new book about the opportunities and possibilities of a second American secession. The publication of this book couldn't be more timely, as the conclusion of an election cycle highlights both the diversity and the tribalisation of American voters. What holds the nation together? To what extent is the Constitution the source of the nation's historic and current difficulties? If small is beautiful, and smaller nations tend to be happier, why shouldn't a state like California secede and put its savings from national defence into a scheme for national health? Tune in to hear how Professor Buckley explores these and other ideas in his new book, American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Break-Up (Encounter Books, 2020)
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of Survival and Resistance in evangelical America: Christian Reconstruction in the Pacific Northwest (Oxford UP, 2021).
 
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      <pubDate>Fri, 30 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>830</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>If small is beautiful, and smaller nations tend to be happier, why shouldn't a state like California secede and put its savings from national defence into a scheme for national health? </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Francis Buckley, who is Foundation Professor at the Antonin Scalia Law School, George Mason University, has written a fast-moving and provocative new book about the opportunities and possibilities of a second American secession. The publication of this book couldn't be more timely, as the conclusion of an election cycle highlights both the diversity and the tribalisation of American voters. What holds the nation together? To what extent is the Constitution the source of the nation's historic and current difficulties? If small is beautiful, and smaller nations tend to be happier, why shouldn't a state like California secede and put its savings from national defence into a scheme for national health? Tune in to hear how Professor Buckley explores these and other ideas in his new book, American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Break-Up (Encounter Books, 2020)
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of Survival and Resistance in evangelical America: Christian Reconstruction in the Pacific Northwest (Oxford UP, 2021).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.law.gmu.edu/faculty/directory/fulltime/buckley_francis">Francis Buckley</a>, who is Foundation Professor at the Antonin Scalia Law School, George Mason University, has written a fast-moving and provocative new book about the opportunities and possibilities of a second American secession. The publication of this book couldn't be more timely, as the conclusion of an election cycle highlights both the diversity and the tribalisation of American voters. What holds the nation together? To what extent is the Constitution the source of the nation's historic and current difficulties? If small is beautiful, and smaller nations tend to be happier, why shouldn't a state like California secede and put its savings from national defence into a scheme for national health? Tune in to hear how Professor Buckley explores these and other ideas in his new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781641770804"><em>American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Break-Up</em></a> (Encounter Books, 2020)</p><p><a href="https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/persons/crawford-gribben(9c12859e-6933-4880-b397-d8e6382b0052).html"><em>Crawford Gribben</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/survival-and-resistance-in-evangelical-america-9780199370221?type=listing&amp;prevSortField=8&amp;sortField=8&amp;resultsPerPage=100&amp;start=0&amp;lang=en&amp;cc=us">Survival and Resistance in evangelical America: Christian Reconstruction in the Pacific Northwest</a><em> (Oxford UP, 2021).</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1872</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1168889188.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert Zoellick, "America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy" (Twelve, 2020)</title>
      <description>Ranging from Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson to Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, and James Baker, America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy (Twelve, 2020), tells the delightful story of the history of American diplomacy since 1776.
Recounting in a superb fashion the leading actors and events of U.S. foreign policy, Robert Zoellick, former President of the World Bank, Deputy Secretary of State and Deputy White House chief of Staff, identifies the five traditions that have emerged from America's encounters with the world: the importance of North America; the special roles trading, transnational, and technological relations play in defining ties with others; changing attitudes toward alliances and ways of ordering connections among states; the need for public support, especially through Congress; and the belief that American policy should serve a larger purpose. These traditions frame a closing review of post-Cold War presidencies, which Zoellick foresees serving as guideposts for the future of American diplomacy.
Both a sweeping work of history and an insightful guide to U.S. diplomacy past and present, America in the World serves as an informative companion and practical adviser to readers seeking to understand the strategic and immediate challenges of U.S. foreign policy during an era of transformation and change. All by one of the leading practitioners of American diplomacy of our era. Perfect reading for the lay educated reader who has an interest in either American history or contemporary events.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>837</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Both a sweeping work of history and an insightful guide to U.S. diplomacy past and present, America in the World serves as an informative companion and practical adviser to readers seeking to understand the strategic and immediate challenges of U.S. foreign policy during an era of transformation and change...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ranging from Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson to Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, and James Baker, America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy (Twelve, 2020), tells the delightful story of the history of American diplomacy since 1776.
Recounting in a superb fashion the leading actors and events of U.S. foreign policy, Robert Zoellick, former President of the World Bank, Deputy Secretary of State and Deputy White House chief of Staff, identifies the five traditions that have emerged from America's encounters with the world: the importance of North America; the special roles trading, transnational, and technological relations play in defining ties with others; changing attitudes toward alliances and ways of ordering connections among states; the need for public support, especially through Congress; and the belief that American policy should serve a larger purpose. These traditions frame a closing review of post-Cold War presidencies, which Zoellick foresees serving as guideposts for the future of American diplomacy.
Both a sweeping work of history and an insightful guide to U.S. diplomacy past and present, America in the World serves as an informative companion and practical adviser to readers seeking to understand the strategic and immediate challenges of U.S. foreign policy during an era of transformation and change. All by one of the leading practitioners of American diplomacy of our era. Perfect reading for the lay educated reader who has an interest in either American history or contemporary events.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ranging from Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Thomas Jefferson to Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan, and James Baker, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781538761304"><em>America in the World: A History of U.S. Diplomacy and Foreign Policy</em></a> (Twelve, 2020), tells the delightful story of the history of American diplomacy since 1776.</p><p>Recounting in a superb fashion the leading actors and events of U.S. foreign policy, Robert Zoellick, former President of the World Bank, Deputy Secretary of State and Deputy White House chief of Staff, identifies the five traditions that have emerged from America's encounters with the world: the importance of North America; the special roles trading, transnational, and technological relations play in defining ties with others; changing attitudes toward alliances and ways of ordering connections among states; the need for public support, especially through Congress; and the belief that American policy should serve a larger purpose. These traditions frame a closing review of post-Cold War presidencies, which Zoellick foresees serving as guideposts for the future of American diplomacy.</p><p>Both a sweeping work of history and an insightful guide to U.S. diplomacy past and present, <em>America in the World</em> serves as an informative companion and practical adviser to readers seeking to understand the strategic and immediate challenges of U.S. foreign policy during an era of transformation and change. All by one of the leading practitioners of American diplomacy of our era. Perfect reading for the lay educated reader who has an interest in either American history or contemporary events.</p><p><em>Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s </em>International Affairs<em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3626</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>John Yoo, "Defender in Chief: Donald Trump’s Fight for Presidential Power" (All Points Book, 2020)</title>
      <description>John Yoo, the Emanual S. Heller Professor of Law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, has written what he terms a surprising defense of the actions of Donald Trump as president. In his new book Defender in Chief: Donald Trump’s Fight for Presidential Power (All Points Book, 2020), Yoo, who did not support Trump in 2016, argues that Trump has performed in a manner that the Constitution’s Framers would applaud. Trump has defended the constitutional functions of the Executive from congressional interference or encroachment, including in his use of the appointment power to the federal judiciary and his role as commander-in-chief of the military. He also defends President Trump’s actions regarding the statutory powers used to designate and fund a wall along the U.S. southern border, the administration’s efforts to reverse Obama’s immigration orders, popularly known as DACA and DAPA, and Trump’s exercising of the removal power for Executive branch officials. However, this work is more than a defense of Trump; it is a historical inquiry into the powers of the Executive as intended by the Founders and how that power has been used and threatened by other branches over the course of American history.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
 
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      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>105</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Yoo argues that Trump has performed in a manner that the Constitution’s Framers would applaud.,,,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John Yoo, the Emanual S. Heller Professor of Law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, has written what he terms a surprising defense of the actions of Donald Trump as president. In his new book Defender in Chief: Donald Trump’s Fight for Presidential Power (All Points Book, 2020), Yoo, who did not support Trump in 2016, argues that Trump has performed in a manner that the Constitution’s Framers would applaud. Trump has defended the constitutional functions of the Executive from congressional interference or encroachment, including in his use of the appointment power to the federal judiciary and his role as commander-in-chief of the military. He also defends President Trump’s actions regarding the statutory powers used to designate and fund a wall along the U.S. southern border, the administration’s efforts to reverse Obama’s immigration orders, popularly known as DACA and DAPA, and Trump’s exercising of the removal power for Executive branch officials. However, this work is more than a defense of Trump; it is a historical inquiry into the powers of the Executive as intended by the Founders and how that power has been used and threatened by other branches over the course of American history.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.law.berkeley.edu/our-faculty/faculty-profiles/john-yoo/">John Yoo</a>, the Emanual S. Heller Professor of Law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, has written what he terms a surprising defense of the actions of Donald Trump as president. In his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250269577"><em>Defender in Chief: Donald Trump’s Fight for Presidential Power</em></a> (All Points Book, 2020), Yoo, who did not support Trump in 2016, argues that Trump has performed in a manner that the Constitution’s Framers would applaud. Trump has defended the constitutional functions of the Executive from congressional interference or encroachment, including in his use of the appointment power to the federal judiciary and his role as commander-in-chief of the military. He also defends President Trump’s actions regarding the statutory powers used to designate and fund a wall along the U.S. southern border, the administration’s efforts to reverse Obama’s immigration orders, popularly known as DACA and DAPA, and Trump’s exercising of the removal power for Executive branch officials. However, this work is more than a defense of Trump; it is a historical inquiry into the powers of the Executive as intended by the Founders and how that power has been used and threatened by other branches over the course of American history.</p><p><a href="https://www.montclair.edu/profilepages/view_profile.php?username=drakei"><em>Ian J. Drake</em></a><em> is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3482</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Barry C. Lynn, "Liberty From All Masters: The New American Autocracy vs. the Will of the People” (St. Martin's Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Americans are obsessed with liberty, mad about liberty. On any day, we can tune into arguments about how much liberty we need to buy a gun or get an abortion, to marry who we want or adopt the gender we feel. We argue endlessly about liberty from regulation and observation by the state, and proudly rebel against the tyranny of course syllabi and Pandora playlists. Redesign the penny today and the motto would read, “You ain’t the boss of me.”
Yet Americans are only now awakening to what is perhaps the gravest domestic threat to our liberties in a century—in the form of an extreme and fast-growing concentration of economic power. Monopolists today control almost every corner of the American economy. The result is not only lower wages and higher prices, hence a concentration of wealth and power in the hands of the few. In Liberty From All Masters: The New American Autocracy vs. the Will of the People (St. Martin's Press, 2020), Barry C. Lynn argues that the result is also a stripping away of our liberty to work how and where we want, to launch and grow the businesses we want, to create the communities and families and lives we want.
The rise of online monopolists such as Google and Amazon—designed to gather our most intimate secrets and use them to manipulate our personal and group actions—is making the problem only far worse fast. Not only have these giant corporations captured the ability to manage how we share news and ideas with one another, they increasingly enjoy the power to shape how we move and play and speak and think.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>69</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Yet Americans are only now awakening to what is perhaps the gravest domestic threat to our liberties in a century—in the form of an extreme and fast-growing concentration of economic power. Monopolists today control almost every corner of the American economy...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans are obsessed with liberty, mad about liberty. On any day, we can tune into arguments about how much liberty we need to buy a gun or get an abortion, to marry who we want or adopt the gender we feel. We argue endlessly about liberty from regulation and observation by the state, and proudly rebel against the tyranny of course syllabi and Pandora playlists. Redesign the penny today and the motto would read, “You ain’t the boss of me.”
Yet Americans are only now awakening to what is perhaps the gravest domestic threat to our liberties in a century—in the form of an extreme and fast-growing concentration of economic power. Monopolists today control almost every corner of the American economy. The result is not only lower wages and higher prices, hence a concentration of wealth and power in the hands of the few. In Liberty From All Masters: The New American Autocracy vs. the Will of the People (St. Martin's Press, 2020), Barry C. Lynn argues that the result is also a stripping away of our liberty to work how and where we want, to launch and grow the businesses we want, to create the communities and families and lives we want.
The rise of online monopolists such as Google and Amazon—designed to gather our most intimate secrets and use them to manipulate our personal and group actions—is making the problem only far worse fast. Not only have these giant corporations captured the ability to manage how we share news and ideas with one another, they increasingly enjoy the power to shape how we move and play and speak and think.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans are obsessed with liberty, mad about liberty. On any day, we can tune into arguments about how much liberty we need to buy a gun or get an abortion, to marry who we want or adopt the gender we feel. We argue endlessly about liberty from regulation and observation by the state, and proudly rebel against the tyranny of course syllabi and Pandora playlists. Redesign the penny today and the motto would read, “You ain’t the boss of me.”</p><p>Yet Americans are only now awakening to what is perhaps the gravest domestic threat to our liberties in a century—in the form of an extreme and fast-growing concentration of economic power. Monopolists today control almost every corner of the American economy. The result is not only lower wages and higher prices, hence a concentration of wealth and power in the hands of the few. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781250240620"><em>Liberty From All Masters: The New American Autocracy vs. the Will of the People</em></a> (St. Martin's Press, 2020), Barry C. Lynn argues that the result is also a stripping away of our liberty to work how and where we want, to launch and grow the businesses we want, to create the communities and families and lives we want.</p><p>The rise of online monopolists such as Google and Amazon—designed to gather our most intimate secrets and use them to manipulate our personal and group actions—is making the problem only far worse fast. Not only have these giant corporations captured the ability to manage how we share news and ideas with one another, they increasingly enjoy the power to shape how we move and play and speak and think.</p><p><em>Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3352</itunes:duration>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[f44950a6-c017-11ec-87da-331c2e9646b3]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Richard L. Hasen, "Election Meltdown: Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American Democracy" (Yale UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>As the 2020 presidential campaign begins to take shape, there is widespread distrust of the fairness and accuracy of American elections. In Election Meltdown: Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American Democracy (Yale UP, 2020), Richard L. Hasen uses riveting stories illustrating four factors increasing the mistrust. Voter suppression has escalated as a Republican tool aimed to depress turnout of likely Democratic voters, fueling suspicion. Pockets of incompetence in election administration, often in large cities controlled by Democrats, have created an opening to claims of unfairness. Old‑fashioned and new‑fangled dirty tricks, including foreign and domestic misinformation campaigns via social media, threaten electoral integrity. Inflammatory rhetoric about “stolen” elections supercharges distrust among hardcore partisans.
Taking into account how each of these threats has manifested in recent years—most notably in the 2016 and 2018 elections—Hasen offers concrete steps that need to be taken to restore trust in American elections before the democratic process is completely undermined. This is an indispensable analysis, from the nation’s leading election-law expert, of the key threats to the 2020 American presidential election.
Professor Hasen’s election law blog can be found here.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>As the 2020 presidential campaign begins to take shape, there is widespread distrust of the fairness and accuracy of American elections....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As the 2020 presidential campaign begins to take shape, there is widespread distrust of the fairness and accuracy of American elections. In Election Meltdown: Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American Democracy (Yale UP, 2020), Richard L. Hasen uses riveting stories illustrating four factors increasing the mistrust. Voter suppression has escalated as a Republican tool aimed to depress turnout of likely Democratic voters, fueling suspicion. Pockets of incompetence in election administration, often in large cities controlled by Democrats, have created an opening to claims of unfairness. Old‑fashioned and new‑fangled dirty tricks, including foreign and domestic misinformation campaigns via social media, threaten electoral integrity. Inflammatory rhetoric about “stolen” elections supercharges distrust among hardcore partisans.
Taking into account how each of these threats has manifested in recent years—most notably in the 2016 and 2018 elections—Hasen offers concrete steps that need to be taken to restore trust in American elections before the democratic process is completely undermined. This is an indispensable analysis, from the nation’s leading election-law expert, of the key threats to the 2020 American presidential election.
Professor Hasen’s election law blog can be found here.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As the 2020 presidential campaign begins to take shape, there is widespread distrust of the fairness and accuracy of American elections. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300248197"><em>Election Meltdown: Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Yale UP, 2020), Richard L. Hasen uses riveting stories illustrating four factors increasing the mistrust. Voter suppression has escalated as a Republican tool aimed to depress turnout of likely Democratic voters, fueling suspicion. Pockets of incompetence in election administration, often in large cities controlled by Democrats, have created an opening to claims of unfairness. Old‑fashioned and new‑fangled dirty tricks, including foreign and domestic misinformation campaigns via social media, threaten electoral integrity. Inflammatory rhetoric about “stolen” elections supercharges distrust among hardcore partisans.</p><p>Taking into account how each of these threats has manifested in recent years—most notably in the 2016 and 2018 elections—Hasen offers concrete steps that need to be taken to restore trust in American elections before the democratic process is completely undermined. This is an indispensable analysis, from the nation’s leading election-law expert, of the key threats to the 2020 American presidential election.</p><p>Professor Hasen’s election law blog can be found <a href="https://electionlawblog.org/">here.</a></p><p><a href="http://www.linkedin.com/in/aryah"><em>Arya Hariharan</em></a><em> is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her at arya.hariharan@gmail.com or </em><a href="https://twitter.com/arya_hariharan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2642</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Walzer, "A Foreign Policy for the Left" (Yale UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In my old age, I try to argue more quietly, though I still believe that sharp disagreement is a sign of political seriousness. What engaged citizens think and say matters; we should aim to get it right and to defeat those who get it wrong. I understand the very limited impact of what I write, but I continue to believe that the stakes are high.
– Michael Walzer (2018)
These thoughts, from the preface of A Foreign Policy for the Left (Yale University Press, 2018), reflect the understated wisdom of a highly regarded 85-year old political theorist, Michael Walzer. His many books include the influential Just and Unjust Wars, and others mentioned in this interview including: Thick and Thin – Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, Spheres of Justice – A Defense of Pluralism and Equality, and Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War and Citizenship – the last one being published in 1970 at the height of the divisive Vietnam War era when Walzer was teaching at Harvard.
Much of the material for Michael’s books derives from his long affiliation with Dissent magazine – he apprenticed as a young leftist partisan under the prolific Irving Howe whose writing, social role and politics helped shape the young Walzer. Evidence of Michael’s current and ongoing political engagement, as well as the clarity of his thought and seriousness of his message can be seen here: ‘A Note on Racial Capitalism’ from Dissent in July 2020. In his note Michael references K. Sabeel Rahman’s Dissent article ‘Dismantle Racial Capitalism’ in his first paragraph; a month later two scholars write ‘A Reply to Michael Walzer’ from which comes: ‘A Reply to Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò and Liam Kofi Bright’.
Professor Walzer published his first Dissent article in 1956 which provides some timeline context for one of the first questions in this interview about whether the Hiss-Chambers testimonies before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (1948) might represent the opening confrontation of our polarizing culture wars. As you will hear, Michael thinks it could date back further; and shares a few thoughts on teaching at Harvard in the sixties, and pivotal moments in his career as a young leftist partisan. He comments about scholars like Rawls, Nozick and Geertz; and offers opinions related to our current polarization including a recent Rolling Stone article, the origins of resentment, engaged citizenship and voting, 9/11 and its aftermath, justice, ‘complex equality’, ‘formative’ books and a poet.
An overview of Michael’s life and work, Justice is Steady Work – A Conversation on Political Theory (Polity Press 2020) with Astrid von Busekist at SciencesPo (originally published in French) out soon.
Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at Dissent magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.
Keith Krueger lectures at the SHU-UTS Business School in Shanghai.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>89</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What is "Left" foreign policy? Michael Walzer explains...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In my old age, I try to argue more quietly, though I still believe that sharp disagreement is a sign of political seriousness. What engaged citizens think and say matters; we should aim to get it right and to defeat those who get it wrong. I understand the very limited impact of what I write, but I continue to believe that the stakes are high.
– Michael Walzer (2018)
These thoughts, from the preface of A Foreign Policy for the Left (Yale University Press, 2018), reflect the understated wisdom of a highly regarded 85-year old political theorist, Michael Walzer. His many books include the influential Just and Unjust Wars, and others mentioned in this interview including: Thick and Thin – Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, Spheres of Justice – A Defense of Pluralism and Equality, and Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War and Citizenship – the last one being published in 1970 at the height of the divisive Vietnam War era when Walzer was teaching at Harvard.
Much of the material for Michael’s books derives from his long affiliation with Dissent magazine – he apprenticed as a young leftist partisan under the prolific Irving Howe whose writing, social role and politics helped shape the young Walzer. Evidence of Michael’s current and ongoing political engagement, as well as the clarity of his thought and seriousness of his message can be seen here: ‘A Note on Racial Capitalism’ from Dissent in July 2020. In his note Michael references K. Sabeel Rahman’s Dissent article ‘Dismantle Racial Capitalism’ in his first paragraph; a month later two scholars write ‘A Reply to Michael Walzer’ from which comes: ‘A Reply to Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò and Liam Kofi Bright’.
Professor Walzer published his first Dissent article in 1956 which provides some timeline context for one of the first questions in this interview about whether the Hiss-Chambers testimonies before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (1948) might represent the opening confrontation of our polarizing culture wars. As you will hear, Michael thinks it could date back further; and shares a few thoughts on teaching at Harvard in the sixties, and pivotal moments in his career as a young leftist partisan. He comments about scholars like Rawls, Nozick and Geertz; and offers opinions related to our current polarization including a recent Rolling Stone article, the origins of resentment, engaged citizenship and voting, 9/11 and its aftermath, justice, ‘complex equality’, ‘formative’ books and a poet.
An overview of Michael’s life and work, Justice is Steady Work – A Conversation on Political Theory (Polity Press 2020) with Astrid von Busekist at SciencesPo (originally published in French) out soon.
Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at Dissent magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.
Keith Krueger lectures at the SHU-UTS Business School in Shanghai.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>In my old age, I try to argue more quietly, though I still believe that sharp disagreement is a sign of political seriousness. What engaged citizens think and say matters; we should aim to get it right and to defeat those who get it wrong. I understand the very limited impact of what I write, but I continue to believe that the stakes are high.</em></p><p>– Michael Walzer (2018)</p><p>These thoughts, from the preface of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780300223873"><em>A Foreign Policy for the Left</em></a> (Yale University Press, 2018), reflect the understated wisdom of a highly regarded 85-year old political theorist, Michael Walzer. His many books include the influential <em>Just and Unjust Wars</em>, and others mentioned in this interview including: <em>Thick and Thin – Moral Argument at Home and Abroad, Spheres of Justice – A Defense of Pluralism and Equality</em>, and <em>Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War and Citizenship</em> – the last one being published in 1970 at the height of the divisive Vietnam War era when Walzer was teaching at Harvard.</p><p>Much of the material for Michael’s books derives from his long affiliation with <em>Dissent</em> magazine – he apprenticed as a young leftist partisan under the prolific Irving Howe whose writing, social role and politics helped shape the young Walzer. Evidence of Michael’s current and ongoing political engagement, as well as the clarity of his thought and seriousness of his message can be seen here: ‘A Note on Racial Capitalism’ from <em>Dissent</em> in July 2020. In his note Michael references K. Sabeel Rahman’s <em>Dissent</em> article ‘Dismantle Racial Capitalism’ in his first paragraph; a month later two scholars write ‘A Reply to Michael Walzer’ from which comes: ‘A Reply to Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò and Liam Kofi Bright’.</p><p>Professor Walzer published his first <em>Dissent</em> article in 1956 which provides some timeline context for one of the first questions in this interview about whether the Hiss-Chambers testimonies before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (1948) might represent the opening confrontation of our polarizing culture wars. As you will hear, Michael thinks it could date back further; and shares a few thoughts on teaching at Harvard in the sixties, and pivotal moments in his career as a young leftist partisan. He comments about scholars like Rawls, Nozick and Geertz; and offers opinions related to our current polarization including a recent <em>Rolling Stone</em> article, the origins of resentment, engaged citizenship and voting, 9/11 and its aftermath, justice, ‘complex equality’, ‘formative’ books and a poet.</p><p>An overview of Michael’s life and work, <em>Justice is Steady Work – A Conversation on Political Theory</em> (Polity Press 2020) with Astrid von Busekist at SciencesPo (originally published in French) out soon.</p><p>Michael Walzer is professor emeritus at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, and editor emeritus at <em>Dissent</em> magazine. Professor Walzer studied on a Fulbright Fellowship at Cambridge and completed his PhD in government at Harvard University.</p><p><em>Keith Krueger lectures at the SHU-UTS Business School in Shanghai.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4153</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3609626130.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Janet Jakobsen, "The Sex Obsession: Perversity and Possibility in American Politics" (NYU Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Why are Americans, and American politicians more specifically, obsessed with sex? Why, in the words of Janet Jakobsen, are gender and sexuality such riveting public policy concerns the United States? In The Sex Obsession: Perversity and Possibility in American Politics (NYU Press, 2020), Jakobsen answers this question by breaking apart the standard narrative that religion is primarily responsible for the moral regulation of sexuality. Instead of viewing religion as the devil of the story, Jakobsen proposes taking a kaleidoscopic approach to better understand the dynamics of sexual politics. Using this approach, Jakobsen analyzes sex when it is the focus of the discussion and demonstrates how sex remains consequential even when it appears to be on the periphery. Jakobsen’s kaleidoscopic approach allows the reader to see the complex dynamics of sexual politics and challenges the assumption that religion is the basis for sexual values.
Janet Jakobsen is Claire Tow Professor of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College, Columbia University.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>149</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Why are Americans, and American politicians more specifically, obsessed with sex? Why, in the words of Janet Jakobsen, are gender and sexuality such riveting public policy concerns the United States?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why are Americans, and American politicians more specifically, obsessed with sex? Why, in the words of Janet Jakobsen, are gender and sexuality such riveting public policy concerns the United States? In The Sex Obsession: Perversity and Possibility in American Politics (NYU Press, 2020), Jakobsen answers this question by breaking apart the standard narrative that religion is primarily responsible for the moral regulation of sexuality. Instead of viewing religion as the devil of the story, Jakobsen proposes taking a kaleidoscopic approach to better understand the dynamics of sexual politics. Using this approach, Jakobsen analyzes sex when it is the focus of the discussion and demonstrates how sex remains consequential even when it appears to be on the periphery. Jakobsen’s kaleidoscopic approach allows the reader to see the complex dynamics of sexual politics and challenges the assumption that religion is the basis for sexual values.
Janet Jakobsen is Claire Tow Professor of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College, Columbia University.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why are Americans, and American politicians more specifically, obsessed with sex? Why, in the words of Janet Jakobsen, are gender and sexuality such riveting public policy concerns the United States? In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781479846085"><em>The Sex Obsession: Perversity and Possibility in American Politics </em></a>(NYU Press, 2020), Jakobsen answers this question by breaking apart the standard narrative that religion is primarily responsible for the moral regulation of sexuality. Instead of viewing religion as the devil of the story, Jakobsen proposes taking a kaleidoscopic approach to better understand the dynamics of sexual politics. Using this approach, Jakobsen analyzes sex when it is the focus of the discussion and demonstrates how sex remains consequential even when it appears to be on the periphery. Jakobsen’s kaleidoscopic approach allows the reader to see the complex dynamics of sexual politics and challenges the assumption that religion is the basis for sexual values.</p><p>Janet Jakobsen is Claire Tow Professor of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Barnard College, Columbia University.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3428</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Spencer Critchley, "Patriots of Two Nations: Why Trump Was Inevitable and What Happens Next" (McDavid Media, 2020)</title>
      <description>America is in a Cold Civil War, between people who see each other as threats to the country — but themselves as patriots. How can that be? They are patriots of two nations.
In Patriots of Two Nations: Why Trump Was Inevitable and What Happens Next (McDavid Media), national media commentator and presidential campaigns veteran Spencer Critchley shows why our current hyper-partisan division has been inevitable since the founding of the United States, as has the election of Donald Trump or someone like him.
That's because America is actually two nations occupying the same territory. The two nations have different worldviews: cultures, values, and ways of understanding reality itself. One nation — the dominant one — is descended from the Enlightenment, and the establishment of reason as the ultimate source of authority. But the other is nation is descended from the Counter-Enlightenment, and it has never stopped believing in the primacy of faith, tradition, culture, ties to the land, and ethnic identity.
Because the Enlightenment worldview is so dominant, the Counter-Enlightenment largely has been forgotten by history. But as Critchley reveals, in many ways it's more active now than ever — and the failure of many of us to understand it is a crucial source of our division.
Uniting the two nations will require that they finally do see and understand their different realities. This book shows how we might still be able to make that happen — and why we must, if democracy is to survive.
Spencer Critchley is a writer, producer, and communications consultant with experience in journalism, film, digital media, public relations, advertising, and music. He is the Managing Partner of communications consulting agency Boots Road Group.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>98</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>America is in a Cold Civil War, between people who see each other as threats to the country — but themselves as patriots. How can that be? They are patriots of two nations...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America is in a Cold Civil War, between people who see each other as threats to the country — but themselves as patriots. How can that be? They are patriots of two nations.
In Patriots of Two Nations: Why Trump Was Inevitable and What Happens Next (McDavid Media), national media commentator and presidential campaigns veteran Spencer Critchley shows why our current hyper-partisan division has been inevitable since the founding of the United States, as has the election of Donald Trump or someone like him.
That's because America is actually two nations occupying the same territory. The two nations have different worldviews: cultures, values, and ways of understanding reality itself. One nation — the dominant one — is descended from the Enlightenment, and the establishment of reason as the ultimate source of authority. But the other is nation is descended from the Counter-Enlightenment, and it has never stopped believing in the primacy of faith, tradition, culture, ties to the land, and ethnic identity.
Because the Enlightenment worldview is so dominant, the Counter-Enlightenment largely has been forgotten by history. But as Critchley reveals, in many ways it's more active now than ever — and the failure of many of us to understand it is a crucial source of our division.
Uniting the two nations will require that they finally do see and understand their different realities. This book shows how we might still be able to make that happen — and why we must, if democracy is to survive.
Spencer Critchley is a writer, producer, and communications consultant with experience in journalism, film, digital media, public relations, advertising, and music. He is the Managing Partner of communications consulting agency Boots Road Group.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>America is in a Cold Civil War, between people who see each other as threats to the country — but themselves as patriots. How can that be? They are patriots of two nations.</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9798635466575"><em>Patriots of Two Nations: Why Trump Was Inevitable and What Happens Next</em></a><em> </em>(McDavid Media), national media commentator and presidential campaigns veteran Spencer Critchley shows why our current hyper-partisan division has been inevitable since the founding of the United States, as has the election of Donald Trump or someone like him.</p><p>That's because America is actually two nations occupying the same territory. The two nations have different worldviews: cultures, values, and ways of understanding reality itself. One nation — the dominant one — is descended from the Enlightenment, and the establishment of reason as the ultimate source of authority. But the other is nation is descended from the Counter-Enlightenment, and it has never stopped believing in the primacy of faith, tradition, culture, ties to the land, and ethnic identity.</p><p>Because the Enlightenment worldview is so dominant, the Counter-Enlightenment largely has been forgotten by history. But as Critchley reveals, in many ways it's more active now than ever — and the failure of many of us to understand it is a crucial source of our division.</p><p>Uniting the two nations will require that they finally do see and understand their different realities. This book shows how we might still be able to make that happen — and why we must, if democracy is to survive.</p><p><a href="https://spencercritchley.com/about-me/">Spencer Critchley</a> is a writer, producer, and communications consultant with experience in journalism, film, digital media, public relations, advertising, and music. He is the Managing Partner of communications consulting agency Boots Road Group.</p><p><em>Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the </em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/independent-thought-freedom/id1446388269"><em>iTunes Store</em></a><em> or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLJ5dQ_tSNLwkuyJuq5SfJR-8fOFa3zGze"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at </em><a href="https://becomeapublicintellectual.com/?utm_source=nbn"><em>becomeapublicintellectual.com.</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3495</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[df22937a-c0aa-11ec-8352-c7c17ef5bc10]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8771335094.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Charles L. Zelden, "Bush v. Gore: Exposing the Growing Crisis in American Democracy" (UP of Kansas, 2020)</title>
      <description>In this episode, Siobhan talks with Charles L. Zelden about the new expanded edition of his book, Bush v. Gore: Exposing the Growing Crisis in American Democracy (University Press of Kansas, 2020). Zelden is a professor in the Department of History and Political Science at Nova Southeastern University's Halmos College of Arts and Sciences, where he teaches courses in history, government and legal studies.
Who could forget the Supreme Court’s controversial 5-4 decision in Bush v. Gore or the 2000 presidential campaign and election that preceded it? Hanging chads, butterfly ballots, endless recounts, raucous allegations, and a constitutional crisis were all roiled into a confusing and potentially dangerous mix—until the Supreme Court decision allowed George W. Bush to become the 43rd President of the United States, despite losing the popular vote to Al Gore.
Praised by scholars and political pundits alike, the original edition of Charles Zelden’s book set a new standard for our understanding of that monumental decision. A probing chronicle and critique of the vexing and acrimonious affair, it offered the most accurate and up-to-date analysis of a remarkable episode in American politics. Highly readable, its comprehensive coverage, depth of documentation and detail, and analytic insights remain unrivaled on the subject.
In this third expanded edition Zelden offers a powerful history of voting rights and elections in America since 2000. Bush v. Gore exposes the growing crisis by detailing the numerous ways in which the unlearned and wrongly learned “lessons of 2000” have impacted American election law through the growth of voter suppression via legislation and administrative rulings, and, provides a clear warning of how unchecked partisanship arising out of Bush v. Gore threatens to undermine American democracy in general and the 2020 election in particular.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores legal history at Princeton University
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>103</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Who could forget the Supreme Court’s controversial 5-4 decision in Bush v. Gore or the 2000 presidential campaign and election that preceded it?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode, Siobhan talks with Charles L. Zelden about the new expanded edition of his book, Bush v. Gore: Exposing the Growing Crisis in American Democracy (University Press of Kansas, 2020). Zelden is a professor in the Department of History and Political Science at Nova Southeastern University's Halmos College of Arts and Sciences, where he teaches courses in history, government and legal studies.
Who could forget the Supreme Court’s controversial 5-4 decision in Bush v. Gore or the 2000 presidential campaign and election that preceded it? Hanging chads, butterfly ballots, endless recounts, raucous allegations, and a constitutional crisis were all roiled into a confusing and potentially dangerous mix—until the Supreme Court decision allowed George W. Bush to become the 43rd President of the United States, despite losing the popular vote to Al Gore.
Praised by scholars and political pundits alike, the original edition of Charles Zelden’s book set a new standard for our understanding of that monumental decision. A probing chronicle and critique of the vexing and acrimonious affair, it offered the most accurate and up-to-date analysis of a remarkable episode in American politics. Highly readable, its comprehensive coverage, depth of documentation and detail, and analytic insights remain unrivaled on the subject.
In this third expanded edition Zelden offers a powerful history of voting rights and elections in America since 2000. Bush v. Gore exposes the growing crisis by detailing the numerous ways in which the unlearned and wrongly learned “lessons of 2000” have impacted American election law through the growth of voter suppression via legislation and administrative rulings, and, provides a clear warning of how unchecked partisanship arising out of Bush v. Gore threatens to undermine American democracy in general and the 2020 election in particular.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores legal history at Princeton University
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode, Siobhan talks with <a href="https://cahss.nova.edu/faculty/charles_zelden.html">Charles L. Zelden</a> about the new expanded edition of his book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780700629671"><em>Bush v. Gore: Exposing the Growing Crisis in American Democracy</em></a> (University Press of Kansas, 2020). Zelden is a professor in the Department of History and Political Science at Nova Southeastern University's Halmos College of Arts and Sciences, where he teaches courses in history, government and legal studies.</p><p>Who could forget the Supreme Court’s controversial 5-4 decision in <em>Bush v. Gore</em> or the 2000 presidential campaign and election that preceded it? Hanging chads, butterfly ballots, endless recounts, raucous allegations, and a constitutional crisis were all roiled into a confusing and potentially dangerous mix—until the Supreme Court decision allowed George W. Bush to become the 43rd President of the United States, despite losing the popular vote to Al Gore.</p><p>Praised by scholars and political pundits alike, the original edition of Charles Zelden’s book set a new standard for our understanding of that monumental decision. A probing chronicle and critique of the vexing and acrimonious affair, it offered the most accurate and up-to-date analysis of a remarkable episode in American politics. Highly readable, its comprehensive coverage, depth of documentation and detail, and analytic insights remain unrivaled on the subject.</p><p>In this third expanded edition Zelden offers a powerful history of voting rights and elections in America since 2000. Bush v. Gore exposes the growing crisis by detailing the numerous ways in which the unlearned and wrongly learned “lessons of 2000” have impacted American election law through the growth of voter suppression via legislation and administrative rulings, and, provides a clear warning of how unchecked partisanship arising out of <em>Bush v. Gore</em> threatens to undermine American democracy in general and the 2020 election in particular.</p><p><em>Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores legal history at Princeton University</em></p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3212</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Seth Masket, "Learning from Loss: The Democrats, 2016-2020" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Seth Masket’s new book, Learning from Loss: The Democrats, 2016-2020 (Cambridge UP, 2020) takes the outcome of the 2016 presidential race and Donald Trump’s unexpected winning of the presidency as the jumping off point to examine not only what the Democratic Party came to understand about this outcome, but also how it shaped the nomination battle in 2020. Masket, a political scientist and the Director of the Center on American Politics at the University of Denver, spent the past four years examining the many narratives that have shaped the various understandings of what happened in 2016, and, in this exploration, he has also threaded together the thinking that led to the nomination of Vice President Joe Biden as the Democratic standard bearer. At the outset of the book, it is clear that the original conception in 2015 was that this book would be about the Republican Party, but then Hillary Clinton lost the Electoral College on election night in 2016. And the direction and subject matter for the book shifted. In this shift, the often-perennial tension within the Democratic Party between the elusive idea of electability and the ideological commitments of the party and party members became the focus of the research.
Masket notes both in the book and in our conversation that his analysis builds on and interrogates recent political science literature that examines each of the many threads woven together in the book. Scholars who analyze the nomination process, like Cohen, Noel, Karol, and Zaller in The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform, provided one framework to examine whether the thesis as to the role of the party in determining the nominee was actually true in the 2020 process as compared to the experiences of both the Democrats and the Republicans in 2016. Political Scientists Julia Azari (author of Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate) and Philip Klinkner (author of The Losing Parties: Out-Parties National Committees, 1956-1993) also provided frameworks for aspects of Learning from Loss, as their respective work dives into the theorizing about narratives and political outcomes, and how these come to influence and often guide future political activity—both by elites and by grassroots party activists.
Masket does impressive work in combining a host of theoretical threads, multiple different kinds of research methodology, and an historical perspective to produce a lively analysis of the four-year process that the Democrats undertook to try to understand Hillary Clinton’s disorienting loss and to move forward in a political world that they weren’t always sure worked as they had once understood it to work. Masket spent time with political activists and organizers in the early primary states and in Washington, D.C., interviewing them about their experiences during the 2016 election cycle and how that was contributing to the kind of work and decision-making procedures that surrounded the 2020 nomination process. The research also examines campaign finance patterns to determine which of the candidates were receiving donations from traditional, big doners, and which were getting funds in small amounts from broader, more grassroots contributions.
 Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>480</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What happened to the Democratic Party after 2016?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Seth Masket’s new book, Learning from Loss: The Democrats, 2016-2020 (Cambridge UP, 2020) takes the outcome of the 2016 presidential race and Donald Trump’s unexpected winning of the presidency as the jumping off point to examine not only what the Democratic Party came to understand about this outcome, but also how it shaped the nomination battle in 2020. Masket, a political scientist and the Director of the Center on American Politics at the University of Denver, spent the past four years examining the many narratives that have shaped the various understandings of what happened in 2016, and, in this exploration, he has also threaded together the thinking that led to the nomination of Vice President Joe Biden as the Democratic standard bearer. At the outset of the book, it is clear that the original conception in 2015 was that this book would be about the Republican Party, but then Hillary Clinton lost the Electoral College on election night in 2016. And the direction and subject matter for the book shifted. In this shift, the often-perennial tension within the Democratic Party between the elusive idea of electability and the ideological commitments of the party and party members became the focus of the research.
Masket notes both in the book and in our conversation that his analysis builds on and interrogates recent political science literature that examines each of the many threads woven together in the book. Scholars who analyze the nomination process, like Cohen, Noel, Karol, and Zaller in The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform, provided one framework to examine whether the thesis as to the role of the party in determining the nominee was actually true in the 2020 process as compared to the experiences of both the Democrats and the Republicans in 2016. Political Scientists Julia Azari (author of Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate) and Philip Klinkner (author of The Losing Parties: Out-Parties National Committees, 1956-1993) also provided frameworks for aspects of Learning from Loss, as their respective work dives into the theorizing about narratives and political outcomes, and how these come to influence and often guide future political activity—both by elites and by grassroots party activists.
Masket does impressive work in combining a host of theoretical threads, multiple different kinds of research methodology, and an historical perspective to produce a lively analysis of the four-year process that the Democrats undertook to try to understand Hillary Clinton’s disorienting loss and to move forward in a political world that they weren’t always sure worked as they had once understood it to work. Masket spent time with political activists and organizers in the early primary states and in Washington, D.C., interviewing them about their experiences during the 2016 election cycle and how that was contributing to the kind of work and decision-making procedures that surrounded the 2020 nomination process. The research also examines campaign finance patterns to determine which of the candidates were receiving donations from traditional, big doners, and which were getting funds in small amounts from broader, more grassroots contributions.
 Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Seth Masket’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781108482127"><em>Learning from Loss: The Democrats, 2016-2020</em></a> (Cambridge UP, 2020) takes the outcome of the 2016 presidential race and Donald Trump’s unexpected winning of the presidency as the jumping off point to examine not only what the Democratic Party came to understand about this outcome, but also how it shaped the nomination battle in 2020. Masket, a political scientist and the Director of the Center on American Politics at the University of Denver, spent the past four years examining the many narratives that have shaped the various understandings of what happened in 2016, and, in this exploration, he has also threaded together the thinking that led to the nomination of Vice President Joe Biden as the Democratic standard bearer. At the outset of the book, it is clear that the original conception in 2015 was that this book would be about the Republican Party, but then Hillary Clinton lost the Electoral College on election night in 2016. And the direction and subject matter for the book shifted. In this shift, the often-perennial tension within the Democratic Party between the elusive idea of <em>electability</em> and the ideological commitments of the party and party members became the focus of the research.</p><p>Masket notes both in the book and in our conversation that his analysis builds on and interrogates recent political science literature that examines each of the many threads woven together in the book. Scholars who analyze the nomination process, like Cohen, Noel, Karol, and Zaller in <a href="https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/P/bo5921600.html"><em>The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform</em></a>, provided one framework to examine whether the thesis as to the role of the party in determining the nominee was actually true in the 2020 process as compared to the experiences of both the Democrats and the Republicans in 2016. Political Scientists Julia Azari (author of <a href="https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801452246/delivering-the-peoples-message/#bookTabs=1"><em>Delivering the People's Message: The Changing Politics of the Presidential Mandate</em></a>) and Philip Klinkner (author of <a href="https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300060089/losing-parties"><em>The Losing Parties: Out-Parties National Committees, 1956-1993</em></a>) also provided frameworks for aspects of <em>Learning from Loss,</em> as their respective work dives into the theorizing about narratives and political outcomes, and how these come to influence and often guide future political activity—both by elites and by grassroots party activists.</p><p>Masket does impressive work in combining a host of theoretical threads, multiple different kinds of research methodology, and an historical perspective to produce a lively analysis of the four-year process that the Democrats undertook to try to understand Hillary Clinton’s disorienting loss and to move forward in a political world that they weren’t always sure worked as they had once understood it to work. Masket spent time with political activists and organizers in the early primary states and in Washington, D.C., interviewing them about their experiences during the 2016 election cycle and how that was contributing to the kind of work and decision-making procedures that surrounded the 2020 nomination process. The research also examines campaign finance patterns to determine which of the candidates were receiving donations from traditional, big doners, and which were getting funds in small amounts from broader, more grassroots contributions.</p><p><em> </em><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3645</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Why are Blacks Democrats?: An Interview with Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird</title>
      <description>Black Americans are by far the most unified racial group in American electoral politics, with 80 to 90 percent identifying as Democrats—a surprising figure given that nearly a third now also identify as ideologically conservative, up from less than 10 percent in the 1970s. Why has ideological change failed to push more black Americans into the Republican Party? Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior (Princeton University Press, 2020) answers this question with a pathbreaking new theory that foregrounds the specificity of the black American experience and illuminates social pressure as the key element of black Americans’ unwavering support for the Democratic Party.
Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird argue that the roots of black political unity were established through the adversities of slavery and segregation, when black Americans forged uniquely strong social bonds for survival and resistance. White and Laird explain how these tight communities have continued to produce and enforce political norms—including Democratic Party identification in the post–Civil Rights era. The social experience of race for black Americans is thus fundamental to their political choices. Black voters are uniquely influenced by the social expectations of other black Americans to prioritize the group’s ongoing struggle for freedom and equality. When navigating the choice of supporting a political party, this social expectation translates into affiliation with the Democratic Party. Through fresh analysis of survey data and original experiments, White and Laird explore where and how black political norms are enforced, what this means for the future of black politics, and how this framework can be used to understand the electoral behavior of other communities.
An innovative explanation for why black Americans continue in political lockstep, Steadfast Democrats sheds light on the motivations consolidating an influential portion of the American electoral population.
Marshall Poe is the editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>1</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Black Americans are by far the most unified racial group in American electoral politics, with 80 to 90 percent identifying as Democrats—a surprising figure given that nearly a third now also identify as ideologically conservative, up from less than 10 percent in the 1970s.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Black Americans are by far the most unified racial group in American electoral politics, with 80 to 90 percent identifying as Democrats—a surprising figure given that nearly a third now also identify as ideologically conservative, up from less than 10 percent in the 1970s. Why has ideological change failed to push more black Americans into the Republican Party? Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior (Princeton University Press, 2020) answers this question with a pathbreaking new theory that foregrounds the specificity of the black American experience and illuminates social pressure as the key element of black Americans’ unwavering support for the Democratic Party.
Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird argue that the roots of black political unity were established through the adversities of slavery and segregation, when black Americans forged uniquely strong social bonds for survival and resistance. White and Laird explain how these tight communities have continued to produce and enforce political norms—including Democratic Party identification in the post–Civil Rights era. The social experience of race for black Americans is thus fundamental to their political choices. Black voters are uniquely influenced by the social expectations of other black Americans to prioritize the group’s ongoing struggle for freedom and equality. When navigating the choice of supporting a political party, this social expectation translates into affiliation with the Democratic Party. Through fresh analysis of survey data and original experiments, White and Laird explore where and how black political norms are enforced, what this means for the future of black politics, and how this framework can be used to understand the electoral behavior of other communities.
An innovative explanation for why black Americans continue in political lockstep, Steadfast Democrats sheds light on the motivations consolidating an influential portion of the American electoral population.
Marshall Poe is the editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Black Americans are by far the most unified racial group in American electoral politics, with 80 to 90 percent identifying as Democrats—a surprising figure given that nearly a third now also identify as ideologically conservative, up from less than 10 percent in the 1970s. Why has ideological change failed to push more black Americans into the Republican Party? <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691199511/steadfast-democrats"><em>Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2020) answers this question with a pathbreaking new theory that foregrounds the specificity of the black American experience and illuminates social pressure as the key element of black Americans’ unwavering support for the Democratic Party.</p><p><a href="https://politics.princeton.edu/people/ismail-white">Ismail K. White</a> and <a href="https://www.bowdoin.edu/profiles/faculty/claird/index.html">Chryl N. Laird</a> argue that the roots of black political unity were established through the adversities of slavery and segregation, when black Americans forged uniquely strong social bonds for survival and resistance. White and Laird explain how these tight communities have continued to produce and enforce political norms—including Democratic Party identification in the post–Civil Rights era. The social experience of race for black Americans is thus fundamental to their political choices. Black voters are uniquely influenced by the social expectations of other black Americans to prioritize the group’s ongoing struggle for freedom and equality. When navigating the choice of supporting a political party, this social expectation translates into affiliation with the Democratic Party. Through fresh analysis of survey data and original experiments, White and Laird explore where and how black political norms are enforced, what this means for the future of black politics, and how this framework can be used to understand the electoral behavior of other communities.</p><p>An innovative explanation for why black Americans continue in political lockstep, <em>Steadfast Democrats</em> sheds light on the motivations consolidating an influential portion of the American electoral population.</p><p><em>Marshall Poe is the editor of the New Books Network. He can be reached at marshallpoe@newbooksnetwork.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3096</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ian Haney López, "Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America" (The New Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Greedy elites are purposefully stoking racial division and laughing all the way to the bank. That is the bottom line of Ian Haney López’s Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America (The New Press, 2019), an essential read for the upcoming election as the Left tries to rescue democracy from the modern Right’s campaign of fear, racial division, and corporate interests. On this episode of the New Books Network, join your hosts Dr. Lee M Pierce (she/they) and Mary Whiteside, J.D. (she/hers) as they interview Dr. Haney López (he/his) about this important follow-up work to his 2014 Dog Whistle Politics and his digital project, Race Class Academy, a free 12-video introduction teaching us to work together to beat dog whistle politics by building cross-racial and cross-class solidarity. Check it out at https://race-class-academy.com/
“When we come together to reject racism as a weapon of the rich, we can make sure that the government works for all of us, of every race and color.” ~ Ian Haney López The country is headed toward what will surely be one of the most consequential elections ever, with the Right gearing up to exploit racial fear-mongering to divide and distract, and the Left splintered over the next step forward. Some want to focus on racial justice head-on; others insist that a race-silent focus on class avoids alienating white voters. Can either approach—race-forward or colorblind—build the progressive supermajorities necessary to break political gridlock and fundamentally change the country’s direction?
For the past two years, Haney López has been collaborating with a research team of union activists, racial justice leaders, communications specialists, and pollsters. Based on conversations, interviews, and surveys with thousands of people all over the country, the team found a way forward.
By merging the fights for racial justice and for shared economic prosperity, they were able to build greater enthusiasm for both goals—and for the cross-racial solidarity needed to win elections. What does this mean? It means that neutralizing the Right’s political strategy of racial division is possible, today. And that’s the key to everything progressives want to achieve.
A work of deep research, nuanced argument, and urgent insight, Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America is an indispensable tool for the upcoming political season and in the larger fight to build racial justice and shared economic prosperity for all of us.
We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>97</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Greedy elites are purposefully stoking racial division and laughing all the way to the bank.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Greedy elites are purposefully stoking racial division and laughing all the way to the bank. That is the bottom line of Ian Haney López’s Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America (The New Press, 2019), an essential read for the upcoming election as the Left tries to rescue democracy from the modern Right’s campaign of fear, racial division, and corporate interests. On this episode of the New Books Network, join your hosts Dr. Lee M Pierce (she/they) and Mary Whiteside, J.D. (she/hers) as they interview Dr. Haney López (he/his) about this important follow-up work to his 2014 Dog Whistle Politics and his digital project, Race Class Academy, a free 12-video introduction teaching us to work together to beat dog whistle politics by building cross-racial and cross-class solidarity. Check it out at https://race-class-academy.com/
“When we come together to reject racism as a weapon of the rich, we can make sure that the government works for all of us, of every race and color.” ~ Ian Haney López The country is headed toward what will surely be one of the most consequential elections ever, with the Right gearing up to exploit racial fear-mongering to divide and distract, and the Left splintered over the next step forward. Some want to focus on racial justice head-on; others insist that a race-silent focus on class avoids alienating white voters. Can either approach—race-forward or colorblind—build the progressive supermajorities necessary to break political gridlock and fundamentally change the country’s direction?
For the past two years, Haney López has been collaborating with a research team of union activists, racial justice leaders, communications specialists, and pollsters. Based on conversations, interviews, and surveys with thousands of people all over the country, the team found a way forward.
By merging the fights for racial justice and for shared economic prosperity, they were able to build greater enthusiasm for both goals—and for the cross-racial solidarity needed to win elections. What does this mean? It means that neutralizing the Right’s political strategy of racial division is possible, today. And that’s the key to everything progressives want to achieve.
A work of deep research, nuanced argument, and urgent insight, Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America is an indispensable tool for the upcoming political season and in the larger fight to build racial justice and shared economic prosperity for all of us.
We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Greedy elites are purposefully stoking racial division and laughing all the way to the bank. That is the bottom line of Ian Haney López’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781620975640"><em>Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America</em></a> (The New Press, 2019)<em>, </em>an essential read for the upcoming election as the Left tries to rescue democracy from the modern Right’s campaign of fear, racial division, and corporate interests. On this episode of the New Books Network, join your hosts <a href="https://leempierce.com/">Dr. Lee M Pierce</a> (she/they) and <a href="https://displeasethecourt.podbean.com/">Mary Whiteside, J.D.</a> (she/hers) as they interview Dr. Haney López (he/his) about this important follow-up work to his 2014 <em>Dog Whistle Politics </em>and his digital project, Race Class Academy, a free 12-video introduction teaching us to work together to beat dog whistle politics by building cross-racial and cross-class solidarity. Check it out at <a href="https://race-class-academy.com/">https://race-class-academy.com/</a></p><p>“When we come together to reject racism as a weapon of the rich, we can make sure that the government works for all of us, of every race and color.” ~ Ian Haney López The country is headed toward what will surely be one of the most consequential elections ever, with the Right gearing up to exploit racial fear-mongering to divide and distract, and the Left splintered over the next step forward. Some want to focus on racial justice head-on; others insist that a race-silent focus on class avoids alienating white voters. Can either approach—race-forward or colorblind—build the progressive supermajorities necessary to break political gridlock and fundamentally change the country’s direction?</p><p>For the past two years, Haney López has been collaborating with a research team of union activists, racial justice leaders, communications specialists, and pollsters. Based on conversations, interviews, and surveys with thousands of people all over the country, the team found a way forward.</p><p>By merging the fights for racial justice and for shared economic prosperity, they were able to build greater enthusiasm for both goals—and for the cross-racial solidarity needed to win elections. What does this mean? It means that neutralizing the Right’s political strategy of racial division is possible, today. And that’s the key to everything progressives want to achieve.</p><p>A work of deep research, nuanced argument, and urgent insight, <em>Merge Left: Fusing Race and Class, Winning Elections, and Saving America</em> is an indispensable tool for the upcoming political season and in the larger fight to build racial justice and shared economic prosperity for all of us.</p><p>We hope you enjoyed listening as much as we enjoyed chatting about this fascinating book. Connect with your host, Lee Pierce, on <a href="https://twitter.com/RhetoricLee">Twitter</a>, <a href="http://www.instagram.com/rhetoriclee/">Instagram</a>, and <a href="http://www.facebook.com/rhetoriclee">Facebook</a> for interview previews, the best book selfies, and new episode alerts.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4307</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>A. B. Cox and C. M. Rodríguez, "The President and Immigration Law" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Who truly controls immigration law in the United States? Though common sense might suggest the U.S. Congress, legal scholars Adam B. Cox and Cristina M. Rodríguez argue that the president is in fact the immigration policymaker-in-chief.
In this interview, we speak with co-author Rodríguez about their new book The President and Immigration Law (Oxford University Press, 2020), which shifts our attention away from court-based immigration regulation and toward the power dynamic between Congress and presidential administrations. The book details the historical construction of the “shadow immigration system” that has enabled the executive branch to fundamentally shape immigration policy through its discretionary enforcement of the law. Rodríguez walks us through the three constitutive elements of this system: a deportation legal regime, state capacity and bureaucracy, and a boom of unauthorized immigration in the latter half of the twentieth century. This interview also delves into the role of local and state police, different visions of immigration enforcement between the Obama and Trump administrations, and the potential for reform of the current immigration system. With the continued push and pull forces of global migration spurred by humanitarian crises and economic incentives, this work sheds new light on who holds the reins of power in this ongoing policy debate.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>73</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Who truly controls immigration law in the United States?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who truly controls immigration law in the United States? Though common sense might suggest the U.S. Congress, legal scholars Adam B. Cox and Cristina M. Rodríguez argue that the president is in fact the immigration policymaker-in-chief.
In this interview, we speak with co-author Rodríguez about their new book The President and Immigration Law (Oxford University Press, 2020), which shifts our attention away from court-based immigration regulation and toward the power dynamic between Congress and presidential administrations. The book details the historical construction of the “shadow immigration system” that has enabled the executive branch to fundamentally shape immigration policy through its discretionary enforcement of the law. Rodríguez walks us through the three constitutive elements of this system: a deportation legal regime, state capacity and bureaucracy, and a boom of unauthorized immigration in the latter half of the twentieth century. This interview also delves into the role of local and state police, different visions of immigration enforcement between the Obama and Trump administrations, and the potential for reform of the current immigration system. With the continued push and pull forces of global migration spurred by humanitarian crises and economic incentives, this work sheds new light on who holds the reins of power in this ongoing policy debate.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who truly controls immigration law in the United States? Though common sense might suggest the U.S. Congress, legal scholars Adam B. Cox and Cristina M. Rodríguez argue that the president is in fact the immigration policymaker-in-chief.</p><p>In this interview, we speak with co-author Rodríguez about their new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190694364"><em>The President and Immigration Law </em></a>(Oxford University Press, 2020), which shifts our attention away from court-based immigration regulation and toward the power dynamic between Congress and presidential administrations. The book details the historical construction of the “shadow immigration system” that has enabled the executive branch to fundamentally shape immigration policy through its discretionary enforcement of the law. Rodríguez walks us through the three constitutive elements of this system: a deportation legal regime, state capacity and bureaucracy, and a boom of unauthorized immigration in the latter half of the twentieth century. This interview also delves into the role of local and state police, different visions of immigration enforcement between the Obama and Trump administrations, and the potential for reform of the current immigration system. With the continued push and pull forces of global migration spurred by humanitarian crises and economic incentives, this work sheds new light on who holds the reins of power in this ongoing policy debate.</p><p><a href="https://scholar.princeton.edu/jaimesanchezjr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2832</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Hannah L. Walker, "Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Hannah Walker’s new book, Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race (Oxford UP, 2020), brings together the political science and criminal justice disciplines in exploring how individuals are mobilized to engage in political participation by their connection to the criminal justice system in the United States. The fusion between these two academic disciplines, and the focus of their respective studies in this area, answers some questions that are often omitted or passed over by the individual disciplines given the kinds of questions posed by each discipline. Thus, the topics and issues explored in Mobilized by Injustice focuses on political mobilization, advocacy, and activism, often beyond the issue of voting, to tease out how individuals who have been incarcerated or their friends and relatives are involved in the political system. The American criminal justice system is often seen as imposing the “prison beyond the prison” in how formerly incarcerated individuals are constrained and limited in their lives after they leave prison, including limits on voting rights in many states, limits on access to federal policies, and the myriad other ways in which these citizens are essentially marginalized with our society. Walker’s research digs into these constraints and also the stigmatization that individuals experience because of incarceration. At the same time that she is trying to discern how these individuals respond within the political system itself, Walker is also trying to get at how communities are impacted by the criminal justice system, exploring the ways in which this system can be particularly corrosive in certain communities.
The research explores political participation by a number of different and often intersecting groups, specifically the individuals who have been incarcerated or directly experienced the criminal justice system, and those who have proximate contact with that system, through their family member’s direct experience. Within these two umbrella groups, Walker also digs into distinctions across racial groups (white, black, Latinx) and across socio-economic categories (examining class distinctions in this context). Mobilized by Injustice finds interesting results in the multi-method research approach, discerning different kinds of political involvement that is not captured by questions about whether an individual does vote or can vote. Rather, the research highlights that those with proximal contact with the criminal justice system have lower barriers to political engagement, which may lead them more naturally into politics because these individuals find themselves working as advocates for their family member who is incarcerated. Those who have been incarcerated face a variety of higher barriers, both structural and psychological, and they often need more support to engage in politics, because of the “dignity deficit” they may suffer because of societal stigmatization.
Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race will likely be of interest to those who study political science, criminal justice, sociology, public policy, social science methodology, and race and class.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 08 Oct 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>477</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Walker brings together the political science and criminal justice disciplines in exploring how individuals are mobilized to engage in political participation by their connection to the criminal justice system in the United States...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Hannah Walker’s new book, Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race (Oxford UP, 2020), brings together the political science and criminal justice disciplines in exploring how individuals are mobilized to engage in political participation by their connection to the criminal justice system in the United States. The fusion between these two academic disciplines, and the focus of their respective studies in this area, answers some questions that are often omitted or passed over by the individual disciplines given the kinds of questions posed by each discipline. Thus, the topics and issues explored in Mobilized by Injustice focuses on political mobilization, advocacy, and activism, often beyond the issue of voting, to tease out how individuals who have been incarcerated or their friends and relatives are involved in the political system. The American criminal justice system is often seen as imposing the “prison beyond the prison” in how formerly incarcerated individuals are constrained and limited in their lives after they leave prison, including limits on voting rights in many states, limits on access to federal policies, and the myriad other ways in which these citizens are essentially marginalized with our society. Walker’s research digs into these constraints and also the stigmatization that individuals experience because of incarceration. At the same time that she is trying to discern how these individuals respond within the political system itself, Walker is also trying to get at how communities are impacted by the criminal justice system, exploring the ways in which this system can be particularly corrosive in certain communities.
The research explores political participation by a number of different and often intersecting groups, specifically the individuals who have been incarcerated or directly experienced the criminal justice system, and those who have proximate contact with that system, through their family member’s direct experience. Within these two umbrella groups, Walker also digs into distinctions across racial groups (white, black, Latinx) and across socio-economic categories (examining class distinctions in this context). Mobilized by Injustice finds interesting results in the multi-method research approach, discerning different kinds of political involvement that is not captured by questions about whether an individual does vote or can vote. Rather, the research highlights that those with proximal contact with the criminal justice system have lower barriers to political engagement, which may lead them more naturally into politics because these individuals find themselves working as advocates for their family member who is incarcerated. Those who have been incarcerated face a variety of higher barriers, both structural and psychological, and they often need more support to engage in politics, because of the “dignity deficit” they may suffer because of societal stigmatization.
Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race will likely be of interest to those who study political science, criminal justice, sociology, public policy, social science methodology, and race and class.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Hannah Walker’s new book, <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190940652"><em>Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race</em></a><em> </em>(Oxford UP, 2020), brings together the political science and criminal justice disciplines in exploring how individuals are mobilized to engage in political participation by their connection to the criminal justice system in the United States. The fusion between these two academic disciplines, and the focus of their respective studies in this area, answers some questions that are often omitted or passed over by the individual disciplines given the kinds of questions posed by each discipline. Thus, the topics and issues explored in <em>Mobilized by Injustice </em>focuses on political mobilization, advocacy, and activism, often beyond the issue of voting, to tease out how individuals who have been incarcerated or their friends and relatives are involved in the political system. The American criminal justice system is often seen as imposing the “prison beyond the prison” in how formerly incarcerated individuals are constrained and limited in their lives after they leave prison, including limits on voting rights in many states, limits on access to federal policies, and the myriad other ways in which these citizens are essentially marginalized with our society. Walker’s research digs into these constraints and also the stigmatization that individuals experience because of incarceration. At the same time that she is trying to discern how these individuals respond within the political system itself, Walker is also trying to get at how communities are impacted by the criminal justice system, exploring the ways in which this system can be particularly corrosive in certain communities.</p><p>The research explores political participation by a number of different and often intersecting groups, specifically the individuals who have been incarcerated or directly experienced the criminal justice system, and those who have proximate contact with that system, through their family member’s direct experience. Within these two umbrella groups, Walker also digs into distinctions across racial groups (white, black, Latinx) and across socio-economic categories (examining class distinctions in this context). <em>Mobilized by Injustice</em> finds interesting results in the multi-method research approach, discerning different kinds of political involvement that is not captured by questions about whether an individual does vote or can vote. Rather, the research highlights that those with proximal contact with the criminal justice system have lower barriers to political engagement, which may lead them more naturally into politics because these individuals find themselves working as advocates for their family member who is incarcerated. Those who have been incarcerated face a variety of higher barriers, both structural and psychological, and they often need more support to engage in politics, because of the “dignity deficit” they may suffer because of societal stigmatization.</p><p><em>Mobilized by Injustice: Criminal Justice Contact, Political Participation, and Race</em> will likely be of interest to those who study political science, criminal justice, sociology, public policy, social science methodology, and race and class.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2854</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Paul Kuhn, "The Hardhat Riot: Nixon, New York City, and the Dawn of the White Working-Class Revolution" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>On the eve of the November 2020 presidential election, Americans often present increased polarization as the result of Trumpian extremism or America’s complex racial history but David Paul Kuhn’s The Hardhat Riot: Nixon, New York City, and the Dawn of the White Working-Class Revolution (Oxford UP, 2020) cautions Americans to look back to the 1970s with an eye to class to better understand our political tribalism.
On May 8, 1970, just four days after the killings at Kent State, New York construction workers brutally attacked peaceful protestors in Manhattan’s financial district. Though the police had advanced knowledge of the attack, they provided little protection to the protestors and over 100 were severely injured. The Hardhat Riot recalls this often forgotten violent attack to illuminate the nuances of the current polarization in the U.S. – asking us to shift the lens from race to class, especially white working class men.
For Kuhn, the riot occurred at a turning point for two distinct groups: “hardhats” and “hippies.” The anti-war protestors were mostly the college-educated children of affluent, suburban, middle-class families. The blue-collar construction workers and tradesmen increasingly felt the effects of the economic and social realities of a post-industrial nation. A strange confluence of events – especially the concentration of construction workers at the World Trade Center site juxtaposed with the student protests near Wall Street – sparked the attack. Kuhn highlights the bitterness and anger held by the workers towards an intellectual middle class distanced from the draft and consequences of the war in Vietnam.
In Kuhn’s telling, the hardhats become the stand-ins for the white-working-class voters who were part of FDR’s Democratic Party but became the members of Nixon’s Silent Majority. The protestors are “hippies” and liberal elites disconnected from the dangers of serving in Vietnam. New York City also stands in for what would soon happen to the rest of the country as a result of deindustrialization. The book’s larger claim is that the “two tribes” of the Hardhat riot contextualize Donald Trump’s 2016 victory over Hillary Clinton in 2016 – and the continuing resentment from white, working-class voters in the United States.
In the podcast, Kuhn details how the New York Police Department (NYPD)’s ineffective and self-serving “investigation” of themselves ironically enabled this carefully researched book based on their own squashed information. In a 40-page document, the NYPD acquitted itself but ACLU affidavits meant that the documents used to create the report were preserved and provided Kuhn with remarkable contemporary accounts. Kuhn was able to compare those accounts to his contemporary interviews of these same witnesses and participants.
David Paul Kuhn is an author, reporter, and political analyst who has served as a senior and chief political writer for Politico, RealClearPolitics, CBS and other outlets. Many listeners may be familiar with his articles in the New York Times, Washington Post Magazine, Wall Street Journal, the Atlantic, the New Republic, and the Los Angeles Times – as well has his work as a political analyst on networks ranging from the BBC to Fox News. He has two previous books – “The Neglected Voter: White Men and the Democratic Dilemma” (St. Martin’s, 2007) and a novel, What Makes It Worthy published in 2015 that addressed the tabloidization of American politics and the power dynamics between the press and public officials.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>476</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Kuhn  cautions Americans to look back to the 1970s with an eye to class to better understand our political tribalism...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On the eve of the November 2020 presidential election, Americans often present increased polarization as the result of Trumpian extremism or America’s complex racial history but David Paul Kuhn’s The Hardhat Riot: Nixon, New York City, and the Dawn of the White Working-Class Revolution (Oxford UP, 2020) cautions Americans to look back to the 1970s with an eye to class to better understand our political tribalism.
On May 8, 1970, just four days after the killings at Kent State, New York construction workers brutally attacked peaceful protestors in Manhattan’s financial district. Though the police had advanced knowledge of the attack, they provided little protection to the protestors and over 100 were severely injured. The Hardhat Riot recalls this often forgotten violent attack to illuminate the nuances of the current polarization in the U.S. – asking us to shift the lens from race to class, especially white working class men.
For Kuhn, the riot occurred at a turning point for two distinct groups: “hardhats” and “hippies.” The anti-war protestors were mostly the college-educated children of affluent, suburban, middle-class families. The blue-collar construction workers and tradesmen increasingly felt the effects of the economic and social realities of a post-industrial nation. A strange confluence of events – especially the concentration of construction workers at the World Trade Center site juxtaposed with the student protests near Wall Street – sparked the attack. Kuhn highlights the bitterness and anger held by the workers towards an intellectual middle class distanced from the draft and consequences of the war in Vietnam.
In Kuhn’s telling, the hardhats become the stand-ins for the white-working-class voters who were part of FDR’s Democratic Party but became the members of Nixon’s Silent Majority. The protestors are “hippies” and liberal elites disconnected from the dangers of serving in Vietnam. New York City also stands in for what would soon happen to the rest of the country as a result of deindustrialization. The book’s larger claim is that the “two tribes” of the Hardhat riot contextualize Donald Trump’s 2016 victory over Hillary Clinton in 2016 – and the continuing resentment from white, working-class voters in the United States.
In the podcast, Kuhn details how the New York Police Department (NYPD)’s ineffective and self-serving “investigation” of themselves ironically enabled this carefully researched book based on their own squashed information. In a 40-page document, the NYPD acquitted itself but ACLU affidavits meant that the documents used to create the report were preserved and provided Kuhn with remarkable contemporary accounts. Kuhn was able to compare those accounts to his contemporary interviews of these same witnesses and participants.
David Paul Kuhn is an author, reporter, and political analyst who has served as a senior and chief political writer for Politico, RealClearPolitics, CBS and other outlets. Many listeners may be familiar with his articles in the New York Times, Washington Post Magazine, Wall Street Journal, the Atlantic, the New Republic, and the Los Angeles Times – as well has his work as a political analyst on networks ranging from the BBC to Fox News. He has two previous books – “The Neglected Voter: White Men and the Democratic Dilemma” (St. Martin’s, 2007) and a novel, What Makes It Worthy published in 2015 that addressed the tabloidization of American politics and the power dynamics between the press and public officials.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On the eve of the November 2020 presidential election, Americans often present increased polarization as the result of Trumpian extremism or America’s complex racial history but David Paul Kuhn’s <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190064716"><em>The Hardhat Riot: Nixon, New York City, and the Dawn of the White Working-Class Revolution</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020) cautions Americans to look back to the 1970s with an eye to class to better understand our political tribalism.</p><p>On May 8, 1970, just four days after the killings at Kent State, New York construction workers brutally attacked peaceful protestors in Manhattan’s financial district. Though the police had advanced knowledge of the attack, they provided little protection to the protestors and over 100 were severely injured. <em>The Hardhat Riot</em> recalls this often forgotten violent attack to illuminate the nuances of the current polarization in the U.S. – asking us to shift the lens from race to class, especially white working class men.</p><p>For Kuhn, the riot occurred at a turning point for two distinct groups: “hardhats” and “hippies.” The anti-war protestors were mostly the college-educated children of affluent, suburban, middle-class families. The blue-collar construction workers and tradesmen increasingly felt the effects of the economic and social realities of a post-industrial nation. A strange confluence of events – especially the concentration of construction workers at the World Trade Center site juxtaposed with the student protests near Wall Street – sparked the attack. Kuhn highlights the bitterness and anger held by the workers towards an intellectual middle class distanced from the draft and consequences of the war in Vietnam.</p><p>In Kuhn’s telling, the hardhats become the stand-ins for the white-working-class voters who were part of FDR’s Democratic Party but became the members of Nixon’s Silent Majority. The protestors are “hippies” and liberal elites disconnected from the dangers of serving in Vietnam. New York City also stands in for what would soon happen to the rest of the country as a result of deindustrialization. The book’s larger claim is that the “two tribes” of the Hardhat riot contextualize Donald Trump’s 2016 victory over Hillary Clinton in 2016 – and the continuing resentment from white, working-class voters in the United States.</p><p>In the podcast, Kuhn details how the New York Police Department (NYPD)’s ineffective and self-serving “investigation” of themselves ironically enabled this carefully researched book based on their own squashed information. In a 40-page document, the NYPD acquitted itself but ACLU affidavits meant that the documents used to create the report were preserved and provided Kuhn with remarkable contemporary accounts. Kuhn was able to compare those accounts to his contemporary interviews of these same witnesses and participants.</p><p>David Paul Kuhn is an author, reporter, and political analyst who has served as a senior and chief political writer for Politico, RealClearPolitics, CBS and other outlets. Many listeners may be familiar with his articles in the New York Times, Washington Post Magazine, Wall Street Journal, the Atlantic, the New Republic, and the Los Angeles Times – as well has his work as a political analyst on networks ranging from the BBC to Fox News. He has two previous books – “The Neglected Voter: White Men and the Democratic Dilemma” (St. Martin’s, 2007) and a novel, What Makes It Worthy published in 2015 that addressed the tabloidization of American politics and the power dynamics between the press and public officials.</p><p>Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Alexander Keyssar, "Why Do We Still Have the Electoral College?" (Harvard UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The title of Harvard historian Alexander Keyssar,’s new book poses the question that comes up every presidential election cycle: Why Do We Still Have the Electoral College? (Harvard University Press, 2020). Keyssar presents the reader with a deep, layered, and complex analysis not only of the institution of the Electoral College itself, drawing out how it came about at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, but of the many attempts over more than two centuries to reform it or get rid of it. This is an historical subject with keenly contemporary relevance, as we move into the final stretch of the 2020 election cycle, and we consider how the political landscape, party platforms, and the shape of the presidential race all look the way they do because of the Electoral College. Keyssar unpacks the discussions and debates at the Constitutional Convention about how to elect a president, and then dives into the immediate response to the Electoral College as it was implemented in the new system.
In going through the history of the Electoral College itself, and the points of contention between the popular vote tallies and the Electoral College results, as well as the many, many attempts to reform or eliminate the Electoral College, Keyssar highlights the two points in American political history when we came closest to doing away with this means of electing the president. The Era of Good Feeling (1815-1825)—when there was really only one functioning party, and the party system itself was in flux as party competition shifted—saw a significant effort to revise the Electoral College and the contingent election system that had been used when no candidate received a majority of the votes and the House of Representatives must designate a winner. Keyssar also maps out the efforts in the 1960s and early 1970s to pass an amendment to the Constitution to replace the Electoral College with direct popular vote. This legislation was filibustered in the Senate by senior Southern Democratic and Dixiecrat senators who saw the disproportional voice that the Electoral College gave to the Southern states—states where the Black vote had been significantly diminished because of regulations and threats that made it extraordinarily difficult and dangerous for African Americans to vote. Keyssar explains that this was known as the “5/5 rule”—in contrast to the 3/5th rule in the Constitution—whereas the southern states were able to count all Black citizens are part of their populations and preclude all of them from voting.
Why Do We Still Have The Electoral College also traces the internal shifts within the states as they moved from their initial approach to the distribution of electoral college votes to the establishment of the “unit rule” or “general ticket” that allocates all of a state’s electoral college votes to the winner in that particular state. Not only have there been attempts to amend the Constitution to get rid of the Electoral College, but there is a long history of the efforts to reform or eliminate the general ticket/unit rule. Keyssar brings the reader forward to the contemporary period through a number of different threads as he outlines multiple dimensions of reform attempts and their failure, all while providing the reader with a deep history of debate about the structure and function of the Electoral College. This unique aspect of the American constitutional system also reflects the continuing impact of the role of race in American politics and political institutions. For those interested, curious, or confused, this book is truly a tour de force on the Electoral College.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
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      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>469</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>It's a good question....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The title of Harvard historian Alexander Keyssar,’s new book poses the question that comes up every presidential election cycle: Why Do We Still Have the Electoral College? (Harvard University Press, 2020). Keyssar presents the reader with a deep, layered, and complex analysis not only of the institution of the Electoral College itself, drawing out how it came about at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, but of the many attempts over more than two centuries to reform it or get rid of it. This is an historical subject with keenly contemporary relevance, as we move into the final stretch of the 2020 election cycle, and we consider how the political landscape, party platforms, and the shape of the presidential race all look the way they do because of the Electoral College. Keyssar unpacks the discussions and debates at the Constitutional Convention about how to elect a president, and then dives into the immediate response to the Electoral College as it was implemented in the new system.
In going through the history of the Electoral College itself, and the points of contention between the popular vote tallies and the Electoral College results, as well as the many, many attempts to reform or eliminate the Electoral College, Keyssar highlights the two points in American political history when we came closest to doing away with this means of electing the president. The Era of Good Feeling (1815-1825)—when there was really only one functioning party, and the party system itself was in flux as party competition shifted—saw a significant effort to revise the Electoral College and the contingent election system that had been used when no candidate received a majority of the votes and the House of Representatives must designate a winner. Keyssar also maps out the efforts in the 1960s and early 1970s to pass an amendment to the Constitution to replace the Electoral College with direct popular vote. This legislation was filibustered in the Senate by senior Southern Democratic and Dixiecrat senators who saw the disproportional voice that the Electoral College gave to the Southern states—states where the Black vote had been significantly diminished because of regulations and threats that made it extraordinarily difficult and dangerous for African Americans to vote. Keyssar explains that this was known as the “5/5 rule”—in contrast to the 3/5th rule in the Constitution—whereas the southern states were able to count all Black citizens are part of their populations and preclude all of them from voting.
Why Do We Still Have The Electoral College also traces the internal shifts within the states as they moved from their initial approach to the distribution of electoral college votes to the establishment of the “unit rule” or “general ticket” that allocates all of a state’s electoral college votes to the winner in that particular state. Not only have there been attempts to amend the Constitution to get rid of the Electoral College, but there is a long history of the efforts to reform or eliminate the general ticket/unit rule. Keyssar brings the reader forward to the contemporary period through a number of different threads as he outlines multiple dimensions of reform attempts and their failure, all while providing the reader with a deep history of debate about the structure and function of the Electoral College. This unique aspect of the American constitutional system also reflects the continuing impact of the role of race in American politics and political institutions. For those interested, curious, or confused, this book is truly a tour de force on the Electoral College.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The title of Harvard historian <a href="https://www.hks.harvard.edu/faculty/alex-keyssar">Alexander Keyssar</a>,’s new book poses the question that comes up every presidential election cycle: <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0674660153/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Why Do We Still Have the Electoral College</em></a><em>?</em> (Harvard University Press, 2020). Keyssar presents the reader with a deep, layered, and complex analysis not only of the institution of the Electoral College itself, drawing out how it came about at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, but of the many attempts over more than two centuries to reform it or get rid of it. This is an historical subject with keenly contemporary relevance, as we move into the final stretch of the 2020 election cycle, and we consider how the political landscape, party platforms, and the shape of the presidential race all look the way they do because of the Electoral College. Keyssar unpacks the discussions and debates at the Constitutional Convention about how to elect a president, and then dives into the immediate response to the Electoral College as it was implemented in the new system.</p><p>In going through the history of the Electoral College itself, and the points of contention between the popular vote tallies and the Electoral College results, as well as the many, many attempts to reform or eliminate the Electoral College, Keyssar highlights the two points in American political history when we came closest to doing away with this means of electing the president. The Era of Good Feeling (1815-1825)—when there was really only one functioning party, and the party system itself was in flux as party competition shifted—saw a significant effort to revise the Electoral College and the contingent election system that had been used when no candidate received a majority of the votes and the House of Representatives must designate a winner. Keyssar also maps out the efforts in the 1960s and early 1970s to pass an amendment to the Constitution to replace the Electoral College with direct popular vote. This legislation was filibustered in the Senate by senior Southern Democratic and Dixiecrat senators who saw the disproportional voice that the Electoral College gave to the Southern states—states where the Black vote had been significantly diminished because of regulations and threats that made it extraordinarily difficult and dangerous for African Americans to vote. Keyssar explains that this was known as the “5/5 rule”—in contrast to the 3/5th rule in the Constitution—whereas the southern states were able to count all Black citizens are part of their populations and preclude all of them from voting.</p><p><em>Why Do We Still Have The Electoral College</em> also traces the internal shifts within the states as they moved from their initial approach to the distribution of electoral college votes to the establishment of the “unit rule” or “general ticket” that allocates all of a state’s electoral college votes to the winner in that particular state. Not only have there been attempts to amend the Constitution to get rid of the Electoral College, but there is a long history of the efforts to reform or eliminate the general ticket/unit rule. Keyssar brings the reader forward to the contemporary period through a number of different threads as he outlines multiple dimensions of reform attempts and their failure, all while providing the reader with a deep history of debate about the structure and function of the Electoral College. This unique aspect of the American constitutional system also reflects the continuing impact of the role of race in American politics and political institutions. For those interested, curious, or confused, this book is truly a tour de force on the Electoral College.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Nadine Strossen, “Hate: Why We Should Resist it With Free Speech, Not Censorship” (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The updated paperback edition of Hate: Why We Should Resist it With Free Speech, Not Censorship (Oxford University Press) dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony.
As "hate speech" has no generally accepted definition, we hear many incorrect assumptions that it is either absolutely unprotected or absolutely protected from censorship. Rather, U.S. law allows government to punish hateful or discriminatory speech in specific contexts when it directly causes imminent serious harm.
Yet, government may not punish such speech solely because its message is disfavored, disturbing, or vaguely feared to possibly contribute to some future harm. "Hate speech" censorship proponents stress the potential harms such speech might further: discrimination, violence, and psychic injuries. However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries.
Citing evidence from many countries, this book shows that "hate speech" are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive. Therefore, prominent social justice advocates worldwide maintain that the best way to resist hate and promote equality is not censorship, but rather, vigorous "counterspeech" and activism.
New York Law School professor Nadine Strossen, the immediate past President of the American Civil Liberties Union (1991-2008), is a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her via email or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 16 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Strossen dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The updated paperback edition of Hate: Why We Should Resist it With Free Speech, Not Censorship (Oxford University Press) dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony.
As "hate speech" has no generally accepted definition, we hear many incorrect assumptions that it is either absolutely unprotected or absolutely protected from censorship. Rather, U.S. law allows government to punish hateful or discriminatory speech in specific contexts when it directly causes imminent serious harm.
Yet, government may not punish such speech solely because its message is disfavored, disturbing, or vaguely feared to possibly contribute to some future harm. "Hate speech" censorship proponents stress the potential harms such speech might further: discrimination, violence, and psychic injuries. However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries.
Citing evidence from many countries, this book shows that "hate speech" are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive. Therefore, prominent social justice advocates worldwide maintain that the best way to resist hate and promote equality is not censorship, but rather, vigorous "counterspeech" and activism.
New York Law School professor Nadine Strossen, the immediate past President of the American Civil Liberties Union (1991-2008), is a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions.
Arya Hariharan is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her via email or Twitter.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The updated paperback edition of <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190089009"><em>Hate: Why We Should Resist it With Free Speech, Not Censorship</em></a> (Oxford University Press) dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony.</p><p>As "hate speech" has no generally accepted definition, we hear many incorrect assumptions that it is either absolutely unprotected or absolutely protected from censorship. Rather, U.S. law allows government to punish hateful or discriminatory speech in specific contexts when it directly causes imminent serious harm.</p><p>Yet, government may not punish such speech solely because its message is disfavored, disturbing, or vaguely feared to possibly contribute to some future harm. "Hate speech" censorship proponents stress the potential harms such speech might further: discrimination, violence, and psychic injuries. However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries.</p><p>Citing evidence from many countries, this book shows that "hate speech" are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive. Therefore, prominent social justice advocates worldwide maintain that the best way to resist hate and promote equality is not censorship, but rather, vigorous "counterspeech" and activism.</p><p>New York Law School professor <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nadine_Strossen">Nadine Strossen</a>, the immediate past President of the American Civil Liberties Union (1991-2008), is a leading expert and frequent speaker/media commentator on constitutional law and civil liberties, who has testified before Congress on multiple occasions.</p><p><a href="http://www.linkedin.com/in/aryah"><em>Arya Hariharan</em></a><em> is a lawyer in politics. She spends much of her time working on congressional investigations and addressing challenges to the rule of law. You can reach her via </em><a href="mailto:arya.hariharan@gmail.com"><em>email</em></a><em> or </em><a href="https://twitter.com/arya_hariharan"><em>Twitter</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>4227</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Postscript: A Discussion of Race, Anger and Citizenship in the USA</title>
      <description>How do we have a serious conversation about race that moves beyond the brevity of Twitter or an op-ed? In this episode of Post-Script (a New Books in Political Science series from Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell), three scholars engage in a nuanced and fearless discussion grounded in history, data, and theory. There is no way to summarize this hour of engaged and enraged conversation about racism in the United States. The scholars present overlapping narratives with regards to racial violence and unequal citizenship – but they also openly challenge each other on first assumptions, definitions, and the contours of racism in the United States.
Dr. Davin Phoenix (Associate Professor, Political Science Department, University of California, Irvine ) focuses on anger and black politics as the “politics of bloodshed”– in which all forms of violence are used to destroy the political standing, well-being, and equal citizenship of Black Americans.
Dr. Frank B. Wilderson III (professor and chair of the African American Studies Program, University of California, Irvine) thoughtfully challenges the assumption that citizenship can be equal for Black Americans – even with radical reform.
Dr. Cristina Beltrán (associate professor and director of graduate studies in the department of Social and Cultural Analysis at NYU) interrogates whether American ideals rely upon uninterrogated violence and oppression.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
 
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      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>4</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Race now drives American political feeling. What does this mean for American democracy today?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How do we have a serious conversation about race that moves beyond the brevity of Twitter or an op-ed? In this episode of Post-Script (a New Books in Political Science series from Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell), three scholars engage in a nuanced and fearless discussion grounded in history, data, and theory. There is no way to summarize this hour of engaged and enraged conversation about racism in the United States. The scholars present overlapping narratives with regards to racial violence and unequal citizenship – but they also openly challenge each other on first assumptions, definitions, and the contours of racism in the United States.
Dr. Davin Phoenix (Associate Professor, Political Science Department, University of California, Irvine ) focuses on anger and black politics as the “politics of bloodshed”– in which all forms of violence are used to destroy the political standing, well-being, and equal citizenship of Black Americans.
Dr. Frank B. Wilderson III (professor and chair of the African American Studies Program, University of California, Irvine) thoughtfully challenges the assumption that citizenship can be equal for Black Americans – even with radical reform.
Dr. Cristina Beltrán (associate professor and director of graduate studies in the department of Social and Cultural Analysis at NYU) interrogates whether American ideals rely upon uninterrogated violence and oppression.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How do we have a serious conversation about race that moves beyond the brevity of Twitter or an op-ed? In this episode of <em>Post-Script</em> (a <em>New Books in Political Science </em>series from Lilly Goren and Susan Liebell), three scholars engage in a nuanced and fearless discussion grounded in history, data, and theory. There is no way to summarize this hour of engaged and enraged conversation about racism in the United States. The scholars present overlapping narratives with regards to racial violence and unequal citizenship – but they also openly challenge each other on first assumptions, definitions, and the contours of racism in the United States.</p><p><a href="https://davinphoenixphd.com/">Dr. Davin Phoenix</a> (Associate Professor, Political Science Department, University of California, Irvine ) focuses on anger and black politics as the “politics of bloodshed”– in which <em>all forms of violence</em> are used to destroy the political standing, well-being, and equal citizenship of Black Americans.</p><p><a href="https://www.frankbwildersoniii.com/">Dr. Frank B. Wilderson III</a> (professor and chair of the African American Studies Program, University of California, Irvine) thoughtfully challenges the assumption that citizenship can be equal for Black Americans – even with radical reform.</p><p><a href="https://as.nyu.edu/content/nyu-as/as/faculty/cristina-beltran.html">Dr. Cristina Beltrán</a> (associate professor and director of graduate studies in the department of Social and Cultural Analysis at NYU) interrogates whether American ideals rely upon uninterrogated violence and oppression.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><h1> </h1><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4813</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Meg Heckman, "Political Godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the Newspaper That Shook the Republican Party" (Potomac Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>Despite her nearly two decades as the publisher of the largest newspaper in a politically pivotal state, the role of Nackey Scripps Loeb in American political and media history has been unjustly forgotten. In Political Godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the Newspaper That Shook the Republican Party (Potomac Books, 2020), Meg Heckman describes the ways in which she shaped both journalism in New Hampshire and presidential politics in America. An heiress to the Scripps publishing empire, Nackey enjoyed a childhood that was privileged yet unorthodox After a first marriage ended acrimoniously, she married William Loeb, the right-wing publisher of the Manchester Union-Leader, and together they ran the newspaper from their ranch in Nevada. After the twin tragedies of a crippling car accident and the death of her husband from cancer, Nackey took over the newspaper and maintained both its independence and its stridently conservative voice. As Heckman explains, the newspaper’s location in the state hosting the nation’s first presidential primary gave Nackey an outsized political influence, one which she used to promote conservative Republican presidential candidates, most notable Pat Buchanan in his disruptive primary challenge to President George H. W. Bush in 1992.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 11 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>187</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Despite her nearly two decades as the publisher of the largest newspaper in a politically pivotal state, the role of Nackey Scripps Loeb in American political and media history has been unjustly forgotten...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Despite her nearly two decades as the publisher of the largest newspaper in a politically pivotal state, the role of Nackey Scripps Loeb in American political and media history has been unjustly forgotten. In Political Godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the Newspaper That Shook the Republican Party (Potomac Books, 2020), Meg Heckman describes the ways in which she shaped both journalism in New Hampshire and presidential politics in America. An heiress to the Scripps publishing empire, Nackey enjoyed a childhood that was privileged yet unorthodox After a first marriage ended acrimoniously, she married William Loeb, the right-wing publisher of the Manchester Union-Leader, and together they ran the newspaper from their ranch in Nevada. After the twin tragedies of a crippling car accident and the death of her husband from cancer, Nackey took over the newspaper and maintained both its independence and its stridently conservative voice. As Heckman explains, the newspaper’s location in the state hosting the nation’s first presidential primary gave Nackey an outsized political influence, one which she used to promote conservative Republican presidential candidates, most notable Pat Buchanan in his disruptive primary challenge to President George H. W. Bush in 1992.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Despite her nearly two decades as the publisher of the largest newspaper in a politically pivotal state, the role of Nackey Scripps Loeb in American political and media history has been unjustly forgotten. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781640121935"><em>Political Godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the Newspaper That Shook the Republican Party</em></a> (Potomac Books, 2020), Meg Heckman describes the ways in which she shaped both journalism in New Hampshire and presidential politics in America. An heiress to the Scripps publishing empire, Nackey enjoyed a childhood that was privileged yet unorthodox After a first marriage ended acrimoniously, she married William Loeb, the right-wing publisher of the <em>Manchester Union-Leader</em>, and together they ran the newspaper from their ranch in Nevada. After the twin tragedies of a crippling car accident and the death of her husband from cancer, Nackey took over the newspaper and maintained both its independence and its stridently conservative voice. As Heckman explains, the newspaper’s location in the state hosting the nation’s first presidential primary gave Nackey an outsized political influence, one which she used to promote conservative Republican presidential candidates, most notable Pat Buchanan in his disruptive primary challenge to President George H. W. Bush in 1992.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3250</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>B. Heersink and J. A. Jenkins, "Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Prior to the 1960s, Democrats were seen as having a lock on the South in national and local electoral politics, while Republicans had strengths in other parts of the country. While this was the case for some time, Boris Heersink and Jeffrey A. Jenkins, in their new book,Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968 (Cambridge University Press, 2020), look a bit more deeply into the role of the Republican Party in the Southern states following the Civil War, and they find some interesting dynamics at play across the next hundred years. Heersink and Jenkins argue that the overly simplified view of the “solid Democratic South” creates an incomplete narrative. Outlining the role of the Republican Party in the former states of the Confederacy, they explain how Southern Republicans had meaningful roles in selecting Republican presidential candidates even if few of those candidates carried any electoral college votes from Southern states.
Heersink and Jenkins describe how Southern Republicans, despite their unpopularity in the South, remained nationally important through their regular participation at the Republican national conventions. They explain that Southern delegates made up a sizable portion of the conventions, and candidates often vied for support from these delegates. Southern delegates were so valuable that candidates often turned to corrupt practices, including bribery, to win over these delegates. As a result, many GOP delegates were able to leverage their support for candidates for patronage appointments back home, even if they couldn’t produce broad-based state support for Republican presidential candidates. Heersink and Jenkins created a complex data set that came from census records, delegate rosters, local newspaper articles from the time, and information about patronage appointments. This is a fascinating multi-methods analysis, and they are continuing to expand the analysis to look more closely at these questions of patronage appointments.
Additionally, Heersink and Jenkins discuss electoral strategies of the Republican Party over the century that followed the Civil War. They recount the different ways that the GOP, in different states, approached party building and political engagement. This dimension of the research and the book is particularly rich since it dives into how the parties operated at the state level and how the approach of those operations also changed and shifted over time. As Reconstruction ended and as Southern states began to institute laws and regulations that would come to form the Jim Crow era, the various state-level Republican parties (and Democratic Parties) pursued support among voters, especially white voters as Black voters were pushed out of active political participation in the South. This hundred-year span is both nuanced and complex, and Heersink and Jenkins guide the reader through the evolution of the Republican Party, how this paved the way for Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy and partisan realignment of the South in the latter part of the 20th century.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>467</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Heersink and Jenkins describe how Southern Republicans, despite their unpopularity in the South, remained nationally important through their regular participation at the Republican national conventions....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Prior to the 1960s, Democrats were seen as having a lock on the South in national and local electoral politics, while Republicans had strengths in other parts of the country. While this was the case for some time, Boris Heersink and Jeffrey A. Jenkins, in their new book,Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968 (Cambridge University Press, 2020), look a bit more deeply into the role of the Republican Party in the Southern states following the Civil War, and they find some interesting dynamics at play across the next hundred years. Heersink and Jenkins argue that the overly simplified view of the “solid Democratic South” creates an incomplete narrative. Outlining the role of the Republican Party in the former states of the Confederacy, they explain how Southern Republicans had meaningful roles in selecting Republican presidential candidates even if few of those candidates carried any electoral college votes from Southern states.
Heersink and Jenkins describe how Southern Republicans, despite their unpopularity in the South, remained nationally important through their regular participation at the Republican national conventions. They explain that Southern delegates made up a sizable portion of the conventions, and candidates often vied for support from these delegates. Southern delegates were so valuable that candidates often turned to corrupt practices, including bribery, to win over these delegates. As a result, many GOP delegates were able to leverage their support for candidates for patronage appointments back home, even if they couldn’t produce broad-based state support for Republican presidential candidates. Heersink and Jenkins created a complex data set that came from census records, delegate rosters, local newspaper articles from the time, and information about patronage appointments. This is a fascinating multi-methods analysis, and they are continuing to expand the analysis to look more closely at these questions of patronage appointments.
Additionally, Heersink and Jenkins discuss electoral strategies of the Republican Party over the century that followed the Civil War. They recount the different ways that the GOP, in different states, approached party building and political engagement. This dimension of the research and the book is particularly rich since it dives into how the parties operated at the state level and how the approach of those operations also changed and shifted over time. As Reconstruction ended and as Southern states began to institute laws and regulations that would come to form the Jim Crow era, the various state-level Republican parties (and Democratic Parties) pursued support among voters, especially white voters as Black voters were pushed out of active political participation in the South. This hundred-year span is both nuanced and complex, and Heersink and Jenkins guide the reader through the evolution of the Republican Party, how this paved the way for Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy and partisan realignment of the South in the latter part of the 20th century.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Prior to the 1960s, Democrats were seen as having a lock on the South in national and local electoral politics, while Republicans had strengths in other parts of the country. While this was the case for some time, <a href="http://www.borisheersink.com/">Boris Heersink</a> and <a href="https://priceschool.usc.edu/people/jeffery-a-jenkins/">Jeffrey A. Jenkins</a>, in their new book,<a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1316610926/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Republican Party Politics and the American South, 1865-1968</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020), look a bit more deeply into the role of the Republican Party in the Southern states following the Civil War, and they find some interesting dynamics at play across the next hundred years. Heersink and Jenkins argue that the overly simplified view of the “solid Democratic South” creates an incomplete narrative. Outlining the role of the Republican Party in the former states of the Confederacy, they explain how Southern Republicans had meaningful roles in selecting Republican presidential candidates even if few of those candidates carried any electoral college votes from Southern states.</p><p>Heersink and Jenkins describe how Southern Republicans, despite their unpopularity in the South, remained nationally important through their regular participation at the Republican national conventions. They explain that Southern delegates made up a sizable portion of the conventions, and candidates often vied for support from these delegates. Southern delegates were so valuable that candidates often turned to corrupt practices, including bribery, to win over these delegates. As a result, many GOP delegates were able to leverage their support for candidates for patronage appointments back home, even if they couldn’t produce broad-based state support for Republican presidential candidates. Heersink and Jenkins created a complex data set that came from census records, delegate rosters, local newspaper articles from the time, and information about patronage appointments. This is a fascinating multi-methods analysis, and they are continuing to expand the analysis to look more closely at these questions of patronage appointments.</p><p>Additionally, Heersink and Jenkins discuss electoral strategies of the Republican Party over the century that followed the Civil War. They recount the different ways that the GOP, in different states, approached party building and political engagement. This dimension of the research and the book is particularly rich since it dives into how the parties operated at the state level and how the approach of those operations also changed and shifted over time. As Reconstruction ended and as Southern states began to institute laws and regulations that would come to form the Jim Crow era, the various state-level Republican parties (and Democratic Parties) pursued support among voters, especially white voters as Black voters were pushed out of active political participation in the South. This hundred-year span is both nuanced and complex, and Heersink and Jenkins guide the reader through the evolution of the Republican Party, how this paved the way for Richard Nixon’s Southern Strategy and partisan realignment of the South in the latter part of the 20th century.</p><p>Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3304</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Postscript: Shirley Chisholm as Principled Political Strategist</title>
      <description>“I stand before you today as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency of the United States of America.
“I am not the candidate of black America, although I am black and proud.
“I am not the candidate of the women’s movement of this country, although I am a woman, and I am equally proud of that.” – Shirley Chisholm, January 25, 1972, Announcement of Run for the Presidency
What is the political and intellectual legacy of Shirley Chisholm? Recent coverage of Chisholm – especially after the announcement of Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s choice of Vice-Present – emphasizes ‘trailblazer talk.’ Chisholm’s extraordinary career included being both the first African-American woman elected to the United States congress and the first to run for the U.S. presidency. But emphasizing these “firsts” obscures Shirley Chisholm’s political and intellectual significance. She was a brilliant political strategist who deftly cultivated relationships that allowed her to accomplish her principled and wide-ranging political agenda. Shirley Chisholm said of herself that her achievement was having the "audacity and nerve" to run for the presidency of the United States: "I want history to remember me not as the first black woman to have be elected to the Congress, not as the first black woman to have made a bid for the presidency of the united states, but as a black woman who lived in the 20th century and who dared to be herself." Chisholm spoke and acted forcefully throughout her long career – Her slogan was “unbought and unbossed” – and she defined empowerment in the second half of the 20th century. She is better understood in the context of #BLM and than Kamala Harris.
POSTSCRIPT, a new series from New Books in Political Science, invites authors to react to contemporary political developments that engage their scholarship. Dr. Anastasia Curwood and Dr. Zinga A. Fraser – imminent scholars of Shirley Chisholm’s political strategies and ideals – engage in a remarkable dialogue.
Shirley Chisholm is often “disremembered” and Drs. Curwood and Fraser emphasize the importance of evaluating her work in the context of the Black Power movement of the 1970s, Black Women’s history, and Black feminism. Chisholm’s feminism was central to both her principles and her practice. She spoke the language of intersectionality – emphasizing the overlapping identities of gender, race, and class – decades before it was a popular term in Critical Race Theory. She had a majority woman staff with a woman as her top legislative aid. Political Science often equates political strategy with masculinity – failing to adequately explore Chisholm’s brilliant strategy of cultivating relationships that allowed her to deftly construct cross-cutting alliances. Her understanding of power was complex. She did not care who got credit and artfully created unlikely coalitions that allowed her to accomplish her political goals – always her priority.
Dr. Anastasia Curwood is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Kentucky and the Director of African-American and Africana Studies in the University of Kentucky’s College of Arts and Sciences. 
Dr. Zinga A. Fraser is an Assistant Professor in the Africana Studies and Women’s and Gender Studies at Brooklyn College. In addition to her academic responsibilities she is also the Director of the Shirley Chisholm Project on Brooklyn Women’s Activism at Brooklyn College. 
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>3</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What is the political and intellectual legacy of Shirley Chisholm?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“I stand before you today as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency of the United States of America.
“I am not the candidate of black America, although I am black and proud.
“I am not the candidate of the women’s movement of this country, although I am a woman, and I am equally proud of that.” – Shirley Chisholm, January 25, 1972, Announcement of Run for the Presidency
What is the political and intellectual legacy of Shirley Chisholm? Recent coverage of Chisholm – especially after the announcement of Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s choice of Vice-Present – emphasizes ‘trailblazer talk.’ Chisholm’s extraordinary career included being both the first African-American woman elected to the United States congress and the first to run for the U.S. presidency. But emphasizing these “firsts” obscures Shirley Chisholm’s political and intellectual significance. She was a brilliant political strategist who deftly cultivated relationships that allowed her to accomplish her principled and wide-ranging political agenda. Shirley Chisholm said of herself that her achievement was having the "audacity and nerve" to run for the presidency of the United States: "I want history to remember me not as the first black woman to have be elected to the Congress, not as the first black woman to have made a bid for the presidency of the united states, but as a black woman who lived in the 20th century and who dared to be herself." Chisholm spoke and acted forcefully throughout her long career – Her slogan was “unbought and unbossed” – and she defined empowerment in the second half of the 20th century. She is better understood in the context of #BLM and than Kamala Harris.
POSTSCRIPT, a new series from New Books in Political Science, invites authors to react to contemporary political developments that engage their scholarship. Dr. Anastasia Curwood and Dr. Zinga A. Fraser – imminent scholars of Shirley Chisholm’s political strategies and ideals – engage in a remarkable dialogue.
Shirley Chisholm is often “disremembered” and Drs. Curwood and Fraser emphasize the importance of evaluating her work in the context of the Black Power movement of the 1970s, Black Women’s history, and Black feminism. Chisholm’s feminism was central to both her principles and her practice. She spoke the language of intersectionality – emphasizing the overlapping identities of gender, race, and class – decades before it was a popular term in Critical Race Theory. She had a majority woman staff with a woman as her top legislative aid. Political Science often equates political strategy with masculinity – failing to adequately explore Chisholm’s brilliant strategy of cultivating relationships that allowed her to deftly construct cross-cutting alliances. Her understanding of power was complex. She did not care who got credit and artfully created unlikely coalitions that allowed her to accomplish her political goals – always her priority.
Dr. Anastasia Curwood is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Kentucky and the Director of African-American and Africana Studies in the University of Kentucky’s College of Arts and Sciences. 
Dr. Zinga A. Fraser is an Assistant Professor in the Africana Studies and Women’s and Gender Studies at Brooklyn College. In addition to her academic responsibilities she is also the Director of the Shirley Chisholm Project on Brooklyn Women’s Activism at Brooklyn College. 
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><em>“I stand before you today as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency of the United States of America.</em></p><p>“I am not the candidate of black America, although I am black and proud.</p><p><em>“I am not the candidate of the women’s movement of this country, although I am a woman, and I am equally proud of that.”</em> – Shirley Chisholm, January 25, 1972, <a href="http://www.4president.org/speeches/shirleychisholm1972announcement.htm">Announcement of Run for the Presidency</a></p><p>What is the political and intellectual legacy of Shirley Chisholm? Recent coverage of Chisholm – especially after the announcement of Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s choice of Vice-Present – emphasizes ‘trailblazer talk.’ Chisholm’s extraordinary career included being <em>both</em> the first African-American woman elected to the United States congress and the first to run for the U.S. presidency. But emphasizing these “firsts” obscures Shirley Chisholm’s political and intellectual significance. She was a brilliant political strategist who deftly cultivated relationships that allowed her to accomplish her principled and wide-ranging political agenda. Shirley Chisholm said of herself that her achievement was having the "audacity and nerve" to run for the presidency of the United States: "I want history to remember me not as the first black woman to have be elected to the Congress, not as the first black woman to have made a bid for the presidency of the united states, but as a black woman who lived in the 20th century and who dared to be herself." Chisholm spoke and acted forcefully throughout her long career – Her slogan was “unbought and unbossed” – and she defined empowerment in the second half of the 20th century. She is better understood in the context of #BLM and than Kamala Harris.</p><p><em>POSTSCRIPT</em>, a new series from <em>New Books in Political Science</em>, invites authors to react to contemporary political developments that engage their scholarship. Dr. Anastasia Curwood and Dr. Zinga A. Fraser – imminent scholars of Shirley Chisholm’s political strategies and ideals – engage in a remarkable dialogue.</p><p>Shirley Chisholm is often “disremembered” and Drs. Curwood and Fraser emphasize the importance of evaluating her work in the context of the Black Power movement of the 1970s, Black Women’s history, and Black feminism. Chisholm’s feminism was central to both her principles and her practice. She spoke the language of intersectionality – emphasizing the overlapping identities of gender, race, and class – decades before it was a popular term in Critical Race Theory. She had a majority woman staff with a woman as her top legislative aid. Political Science often equates political strategy with masculinity – failing to adequately explore Chisholm’s brilliant strategy of cultivating relationships that allowed her to deftly construct cross-cutting alliances. Her understanding of power was complex. She did not care who got credit and artfully created unlikely coalitions that allowed her to accomplish her political goals – always her priority.</p><p>Dr. Anastasia Curwood is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Kentucky and the Director of African-American and Africana Studies in the University of Kentucky’s College of Arts and Sciences. </p><p>Dr. Zinga A. Fraser is an Assistant Professor in the Africana Studies and Women’s and Gender Studies at Brooklyn College. In addition to her academic responsibilities she is also the Director of the <a href="http://chisholmproject.com/">Shirley Chisholm Project on Brooklyn Women’s Activism at Brooklyn College</a>. </p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3463</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Nathan J. Kelly, "America's Inequality Trap" (U of Chicago Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>America's Inequality Trap (University of Chicago Press, 2020) focuses on the relationship between economic inequality and American politics. Nathan J. Kelly, Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, argues that the increasing concentration of economic power effects political power, thus allowing the gap between the rich and everyone else to become more acute and more rigid. The increasing level of inequality, according to Kelly, also tends to be reinforced by public policies. This then creates a self-perpetuating plutocracy because those with more economic resources will have more political power or the capacity to influence those with political power and the kinds of policies that are being made. Thus, we have the theory of the inequality trap.
Kelly’s analysis is fairly specific to the United States, since the inequality trap itself combines aspects of the American political system that are rather unique, but he notes that the trip is not exclusive to the U.S., it is part of a “more general phenomenon.” In order to understand this inequality trap, Kelly’s research links politics, policy, and income inequality. He then explores different pathways that contribute to establishing and perpetuating this system, which concentrates more and more wealth in fewer and fewer hands. Each chapter assesses a different pathway: public opinion, elections, inegalitarian policy convergence, and policy stagnation, all of which contribute to economic inequality in the United States and how it operates within the political system. Public opinion and elections center around political attitudes and behavior while inegalitarian policy convergence and policy stagnation focus on policy-making institutions and processes. Each pathway shares the same outcome that they contribute to the inequality trap in which only those who are wealthy benefit from it.
In analyzing the effects of high inequality on each of the pathways, Kelly exposes the pattern of political response, or non-response, to the problem of inequality and the role of partisan politics within these dynamics. Kelly also emphasizes that racial bias and economic inequality play a substantial role in political decision making, especially in public opinion and elections. These distinct areas often have some overlap in terms of voter engagement and political behavior and choices and, according to the research, this also helps us understand the outcome in the 2016 presidential election. America’s Inequality Trap concludes with a discussion about economic inequality before the Great Depression and the Great Recession. Both events occurred during times of high economic inequality but there were distinct differences in the political response to that inequality and the economic collapses that followed. Kelly explains how and why the political responses differed, and by comparing the two, he suggests possible strategies for escaping the ongoing inequality trap.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 03 Sep 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>468</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Kelly argues that the increasing concentration of economic power effects political power, thus allowing the gap between the rich and everyone else to become more acute and more rigid...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>America's Inequality Trap (University of Chicago Press, 2020) focuses on the relationship between economic inequality and American politics. Nathan J. Kelly, Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, argues that the increasing concentration of economic power effects political power, thus allowing the gap between the rich and everyone else to become more acute and more rigid. The increasing level of inequality, according to Kelly, also tends to be reinforced by public policies. This then creates a self-perpetuating plutocracy because those with more economic resources will have more political power or the capacity to influence those with political power and the kinds of policies that are being made. Thus, we have the theory of the inequality trap.
Kelly’s analysis is fairly specific to the United States, since the inequality trap itself combines aspects of the American political system that are rather unique, but he notes that the trip is not exclusive to the U.S., it is part of a “more general phenomenon.” In order to understand this inequality trap, Kelly’s research links politics, policy, and income inequality. He then explores different pathways that contribute to establishing and perpetuating this system, which concentrates more and more wealth in fewer and fewer hands. Each chapter assesses a different pathway: public opinion, elections, inegalitarian policy convergence, and policy stagnation, all of which contribute to economic inequality in the United States and how it operates within the political system. Public opinion and elections center around political attitudes and behavior while inegalitarian policy convergence and policy stagnation focus on policy-making institutions and processes. Each pathway shares the same outcome that they contribute to the inequality trap in which only those who are wealthy benefit from it.
In analyzing the effects of high inequality on each of the pathways, Kelly exposes the pattern of political response, or non-response, to the problem of inequality and the role of partisan politics within these dynamics. Kelly also emphasizes that racial bias and economic inequality play a substantial role in political decision making, especially in public opinion and elections. These distinct areas often have some overlap in terms of voter engagement and political behavior and choices and, according to the research, this also helps us understand the outcome in the 2016 presidential election. America’s Inequality Trap concludes with a discussion about economic inequality before the Great Depression and the Great Recession. Both events occurred during times of high economic inequality but there were distinct differences in the political response to that inequality and the economic collapses that followed. Kelly explains how and why the political responses differed, and by comparing the two, he suggests possible strategies for escaping the ongoing inequality trap.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/022666550X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>America's Inequality Trap</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2020) focuses on the relationship between economic inequality and American politics. <a href="https://polisci.utk.edu/faculty/kelly.php">Nathan J. Kelly</a>, Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee, argues that the increasing concentration of economic power effects political power, thus allowing the gap between the rich and everyone else to become more acute and more rigid. The increasing level of inequality, according to Kelly, also tends to be reinforced by public policies. This then creates a self-perpetuating plutocracy because those with more economic resources will have more political power or the capacity to influence those with political power and the kinds of policies that are being made. Thus, we have the theory of the inequality trap.</p><p>Kelly’s analysis is fairly specific to the United States, since the inequality trap itself combines aspects of the American political system that are rather unique, but he notes that the trip is not exclusive to the U.S., it is part of a “more general phenomenon.” In order to understand this inequality trap, Kelly’s research links politics, policy, and income inequality. He then explores different pathways that contribute to establishing and perpetuating this system, which concentrates more and more wealth in fewer and fewer hands. Each chapter assesses a different pathway: public opinion, elections, inegalitarian policy convergence, and policy stagnation, all of which contribute to economic inequality in the United States and how it operates within the political system. Public opinion and elections center around political attitudes and behavior while inegalitarian policy convergence and policy stagnation focus on policy-making institutions and processes. Each pathway shares the same outcome that they contribute to the inequality trap in which only those who are wealthy benefit from it.</p><p>In analyzing the effects of high inequality on each of the pathways, Kelly exposes the pattern of political response, or non-response, to the problem of inequality and the role of partisan politics within these dynamics. Kelly also emphasizes that racial bias and economic inequality play a substantial role in political decision making, especially in public opinion and elections. These distinct areas often have some overlap in terms of voter engagement and political behavior and choices and, according to the research, this also helps us understand the outcome in the 2016 presidential election. America’s Inequality Trap concludes with a discussion about economic inequality before the Great Depression and the Great Recession. Both events occurred during times of high economic inequality but there were distinct differences in the political response to that inequality and the economic collapses that followed. Kelly explains how and why the political responses differed, and by comparing the two, he suggests possible strategies for escaping the ongoing inequality trap.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2329</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[c20eb15a-c0a1-11ec-8d21-272e2238970a]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Chris Yogerst, "Hollywood Hates Hitler!: Jew-bating, Anti-Nazism, and the Senate Investigation into Warmongering in Motion Pictures" (U Mississippi, 2020)</title>
      <description>In September 1941, a handful of isolationist senators set out to tarnish Hollywood for warmongering. The United States was largely divided on the possibility of entering the European War, yet the immigrant moguls in Hollywood were acutely aware of the conditions in Europe. Many works of American film history only skim the surface of the 1941 investigation of Hollywood. In Hollywood Hates Hitler! Jew-Baiting, Anti-Nazism, and the Senate Investigation into Warmongering in Motion Pictures (University of Mississippi, 2020), author Chris Yogerst examines the years leading up to and through the Senate Investigation into Motion Picture War Propaganda, detailing the isolationist senators’ relationship with the America First movement.
Chris Yogerst is assistant professor of communications at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
Joel Tscherne is an adjunct professor of history at Southern New Hampshire University. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>71</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In September 1941, a handful of isolationist senators set out to tarnish Hollywood for warmongering...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In September 1941, a handful of isolationist senators set out to tarnish Hollywood for warmongering. The United States was largely divided on the possibility of entering the European War, yet the immigrant moguls in Hollywood were acutely aware of the conditions in Europe. Many works of American film history only skim the surface of the 1941 investigation of Hollywood. In Hollywood Hates Hitler! Jew-Baiting, Anti-Nazism, and the Senate Investigation into Warmongering in Motion Pictures (University of Mississippi, 2020), author Chris Yogerst examines the years leading up to and through the Senate Investigation into Motion Picture War Propaganda, detailing the isolationist senators’ relationship with the America First movement.
Chris Yogerst is assistant professor of communications at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
Joel Tscherne is an adjunct professor of history at Southern New Hampshire University. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In September 1941, a handful of isolationist senators set out to tarnish Hollywood for warmongering. The United States was largely divided on the possibility of entering the European War, yet the immigrant moguls in Hollywood were acutely aware of the conditions in Europe. Many works of American film history only skim the surface of the 1941 investigation of Hollywood. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9781496829757"><em>Hollywood Hates Hitler! Jew-Baiting, Anti-Nazism, and the Senate Investigation into Warmongering in Motion Pictures</em></a> (University of Mississippi, 2020), author Chris Yogerst examines the years leading up to and through the Senate Investigation into Motion Picture War Propaganda, detailing the isolationist senators’ relationship with the America First movement.</p><p><a href="https://www.chrisyogerst.com">Chris Yogerst</a> is assistant professor of communications at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.</p><p><em>Joel Tscherne is an adjunct professor of history at Southern New Hampshire University. His Twitter handle is @JoelTscherne</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4030</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>J. E. Zelizer, "Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party" (Penguin, 2020)</title>
      <description>Nearly everyone in the United States is aware of the fiery rhetoric and divisive political stratagems of Donald Trump and the contemporary Republican party. What many people forget, however, is that Trump is not the first Republican to rise to power by pushing incendiary policies and destroying opponents. Julian E. Zelizer, Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University, traces many of these tactics back to Newt Gingrich, the former representative from Georgia and Speaker of the House of Representatives. Zelizer argues that Gingrich’s success with such tactics paved the way for Trump’s rise and his path to power. Burning Down the House examines Gingrich’s ascent within the Republican Party and to the Speakership, and the long-lasting effects of this approach to partisan politics.
Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party(Penguin, 2020) follows Gingrich through his controversial political career in the House of Representatives. Originally, he was dismissed by many within the Republican establishment as an angry newcomer who would, with time, mellow. Many of the party elites never suspected that he would transform their party’s approach to politics. His first conquest as a junior member of the House was a takedown of long-standing congressman, Charles Diggs, whose expulsion he called for over alleged ethics violations in the House of Representatives. Gingrich pushed hard for Diggs to be punished, and Diggs was officially censured in 1979. This bold success brought Gingrich attention within the Republican Party, and he continued to hammer away at the Democratic majority with personal accusations and media manipulation that catapulted into the national spotlight. These methods would lead to Gingrich’s famous showdown with the Democratic Speaker of the House, Jim Wright, and Wright’s ultimate resignation from his seat, representing the 12th congressional district in Texas, and the speakership.
Zelizer’s deep dive into this historical event highlights how Newt Gingrich fundamentally changed partisan politics, directly attacking political opponents, using the media to his advantage, and doggedly pursuing partisan power instead of legislative outcomes. This template, as he demonstrated the capacity for success, leading the Republicans to their first majority in the House of Representatives since the 1950s, has reshaped the GOP and has pushed a generation of Republican leaders to adopt his approach. Gingrich and his approach to politics has upended the Madisonian ideal of compromise—replacing it with a form of zero-sum partisan battle. And the former Speaker is still involved in politics in many ways, but especially as a media advocate for the GOP and Trump.
This podcast was assisted by Benjamin Warren
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 27 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>465</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Trump is not the first Republican to rise to power by pushing incendiary policies and destroying opponents...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nearly everyone in the United States is aware of the fiery rhetoric and divisive political stratagems of Donald Trump and the contemporary Republican party. What many people forget, however, is that Trump is not the first Republican to rise to power by pushing incendiary policies and destroying opponents. Julian E. Zelizer, Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University, traces many of these tactics back to Newt Gingrich, the former representative from Georgia and Speaker of the House of Representatives. Zelizer argues that Gingrich’s success with such tactics paved the way for Trump’s rise and his path to power. Burning Down the House examines Gingrich’s ascent within the Republican Party and to the Speakership, and the long-lasting effects of this approach to partisan politics.
Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party(Penguin, 2020) follows Gingrich through his controversial political career in the House of Representatives. Originally, he was dismissed by many within the Republican establishment as an angry newcomer who would, with time, mellow. Many of the party elites never suspected that he would transform their party’s approach to politics. His first conquest as a junior member of the House was a takedown of long-standing congressman, Charles Diggs, whose expulsion he called for over alleged ethics violations in the House of Representatives. Gingrich pushed hard for Diggs to be punished, and Diggs was officially censured in 1979. This bold success brought Gingrich attention within the Republican Party, and he continued to hammer away at the Democratic majority with personal accusations and media manipulation that catapulted into the national spotlight. These methods would lead to Gingrich’s famous showdown with the Democratic Speaker of the House, Jim Wright, and Wright’s ultimate resignation from his seat, representing the 12th congressional district in Texas, and the speakership.
Zelizer’s deep dive into this historical event highlights how Newt Gingrich fundamentally changed partisan politics, directly attacking political opponents, using the media to his advantage, and doggedly pursuing partisan power instead of legislative outcomes. This template, as he demonstrated the capacity for success, leading the Republicans to their first majority in the House of Representatives since the 1950s, has reshaped the GOP and has pushed a generation of Republican leaders to adopt his approach. Gingrich and his approach to politics has upended the Madisonian ideal of compromise—replacing it with a form of zero-sum partisan battle. And the former Speaker is still involved in politics in many ways, but especially as a media advocate for the GOP and Trump.
This podcast was assisted by Benjamin Warren
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nearly everyone in the United States is aware of the fiery rhetoric and divisive political stratagems of Donald Trump and the contemporary Republican party. What many people forget, however, is that Trump is not the first Republican to rise to power by pushing incendiary policies and destroying opponents. <a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/julian-e-zelizer">Julian E. Zelizer</a>, Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University, traces many of these tactics back to Newt Gingrich, the former representative from Georgia and Speaker of the House of Representatives. Zelizer argues that Gingrich’s success with such tactics paved the way for Trump’s rise and his path to power. <em>Burning Down the House</em> examines Gingrich’s ascent within the Republican Party and to the Speakership, and the long-lasting effects of this approach to partisan politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1594206651/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Burning Down the House: Newt Gingrich, the Fall of a Speaker, and the Rise of the New Republican Party</em></a>(Penguin, 2020) follows Gingrich through his controversial political career in the House of Representatives. Originally, he was dismissed by many within the Republican establishment as an angry newcomer who would, with time, mellow. Many of the party elites never suspected that he would transform their party’s approach to politics. His first conquest as a junior member of the House was a takedown of long-standing congressman, Charles Diggs, whose expulsion he called for over alleged ethics violations in the House of Representatives. Gingrich pushed hard for Diggs to be punished, and Diggs was officially censured in 1979. This bold success brought Gingrich attention within the Republican Party, and he continued to hammer away at the Democratic majority with personal accusations and media manipulation that catapulted into the national spotlight. These methods would lead to Gingrich’s famous showdown with the Democratic Speaker of the House, Jim Wright, and Wright’s ultimate resignation from his seat, representing the 12th congressional district in Texas, and the speakership.</p><p>Zelizer’s deep dive into this historical event highlights how Newt Gingrich fundamentally changed partisan politics, directly attacking political opponents, using the media to his advantage, and doggedly pursuing partisan power instead of legislative outcomes. This template, as he demonstrated the capacity for success, leading the Republicans to their first majority in the House of Representatives since the 1950s, has reshaped the GOP and has pushed a generation of Republican leaders to adopt his approach. Gingrich and his approach to politics has upended the Madisonian ideal of compromise—replacing it with a form of zero-sum partisan battle. And the former Speaker is still involved in politics in many ways, but especially as a media advocate for the GOP and Trump.</p><p><em>This podcast was assisted by Benjamin Warren</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2825</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Thomas A. Schwartz, "Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography" (Hill and Wang, 2020)</title>
      <description>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?
In Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian Thomas A. Schwartz  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.
Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, Henry Kissinger and American Power stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>184</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?
In Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian Thomas A. Schwartz  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.
Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, Henry Kissinger and American Power stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the past six decades, Henry Kissinger has been America's most consistently praised--and reviled--public figure. He was hailed as a "miracle worker" for his peacemaking in the Middle East, pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union, negotiation of an end to the Vietnam War, and secret plan to open the United States to China. He was assailed from the left and from the right for his indifference to human rights, complicity in the pointless sacrifice of American and Vietnamese lives, and reliance on deception and intrigue. Was he a brilliant master strategist--"the 20th century's greatest 19th century statesman"--or a cold-blooded monster who eroded America's moral standing for the sake of self-promotion?</p><p>In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780809095377"><em>Henry Kissinger and American Power: A Political Biography</em></a> (Hill and Wang, 2020), the renowned diplomatic historian <a href="https://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/thomas-schwartz">Thomas A. Schwartz</a>  offers an authoritative, and fair-minded, answer to this question. While other biographers have engaged in hagiography or demonology, Schwartz takes a measured view of his subject. He recognizes Kissinger's successes and acknowledges that Kissinger thought seriously and with great insight about the foreign policy issues of his time, while also recognizing his failures, his penchant for backbiting, and his reliance on ingratiating and fawning praise of the president as a source of power. Throughout, Schwartz stresses Kissinger's artful invention of himself as a celebrity diplomat and his domination of the medium of television news. He also notes Kissinger's sensitivity to domestic and partisan politics, complicating--and undermining--the image of the far-seeing statesman who stands above the squabbles of popular strife.</p><p>Rounded and textured, and rich with new insights into key dilemmas of American power, <em>Henry Kissinger and American Power</em> stands as an essential guide to a man whose legacy is as complex as the last sixty years of US history itself.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2566</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Robert G. Boatright and Valerie Sperling, "Trumping Politics as Usual: Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>How did the Trump and Hillary Clinton campaigns affect other elections in 2016? How did the use of gender stereotypes and insulting references to women in the presidential campaign influence the way House and Senate candidates campaigned?
The 2016 American elections forced scholars and candidates to reassess the role that gender plays in elections. In Trumping Politics as Usual: Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections (Oxford UP, 2019), Robert G. Boatright and Valerie Sperling (professors of political science, Clark University) focus on how gender norms are used to frame – both positively and negatively – the people who run for office. The book interrogates gender and sexism in campaigns (the “gender issue”) and what happens when the media, electorate, and candidates expect to have a clear winner and loser(the “loser” issue). Boatright and Sperling distinguish between the top of the ticket and down ballot elections to tell a story about the impact of the 2016 presidential race on competitive congressional races. They demonstrate how Donald Trump’s candidacy radically altered the nature of the congressional campaigns by making competitive races more consequential for both parties and changing the issues of contention – towards sexism and misogyny – in many congressional races.
It is unusual to see a collaboration of this kind – a comparativist who specializes in Russian politics and wrote an award winning book on political legitimacy in Russia (Sperling) and an Americanist usually focused on campaign finance reform and congressional redistricting (Boatright). The book is a tribute to how crossing disciplinary boundaries in political science yields a more compelling and nuanced qualitative and quantitative analysis – one that is more relevant to contemporary politics.
The podcast was recorded the day after Democrat Joe Biden selected Kamala Harris as his vice presidential running mate. Sperling and Boatright discuss how stereotyping has already affected the 2020 race. Their trenchant analysis of the code already being deployed by the Trump campaign against Harris in terms of both gender and race should not be missed.
Both authors are veterans of the New Books Network and you can hear their earlier interviews with Heath Brown (Boatright, The Deregulatory Moment?) and Amanda Jeanne Swain (Sperling, Sex, Politics, and Putin).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast. 
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>472</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How did the Trump and Hillary Clinton campaigns affect other elections in 2016? How did the use of gender stereotypes and insulting references to women in the presidential campaign influence the way House and Senate candidates campaigned?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did the Trump and Hillary Clinton campaigns affect other elections in 2016? How did the use of gender stereotypes and insulting references to women in the presidential campaign influence the way House and Senate candidates campaigned?
The 2016 American elections forced scholars and candidates to reassess the role that gender plays in elections. In Trumping Politics as Usual: Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections (Oxford UP, 2019), Robert G. Boatright and Valerie Sperling (professors of political science, Clark University) focus on how gender norms are used to frame – both positively and negatively – the people who run for office. The book interrogates gender and sexism in campaigns (the “gender issue”) and what happens when the media, electorate, and candidates expect to have a clear winner and loser(the “loser” issue). Boatright and Sperling distinguish between the top of the ticket and down ballot elections to tell a story about the impact of the 2016 presidential race on competitive congressional races. They demonstrate how Donald Trump’s candidacy radically altered the nature of the congressional campaigns by making competitive races more consequential for both parties and changing the issues of contention – towards sexism and misogyny – in many congressional races.
It is unusual to see a collaboration of this kind – a comparativist who specializes in Russian politics and wrote an award winning book on political legitimacy in Russia (Sperling) and an Americanist usually focused on campaign finance reform and congressional redistricting (Boatright). The book is a tribute to how crossing disciplinary boundaries in political science yields a more compelling and nuanced qualitative and quantitative analysis – one that is more relevant to contemporary politics.
The podcast was recorded the day after Democrat Joe Biden selected Kamala Harris as his vice presidential running mate. Sperling and Boatright discuss how stereotyping has already affected the 2020 race. Their trenchant analysis of the code already being deployed by the Trump campaign against Harris in terms of both gender and race should not be missed.
Both authors are veterans of the New Books Network and you can hear their earlier interviews with Heath Brown (Boatright, The Deregulatory Moment?) and Amanda Jeanne Swain (Sperling, Sex, Politics, and Putin).
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast. 
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at sliebell@sju.edu or tweet to @SusanLiebell.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did the Trump and Hillary Clinton campaigns affect other elections in 2016? How did the use of gender stereotypes and insulting references to women in the presidential campaign influence the way House and Senate candidates campaigned?</p><p>The 2016 American elections forced scholars and candidates to reassess the role that gender plays in elections. In <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190065836"><em>Trumping Politics as Usual: Masculinity, Misogyny, and the 2016 Elections</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2019), Robert G. Boatright and Valerie Sperling (professors of political science, Clark University) focus on how gender norms are used to frame – both positively and negatively – the people who run for office. The book interrogates gender and sexism in campaigns (the “gender issue”) and what happens when the media, electorate, and candidates expect to have a clear winner and loser(the “loser” issue). Boatright and Sperling distinguish between the top of the ticket and down ballot elections to tell a story about the impact of the 2016 presidential race on competitive congressional races. They demonstrate how Donald Trump’s candidacy radically altered the nature of the congressional campaigns by making competitive races more consequential for both parties and changing the issues of contention – towards sexism and misogyny – in many congressional races.</p><p>It is unusual to see a collaboration of this kind – a comparativist who specializes in Russian politics and wrote an award winning book on political legitimacy in Russia (Sperling) and an Americanist usually focused on campaign finance reform and congressional redistricting (Boatright). The book is a tribute to how crossing disciplinary boundaries in political science yields a more compelling and nuanced qualitative and quantitative analysis – one that is more relevant to contemporary politics.</p><p>The podcast was recorded the day after Democrat Joe Biden selected Kamala Harris as his vice presidential running mate. Sperling and Boatright discuss how stereotyping has already affected the 2020 race. Their trenchant analysis of the code already being deployed by the Trump campaign against Harris in terms of both gender and race should not be missed.</p><p>Both authors are veterans of the New Books Network and you can hear their earlier interviews with Heath Brown (<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/robert-boatright-ed-the-deregulatory-moment-a-comparative-perspective-on-changing-campaign-finance-laws-u-of-michigan-press-2015/">Boatright, <em>The Deregulatory Moment?</em>)</a> and Amanda Jeanne Swain (<a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/valerie-sperling-sex-politics-and-putin-political-legitimacy-in-russia-oxford-up-2015/">Sperling, <em>Sex, Politics, and Putin</em></a>).</p><p><em>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast. </em></p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (July 2020). Email her comments at </em><a href="mailto:sliebell@sju.edu"><em>sliebell@sju.edu</em></a><em> or tweet to </em><a href="https://twitter.com/SusanLiebell"><em>@SusanLiebell</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3712</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>John R. Hibbing, "The Securitarian Personality: What Really Motivates Trump’s Base and Why It Matters for the Post-Trump Era" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>What are the policy implications due to a fundamental distrust and dislike of “outsiders”?
Today I talked to political scientist John R. Hibbing about his new book The Securitarian Personality: What Really Motivates Trump’s Base and Why It Matters for the Post-Trump Era (Oxford UP, 2020)
Hibbing teaches political science at the University of Nebraska and has been both a NATO fellow in Science and a Guggenheim Fellow. Media appearances have included Star Talk, The Hidden Brain, and The Daily Show.
Topics covered in this episode include:
• What are the biggest misconceptions, among the media and others, about Trump’s staunchest supporters?
• In what ways are Trump’s fans different from the Republican party’s traditional base?
• In a battle over the soul of whether America might be a democracy or an oligarchy in the future, where do securitarians land and what are the implications for the country?
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). To check out his “Faces of the Week” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 20 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>15</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What are the policy implications due to a fundamental distrust and dislike of “outsiders”?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What are the policy implications due to a fundamental distrust and dislike of “outsiders”?
Today I talked to political scientist John R. Hibbing about his new book The Securitarian Personality: What Really Motivates Trump’s Base and Why It Matters for the Post-Trump Era (Oxford UP, 2020)
Hibbing teaches political science at the University of Nebraska and has been both a NATO fellow in Science and a Guggenheim Fellow. Media appearances have included Star Talk, The Hidden Brain, and The Daily Show.
Topics covered in this episode include:
• What are the biggest misconceptions, among the media and others, about Trump’s staunchest supporters?
• In what ways are Trump’s fans different from the Republican party’s traditional base?
• In a battle over the soul of whether America might be a democracy or an oligarchy in the future, where do securitarians land and what are the implications for the country?
Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). To check out his “Faces of the Week” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What are the policy implications due to a fundamental distrust and dislike of “outsiders”?</p><p>Today I talked to political scientist John R. Hibbing about his new book <a href="https://bookshop.org/a/12343/9780190096489"><em>The Securitarian Personality: What Really Motivates Trump’s Base and Why It Matters for the Post-Trump Era</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020)</p><p>Hibbing teaches political science at the University of Nebraska and has been both a NATO fellow in Science and a Guggenheim Fellow. Media appearances have included Star Talk, The Hidden Brain, and The Daily Show.</p><p>Topics covered in this episode include:</p><p>• What are the biggest misconceptions, among the media and others, about Trump’s staunchest supporters?</p><p>• In what ways are Trump’s fans different from the Republican party’s traditional base?</p><p>• In a battle over the soul of whether America might be a democracy or an oligarchy in the future, where do securitarians land and what are the implications for the country?</p><p>Dan Hill, PhD, is the author of eight books and leads Sensory Logic, Inc. (https://www.sensorylogic.com). To check out his “Faces of the Week” blog, visit https://emotionswizard.com.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2793</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8a5ea720-c00a-11ec-bb76-9798f00eeff4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1248261661.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin Talton, "In This Land of Plenty: Mickey Leland and Africa in American Politics" (Pennsylvania UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In This Land of Plenty: Mickey Leland and Africa in American Politics (University of Pennsylvania Press) by Benjamin Talton is a transnational history that explores the influence of African American leaders on US foreign policy towards Africa in the 1980s.
By examining the life and labors of the political activist turned Texas congressman, Mickey Leland, Talton traces the afterlives of 1960s-era Black radicalism in the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) after Leland’s election in 1978. Leland shaped the CBC’s outlook on famine in Ethiopia and established the Committee on Hunger where he developed a broad transformative vision for ending world hunger.
Talton analyzes Leland’s career alongside contemporaneous political developments in Ethiopia and apartheid South Africa, an issue which ultimately became the focal point of CBC endeavors. Talton investigates the ways that anti-apartheid limited Black Congressional action on other African-related foreign policy issues throughout the decade. Talton paints a portrait of Leland as an activist, statesman, and visionary who lived out his politics of humanitarian solidarity from Houston to Addis Ababa.
Benjamin Talton is Professor of History at Temple University.
Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the grassroots movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 19 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>211</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Talton a transnational history that explores the influence of African American leaders on US foreign policy towards Africa in the 1980s....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In This Land of Plenty: Mickey Leland and Africa in American Politics (University of Pennsylvania Press) by Benjamin Talton is a transnational history that explores the influence of African American leaders on US foreign policy towards Africa in the 1980s.
By examining the life and labors of the political activist turned Texas congressman, Mickey Leland, Talton traces the afterlives of 1960s-era Black radicalism in the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) after Leland’s election in 1978. Leland shaped the CBC’s outlook on famine in Ethiopia and established the Committee on Hunger where he developed a broad transformative vision for ending world hunger.
Talton analyzes Leland’s career alongside contemporaneous political developments in Ethiopia and apartheid South Africa, an issue which ultimately became the focal point of CBC endeavors. Talton investigates the ways that anti-apartheid limited Black Congressional action on other African-related foreign policy issues throughout the decade. Talton paints a portrait of Leland as an activist, statesman, and visionary who lived out his politics of humanitarian solidarity from Houston to Addis Ababa.
Benjamin Talton is Professor of History at Temple University.
Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the grassroots movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/This-Land-Plenty-American-Politics/dp/0812251474/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>In This Land of Plenty: Mickey Leland and Africa in American Politics</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press) by Benjamin Talton is a transnational history that explores the influence of African American leaders on US foreign policy towards Africa in the 1980s.</p><p>By examining the life and labors of the political activist turned Texas congressman, Mickey Leland, Talton traces the afterlives of 1960s-era Black radicalism in the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) after Leland’s election in 1978. Leland shaped the CBC’s outlook on famine in Ethiopia and established the Committee on Hunger where he developed a broad transformative vision for ending world hunger.</p><p>Talton analyzes Leland’s career alongside contemporaneous political developments in Ethiopia and apartheid South Africa, an issue which ultimately became the focal point of CBC endeavors. Talton investigates the ways that anti-apartheid limited Black Congressional action on other African-related foreign policy issues throughout the decade. Talton paints a portrait of Leland as an activist, statesman, and visionary who lived out his politics of humanitarian solidarity from Houston to Addis Ababa.</p><p><a href="https://liberalarts.temple.edu/academics/faculty/talton-benjamin">Benjamin Talton</a> is Professor of History at Temple University.</p><p><em>Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the grassroots movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4453</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lucas E. Morel, "Lincoln and the American Founding" (SIUP, 2020)</title>
      <description>“Four score and seven years ago…” Those are some of the most famous words in American history. Most of us know that President Abraham Lincoln spoke them in what is now known as the Gettysburg Address in 1863, at the official dedication of a cemetery for men who had fallen during the Battle of Gettysburg. And most of us know that Lincoln was referring to 1776 and the Founding Fathers who wrote the Declaration of Independence. But why did Lincoln mention that year and that event in the very first line of his speech that day?
That is one of the questions that Lucas E. Morel answers in his short but illuminating book, Lincoln and the American Founding (SIUP, 2020). In a time when some Americans are vandalizing statues and other artistic representations of the Founding Fathers and even some of Lincoln and going so far as portraying the men of the founding generation as villains, Morel’s book is vital reading. Morel tells us which of the founders Lincoln particularly admired, why the Declaration was of greater import to Lincoln’s political thinking than the Constitution and how Lincoln turned to the Declaration again and again throughout his adult life as ammunition in his argumentation and as a source of personal inspiration and aspiration for the nation as a whole.
Morel also brings into focus long-ago debates such as that over the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 and explains why Lincoln was so reluctant to declare himself an abolitionist but also why he was adamant that as the newly elected president and head of the quite new Republican party, he could not make any concessions to the Secessionists. Morel makes the case for Lincoln as master logician in his debates with Stephen Douglas in 1858 as Lincoln tried to persuade his fellow white Americans that not only was slavery unjust but that it was a unsustainable foundation on which to base governance in any part of the growing nation.
This is a gem of a book by a scholar for a general audience in need of an understanding of how the founders influenced Lincoln and, thereby, all of us.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>780</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Morel tells us which of the founders Lincoln particularly admired, why the Declaration was of greater import to Lincoln’s political thinking than the Constitution and how Lincoln turned to the Declaration again and again throughout his adult life....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Four score and seven years ago…” Those are some of the most famous words in American history. Most of us know that President Abraham Lincoln spoke them in what is now known as the Gettysburg Address in 1863, at the official dedication of a cemetery for men who had fallen during the Battle of Gettysburg. And most of us know that Lincoln was referring to 1776 and the Founding Fathers who wrote the Declaration of Independence. But why did Lincoln mention that year and that event in the very first line of his speech that day?
That is one of the questions that Lucas E. Morel answers in his short but illuminating book, Lincoln and the American Founding (SIUP, 2020). In a time when some Americans are vandalizing statues and other artistic representations of the Founding Fathers and even some of Lincoln and going so far as portraying the men of the founding generation as villains, Morel’s book is vital reading. Morel tells us which of the founders Lincoln particularly admired, why the Declaration was of greater import to Lincoln’s political thinking than the Constitution and how Lincoln turned to the Declaration again and again throughout his adult life as ammunition in his argumentation and as a source of personal inspiration and aspiration for the nation as a whole.
Morel also brings into focus long-ago debates such as that over the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 and explains why Lincoln was so reluctant to declare himself an abolitionist but also why he was adamant that as the newly elected president and head of the quite new Republican party, he could not make any concessions to the Secessionists. Morel makes the case for Lincoln as master logician in his debates with Stephen Douglas in 1858 as Lincoln tried to persuade his fellow white Americans that not only was slavery unjust but that it was a unsustainable foundation on which to base governance in any part of the growing nation.
This is a gem of a book by a scholar for a general audience in need of an understanding of how the founders influenced Lincoln and, thereby, all of us.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Four score and seven years ago…” Those are some of the most famous words in American history. Most of us know that President Abraham Lincoln spoke them in what is now known as the Gettysburg Address in 1863, at the official dedication of a cemetery for men who had fallen during the Battle of Gettysburg. And most of us know that Lincoln was referring to 1776 and the Founding Fathers who wrote the Declaration of Independence. But <em>why</em> did Lincoln mention that year and that event in the very first line of his speech that day?</p><p>That is one of the questions that <a href="https://www.ashland.edu/mahg/faculty-staff/lucas-e-morel">Lucas E. Morel</a> answers in his short but illuminating book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1469655152/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Lincoln and the American Founding</em></a> (SIUP, 2020). In a time when some Americans are vandalizing statues and other artistic representations of the Founding Fathers and even some of Lincoln and going so far as portraying the men of the founding generation as villains, Morel’s book is vital reading. Morel tells us which of the founders Lincoln particularly admired, why the Declaration was of greater import to Lincoln’s political thinking than the Constitution and how Lincoln turned to the Declaration again and again throughout his adult life as ammunition in his argumentation and as a source of personal inspiration and aspiration for the nation as a whole.</p><p>Morel also brings into focus long-ago debates such as that over the Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 and explains why Lincoln was so reluctant to declare himself an abolitionist but also why he was adamant that as the newly elected president and head of the quite new Republican party, he could not make any concessions to the Secessionists. Morel makes the case for Lincoln as master logician in his debates with Stephen Douglas in 1858 as Lincoln tried to persuade his fellow white Americans that not only was slavery unjust but that it was a unsustainable foundation on which to base governance in any part of the growing nation.</p><p>This is a gem of a book by a scholar for a general audience in need of an understanding of how the founders influenced Lincoln and, thereby, all of us.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6115</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julia Rose Kraut, "Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States" (Harvard UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>How does the United States use immigration to suppress free speech? Should interests of “national security” take priority over individual liberties? What happens to democracy when the most vulnerable are denied their right to speak and exchange ideas? In Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States (Harvard University Press, 2020), historian and lawyer Dr. Julia Rose Kraut argues that ideological exclusions and deportations are rooted in political fear of subversion – and the United States has used these exclusions and deportations continuously from the 18th to 21st centuries to suppress free speech.
The book explores the constitutionality of ideological restrictions and exclusions as interpreted by American courts – as well as the specific intersection of American immigration and First Amendment law – through a political, historical, legal and personal lens by following the lives of real people as well as key court decisions. The book chronicles the actions of those we know (e.g. Clarence Darrow, Thurgood Marshall, Charlie Chaplin, Carlos Fuentes, and J. Edgar Hoover) as well as some that we may have forgotten (e.g. Ernest Mandel, Leonard Boudin, Carol King, and Frank Murphy). At issue for Kraut is the essence of American liberal democracy and the rule of law. She fears a national identity rooted in fear of the threat of dissent and political repression rather than J.S. Mill’s marketplace of ideas and free exchange of ideas.
The actions of the Trump administration on immigration have put a recent spotlight on this issue – and Kraut’s book concludes with the Travel Ban – but she details how immigration law has been used throughout American history to suppress dissent and radical change. Beginning with the Alien Friends Act of 1798, immigrants in America have always had their First Amendment rights violated on the basis of their values, ideas, and associations. These violations are often backed by the Supreme Court as immigrants are judged more greatly on their immigrant status than in accordance with first amendment rights. Threat of Dissent systematically reveals the ways immigration law is used by officials to intimidate, threaten, and repress foreigners. Kraut unveils this, criticizing not only the damaging effect this has on immigrants’ lives themselves, but additionally the overall damage this does to the idea of American liberal democracy and the overstep of executive power.
The podcast includes a discussion of the recent SCOTUS decisions on DACA and the recent passage of the NOBAN Act by the House of Representatives on July 22, 2020.
Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>464</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How does the United States use immigration to suppress free speech? </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How does the United States use immigration to suppress free speech? Should interests of “national security” take priority over individual liberties? What happens to democracy when the most vulnerable are denied their right to speak and exchange ideas? In Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States (Harvard University Press, 2020), historian and lawyer Dr. Julia Rose Kraut argues that ideological exclusions and deportations are rooted in political fear of subversion – and the United States has used these exclusions and deportations continuously from the 18th to 21st centuries to suppress free speech.
The book explores the constitutionality of ideological restrictions and exclusions as interpreted by American courts – as well as the specific intersection of American immigration and First Amendment law – through a political, historical, legal and personal lens by following the lives of real people as well as key court decisions. The book chronicles the actions of those we know (e.g. Clarence Darrow, Thurgood Marshall, Charlie Chaplin, Carlos Fuentes, and J. Edgar Hoover) as well as some that we may have forgotten (e.g. Ernest Mandel, Leonard Boudin, Carol King, and Frank Murphy). At issue for Kraut is the essence of American liberal democracy and the rule of law. She fears a national identity rooted in fear of the threat of dissent and political repression rather than J.S. Mill’s marketplace of ideas and free exchange of ideas.
The actions of the Trump administration on immigration have put a recent spotlight on this issue – and Kraut’s book concludes with the Travel Ban – but she details how immigration law has been used throughout American history to suppress dissent and radical change. Beginning with the Alien Friends Act of 1798, immigrants in America have always had their First Amendment rights violated on the basis of their values, ideas, and associations. These violations are often backed by the Supreme Court as immigrants are judged more greatly on their immigrant status than in accordance with first amendment rights. Threat of Dissent systematically reveals the ways immigration law is used by officials to intimidate, threaten, and repress foreigners. Kraut unveils this, criticizing not only the damaging effect this has on immigrants’ lives themselves, but additionally the overall damage this does to the idea of American liberal democracy and the overstep of executive power.
The podcast includes a discussion of the recent SCOTUS decisions on DACA and the recent passage of the NOBAN Act by the House of Representatives on July 22, 2020.
Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How does the United States use immigration to suppress free speech? Should interests of “national security” take priority over individual liberties? What happens to democracy when the most vulnerable are denied their right to speak and exchange ideas? In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0674976061/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States</em></a> (Harvard University Press, 2020), historian and lawyer Dr. <a href="https://twitter.com/JuliaRoseKraut?">Julia Rose Kraut</a> argues that ideological exclusions and deportations are rooted in political fear of subversion – and the United States has used these exclusions and deportations continuously from the 18th to 21st centuries to suppress free speech.</p><p>The book explores the constitutionality of ideological restrictions and exclusions as interpreted by American courts – as well as the specific intersection of American immigration and First Amendment law – through a political, historical, legal and personal lens by following the lives of real people as well as key court decisions. The book chronicles the actions of those we know (e.g. Clarence Darrow, Thurgood Marshall, Charlie Chaplin, Carlos Fuentes, and J. Edgar Hoover) as well as some that we may have forgotten (e.g. Ernest Mandel, Leonard Boudin, Carol King, and Frank Murphy). At issue for Kraut is the essence of American liberal democracy and the rule of law. She fears a national identity rooted in fear of the threat of dissent and political repression rather than J.S. Mill’s marketplace of ideas and free exchange of ideas.</p><p>The actions of the Trump administration on immigration have put a recent spotlight on this issue – and Kraut’s book concludes with the Travel Ban – but she details how immigration law has been used throughout American history to suppress dissent and radical change. Beginning with the Alien Friends Act of 1798, immigrants in America have always had their First Amendment rights violated on the basis of their values, ideas, and associations. These violations are often backed by the Supreme Court as immigrants are judged more greatly on their immigrant status than in accordance with first amendment rights. <em>Threat of Dissent</em> systematically reveals the ways immigration law is used by officials to intimidate, threaten, and repress foreigners. Kraut unveils this, criticizing not only the damaging effect this has on immigrants’ lives themselves, but additionally the overall damage this does to the idea of American liberal democracy and the overstep of executive power.</p><p>The podcast includes a discussion of the recent SCOTUS decisions on DACA and the recent passage of the NOBAN Act by the House of Representatives on July 22, 2020.</p><p>Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3349</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Duane Tananbaum, "Herbert H. Lehman: A Political Biography" (SUNY Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>Over the course of three decades of public service, Herbert Lehman dedicated himself tirelessly to advances the causes in which he believed. In Herbert H. Lehman: A Political Biography (SUNY Press, 2017), Duane Tananbaum describes his livelong public activism and the role Lehman’s relationships with key individuals played in shaping his political career. Tananbaum identifies the first of these as relationships as the lifelong friendship Lehman established with the social reformer Lilian Wald, with whom Lehman worked in a settlement house on New York’s Lower East Side. It was Lehman’s partnership with Al Smith, however that led to a career in elected office, as Smith was key in convincing Lehman to run for the lieutenant governorship of New York in 1928.
As lieutenant governor, Lehman labored closely with Franklin Roosevelt throughout the latter man’s tenure as governor. When Roosevelt became president Lehman succeeded him as governor, and for the rest of the decade worked with his predecessor to implement the New Deal in his state. Lehman was also concerned about the threat posed by Nazi Germany, and his efforts on behalf of Jewish refugees led to roles administering relief aid in the Roosevelt administration during the Second World War. While he left public office soon after the end of the war, Lehman’s election to the United States Senate in 1949 gave him a new opportunity to fight for the causes of civil rights and immigration. Though frustrated by the seniority enjoyed by the body’s more conservative members, Lehman’s efforts kept the issues at the forefront of the national political scene, with the legislative solutions he advocated passed soon after his death in 1963.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>185</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Over the course of three decades of public service, Herbert Lehman dedicated himself tirelessly to advances the causes in which he believed...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the course of three decades of public service, Herbert Lehman dedicated himself tirelessly to advances the causes in which he believed. In Herbert H. Lehman: A Political Biography (SUNY Press, 2017), Duane Tananbaum describes his livelong public activism and the role Lehman’s relationships with key individuals played in shaping his political career. Tananbaum identifies the first of these as relationships as the lifelong friendship Lehman established with the social reformer Lilian Wald, with whom Lehman worked in a settlement house on New York’s Lower East Side. It was Lehman’s partnership with Al Smith, however that led to a career in elected office, as Smith was key in convincing Lehman to run for the lieutenant governorship of New York in 1928.
As lieutenant governor, Lehman labored closely with Franklin Roosevelt throughout the latter man’s tenure as governor. When Roosevelt became president Lehman succeeded him as governor, and for the rest of the decade worked with his predecessor to implement the New Deal in his state. Lehman was also concerned about the threat posed by Nazi Germany, and his efforts on behalf of Jewish refugees led to roles administering relief aid in the Roosevelt administration during the Second World War. While he left public office soon after the end of the war, Lehman’s election to the United States Senate in 1949 gave him a new opportunity to fight for the causes of civil rights and immigration. Though frustrated by the seniority enjoyed by the body’s more conservative members, Lehman’s efforts kept the issues at the forefront of the national political scene, with the legislative solutions he advocated passed soon after his death in 1963.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the course of three decades of public service, Herbert Lehman dedicated himself tirelessly to advances the causes in which he believed. In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1438463170/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Herbert H. Lehman: A Political Biography</em></a><em> </em>(SUNY Press, 2017), <a href="https://www.lehman.edu/academics/arts-humanities/history/historytananbaum.php">Duane Tananbaum</a> describes his livelong public activism and the role Lehman’s relationships with key individuals played in shaping his political career. Tananbaum identifies the first of these as relationships as the lifelong friendship Lehman established with the social reformer Lilian Wald, with whom Lehman worked in a settlement house on New York’s Lower East Side. It was Lehman’s partnership with Al Smith, however that led to a career in elected office, as Smith was key in convincing Lehman to run for the lieutenant governorship of New York in 1928.</p><p>As lieutenant governor, Lehman labored closely with Franklin Roosevelt throughout the latter man’s tenure as governor. When Roosevelt became president Lehman succeeded him as governor, and for the rest of the decade worked with his predecessor to implement the New Deal in his state. Lehman was also concerned about the threat posed by Nazi Germany, and his efforts on behalf of Jewish refugees led to roles administering relief aid in the Roosevelt administration during the Second World War. While he left public office soon after the end of the war, Lehman’s election to the United States Senate in 1949 gave him a new opportunity to fight for the causes of civil rights and immigration. Though frustrated by the seniority enjoyed by the body’s more conservative members, Lehman’s efforts kept the issues at the forefront of the national political scene, with the legislative solutions he advocated passed soon after his death in 1963.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4262</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Andrea Benjamin, "Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections: Elite Cues and Cross-Ethnic Voting" (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>What explains voting behavior in local elections? More specifically, what explains how ethnic and racial blocs vote in local elections, especially when the candidate may be of a different race or ethnicity? These are the main question animating the research in Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections: Elite Cues and Cross-Ethnic Voting (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Political Scientist Andrea Benjamin examines the coalitions that form in local elections and the roles that they play in those elections. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections outlines not only the most successful form of coalitions between different groups of people, but also tries to get at what might prompt the elite members of those groups to advocate to voters to cast their ballots for a candidate, especially a candidate from a different ethnic or racial group.
Using a variety of complex data sets, including experimental surveys to try to tease out distinctions within racial and ethnic groups in terms of mayoral candidate selections, Benjamin’s research focuses on how Black and Latinx voting coalitions in major cities are open to shifting their support for mayoral candidates. Benjamin was most interested in examining the impact of cross-ethnic voting cues and how elite endorsements within the Black and Latinx communities might move voters to vote across racial and ethnic lines. Often coalitions are formed when candidates need to reach across interest areas in order to build a large enough bloc to elect a candidate. As Benjamin points out in the book, mayoral elections often cut across expected partisan lines, which is why these coalitions are fascinating to explore. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections examines the reasons why groups of people shift or support one candidate more than others. The data includes 20 years of mayoral races in the largest cities in the United States and traces out voting shifts in mayoral elections in Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Houston. This is supplemented by experimental surveys that mirrored voter data from these races while building on some of the conclusions about endorsements, candidate preferences, and racial coalitions.
Andrea Benjamin also discusses how co-ethnic cues provide the theoretical framework for her analysis. The co-ethnic cue theory notes that “[w]hen partisan cues are absent and race/ethnicity is salient in an election, co-ethnic endorsements should prompt minority group members to vote for that candidate, even if that candidate is from another ethnic group.” (Benjamin, 8). Benjamin explains that if there is a race between a black candidate and a Latino candidate, the expectation is that each ethnic group will support the candidate with whom they share ethnicity; but, for example, if there is a race between a white candidate and a Latinx candidate, Black voters will likely support the candidate supported by most Black leaders in that community. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections explains why this is the coalition dynamic, then unpacks what coalitions may be most effective and why, contextualized within the political dynamics in the cities themselves.
Eli Levitas-Goren assisted with this podcast. 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>462</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What explains voting behavior in local elections? More specifically, what explains how ethnic and racial blocs vote in local elections, especially when the candidate may be of a different race or ethnicity?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What explains voting behavior in local elections? More specifically, what explains how ethnic and racial blocs vote in local elections, especially when the candidate may be of a different race or ethnicity? These are the main question animating the research in Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections: Elite Cues and Cross-Ethnic Voting (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Political Scientist Andrea Benjamin examines the coalitions that form in local elections and the roles that they play in those elections. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections outlines not only the most successful form of coalitions between different groups of people, but also tries to get at what might prompt the elite members of those groups to advocate to voters to cast their ballots for a candidate, especially a candidate from a different ethnic or racial group.
Using a variety of complex data sets, including experimental surveys to try to tease out distinctions within racial and ethnic groups in terms of mayoral candidate selections, Benjamin’s research focuses on how Black and Latinx voting coalitions in major cities are open to shifting their support for mayoral candidates. Benjamin was most interested in examining the impact of cross-ethnic voting cues and how elite endorsements within the Black and Latinx communities might move voters to vote across racial and ethnic lines. Often coalitions are formed when candidates need to reach across interest areas in order to build a large enough bloc to elect a candidate. As Benjamin points out in the book, mayoral elections often cut across expected partisan lines, which is why these coalitions are fascinating to explore. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections examines the reasons why groups of people shift or support one candidate more than others. The data includes 20 years of mayoral races in the largest cities in the United States and traces out voting shifts in mayoral elections in Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Houston. This is supplemented by experimental surveys that mirrored voter data from these races while building on some of the conclusions about endorsements, candidate preferences, and racial coalitions.
Andrea Benjamin also discusses how co-ethnic cues provide the theoretical framework for her analysis. The co-ethnic cue theory notes that “[w]hen partisan cues are absent and race/ethnicity is salient in an election, co-ethnic endorsements should prompt minority group members to vote for that candidate, even if that candidate is from another ethnic group.” (Benjamin, 8). Benjamin explains that if there is a race between a black candidate and a Latino candidate, the expectation is that each ethnic group will support the candidate with whom they share ethnicity; but, for example, if there is a race between a white candidate and a Latinx candidate, Black voters will likely support the candidate supported by most Black leaders in that community. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections explains why this is the coalition dynamic, then unpacks what coalitions may be most effective and why, contextualized within the political dynamics in the cities themselves.
Eli Levitas-Goren assisted with this podcast. 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What explains voting behavior in local elections? More specifically, what explains how ethnic and racial blocs vote in local elections, especially when the candidate may be of a different race or ethnicity? These are the main question animating the research in <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108415415/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections: Elite Cues and Cross-Ethnic Voting</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2017)<em>. </em>Political Scientist <a href="http://www.andreabenjaminphd.com/">Andrea Benjamin</a> examines the coalitions that form in local elections and the roles that they play in those elections. <em>Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections</em> outlines not only the most successful form of coalitions between different groups of people, but also tries to get at what might prompt the elite members of those groups to advocate to voters to cast their ballots for a candidate, especially a candidate from a different ethnic or racial group.</p><p>Using a variety of complex data sets, including experimental surveys to try to tease out distinctions within racial and ethnic groups in terms of mayoral candidate selections, Benjamin’s research focuses on how Black and Latinx voting coalitions in major cities are open to shifting their support for mayoral candidates. Benjamin was most interested in examining the impact of cross-ethnic voting cues and how elite endorsements within the Black and Latinx communities might move voters to vote across racial and ethnic lines. Often coalitions are formed when candidates need to reach across interest areas in order to build a large enough bloc to elect a candidate. As Benjamin points out in the book, mayoral elections often cut across expected partisan lines, which is why these coalitions are fascinating to explore. <em>Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections</em> examines the reasons why groups of people shift or support one candidate more than others. The data includes 20 years of mayoral races in the largest cities in the United States and traces out voting shifts in mayoral elections in Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Houston. This is supplemented by experimental surveys that mirrored voter data from these races while building on some of the conclusions about endorsements, candidate preferences, and racial coalitions.</p><p>Andrea Benjamin also discusses how co-ethnic cues provide the theoretical framework for her analysis. The co-ethnic cue theory notes that “[w]hen partisan cues are absent and race/ethnicity is salient in an election, co-ethnic endorsements should prompt minority group members to vote for that candidate, even if that candidate is from another ethnic group.” (Benjamin, 8). Benjamin explains that if there is a race between a black candidate and a Latino candidate, the expectation is that each ethnic group will support the candidate with whom they share ethnicity; but, for example, if there is a race between a white candidate and a Latinx candidate, Black voters will likely support the candidate supported by most Black leaders in that community. <em>Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections</em> explains why this is the coalition dynamic, then unpacks what coalitions may be most effective and why, contextualized within the political dynamics in the cities themselves.</p><p><em>Eli Levitas-Goren assisted with this podcast. </em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2658</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>W. J. Perry and T. Z. Collina, "The Button: The New Nuclear Arms Race and Presidential Power from Truman to Trump" (BenBella Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>As we enter the third decade of the 21st century, American nuclear policy continues to be influenced by the legacies of the Cold War. Nuclear policies remain focused on easily identifiable threats, including China or Russia, and how the United States would respond in the event of a first strike against the homeland. In their new book, The Button: The New Nuclear Arms Race and Presidential Power from Truman to Trump (BenBella Books, 2020), Tom Z. Collina, Policy Director at Ploughshares Fund, and former Secretary of Defense William J. Perry argue that American nuclear policy overemphasizes the first-strike threat, while ignoring other, more likely nuclear scenarios. The Button outlines the hazards in current American nuclear policy and argues for realistic improvements in nuclear defense policy and processes.
Collina and Perry identify two main problems of American nuclear defense policy. First, American policy incorrectly focuses on a first strike by China or Russia as the major threat. The two authors refute this and describe such a scenario as unlikely because China and Russia know that any nuclear attack by them will be met with retaliation from the United States. A nuclear attack and response would undoubtedly cripple both sides and provide little if any benefit to anyone. The second problem defined in The Button is that in the United States, since the advent of nuclear weapons, has placed sole authority to use the weapons in this first-strike capacity in the hands of the president and the president alone. This process and structure continue to be based in a holdover of Cold War mentality and have always been at odds with the constitutional requirements around war declarations. Drawing on historical examples and Secretary Perry’s own experiences in a number of positions within the national security structure in the United States, The Button describes instances of false alarms, moments where presidents had faulty intelligence, and times when presidents were not necessarily thinking clearly. In each of these examples, the president could mistakenly or accidently launch a nuclear attack and set off World War III.
Recognizing these gaps in nuclear defense policy, Collina and Perry recommend a number of changes that start with changing the thrust of the policy itself and moving away from the first-strike capability. Instead, they advocate for policy that is more clearly focused on cyber attacks, noting that in the 21st century, cyber warfare is a more clear and present threat than is nuclear war. Additionally, Collina and Perry argue that the president should not have sole authority over the capacity to launch the U.S. nuclear arsenal. While there have been recent congressional hearings on this dimension of American national security, The Button sketches out how various approaches that will maintain national security while also minimizing the potential for accidental use of nuclear weapons. Collina and Perry advocate for a rethinking of the structure of nuclear defense policy in the United States and for installing greater protections against nuclear war.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>461</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>As we enter the third decade of the 21st century, American nuclear policy continues to be influenced by the legacies of the Cold War...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As we enter the third decade of the 21st century, American nuclear policy continues to be influenced by the legacies of the Cold War. Nuclear policies remain focused on easily identifiable threats, including China or Russia, and how the United States would respond in the event of a first strike against the homeland. In their new book, The Button: The New Nuclear Arms Race and Presidential Power from Truman to Trump (BenBella Books, 2020), Tom Z. Collina, Policy Director at Ploughshares Fund, and former Secretary of Defense William J. Perry argue that American nuclear policy overemphasizes the first-strike threat, while ignoring other, more likely nuclear scenarios. The Button outlines the hazards in current American nuclear policy and argues for realistic improvements in nuclear defense policy and processes.
Collina and Perry identify two main problems of American nuclear defense policy. First, American policy incorrectly focuses on a first strike by China or Russia as the major threat. The two authors refute this and describe such a scenario as unlikely because China and Russia know that any nuclear attack by them will be met with retaliation from the United States. A nuclear attack and response would undoubtedly cripple both sides and provide little if any benefit to anyone. The second problem defined in The Button is that in the United States, since the advent of nuclear weapons, has placed sole authority to use the weapons in this first-strike capacity in the hands of the president and the president alone. This process and structure continue to be based in a holdover of Cold War mentality and have always been at odds with the constitutional requirements around war declarations. Drawing on historical examples and Secretary Perry’s own experiences in a number of positions within the national security structure in the United States, The Button describes instances of false alarms, moments where presidents had faulty intelligence, and times when presidents were not necessarily thinking clearly. In each of these examples, the president could mistakenly or accidently launch a nuclear attack and set off World War III.
Recognizing these gaps in nuclear defense policy, Collina and Perry recommend a number of changes that start with changing the thrust of the policy itself and moving away from the first-strike capability. Instead, they advocate for policy that is more clearly focused on cyber attacks, noting that in the 21st century, cyber warfare is a more clear and present threat than is nuclear war. Additionally, Collina and Perry argue that the president should not have sole authority over the capacity to launch the U.S. nuclear arsenal. While there have been recent congressional hearings on this dimension of American national security, The Button sketches out how various approaches that will maintain national security while also minimizing the potential for accidental use of nuclear weapons. Collina and Perry advocate for a rethinking of the structure of nuclear defense policy in the United States and for installing greater protections against nuclear war.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As we enter the third decade of the 21st century, American nuclear policy continues to be influenced by the legacies of the Cold War. Nuclear policies remain focused on easily identifiable threats, including China or Russia, and how the United States would respond in the event of a first strike against the homeland. In their new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1948836998/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Button: The New Nuclear Arms Race and Presidential Power from Truman to Trump</em></a> (BenBella Books, 2020), <a href="https://ploughshares.org/about-us/staff/tom-z-collina">Tom Z. Collina</a>, Policy Director at Ploughshares Fund, and former Secretary of Defense <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Perry">William J. Perry</a> argue that American nuclear policy overemphasizes the first-strike threat, while ignoring other, more likely nuclear scenarios. <em>The Button</em> outlines the hazards in current American nuclear policy and argues for realistic improvements in nuclear defense policy and processes.</p><p>Collina and Perry identify two main problems of American nuclear defense policy. First, American policy incorrectly focuses on a first strike by China or Russia as <em>the</em> major threat. The two authors refute this and describe such a scenario as unlikely because China and Russia know that any nuclear attack by them will be met with retaliation from the United States. A nuclear attack and response would undoubtedly cripple both sides and provide little if any benefit to anyone. The second problem defined in <em>The Button</em> is that in the United States, since the advent of nuclear weapons, has placed sole authority to use the weapons in this first-strike capacity in the hands of the president and the president alone. This process and structure continue to be based in a holdover of Cold War mentality and have always been at odds with the constitutional requirements around war declarations. Drawing on historical examples and Secretary Perry’s own experiences in a number of positions within the national security structure in the United States, <em>The Button</em> describes instances of false alarms, moments where presidents had faulty intelligence, and times when presidents were not necessarily thinking clearly. In each of these examples, the president could mistakenly or accidently launch a nuclear attack and set off World War III.</p><p>Recognizing these gaps in nuclear defense policy, Collina and Perry recommend a number of changes that start with changing the thrust of the policy itself and moving away from the first-strike capability. Instead, they advocate for policy that is more clearly focused on cyber attacks, noting that in the 21st century, cyber warfare is a more clear and present threat than is nuclear war. Additionally, Collina and Perry argue that the president should not have sole authority over the capacity to launch the U.S. nuclear arsenal. While there have been recent congressional hearings on this dimension of American national security, <em>The Button</em> sketches out how various approaches that will maintain national security while also minimizing the potential for accidental use of nuclear weapons. Collina and Perry advocate for a rethinking of the structure of nuclear defense policy in the United States and for installing greater protections against nuclear war.</p><p><em>Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast</em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>2961</itunes:duration>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael A. Olivas, "Perchance to DREAM: A Legal and Political History of the DREAM Act and DACA" (NYU Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Why did the DREAM Act (for the Development, Relief, and Education of Alien Minors) never pass Congress – even though it was popular with Republicans and Democrats? What does the political and legal history tell us about American federalism? How is the legal history of the DREAM ACT and DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) tied to the legal bureaucracy of residence?
In Perchance to DREAM: A Legal and Political History of the DREAM Act and DACA (NYU Press, 2020), Michael A. Olivas marshals his experiences as both attorney and teacher to unpack the overlapping laws, politics, and politics of immigration – demonstrating how the financial aid laws, age of majority requirements, and rules for establishing domicile establish carrots and sticks that lead to inept and unjust immigration policy. The book provides a much needed legal and political history of the DREAM Act that spans over two decades from its introduction in Congress (2001) to the Trump Administration challenge of legality in the Supreme Court (2017). Olivas uses Plyler v. Doe (1982) as an entry point. A revision to Texas law in 1975 allowed the state to withhold funds from local school districts for educating the children of undocumented people. The Supreme Court ruled that the law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteen and recognized the right of undocumented to attend public schools. Olivas sees SCOTUS’s ruling as the beginning of immigration reform, particularly for undocumented people who came to the U.S. as children.
Twenty-First century immigration reform has included racist narratives, fearmongering, and misinformation. Perchance to DREAM pulls the lens back to reveal the many times that immigration reform has been less polarized and expose the lack of traction. Despite covering the law and wider institutional struggles, the book highlights the pain that individual DREAMers that have suffered. Towards the end of the book, Olivas highlights poems including Pedro Calderon de la Barca’s La Vida es sueño and Langston Hughes’s Harlem to capture the yearning and disappointments of the DREAMers. Yet Olivas insists “I do not approve. And I am not resigned” noting that the fight for immigration reform is far from over.
In the podcast, Olivas offers insights on the June 18, 2020 Supreme Court decision in. Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of California in which the Court ruled 5-4 to overturn. The Department of Homeland Security’s decision to end the DACA policy on narrow, procedural grounds.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Aug 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>466</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Olivas provides a much needed legal and political history of the DREAM Act that spans over two decades from its introduction in Congress (2001) to the Trump Administration challenge of legality in the Supreme Court (2017)....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Why did the DREAM Act (for the Development, Relief, and Education of Alien Minors) never pass Congress – even though it was popular with Republicans and Democrats? What does the political and legal history tell us about American federalism? How is the legal history of the DREAM ACT and DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) tied to the legal bureaucracy of residence?
In Perchance to DREAM: A Legal and Political History of the DREAM Act and DACA (NYU Press, 2020), Michael A. Olivas marshals his experiences as both attorney and teacher to unpack the overlapping laws, politics, and politics of immigration – demonstrating how the financial aid laws, age of majority requirements, and rules for establishing domicile establish carrots and sticks that lead to inept and unjust immigration policy. The book provides a much needed legal and political history of the DREAM Act that spans over two decades from its introduction in Congress (2001) to the Trump Administration challenge of legality in the Supreme Court (2017). Olivas uses Plyler v. Doe (1982) as an entry point. A revision to Texas law in 1975 allowed the state to withhold funds from local school districts for educating the children of undocumented people. The Supreme Court ruled that the law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteen and recognized the right of undocumented to attend public schools. Olivas sees SCOTUS’s ruling as the beginning of immigration reform, particularly for undocumented people who came to the U.S. as children.
Twenty-First century immigration reform has included racist narratives, fearmongering, and misinformation. Perchance to DREAM pulls the lens back to reveal the many times that immigration reform has been less polarized and expose the lack of traction. Despite covering the law and wider institutional struggles, the book highlights the pain that individual DREAMers that have suffered. Towards the end of the book, Olivas highlights poems including Pedro Calderon de la Barca’s La Vida es sueño and Langston Hughes’s Harlem to capture the yearning and disappointments of the DREAMers. Yet Olivas insists “I do not approve. And I am not resigned” noting that the fight for immigration reform is far from over.
In the podcast, Olivas offers insights on the June 18, 2020 Supreme Court decision in. Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of California in which the Court ruled 5-4 to overturn. The Department of Homeland Security’s decision to end the DACA policy on narrow, procedural grounds.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Why did the DREAM Act (for the Development, Relief, and Education of Alien Minors) never pass Congress – even though it was popular with Republicans and Democrats? What does the political and legal history tell us about American federalism? How is the legal history of the DREAM ACT and DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) tied to the legal bureaucracy of residence?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1479878286/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Perchance to DREAM: A Legal and Political History of the DREAM Act and DACA</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2020), <a href="http://www.law.uh.edu/faculty/main.asp?PID=31">Michael A. Olivas</a> marshals his experiences as both attorney and teacher to unpack the overlapping laws, politics, and politics of immigration – demonstrating how the financial aid laws, age of majority requirements, and rules for establishing domicile establish carrots and sticks that lead to inept and unjust immigration policy. The book provides a much needed legal and political history of the DREAM Act that spans over two decades from its introduction in Congress (2001) to the Trump Administration challenge of legality in the Supreme Court (2017). Olivas uses <em>Plyler v. Doe</em> (1982) as an entry point. A revision to Texas law in 1975 allowed the state to withhold funds from local school districts for educating the children of undocumented people. The Supreme Court ruled that the law violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteen and recognized the right of undocumented to attend public schools. Olivas sees SCOTUS’s ruling as the beginning of immigration reform, particularly for undocumented people who came to the U.S. as children.</p><p>Twenty-First century immigration reform has included racist narratives, fearmongering, and misinformation. <em>Perchance to DREAM </em>pulls the lens back to reveal the many times that immigration reform has been less polarized and expose the lack of traction. Despite covering the law and wider institutional struggles, the book highlights the pain that individual DREAMers that have suffered. Towards the end of the book, Olivas highlights poems including Pedro Calderon de la Barca’s <em>La Vida es sueño</em> and Langston Hughes’s <em>Harlem</em> to capture the yearning and disappointments of the DREAMers. Yet Olivas insists “I do not approve. And I am not resigned” noting that the fight for immigration reform is far from over.</p><p>In the podcast, Olivas offers insights on the June 18, 2020 Supreme Court decision in. <em>Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of California </em>in which the Court ruled 5-4 to overturn. The Department of Homeland Security’s decision to end the DACA policy on narrow, procedural grounds.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <title>Lindsay M. Chervinsky, "The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution" (Harvard UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In her new book, The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution (Harvard University Press, 2020), historian Lindsay M. Chervinsky traces the origins of the President’s cabinet in American government. Chervinsky combines the history of the American Revolution with studies of early American political institutions to illustrate how the cabinet developed. Exploring the cabinet’s inception, Chervinsky argues that traditional narratives about the cabinet don’t tell the whole story and, in fact, that the cabinet itself is a rather under-researched aspect of the American presidency.
While George Washington did build the cabinet and, even more importantly, made use of the cabinet in developing policy and seeking input and advice, Chervinsky reveals that it was not until well into Washington’s first term that the cabinet really came into full usage, and this was only after Washington had experimented with other options. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution traces how the cabinet evolved in a kind of organic fashion, as Washington needed more input and, in an interesting comparative context, as the Senate provided less engaged advice and consent than had been anticipated at the Constitutional Convention.
Chervinsky highlights how Washington’s inaugural cabinet established and protected executive authority setting a precedent for future cabinets and helping to define the scope of executive power in the new constitutional system. Chervinsky’s book takes a chronological approach, starting in the revolutionary period and working forward through Washington’s two administrations. She begins by exploring Washington’s military experience, especially his leadership of the military, and explains how this experience informed his decisions around creating and using the cabinet while president. Chervinsky describes how, during the American Revolution, Washington relied on councils of war to provide advice and help him to make key decisions. He designed the cabinet to advise him in a similar fashion. Chervinsky also discusses the first cabinet secretaries—figures who were themselves quite well known, like Alexander Hamilton, Edmund Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Knox—and how their individual experiences shaped the offices they held. The Cabinet notes that the way in which the first ministers debated issues created a model for the president’s cabinet as an enduring institution. Chervinsky concludes her chronological study looking at how the cabinet became permanent in response to crises including the Neutrality Crisis of 1793, the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, and Jay Treaties of 1795-1796 (which also involved the development of executive privilege).
Finally, Chervinsky considers the ramifications of Washington’s creation and use of the cabinet. She explains how the public came to think about Washington’s cabinet and his secretaries, while also comparing Washington’s cabinet practices to more contemporary ones. The Cabinet weaves together a fascinating history of the institution itself while providing an understanding of how it evolved as an institution within the new constitutional system and, in particular, how it operates with the president, carving out a space for a more authoritative executive.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 30 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>454</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Chervinsky traces the origins of the President’s cabinet in American government...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In her new book, The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution (Harvard University Press, 2020), historian Lindsay M. Chervinsky traces the origins of the President’s cabinet in American government. Chervinsky combines the history of the American Revolution with studies of early American political institutions to illustrate how the cabinet developed. Exploring the cabinet’s inception, Chervinsky argues that traditional narratives about the cabinet don’t tell the whole story and, in fact, that the cabinet itself is a rather under-researched aspect of the American presidency.
While George Washington did build the cabinet and, even more importantly, made use of the cabinet in developing policy and seeking input and advice, Chervinsky reveals that it was not until well into Washington’s first term that the cabinet really came into full usage, and this was only after Washington had experimented with other options. The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution traces how the cabinet evolved in a kind of organic fashion, as Washington needed more input and, in an interesting comparative context, as the Senate provided less engaged advice and consent than had been anticipated at the Constitutional Convention.
Chervinsky highlights how Washington’s inaugural cabinet established and protected executive authority setting a precedent for future cabinets and helping to define the scope of executive power in the new constitutional system. Chervinsky’s book takes a chronological approach, starting in the revolutionary period and working forward through Washington’s two administrations. She begins by exploring Washington’s military experience, especially his leadership of the military, and explains how this experience informed his decisions around creating and using the cabinet while president. Chervinsky describes how, during the American Revolution, Washington relied on councils of war to provide advice and help him to make key decisions. He designed the cabinet to advise him in a similar fashion. Chervinsky also discusses the first cabinet secretaries—figures who were themselves quite well known, like Alexander Hamilton, Edmund Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Knox—and how their individual experiences shaped the offices they held. The Cabinet notes that the way in which the first ministers debated issues created a model for the president’s cabinet as an enduring institution. Chervinsky concludes her chronological study looking at how the cabinet became permanent in response to crises including the Neutrality Crisis of 1793, the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, and Jay Treaties of 1795-1796 (which also involved the development of executive privilege).
Finally, Chervinsky considers the ramifications of Washington’s creation and use of the cabinet. She explains how the public came to think about Washington’s cabinet and his secretaries, while also comparing Washington’s cabinet practices to more contemporary ones. The Cabinet weaves together a fascinating history of the institution itself while providing an understanding of how it evolved as an institution within the new constitutional system and, in particular, how it operates with the president, carving out a space for a more authoritative executive.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In her new book, <a href="https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674986480"><em>The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution</em></a><em> </em>(Harvard University Press, 2020), historian <a href="https://www.lindsaychervinsky.com/">Lindsay M. Chervinsky</a> traces the origins of the President’s cabinet in American government. Chervinsky combines the history of the American Revolution with studies of early American political institutions to illustrate how the cabinet developed. Exploring the cabinet’s inception, Chervinsky argues that traditional narratives about the cabinet don’t tell the whole story and, in fact, that the cabinet itself is a rather under-researched aspect of the American presidency.</p><p>While George Washington did build the cabinet and, even more importantly, made use of the cabinet in developing policy and seeking input and advice, Chervinsky reveals that it was not until well into Washington’s first term that the cabinet really came into full usage, and this was only after Washington had experimented with other options. <em>The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution</em> traces how the cabinet evolved in a kind of organic fashion, as Washington needed more input and, in an interesting comparative context, as the Senate provided less engaged advice and consent than had been anticipated at the Constitutional Convention.</p><p>Chervinsky highlights how Washington’s inaugural cabinet established and protected executive authority setting a precedent for future cabinets and helping to define the scope of executive power in the new constitutional system. Chervinsky’s book takes a chronological approach, starting in the revolutionary period and working forward through Washington’s two administrations. She begins by exploring Washington’s military experience, especially his leadership of the military, and explains how this experience informed his decisions around creating and using the cabinet while president. Chervinsky describes how, during the American Revolution, Washington relied on councils of war to provide advice and help him to make key decisions. He designed the cabinet to advise him in a similar fashion. Chervinsky also discusses the first cabinet secretaries—figures who were themselves quite well known, like Alexander Hamilton, Edmund Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Knox—and how their individual experiences shaped the offices they held. <em>The Cabinet</em> notes that the way in which the first ministers debated issues created a model for the president’s cabinet as an enduring institution. Chervinsky concludes her chronological study looking at how the cabinet became permanent in response to crises including the Neutrality Crisis of 1793, the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, and Jay Treaties of 1795-1796 (which also involved the development of executive privilege).</p><p>Finally, Chervinsky considers the ramifications of Washington’s creation and use of the cabinet. She explains how the public came to think about Washington’s cabinet and his secretaries, while also comparing Washington’s cabinet practices to more contemporary ones. <em>The Cabinet</em> weaves together a fascinating history of the institution itself while providing an understanding of how it evolved as an institution within the new constitutional system and, in particular, how it operates with the president, carving out a space for a more authoritative executive.</p><p>Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3111</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Amity Shlaes, "Great Society: A New History" (Harper, 2019)</title>
      <description>National concern about income inequalities. Race relations at a boiling point. Riots in the streets. Cries on the left for massive allocations of federal money for housing and poverty reduction programs. Social scientists and professional activists touting theories and pet proposals for projects that will supposedly eradicate poverty if only enough money is thrown at them. Tensions between local and state officials and the White House and between bureaucrats and the poor people they claim to be helping. Factionalism roiling the left as new players challenge the Democratic Party establishment. Concerns about the independence of the Federal Reserve. Economic uncertainty and balance of trade issues leading to tensions with our supposed allies. The once iconic General Electric facing public image problems. Big industrial unions like the United Automobile Workers losing clout to unions representing white-collar government workers. The perennial debate about what we now call the universal basic income (UBI). The rise of the expert class—and the backlash against it. St. Louis as the poster child of racial and class tensions. Acrimony between presidential appointees and the president himself. A naïve, self-serving belief among progressives that all we need to do to solve every problem is to hearken back to the New Deal and outdo it by going big, big, big on social spending. Outright cries for socialism in America. Debates on the right and within the GOP about which political path to follow—surrendering to the administrative state or remaining committed to the free market and personal liberty.
Sound familiar? But wait—this isn’t 2020. It is the period of roughly 1964-1972 that journalist and historian Amity Shlaes chronicles in her 2019 book, Great Society: A New History (Harper, 2019)
Given the unprecedented, gargantuan levels of federal spending we are seeing these days designed to deal with the economic fallout from the coronavirus pandemic and the ongoing debate revolving around the Black Lives Matter movement, Shlaes’ book is exquisitely well-timed. Now is the time to revisit the Great Society era and consider what worked and what ended up destroying poor neighborhoods and the lives of those in them.
Shlaes also introduces us to many of the now standard public policy types whose latter-day incarnations we all live with today. There is the influential gadfly author who alerts Americans to this or that social problem (Michael Harrington). The charismatic super-bureaucrat who oversells his federal programs and rides roughshod over those at the local level (Sargent Shriver). The memo-producing social scientist for-hire who loves government more than life itself (Daniel Patrick Moynihan). The young activist who rides the wave of social upheaval only to be sidelined by those more ruthless, effective and radical than he (Tom Hayden). The union leader who revels in conferring with American presidents and cultivating allies on the left even as his industry is being gutted by foreign competitors (Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers). We know these types by now and Shlaes reminds us how we got used to such figures.
Never was a better time to look back at a key period in the history of big government and to consider how we can avoid replicating the counterproductive policies that helped create the very conditions that are generating the current outcry about income disparities and racial injustice.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 29 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>769</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Shlaes’ book is exquisitely well-timed. Now is the time to revisit the Great Society era and consider what worked and what ended up destroying poor neighborhoods and the lives of those in them...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>National concern about income inequalities. Race relations at a boiling point. Riots in the streets. Cries on the left for massive allocations of federal money for housing and poverty reduction programs. Social scientists and professional activists touting theories and pet proposals for projects that will supposedly eradicate poverty if only enough money is thrown at them. Tensions between local and state officials and the White House and between bureaucrats and the poor people they claim to be helping. Factionalism roiling the left as new players challenge the Democratic Party establishment. Concerns about the independence of the Federal Reserve. Economic uncertainty and balance of trade issues leading to tensions with our supposed allies. The once iconic General Electric facing public image problems. Big industrial unions like the United Automobile Workers losing clout to unions representing white-collar government workers. The perennial debate about what we now call the universal basic income (UBI). The rise of the expert class—and the backlash against it. St. Louis as the poster child of racial and class tensions. Acrimony between presidential appointees and the president himself. A naïve, self-serving belief among progressives that all we need to do to solve every problem is to hearken back to the New Deal and outdo it by going big, big, big on social spending. Outright cries for socialism in America. Debates on the right and within the GOP about which political path to follow—surrendering to the administrative state or remaining committed to the free market and personal liberty.
Sound familiar? But wait—this isn’t 2020. It is the period of roughly 1964-1972 that journalist and historian Amity Shlaes chronicles in her 2019 book, Great Society: A New History (Harper, 2019)
Given the unprecedented, gargantuan levels of federal spending we are seeing these days designed to deal with the economic fallout from the coronavirus pandemic and the ongoing debate revolving around the Black Lives Matter movement, Shlaes’ book is exquisitely well-timed. Now is the time to revisit the Great Society era and consider what worked and what ended up destroying poor neighborhoods and the lives of those in them.
Shlaes also introduces us to many of the now standard public policy types whose latter-day incarnations we all live with today. There is the influential gadfly author who alerts Americans to this or that social problem (Michael Harrington). The charismatic super-bureaucrat who oversells his federal programs and rides roughshod over those at the local level (Sargent Shriver). The memo-producing social scientist for-hire who loves government more than life itself (Daniel Patrick Moynihan). The young activist who rides the wave of social upheaval only to be sidelined by those more ruthless, effective and radical than he (Tom Hayden). The union leader who revels in conferring with American presidents and cultivating allies on the left even as his industry is being gutted by foreign competitors (Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers). We know these types by now and Shlaes reminds us how we got used to such figures.
Never was a better time to look back at a key period in the history of big government and to consider how we can avoid replicating the counterproductive policies that helped create the very conditions that are generating the current outcry about income disparities and racial injustice.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>National concern about income inequalities. Race relations at a boiling point. Riots in the streets. Cries on the left for massive allocations of federal money for housing and poverty reduction programs. Social scientists and professional activists touting theories and pet proposals for projects that will supposedly eradicate poverty if only enough money is thrown at them. Tensions between local and state officials and the White House and between bureaucrats and the poor people they claim to be helping. Factionalism roiling the left as new players challenge the Democratic Party establishment. Concerns about the independence of the Federal Reserve. Economic uncertainty and balance of trade issues leading to tensions with our supposed allies. The once iconic General Electric facing public image problems. Big industrial unions like the United Automobile Workers losing clout to unions representing white-collar government workers. The perennial debate about what we now call the universal basic income (UBI). The rise of the expert class—and the backlash against it. St. Louis as the poster child of racial and class tensions. Acrimony between presidential appointees and the president himself. A naïve, self-serving belief among progressives that all we need to do to solve every problem is to hearken back to the New Deal and outdo it by going big, big, big on social spending. Outright cries for socialism in America. Debates on the right and within the GOP about which political path to follow—surrendering to the administrative state or remaining committed to the free market and personal liberty.</p><p>Sound familiar? But wait—this isn’t 2020. It is the period of roughly 1964-1972 that journalist and historian <a href="http://www.amityshlaes.com/">Amity Shlaes</a> chronicles in her 2019 book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0061706426/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Great Society: A New History</em></a> (Harper, 2019)</p><p>Given the unprecedented, gargantuan levels of federal spending we are seeing these days designed to deal with the economic fallout from the coronavirus pandemic and the ongoing debate revolving around the Black Lives Matter movement, Shlaes’ book is exquisitely well-timed. Now is the time to revisit the Great Society era and consider what worked and what ended up destroying poor neighborhoods and the lives of those in them.</p><p>Shlaes also introduces us to many of the now standard public policy types whose latter-day incarnations we all live with today. There is the influential gadfly author who alerts Americans to this or that social problem (Michael Harrington). The charismatic super-bureaucrat who oversells his federal programs and rides roughshod over those at the local level (Sargent Shriver). The memo-producing social scientist for-hire who loves government more than life itself (Daniel Patrick Moynihan). The young activist who rides the wave of social upheaval only to be sidelined by those more ruthless, effective and radical than he (Tom Hayden). The union leader who revels in conferring with American presidents and cultivating allies on the left even as his industry is being gutted by foreign competitors (Walter Reuther of the United Automobile Workers). We know these types by now and Shlaes reminds us how we got used to such figures.</p><p>Never was a better time to look back at a key period in the history of big government and to consider how we can avoid replicating the counterproductive policies that helped create the very conditions that are generating the current outcry about income disparities and racial injustice.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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    <item>
      <title>R. K. Jefferson and H. B. Johnson, "Shortlisted: Women in the Shadows of the Supreme Court (NYU Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Before Ronald Reagan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court in 1981, nine highly qualified women were on the shortlist. What do the stories of these women tell us about the judiciary? Gender? Feminism? Race?
In Shortlisted: Women in the Shadows of the Supreme Court (NYU Press, 2020), Renee Knake Jefferson (professor at the University of Houston Law Center) and Hannah Brenner Johnson (Vice Dean and a law professor at California Western School of Law in San Diego) demonstrate how highly (and often overly) qualified woman are shortlisted by presidents -- from Herbert Hoover to Donald Trump -- to create the appearance of diversity before a (white) man is selected to preserve the status quo. Short-listing isn’t success but symptom of a problem.
Jefferson and Johnson’s research in presidential libraries, private papers, oral histories, the Nixon tapes, and biographies reveals that presidents as early as Herbert Hoover began discussing female candidates – though presidents set aside overly qualified women for decades. The first half of this nuanced book explores the first woman considered (Florence Allen), five judges who were on the short lists of JFK, LBJ, Nixon, and Ford, and female judges who were short-listed alongside Sandra Day O’Connor (including the first Black female judge, Amalya Lyle Kearse). The histories of each candidate map onto the waves of feminism, reflect on the role of marriage, motherhood, and sexuality, and allow the authors to identify the harms of short-listing.
The details are revealing about both past and present and the second half of the book addresses how to apply the lessons learned from these decades of paying lip-service to diversity. How can candidates transition from shortlisting to selection? Jefferson and Johnson discuss tokenism, the burdens of being a gender spokesperson, racism, ageism, and the binds of femininity and “respectability.” The authors demonstrate how the selection of women for the Supreme Court impacts other aspects of the legal system and beyond. Although the number of men and women entering law school and entry-level legal positions are equal, the rate at which men reach leadership positions is considerably faster than women. This phenomenon can be seen in many fields where there is a pursuit of professional advancement. The authors conclude with strategies such as “collaborating to compete” to reform the American legal system.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>459</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Before Ronald Reagan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court in 1981, nine highly qualified women were on the shortlist. What do the stories of these women tell us about the judiciary? Gender? Feminism? Race?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Before Ronald Reagan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court in 1981, nine highly qualified women were on the shortlist. What do the stories of these women tell us about the judiciary? Gender? Feminism? Race?
In Shortlisted: Women in the Shadows of the Supreme Court (NYU Press, 2020), Renee Knake Jefferson (professor at the University of Houston Law Center) and Hannah Brenner Johnson (Vice Dean and a law professor at California Western School of Law in San Diego) demonstrate how highly (and often overly) qualified woman are shortlisted by presidents -- from Herbert Hoover to Donald Trump -- to create the appearance of diversity before a (white) man is selected to preserve the status quo. Short-listing isn’t success but symptom of a problem.
Jefferson and Johnson’s research in presidential libraries, private papers, oral histories, the Nixon tapes, and biographies reveals that presidents as early as Herbert Hoover began discussing female candidates – though presidents set aside overly qualified women for decades. The first half of this nuanced book explores the first woman considered (Florence Allen), five judges who were on the short lists of JFK, LBJ, Nixon, and Ford, and female judges who were short-listed alongside Sandra Day O’Connor (including the first Black female judge, Amalya Lyle Kearse). The histories of each candidate map onto the waves of feminism, reflect on the role of marriage, motherhood, and sexuality, and allow the authors to identify the harms of short-listing.
The details are revealing about both past and present and the second half of the book addresses how to apply the lessons learned from these decades of paying lip-service to diversity. How can candidates transition from shortlisting to selection? Jefferson and Johnson discuss tokenism, the burdens of being a gender spokesperson, racism, ageism, and the binds of femininity and “respectability.” The authors demonstrate how the selection of women for the Supreme Court impacts other aspects of the legal system and beyond. Although the number of men and women entering law school and entry-level legal positions are equal, the rate at which men reach leadership positions is considerably faster than women. This phenomenon can be seen in many fields where there is a pursuit of professional advancement. The authors conclude with strategies such as “collaborating to compete” to reform the American legal system.
Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Before Ronald Reagan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court in 1981, nine highly qualified women were on the shortlist. What do the stories of these women tell us about the judiciary? Gender? Feminism? Race?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1479895911/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Shortlisted: Women in the Shadows of the Supreme Court</em></a><em> </em>(NYU Press, 2020), <a href="https://www.law.uh.edu/faculty/main.asp?PID=5141">Renee Knake Jefferson</a> (professor at the University of Houston Law Center) and <a href="https://www.cwsl.edu/faculty-staff-and-campus-directories/faculty-and-staff-directory/h/hannah-brenner">Hannah Brenner Johnson</a> (Vice Dean and a law professor at California Western School of Law in San Diego) demonstrate how highly (and often overly) qualified woman are shortlisted by presidents -- from Herbert Hoover to Donald Trump -- to create the appearance of diversity before a (white) man is selected to preserve the status quo. Short-listing isn’t success but symptom of a problem.</p><p>Jefferson and Johnson’s research in presidential libraries, private papers, oral histories, the Nixon tapes, and biographies reveals that presidents as early as Herbert Hoover began discussing female candidates – though presidents set aside overly qualified women for decades. The first half of this nuanced book explores the first woman considered (Florence Allen), five judges who were on the short lists of JFK, LBJ, Nixon, and Ford, and female judges who were short-listed alongside Sandra Day O’Connor (including the first Black female judge, Amalya Lyle Kearse). The histories of each candidate map onto the waves of feminism, reflect on the role of marriage, motherhood, and sexuality, and allow the authors to identify the harms of short-listing.</p><p>The details are revealing about both past and present and the second half of the book addresses how to apply the lessons learned from these decades of paying lip-service to diversity. How can candidates transition from shortlisting to selection? Jefferson and Johnson discuss tokenism, the burdens of being a gender spokesperson, racism, ageism, and the binds of femininity and “respectability.” The authors demonstrate how the selection of women for the Supreme Court impacts other aspects of the legal system and beyond. Although the number of men and women entering law school and entry-level legal positions are equal, the rate at which men reach leadership positions is considerably faster than women. This phenomenon can be seen in many fields where there is a pursuit of professional advancement. The authors conclude with strategies such as “collaborating to compete” to reform the American legal system.</p><p>Daniella Campos assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3617</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>John B. Holbein, "Making Young Voters: Converting Civic Attitudes into Action" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In the United States, each election cycle reminds us that younger voters vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. This discrepancy is often chalked up to apathy or lack of interest in politics among younger voters. In their new book, John B. Holbein and D. Sunshine Hillygus analyze this conventional explanation along with the political science literature about voting behavior among different age cohorts. What they find is a more complex picture of contemporary young voters, and this complex picture is the focus of their new book, Making Young Voters: Converting Civic Attitudes into Action (Cambridge University Press, 2020).
Holbein and Hillygus find that younger citizens (18-29 year old) are quite interested in politics and engaged in various dimensions of politics, but that voting, because of the complex process for registering and voting in the United States, makes it more difficult for younger voters to develop this habit and pursue it. Holbein and Hillygus’ analysis of the data refutes the oft-repeated commentary that younger voters are apathetic. In fact, Making Young Voters demonstrates that today, young voters are more concerned with politics than young voters of the past. But despite this greater interest, youth voting remains low. Making Young Voters argues that the true obstacles to youth voting are lack of experience, and less fully formed noncognitive skills, coupled with the high hurdles of the voting process itself, including the requirements to register to vote, and the differing requirements for actual voting, as well as the many elections that Americans face every year. Thus, some of disconnect between interest and follow through is on the voters themselves, but a sizeable issue, according to wealth and diversity of data that Holbein and Hillygus explore, is the complexity of the voting process in the United States.
Holbein and Hillygus explain that younger voters are not accustomed to the act of voting and therefore struggle to follow through on their intention to vote. This can be seen in voter registration. Younger voters either forget to register or they are hesitant to register because they have never done it before, and therefore it is not a habit for them the way it is for older voters. Additionally, Holbein and Hillygus note that previous scholarship on youth voting focused on cognitive skills. Instead, Making Young Voters emphasizes the link between voting and noncognitive skills. Holbein and Hillygus assert that younger voters’ noncognitive skills are less developed. This also contributes to lower turnout among younger voters. Finally, Making Young Voters considers what could be done to increase youth voter turnout. The latter part of the book includes ideas to rethink civics classes and education to highlight how to register and how to vote so as to familiarize younger voters to the process itself. Holbein and Hillygus also suggest creating more pathways to registration such as same-day registration which allows voters to register at their polling place on the day of an election. Making Young Voters brings together approaches from political science, education, and psychology to explain what is standing in the way of more young people actually casting ballots in American elections. And what can be changed to make this process less daunting.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast. 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>460</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the United States, each election cycle reminds us that younger voters vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the United States, each election cycle reminds us that younger voters vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. This discrepancy is often chalked up to apathy or lack of interest in politics among younger voters. In their new book, John B. Holbein and D. Sunshine Hillygus analyze this conventional explanation along with the political science literature about voting behavior among different age cohorts. What they find is a more complex picture of contemporary young voters, and this complex picture is the focus of their new book, Making Young Voters: Converting Civic Attitudes into Action (Cambridge University Press, 2020).
Holbein and Hillygus find that younger citizens (18-29 year old) are quite interested in politics and engaged in various dimensions of politics, but that voting, because of the complex process for registering and voting in the United States, makes it more difficult for younger voters to develop this habit and pursue it. Holbein and Hillygus’ analysis of the data refutes the oft-repeated commentary that younger voters are apathetic. In fact, Making Young Voters demonstrates that today, young voters are more concerned with politics than young voters of the past. But despite this greater interest, youth voting remains low. Making Young Voters argues that the true obstacles to youth voting are lack of experience, and less fully formed noncognitive skills, coupled with the high hurdles of the voting process itself, including the requirements to register to vote, and the differing requirements for actual voting, as well as the many elections that Americans face every year. Thus, some of disconnect between interest and follow through is on the voters themselves, but a sizeable issue, according to wealth and diversity of data that Holbein and Hillygus explore, is the complexity of the voting process in the United States.
Holbein and Hillygus explain that younger voters are not accustomed to the act of voting and therefore struggle to follow through on their intention to vote. This can be seen in voter registration. Younger voters either forget to register or they are hesitant to register because they have never done it before, and therefore it is not a habit for them the way it is for older voters. Additionally, Holbein and Hillygus note that previous scholarship on youth voting focused on cognitive skills. Instead, Making Young Voters emphasizes the link between voting and noncognitive skills. Holbein and Hillygus assert that younger voters’ noncognitive skills are less developed. This also contributes to lower turnout among younger voters. Finally, Making Young Voters considers what could be done to increase youth voter turnout. The latter part of the book includes ideas to rethink civics classes and education to highlight how to register and how to vote so as to familiarize younger voters to the process itself. Holbein and Hillygus also suggest creating more pathways to registration such as same-day registration which allows voters to register at their polling place on the day of an election. Making Young Voters brings together approaches from political science, education, and psychology to explain what is standing in the way of more young people actually casting ballots in American elections. And what can be changed to make this process less daunting.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast. 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the United States, each election cycle reminds us that younger voters vote at much lower rates than their older counterparts. This discrepancy is often chalked up to apathy or lack of interest in politics among younger voters. In their new book, <a href="https://sites.google.com/site/johnbholbein/">John B. Holbein</a> and <a href="https://sites.duke.edu/hillygus/">D. Sunshine Hillygus</a> analyze this conventional explanation along with the political science literature about voting behavior among different age cohorts. What they find is a more complex picture of contemporary young voters, and this complex picture is the focus of their new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/110872633X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Making Young Voters: Converting Civic Attitudes into Action</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020).</p><p>Holbein and Hillygus find that younger citizens (18-29 year old) are quite interested in politics and engaged in various dimensions of politics, but that voting, because of the complex process for registering and voting in the United States, makes it more difficult for younger voters to develop this habit and pursue it. Holbein and Hillygus’ analysis of the data refutes the oft-repeated commentary that younger voters are apathetic. In fact, <em>Making Young Voters</em> demonstrates that today, young voters are more concerned with politics than young voters of the past. But despite this greater interest, youth voting remains low. <em>Making Young Voters</em> argues that the true obstacles to youth voting are lack of experience, and less fully formed noncognitive skills, coupled with the high hurdles of the voting process itself, including the requirements to register to vote, and the differing requirements for actual voting, as well as the many elections that Americans face every year. Thus, some of disconnect between interest and follow through is on the voters themselves, but a sizeable issue, according to wealth and diversity of data that Holbein and Hillygus explore, is the complexity of the voting process in the United States.</p><p>Holbein and Hillygus explain that younger voters are not accustomed to the act of voting and therefore struggle to follow through on their intention to vote. This can be seen in voter registration. Younger voters either forget to register or they are hesitant to register because they have never done it before, and therefore it is not a habit for them the way it is for older voters. Additionally, Holbein and Hillygus note that previous scholarship on youth voting focused on cognitive skills. Instead, <em>Making Young Voters</em> emphasizes the link between voting and noncognitive skills. Holbein and Hillygus assert that younger voters’ noncognitive skills are less developed. This also contributes to lower turnout among younger voters. Finally, <em>Making Young Voters</em> considers what could be done to increase youth voter turnout. The latter part of the book includes ideas to rethink civics classes and education to highlight how to register and how to vote so as to familiarize younger voters to the process itself. Holbein and Hillygus also suggest creating more pathways to registration such as same-day registration which allows voters to register at their polling place on the day of an election. <em>Making Young Voters</em> brings together approaches from political science, education, and psychology to explain what is standing in the way of more young people actually casting ballots in American elections. And what can be changed to make this process less daunting.</p><p><em>Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast. </em></p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2847</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Leslie Dorrough Smith, "Compromising Positions: Sex Scandals, Politics, and American Christianity" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Sex scandals are ubiquitous in American politics. In Compromising Positions: Sex Scandals, Politics, and American Christianity (Oxford University Press, 2019), Leslie Dorrough Smith examines the dynamics of political sex scandals and the rhetorical strategies employed by politicians that enable them to successfully withstand a public sex scandal.
Through an examination of some of the most sensational sex scandals throughout the last several decades, Leslie Dorrough Smith demonstrates that sex scandals are about much more than sex.
Leslie Dorrough Smith is Associate Professor of Religious Studies and the Director of the Women’s and Gender Studies Program at Avila University.
Lindsey Jackson is a PhD student at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>144</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Sex scandals are ubiquitous in American politics...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sex scandals are ubiquitous in American politics. In Compromising Positions: Sex Scandals, Politics, and American Christianity (Oxford University Press, 2019), Leslie Dorrough Smith examines the dynamics of political sex scandals and the rhetorical strategies employed by politicians that enable them to successfully withstand a public sex scandal.
Through an examination of some of the most sensational sex scandals throughout the last several decades, Leslie Dorrough Smith demonstrates that sex scandals are about much more than sex.
Leslie Dorrough Smith is Associate Professor of Religious Studies and the Director of the Women’s and Gender Studies Program at Avila University.
Lindsey Jackson is a PhD student at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Sex scandals are ubiquitous in American politics. In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Compromising-Positions-Scandals-Politics-Christianity-ebook/dp/B07ZTLS61Z/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Compromising Positions: Sex Scandals, Politics, and American Christianity</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2019), Leslie Dorrough Smith examines the dynamics of political sex scandals and the rhetorical strategies employed by politicians that enable them to successfully withstand a public sex scandal.</p><p>Through an examination of some of the most sensational sex scandals throughout the last several decades, Leslie Dorrough Smith demonstrates that sex scandals are about much more than sex.</p><p><a href="https://www.avila.edu/academics/schools-colleges/college-of-liberal-arts-social-sciences/humanities/religious-studies-and-philosophy/faculty-3/faculty-dr-leslie-dorrough-smith">Leslie Dorrough Smith</a> is Associate Professor of Religious Studies and the Director of the Women’s and Gender Studies Program at Avila University.</p><p><em>Lindsey Jackson is a PhD student at Concordia University in Montreal, Canada.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3748</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brian F. Harrison, "A Change is Gonna Come: How to Have Effective Political Conversations in a Divided America" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The United States takes pride in its democratic model and the idea that citizens deliberate in a process to form political opinions. However, in recent years, division and partisanship have increased while deliberation and the actual discussion of competing ideas have decreased. More and more, citizens are siloed, interacting only with those with whom they agree, and there is more negative animus directed at the opposition. In his new book, A Change is Gonna Come: How to Have Effective Political Conversations in a Divided America (Oxford University Press, 2020), Political Scientist Brian F. Harrison critiques many of the current methods of communicating and explores the growing divide within political discourse. He demonstrates how, in our contemporary environment, political debate includes more name-calling and far less of a desire to understand political opponents. But hope is not lost. Looking at recent history, Harrison argues that conversations about lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights successfully changed public opinion in a civil manner and did so rather quickly. Drawing on this example, Harrison proposes a model for how the citizens in the United States can overcome increased partisanship and dissent in favor of more civil and productive conversation. A Change is Gonna Come contextualizes both the advice and suggestions provided in the book by tracing out a great deal of the literature about political psychology and identity politics, since Harrison argues that part of the difficulty is the way that partisanship has become more of an identity marker for many voters.
Harrison offers the discourse about LGBTQ+ rights as a model for how engagement should occur. This is also an area of research that Harrison has previously explored in other works, specifically his co-authored book with Melissa Michelson, Listen, We Need to Talk: How to Changes Attitudes about LGBT Rights. He notes that change in public opinion typically takes a long time. But in the last 15 years alone, public opinion around LGBTQ+ rights has significantly shifted. Harrison contends that change in public opinion regarding LGBTQ+ rights was supported by people of differing backgrounds engaging in uncomfortable conversations about the issue. He extrapolates that by talking to people with whom we disagree, we develop a dialogue which helps people on all sides of the issue to understand other viewpoints. In A Change is Gonna Come, Harrison outlines how to approach these conversations, including how to avoid a combative approach and how to engage, respectfully, across political and cultural divides. Combining social psychology, communication studies, and political science, Harrison concludes that if citizens in the United States wants to regain a sense of civility in politics, they should follow the model presented by LGBTQ+ discussions and encourage people to have difficult conversations across policy and partisan lines.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>456</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Harrison critiques many of the current methods of communicating and explores the growing divide within political discourse...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States takes pride in its democratic model and the idea that citizens deliberate in a process to form political opinions. However, in recent years, division and partisanship have increased while deliberation and the actual discussion of competing ideas have decreased. More and more, citizens are siloed, interacting only with those with whom they agree, and there is more negative animus directed at the opposition. In his new book, A Change is Gonna Come: How to Have Effective Political Conversations in a Divided America (Oxford University Press, 2020), Political Scientist Brian F. Harrison critiques many of the current methods of communicating and explores the growing divide within political discourse. He demonstrates how, in our contemporary environment, political debate includes more name-calling and far less of a desire to understand political opponents. But hope is not lost. Looking at recent history, Harrison argues that conversations about lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights successfully changed public opinion in a civil manner and did so rather quickly. Drawing on this example, Harrison proposes a model for how the citizens in the United States can overcome increased partisanship and dissent in favor of more civil and productive conversation. A Change is Gonna Come contextualizes both the advice and suggestions provided in the book by tracing out a great deal of the literature about political psychology and identity politics, since Harrison argues that part of the difficulty is the way that partisanship has become more of an identity marker for many voters.
Harrison offers the discourse about LGBTQ+ rights as a model for how engagement should occur. This is also an area of research that Harrison has previously explored in other works, specifically his co-authored book with Melissa Michelson, Listen, We Need to Talk: How to Changes Attitudes about LGBT Rights. He notes that change in public opinion typically takes a long time. But in the last 15 years alone, public opinion around LGBTQ+ rights has significantly shifted. Harrison contends that change in public opinion regarding LGBTQ+ rights was supported by people of differing backgrounds engaging in uncomfortable conversations about the issue. He extrapolates that by talking to people with whom we disagree, we develop a dialogue which helps people on all sides of the issue to understand other viewpoints. In A Change is Gonna Come, Harrison outlines how to approach these conversations, including how to avoid a combative approach and how to engage, respectfully, across political and cultural divides. Combining social psychology, communication studies, and political science, Harrison concludes that if citizens in the United States wants to regain a sense of civility in politics, they should follow the model presented by LGBTQ+ discussions and encourage people to have difficult conversations across policy and partisan lines.
Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States takes pride in its democratic model and the idea that citizens deliberate in a process to form political opinions. However, in recent years, division and partisanship have increased while deliberation and the actual discussion of competing ideas have decreased. More and more, citizens are siloed, interacting only with those with whom they agree, and there is more negative animus directed at the opposition. In his new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190939559/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>A Change is Gonna Come: How to Have Effective Political Conversations in a Divided America</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2020), Political Scientist <a href="https://brianharrison.net/">Brian F. Harrison</a> critiques many of the current methods of communicating and explores the growing divide within political discourse. He demonstrates how, in our contemporary environment, political debate includes more name-calling and far less of a desire to understand political opponents. But hope is not lost. Looking at recent history, Harrison argues that conversations about lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender rights successfully changed public opinion in a civil manner and did so rather quickly. Drawing on this example, Harrison proposes a model for how the citizens in the United States can overcome increased partisanship and dissent in favor of more civil and productive conversation. <em>A Change is Gonna Come</em> contextualizes both the advice and suggestions provided in the book by tracing out a great deal of the literature about political psychology and identity politics, since Harrison argues that part of the difficulty is the way that partisanship has become more of an identity marker for many voters.</p><p>Harrison offers the discourse about LGBTQ+ rights as a model for how engagement should occur. This is also an area of research that Harrison has previously explored in other works, specifically his co-authored book with Melissa Michelson, <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/listen-we-need-to-talk-9780190654757?lang=en&amp;cc=us"><em>Listen, We Need to Talk: How to Changes Attitudes about LGBT Rights</em></a>. He notes that change in public opinion typically takes a long time. But in the last 15 years alone, public opinion around LGBTQ+ rights has significantly shifted. Harrison contends that change in public opinion regarding LGBTQ+ rights was supported by people of differing backgrounds engaging in uncomfortable conversations about the issue. He extrapolates that by talking to people with whom we disagree, we develop a dialogue which helps people on all sides of the issue to understand other viewpoints. In <em>A Change is Gonna Come</em>, Harrison outlines how to approach these conversations, including how to avoid a combative approach and how to engage, respectfully, across political and cultural divides. Combining social psychology, communication studies, and political science, Harrison concludes that if citizens in the United States wants to regain a sense of civility in politics, they should follow the model presented by LGBTQ+ discussions and encourage people to have difficult conversations across policy and partisan lines.</p><p>Adam Liebell-McLean assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3243</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Melissa K. Merry, "Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy" (U Michigan Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>If gun violence kills so many Americans, why don’t we see more effective solutions? How much does the way we frame an issue impact how we feel about it? How often are hot button issues deeply polarized due to the biased or intentionally manipulated ways they are presented to the public? In Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy (University of Michigan Press, 2020), Melissa K. Merry (Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Louisville) applies these questions to gun policy highlighting the ways both sides warp the gun policy narrative to fit and further their separate agendas. Noticing the way gun control advocates highlight white victims’ of mass shootings, while gun rights advocates stress self-defense rights, Merry concludes this type of framing serves to further polarize the public leaving policy makers less able to form coalitions and agree to compromise. In this way, warping has consequences for both policy and politics.
Employing a social science lens and employing three distinct theoretical frameworks, Merry seeks to understand how and why actors, specifically interest groups, distort narratives. By analyzing “67,000 communications by 15 national gun policy groups between 2000 and 2017 collected from blogs, emails, Facebook posts, and press releases” Merry documents the ways both sides over emphasize and omit crucial aspects of the gun policy debate, ironically resulting in negative consequences and failure for both sides. She combines three powerful theoretical lenses – Narrative Policy Framework, Social Construction of Target Populations, and Critical Race Theory – to reveal the structure and strategy of narratives of gun rights and safety. Both sides focus on atypical characters and settings – and both manipulate racial stereotypes.
Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy is a systematic analysis of the gun policy debate providing important groundwork for understanding how specific actors distort and polarize public debate as well as a reflection on the greater implications this has for the future of public policy.
Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>455</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>If gun violence kills so many Americans, why don’t we see more effective solutions?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If gun violence kills so many Americans, why don’t we see more effective solutions? How much does the way we frame an issue impact how we feel about it? How often are hot button issues deeply polarized due to the biased or intentionally manipulated ways they are presented to the public? In Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy (University of Michigan Press, 2020), Melissa K. Merry (Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Louisville) applies these questions to gun policy highlighting the ways both sides warp the gun policy narrative to fit and further their separate agendas. Noticing the way gun control advocates highlight white victims’ of mass shootings, while gun rights advocates stress self-defense rights, Merry concludes this type of framing serves to further polarize the public leaving policy makers less able to form coalitions and agree to compromise. In this way, warping has consequences for both policy and politics.
Employing a social science lens and employing three distinct theoretical frameworks, Merry seeks to understand how and why actors, specifically interest groups, distort narratives. By analyzing “67,000 communications by 15 national gun policy groups between 2000 and 2017 collected from blogs, emails, Facebook posts, and press releases” Merry documents the ways both sides over emphasize and omit crucial aspects of the gun policy debate, ironically resulting in negative consequences and failure for both sides. She combines three powerful theoretical lenses – Narrative Policy Framework, Social Construction of Target Populations, and Critical Race Theory – to reveal the structure and strategy of narratives of gun rights and safety. Both sides focus on atypical characters and settings – and both manipulate racial stereotypes.
Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy is a systematic analysis of the gun policy debate providing important groundwork for understanding how specific actors distort and polarize public debate as well as a reflection on the greater implications this has for the future of public policy.
Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If gun violence kills so many Americans, why don’t we see more effective solutions? How much does the way we frame an issue impact how we feel about it? How often are hot button issues deeply polarized due to the biased or intentionally manipulated ways they are presented to the public? In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0472131664/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy</em></a> (University of Michigan Press, 2020), <a href="https://louisville.edu/politicalscience/about-us/political-science-faculty/melissa-merry">Melissa K. Merry</a> (Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Louisville) applies these questions to gun policy highlighting the ways both sides warp the gun policy narrative to fit and further their separate agendas. Noticing the way gun control advocates highlight white victims’ of mass shootings, while gun rights advocates stress self-defense rights, Merry concludes this type of framing serves to further polarize the public leaving policy makers less able to form coalitions and agree to compromise. In this way, warping has consequences for both policy and politics.</p><p>Employing a social science lens and employing three distinct theoretical frameworks, Merry seeks to understand how and why actors, specifically interest groups, distort narratives. By analyzing “67,000 communications by 15 national gun policy groups between 2000 and 2017 collected from blogs, emails, Facebook posts, and press releases” Merry documents the ways both sides over emphasize and omit crucial aspects of the gun policy debate, ironically resulting in negative consequences and failure for both sides. She combines three powerful theoretical lenses – Narrative Policy Framework, Social Construction of Target Populations, and Critical Race Theory – to reveal the structure and strategy of narratives of gun rights and safety. Both sides focus on atypical characters and settings – and both manipulate racial stereotypes.</p><p><em>Warped Narratives: Distortion in the Framing of Gun Policy</em> is a systematic analysis of the gun policy debate providing important groundwork for understanding how specific actors distort and polarize public debate as well as a reflection on the greater implications this has for the future of public policy.</p><p>Bernadette Crehan assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3509</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Nicole Myers Turner, "Soul Liberty: The Evolution of Black Religious Politics in Postemancipation Virginia" (UNC Press,  2020)</title>
      <description>In her nuanced case study of postemanciaption Virginia, Nicole Myers Turner, (Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Yale University) challenges assumptions regarding the intersection between black religion and politics in this “signal moment of political and cultural transformation in the African-American experience.” Using traditional archival records from churches, political institutions and personal documents -- as well as ArcGIS to create layered maps of black religious and political participation -- Turner interrogates the integral role black churches played in postbellum Virginia politics. Black political engagement is an understudied facet of the postemancipation period but Turner explores developing relationships between two realms of life and how politics were shaped by the racial positioning of the denominations and of black people within those denominations.
In her new book Soul Liberty: The Evolution of Black Religious Politics in Postemancipation Virginia (UNC Press, 2020), Turner argues that the relationship between black religious institutions and political institutions drastically shifted as the Reconstruction amendments established rights for black citizens. That shift, and the myriad challenges black citizens encountered in their newfound citizenship, necessitated that they pursue a means for education and political power. Soul Liberty focuses on the political involvement and bargaining through which black communities achieved these goals. The term “soul liberty” captures the “combination of religious freedom, righteousness, equity and justice” that fueled remarkable institution building in the period. For example, she highlights the interracial coalitions forged with the Republican and Readjuster parties and political magnates, such as William Mahone: one of the first white politicians to recognize the political power of black churches. Turner trenchantly investigates how women in the church were pushed away from ministerial positions, and thus, often ignored as religious and political leaders. She identifies several aspects of churches and their political connections in which women demonstrated agency, such as voting on ministerial positions and tenure, leading discussions, and fundraising. She also diagnoses theological education and its male focus as the main reason that women were held out of leadership positions in the ministry. She provides a nuanced account of the election of John Mercer Langston, the first African-American congressman elected in 1890.
Soul Liberty uses the powerful tools of archival research and GIS to illustrate the transformation of black churches, explicitly and implicitly, into centers of political organization. It is currently available in three forms: print book, verbatim open access e-book, and enhanced open-access e-book, which allows the reader to manipulate some of the layered maps that Turner created with her research. A website based on her research is available at mappingblackreligion.com.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jul 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>450</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Turner challenges assumptions regarding the intersection between black religion and politics in this “signal moment of political and cultural transformation in the African-American experience.”</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In her nuanced case study of postemanciaption Virginia, Nicole Myers Turner, (Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Yale University) challenges assumptions regarding the intersection between black religion and politics in this “signal moment of political and cultural transformation in the African-American experience.” Using traditional archival records from churches, political institutions and personal documents -- as well as ArcGIS to create layered maps of black religious and political participation -- Turner interrogates the integral role black churches played in postbellum Virginia politics. Black political engagement is an understudied facet of the postemancipation period but Turner explores developing relationships between two realms of life and how politics were shaped by the racial positioning of the denominations and of black people within those denominations.
In her new book Soul Liberty: The Evolution of Black Religious Politics in Postemancipation Virginia (UNC Press, 2020), Turner argues that the relationship between black religious institutions and political institutions drastically shifted as the Reconstruction amendments established rights for black citizens. That shift, and the myriad challenges black citizens encountered in their newfound citizenship, necessitated that they pursue a means for education and political power. Soul Liberty focuses on the political involvement and bargaining through which black communities achieved these goals. The term “soul liberty” captures the “combination of religious freedom, righteousness, equity and justice” that fueled remarkable institution building in the period. For example, she highlights the interracial coalitions forged with the Republican and Readjuster parties and political magnates, such as William Mahone: one of the first white politicians to recognize the political power of black churches. Turner trenchantly investigates how women in the church were pushed away from ministerial positions, and thus, often ignored as religious and political leaders. She identifies several aspects of churches and their political connections in which women demonstrated agency, such as voting on ministerial positions and tenure, leading discussions, and fundraising. She also diagnoses theological education and its male focus as the main reason that women were held out of leadership positions in the ministry. She provides a nuanced account of the election of John Mercer Langston, the first African-American congressman elected in 1890.
Soul Liberty uses the powerful tools of archival research and GIS to illustrate the transformation of black churches, explicitly and implicitly, into centers of political organization. It is currently available in three forms: print book, verbatim open access e-book, and enhanced open-access e-book, which allows the reader to manipulate some of the layered maps that Turner created with her research. A website based on her research is available at mappingblackreligion.com.
Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, “Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In her nuanced case study of postemanciaption Virginia, <a href="https://religiousstudies.yale.edu/people/nicole-turner">Nicole Myers Turner</a>, (Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Yale University) challenges assumptions regarding the intersection between black religion and politics in this “signal moment of political and cultural transformation in the African-American experience.” Using traditional archival records from churches, political institutions and personal documents -- as well as ArcGIS to create layered maps of black religious and political participation -- Turner interrogates the integral role black churches played in postbellum Virginia politics. Black political engagement is an understudied facet of the postemancipation period but Turner explores developing relationships between two realms of life and how politics were shaped by the racial positioning of the denominations and of black people within those denominations.</p><p>In her new book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1469655233/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Soul Liberty: The Evolution of Black Religious Politics in Postemancipation Virginia</em></a> (UNC Press, 2020), Turner argues that the relationship between black religious institutions and political institutions drastically shifted as the Reconstruction amendments established rights for black citizens. That shift, and the myriad challenges black citizens encountered in their newfound citizenship, necessitated that they pursue a means for education and political power. <em>Soul Liberty</em> focuses on the political involvement and bargaining through which black communities achieved these goals. The term “soul liberty” captures the “combination of religious freedom, righteousness, equity and justice” that fueled remarkable institution building in the period. For example, she highlights the interracial coalitions forged with the Republican and Readjuster parties and political magnates, such as William Mahone: one of the first white politicians to recognize the political power of black churches. Turner trenchantly investigates how women in the church were pushed away from ministerial positions, and thus, often ignored as religious and political leaders. She identifies several aspects of churches and their political connections in which women demonstrated agency, such as voting on ministerial positions and tenure, leading discussions, and fundraising. She also diagnoses theological education and its male focus as the main reason that women were held out of leadership positions in the ministry. She provides a nuanced account of the election of John Mercer Langston, the first African-American congressman elected in 1890.</p><p><em>Soul Liberty </em>uses the powerful tools of archival research and GIS to illustrate the transformation of black churches, explicitly and implicitly, into centers of political organization. It is currently available in three forms: print book, verbatim open access e-book, and <a href="https://www.fulcrum.org/concern/monographs/f7623f19r">enhanced open-access e-book</a>, which allows the reader to manipulate some of the layered maps that Turner created with her research. A website based on her research is available at mappingblackreligion.com.</p><p>Benjamin Warren assisted with this podcast.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013) and, most recently, </em><a href="http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/707461"><em>“Retreat from the Rule of Law: Locke and the Perils of Stand Your Ground</em></a><em>” in the Journal of Politics (August 2020).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3414</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7287717740.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Adam Goodman, "The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked how? In The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.
Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>64</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Goodman offers an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked how? In The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.
Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many of us know that immigrants have been deported from the United States for well over a century, but has anyone ever asked <em>how</em>? In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0691182159/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Expelling Immigrants</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2020), author Adam Goodman brings together new archival evidence to write an expansive history of deportation from the United States that threads the late-nineteenth century through to the present.</p><p>Goodman, Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino studies as well as history at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues that the “deportation machine” operated through three main mechanisms: formal deportations, voluntary departures, and self-deportations. But contrary to mainstream assumptions about the U.S. immigration system, the overwhelming majority of deportations throughout the 1900s have not been formal proceedings in immigration court, but instead administrative processes and informal fear campaigns that pushed immigrants out of the country. Our interview with Goodman will cover how the history of deportation is linked with the development of federal power, state coercion, and activist resistance for due process. We also discuss the connections between the deportation machine and the contemporary debate on the prison-industrial complex, anti-immigrant prejudice, and demands for police reform. Far beyond the harsh realities of deportation, this book shows us how the politics of expulsion sought to define who truly belonged in America.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4029</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Zerlina Maxwell, "The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide" (Hachette, 2020)</title>
      <description>After working on two presidential campaigns (for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton), MSNBC political analyst and SiriusXM host Zerlina Maxwell gained first-hand knowledge of everything liberals have been doing right over the past few elections–and everything they are still doing wrong. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump’s favor in 2016; he effectively ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party’s most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates finally dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell has posed the ultimate question: what now, liberals?
Fueled by Maxwell’s trademark wit and candor, The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide (Hachette, 2020) dismantles the past and present problems of the Left, challenging everyone from scrappy, young “Bernie Bros” to seasoned power players in the “Billionaire Boys’ Club.” No topic is taboo; whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg’s presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her fierce critique. However, underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues that it’s the “liberal-minded” party’s struggle to engage women and communities of color–and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class–that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.
The times–and the demographics-are changing, and in order for progressive politics to prevail, we must acknowledge our shortcomings, take ownership of our flaws, and do everything in our power to level the playing field for all Americans. The End of White Politics shows exactly how and why progressives can lean into identity politics, empowering marginalized groups, and uniting under a common vision that will benefit us all.
Dr. Christina Gessler’s background is in anthropology, women’s history, and literature. In seeking the extraordinary in the ordinary, Gessler writes the histories of largely unknown women, poems about small relatable moments, and takes many, many photos in nature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>123</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Maxwell shows exactly how and why progressives can lean into identity politics, empowering marginalized groups, and uniting under a common vision that will benefit us all...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After working on two presidential campaigns (for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton), MSNBC political analyst and SiriusXM host Zerlina Maxwell gained first-hand knowledge of everything liberals have been doing right over the past few elections–and everything they are still doing wrong. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump’s favor in 2016; he effectively ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party’s most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates finally dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell has posed the ultimate question: what now, liberals?
Fueled by Maxwell’s trademark wit and candor, The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide (Hachette, 2020) dismantles the past and present problems of the Left, challenging everyone from scrappy, young “Bernie Bros” to seasoned power players in the “Billionaire Boys’ Club.” No topic is taboo; whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg’s presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her fierce critique. However, underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues that it’s the “liberal-minded” party’s struggle to engage women and communities of color–and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class–that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.
The times–and the demographics-are changing, and in order for progressive politics to prevail, we must acknowledge our shortcomings, take ownership of our flaws, and do everything in our power to level the playing field for all Americans. The End of White Politics shows exactly how and why progressives can lean into identity politics, empowering marginalized groups, and uniting under a common vision that will benefit us all.
Dr. Christina Gessler’s background is in anthropology, women’s history, and literature. In seeking the extraordinary in the ordinary, Gessler writes the histories of largely unknown women, poems about small relatable moments, and takes many, many photos in nature.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After working on two presidential campaigns (for Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton), MSNBC political analyst and SiriusXM host <a href="https://zerlinamaxwell.com/">Zerlina Maxwell</a> gained first-hand knowledge of everything liberals have been doing right over the past few elections–and everything they are still doing wrong. Ultimately, these errors worked in President Donald Trump’s favor in 2016; he effectively ran a campaign on white identity politics, successfully tapping into white male angst and resistance. In 2020, after the Democratic Party’s most historically diverse pool of presidential candidates finally dwindled down to Joe Biden, once again an older white man, Maxwell has posed the ultimate question: what now, liberals?</p><p>Fueled by Maxwell’s trademark wit and candor, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0306873613/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The End of White Politics: How to Heal Our Liberal Divide</em></a> (Hachette, 2020) dismantles the past and present problems of the Left, challenging everyone from scrappy, young “Bernie Bros” to seasoned power players in the “Billionaire Boys’ Club.” No topic is taboo; whether tackling the white privilege that enabled Mayor Pete Buttigieg’s presidential run, the controversial #HashtagActivism of the Millennial generation, the massive individual donations that sway politicians toward maintaining the status quo of income inequality, or the lingering racism that debilitated some Democratic presidential contenders and cut their promising campaigns short, Maxwell pulls no punches in her fierce critique. However, underlying all of these individual issues, Maxwell argues that it’s the “liberal-minded” party’s struggle to engage women and communities of color–and its preoccupation with catering to the white, male working class–that threatens to be its most lethal shortfall.</p><p>The times–and the demographics-are changing, and in order for progressive politics to prevail, we must acknowledge our shortcomings, take ownership of our flaws, and do everything in our power to level the playing field for all Americans. <em>The End of White Politics</em> shows exactly how and why progressives can lean into identity politics, empowering marginalized groups, and uniting under a common vision that will benefit us all.</p><p><em>Dr. Christina Gessler’s background is in anthropology, women’s history, and literature. In seeking the extraordinary in the ordinary, Gessler writes the histories of largely unknown women, poems about small relatable moments, and takes many, many photos in nature.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4541</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Gerarldo Cadava, "The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump" (Ecco, 2020)</title>
      <description>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?
In The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump (Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator Geraldo Cadava illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 26 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>63</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Cadava illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?
In The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump (Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator Geraldo Cadava illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the lead-up to every election cycle, pundits predict that Latino Americans will overwhelmingly vote in favor of the Democratic candidate. And it’s true—Latino voters do tilt Democratic. Hillary Clinton won the Latino vote in a “landslide,” Barack Obama “crushed” Mitt Romney among Latino voters in his reelection, and, four years earlier, the Democratic ticket beat the McCain-Palin ticket by a margin of more than two to one. But those numbers belie a more complicated picture. Because of decades of investment and political courtship, as well as a nuanced and varied cultural identity, the Republican party has had a much longer and stronger bond with Hispanics. How is this possible for a party so associated with draconian immigration and racial policies?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/006294634X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Hispanic Republican: The Shaping of an American Political Identity, from Nixon to Trump</em></a><em> </em>(Ecco, 2020), historian and political commentator <a href="https://www.history.northwestern.edu/people/faculty/core-faculty/geraldo-l-cadava.html">Geraldo Cadava</a> illuminates the history of the millions of Hispanic Republicans who, since the 1960s, have had a significant impact on national politics. Intertwining the little understood history of Hispanic Americans with a cultural study of how post–World War II Republican politicians actively courted the Hispanic vote during the Cold War (especially Cuban émigrés) and during periods of major strife in Central America (especially during Iran-Contra), Cadava offers insight into the complicated dynamic between Latino liberalism and conservatism, which, when studied together, shine a crucial light on a rapidly changing demographic that will impact American elections for years to come.</p><p><em>Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, </em>Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas<em>. You can follow Tiffany on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/T_J_Gonzalez?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"><em>@T_J_Gonzalez</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3813</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Michael Goldfield, "The Southern Key: Class, Race, and Radicalism in the 1930s and 1940s" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The golden key to understanding the last 75 years of American political development, the eminent labor relations scholar Michael Goldfield argues, lies in the contests between labor and capital in the American South during the 1930s and 1940s. Labor agitation and unionization efforts in the South in the New Deal era were extensive and bitterly fought, and ranged across all of the major industries of the region.
In The Southern Key: Class, Race, and Radicalism in the 1930s and 1940s (Oxford UP, 2020), Goldfield charts the rise of labor activism in each and then examines how and why labor organizers struggled so mightily in the region. Drawing from meticulous and unprecedented archival material and detailed data on four core industries-textiles, timber, coal mining, and steel-he argues that much of what is important in American politics and society today was largely shaped by the successes and failures of the labor movements of the 1930s and 1940s. Most notably, Goldfield shows how the broad-based failure to organize the South during this period made it what it is today. He contends that this early defeat for labor unions not only contributed to the exploitation of race and right-wing demagoguery in the South, but has also led to a decline in unionization, growing economic inequality, and an inability to confront and dismantle white supremacy throughout the US.
A sweeping account of Southern political economy in the New Deal era, The Southern Key challenges the established historiography to tell a tale of race, radicalism, and betrayal that will reshape our understanding of why America developed so differently from other advanced industrial nations over the course of the last century.
Beth A. English is director of the Liechtenstein Institute’s Project on Gender in the Global Community at Princeton University. She also is a past president of the Southern Labor History Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>32</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Goldfield charts the rise of labor activism in each and then examines how and why labor organizers struggled so mightily in the region...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The golden key to understanding the last 75 years of American political development, the eminent labor relations scholar Michael Goldfield argues, lies in the contests between labor and capital in the American South during the 1930s and 1940s. Labor agitation and unionization efforts in the South in the New Deal era were extensive and bitterly fought, and ranged across all of the major industries of the region.
In The Southern Key: Class, Race, and Radicalism in the 1930s and 1940s (Oxford UP, 2020), Goldfield charts the rise of labor activism in each and then examines how and why labor organizers struggled so mightily in the region. Drawing from meticulous and unprecedented archival material and detailed data on four core industries-textiles, timber, coal mining, and steel-he argues that much of what is important in American politics and society today was largely shaped by the successes and failures of the labor movements of the 1930s and 1940s. Most notably, Goldfield shows how the broad-based failure to organize the South during this period made it what it is today. He contends that this early defeat for labor unions not only contributed to the exploitation of race and right-wing demagoguery in the South, but has also led to a decline in unionization, growing economic inequality, and an inability to confront and dismantle white supremacy throughout the US.
A sweeping account of Southern political economy in the New Deal era, The Southern Key challenges the established historiography to tell a tale of race, radicalism, and betrayal that will reshape our understanding of why America developed so differently from other advanced industrial nations over the course of the last century.
Beth A. English is director of the Liechtenstein Institute’s Project on Gender in the Global Community at Princeton University. She also is a past president of the Southern Labor History Association.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The golden key to understanding the last 75 years of American political development, the eminent labor relations scholar <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_Goldfield">Michael Goldfield</a> argues, lies in the contests between labor and capital in the American South during the 1930s and 1940s. Labor agitation and unionization efforts in the South in the New Deal era were extensive and bitterly fought, and ranged across all of the major industries of the region.</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190079320/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Southern Key: Class, Race, and Radicalism in the 1930s and 1940s</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020), Goldfield charts the rise of labor activism in each and then examines how and why labor organizers struggled so mightily in the region. Drawing from meticulous and unprecedented archival material and detailed data on four core industries-textiles, timber, coal mining, and steel-he argues that much of what is important in American politics and society today was largely shaped by the successes and failures of the labor movements of the 1930s and 1940s. Most notably, Goldfield shows how the broad-based failure to organize the South during this period made it what it is today. He contends that this early defeat for labor unions not only contributed to the exploitation of race and right-wing demagoguery in the South, but has also led to a decline in unionization, growing economic inequality, and an inability to confront and dismantle white supremacy throughout the US.</p><p>A sweeping account of Southern political economy in the New Deal era, The Southern Key challenges the established historiography to tell a tale of race, radicalism, and betrayal that will reshape our understanding of why America developed so differently from other advanced industrial nations over the course of the last century.</p><p><a href="https://wws.princeton.edu/faculty-research/faculty/baenglis"><em>Beth A. English</em></a><em> is director of the Liechtenstein Institute’s Project on Gender in the Global Community at Princeton University. She also is a past president of the </em><a href="https://southernlaborstudies.org/"><em>Southern Labor History Association</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1786</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Leticia Bode et al., "Words That Matter: How the News and Social Media Shaped the 2016 Presidential Campaign" (Brookings, 2020)</title>
      <description>Words That Matter: How the News and Social Media Shaped the 2016 Presidential Campaign (Brookings Institution Press, 2020) comes out of a broader collaboration between social scientists at the University of Michigan, Georgetown University, Gallup, Inc.
This collaboration, which is on-going, has a number of foci, and this book project came out of work that combined expertise from political scientists, computer scientists, and data experts, concentrating specifically on social media, traditional media, and new Gallup survey data acquired over the course of the 2016 election cycle.
The eight authors of Words that Matter brought distinct areas of expertise to analyze and explain not only the data that Gallup amassed through open-ended questions asked over the course of a number of months leading up to the general election in 2016, but also to pull together media analysis to use as contextual framing to examine and understand the responses provided to the Gallup surveys.
Ceren Budak, Jonathan Ladd, and Michael Traugott spoke with me on behalf of the rest of the book’s authors as well, explaining this extended and unique ongoing collaboration while diving into the book’s particular research schema.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 19 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>444</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How does social media impact presidential campaigns?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Words That Matter: How the News and Social Media Shaped the 2016 Presidential Campaign (Brookings Institution Press, 2020) comes out of a broader collaboration between social scientists at the University of Michigan, Georgetown University, Gallup, Inc.
This collaboration, which is on-going, has a number of foci, and this book project came out of work that combined expertise from political scientists, computer scientists, and data experts, concentrating specifically on social media, traditional media, and new Gallup survey data acquired over the course of the 2016 election cycle.
The eight authors of Words that Matter brought distinct areas of expertise to analyze and explain not only the data that Gallup amassed through open-ended questions asked over the course of a number of months leading up to the general election in 2016, but also to pull together media analysis to use as contextual framing to examine and understand the responses provided to the Gallup surveys.
Ceren Budak, Jonathan Ladd, and Michael Traugott spoke with me on behalf of the rest of the book’s authors as well, explaining this extended and unique ongoing collaboration while diving into the book’s particular research schema.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Words-that-Matter-Presidential-Campaign/dp/0815731914/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Words That Matter: How the News and Social Media Shaped the 2016 Presidential Campaign</em></a> (Brookings Institution Press, 2020) comes out of a broader collaboration between social scientists at the University of Michigan, Georgetown University, Gallup, Inc.</p><p>This collaboration, which is on-going, has a number of foci, and this book project came out of work that combined expertise from political scientists, computer scientists, and data experts, concentrating specifically on social media, traditional media, and new Gallup survey data acquired over the course of the 2016 election cycle.</p><p>The eight authors of <em>Words that Matter</em> brought distinct areas of expertise to analyze and explain not only the data that Gallup amassed through open-ended questions asked over the course of a number of months leading up to the general election in 2016, but also to pull together media analysis to use as contextual framing to examine and understand the responses provided to the Gallup surveys.</p><p><a href="https://www.si.umich.edu/people/ceren-budak">Ceren Budak</a>, <a href="https://www.si.umich.edu/people/ceren-budak">Jonathan Ladd</a>, and <a href="https://www.isr.umich.edu/cps/people_faculty_mtrau.html">Michael Traugott</a> spoke with me on behalf of the rest of the book’s authors as well, explaining this extended and unique ongoing collaboration while diving into the book’s particular research schema.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential </a>Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Mad-Men-Politics-Nostalgia-Remaking/dp/1501306359/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3679</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>J. Bernstein and C. B. K. Dominguez, "The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020" (Rowman and Littlefield, 2019)</title>
      <description>The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020 (Rowman and Littlefield, 2019) is the most recent entrant within a long-established, well-respected series that surveys the nomination process in the United States every four years. Political Scientists Jonathan Bernstein and Casey Dominguez have pulled together a diverse assemblage of authors and perspectives to help readers think about how the nomination process works, what may be changing in the 2020 process, and the role and influence of parties, money, rules, and media on the current political dynamic on the road to the party conventions and the general election. This volume updates the substance of the previous volumes by including a focus on who the candidates are themselves, how they are allowed to be candidates, and how this may contribute to the shape of the nomination race.
The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020 also adds quite a lot to the discussion about American political parties, with an array of chapters that take up different aspects of the role and function of the parties in American politics. These chapters, which make up about half of the book, dive into questions about how the parties worked in the 2016 election cycle and how they have responded to that nomination process. In this regard, the parties do not necessarily operate as mirror images of each other, and the various authors examine the different coalitions within the Democratic Party and the Republican Party and how those coalitions function at local, state, and national levels. The parties are also examined as long-standing institutions, and how that context and position contributes to how they operate in a political environment that is both quite polarized, and in flux. The book concludes with an historical analysis of the nomination and election process from the early days of the American republic, providing readers with a comparison between the current and evolving process and the process that came into being as the Founding generation worked to accommodate the presidential election structure established in the new Constitution while integrating the political parties as they became more fully entrenched in American politics. Bernstein and Dominguez have produced a book that is accessible and engaging, providing substantial information and analysis of the myriad dynamics and institutions that are contributing to the 2020 nomination process.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>443</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>A politics-lovers guide to the 2020 presidential nomination process...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020 (Rowman and Littlefield, 2019) is the most recent entrant within a long-established, well-respected series that surveys the nomination process in the United States every four years. Political Scientists Jonathan Bernstein and Casey Dominguez have pulled together a diverse assemblage of authors and perspectives to help readers think about how the nomination process works, what may be changing in the 2020 process, and the role and influence of parties, money, rules, and media on the current political dynamic on the road to the party conventions and the general election. This volume updates the substance of the previous volumes by including a focus on who the candidates are themselves, how they are allowed to be candidates, and how this may contribute to the shape of the nomination race.
The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020 also adds quite a lot to the discussion about American political parties, with an array of chapters that take up different aspects of the role and function of the parties in American politics. These chapters, which make up about half of the book, dive into questions about how the parties worked in the 2016 election cycle and how they have responded to that nomination process. In this regard, the parties do not necessarily operate as mirror images of each other, and the various authors examine the different coalitions within the Democratic Party and the Republican Party and how those coalitions function at local, state, and national levels. The parties are also examined as long-standing institutions, and how that context and position contributes to how they operate in a political environment that is both quite polarized, and in flux. The book concludes with an historical analysis of the nomination and election process from the early days of the American republic, providing readers with a comparison between the current and evolving process and the process that came into being as the Founding generation worked to accommodate the presidential election structure established in the new Constitution while integrating the political parties as they became more fully entrenched in American politics. Bernstein and Dominguez have produced a book that is accessible and engaging, providing substantial information and analysis of the myriad dynamics and institutions that are contributing to the 2020 nomination process.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1538131080/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Making of the Presidential Candidates 2020 </em></a>(Rowman and Littlefield, 2019) is the most recent entrant within a long-established, well-respected series that surveys the nomination process in the United States every four years. Political Scientists Jonathan Bernstein and Casey Dominguez have pulled together a diverse assemblage of authors and perspectives to help readers think about how the nomination process works, what may be changing in the 2020 process, and the role and influence of parties, money, rules, and media on the current political dynamic on the road to the party conventions and the general election. This volume updates the substance of the previous volumes by including a focus on who the candidates are themselves, how they are allowed to be candidates, and how this may contribute to the shape of the nomination race.</p><p><em>The Making of the Presidential Candidates</em> <em>2020</em> also adds quite a lot to the discussion about American political parties, with an array of chapters that take up different aspects of the role and function of the parties in American politics. These chapters, which make up about half of the book, dive into questions about how the parties worked in the 2016 election cycle and how they have responded to that nomination process. In this regard, the parties do not necessarily operate as mirror images of each other, and the various authors examine the different coalitions within the Democratic Party and the Republican Party and how those coalitions function at local, state, and national levels. The parties are also examined as long-standing institutions, and how that context and position contributes to how they operate in a political environment that is both quite polarized, and in flux. The book concludes with an historical analysis of the nomination and election process from the early days of the American republic, providing readers with a comparison between the current and evolving process and the process that came into being as the Founding generation worked to accommodate the presidential election structure established in the new Constitution while integrating the political parties as they became more fully entrenched in American politics. Bernstein and Dominguez have produced a book that is accessible and engaging, providing substantial information and analysis of the myriad dynamics and institutions that are contributing to the 2020 nomination process.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2446</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kathleen Hale and Mitchell Brown, "How We Vote: Innovation in American Elections" (Georgetown UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>The idea of voting is simple, but the administration of elections in ways that ensure access and integrity is complex. In How We Vote: Innovation in American Elections (Georgetown University Press, 2020), Kathleen Hale and Mitchell Brown explore how election officials work, how ballots are cast and counted, and how jurisdictions try to innovate while also protecting the security of the voting process.
Using original data gathered from state and local election officials and policymakers across the United States, Hale and Brown analyze innovations in voter registration, voting options, voter convenience, support for voting in languages other than English, the integrity of the voting process, and voting system technology. The result is a fascinating picture of how we vote now and will vote in the future.
Join us to hear them talk about the book and its implications for the 2020 election.
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>94</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The idea of voting is simple, but the administration of elections in ways that ensure access and integrity is complex...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The idea of voting is simple, but the administration of elections in ways that ensure access and integrity is complex. In How We Vote: Innovation in American Elections (Georgetown University Press, 2020), Kathleen Hale and Mitchell Brown explore how election officials work, how ballots are cast and counted, and how jurisdictions try to innovate while also protecting the security of the voting process.
Using original data gathered from state and local election officials and policymakers across the United States, Hale and Brown analyze innovations in voter registration, voting options, voter convenience, support for voting in languages other than English, the integrity of the voting process, and voting system technology. The result is a fascinating picture of how we vote now and will vote in the future.
Join us to hear them talk about the book and its implications for the 2020 election.
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The idea of voting is simple, but the administration of elections in ways that ensure access and integrity is complex. In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1626167788/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>How We Vote: Innovation in American Elections</em></a> (Georgetown University Press, 2020), <a href="https://cla.auburn.edu/polisci/directory/professorial-faculty/kathleen-hale/">Kathleen Hale</a> and <a href="https://cla.auburn.edu/polisci/directory/professorial-faculty/mitchell-brown/">Mitchell Brown</a> explore how election officials work, how ballots are cast and counted, and how jurisdictions try to innovate while also protecting the security of the voting process.</p><p>Using original data gathered from state and local election officials and policymakers across the United States, Hale and Brown analyze innovations in voter registration, voting options, voter convenience, support for voting in languages other than English, the integrity of the voting process, and voting system technology. The result is a fascinating picture of how we vote now and will vote in the future.</p><p>Join us to hear them talk about the book and its implications for the 2020 election.</p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of </em>The New Victorians<em> (New Press, 2004), </em>A People’s History of Poverty in America<em> (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and </em>Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen<em> (Oxford, 2017).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2009</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Shauna L. Shames et al., "Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy" (Temple UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy (Temple University Press, 2020) is an excellent text that provides a wealth of information and analysis of the reasons why women (and men) choose to run for public office and what that path looks like in terms of training, support, obstacles, and advantages. This is a wonderfully accessible text, great for use in the classroom, for those who work in politics and campaigns, and for scholars of electoral politics, particularly those who study women and politics. Shauna L. Shames, Rachel I. Bernhard, Mirya R. Holman, Dawn Langan Teele have assembled an impressive group of contributing authors, focusing mostly but not exclusively on American politics and the particular experiences and issues that women in the United States face in considering a run for public office.
Good Reason to Run came out of a collaborative effort between scholars/academics and practitioners, thus the data, information, and analysis in the book weaves together both scholarship on women running for office and the experience of those who work with and for women running for office or in elected office. A standout section of the book harnesses this collaborative information in discussing the role of non-profit organizations in providing a variety of support for female candidates; this section also includes a global comparative analysis of the role of these organizations. The book focuses on the theory of political ambition and how a static understanding of this concept has often shaped the thinking and analysis of electoral politics. Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy provides a diversity of methodological approaches across the chapters, from field experiments and survey data to deep interviews and descriptive analysis—which makes the text accessible to a broad array of readers. Beyond answering questions about which women choose to run and why they make that choice, Good Reason to Run also includes a section on the role of money in politics, especially as it figures into that decision matrix – and the differences across parties, and countries.
Shames, Bernhard, Holman, and Teele have organized and marshaled an engaging text that responds to the literature about women running for office, integrating the established theories and exploring current data, information, and experiences from those in the field.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>439</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This book provides a wealth of information and analysis of the reasons why women (and men) choose to run for public office and what that path looks like in terms of training, support, obstacles, and advantages...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy (Temple University Press, 2020) is an excellent text that provides a wealth of information and analysis of the reasons why women (and men) choose to run for public office and what that path looks like in terms of training, support, obstacles, and advantages. This is a wonderfully accessible text, great for use in the classroom, for those who work in politics and campaigns, and for scholars of electoral politics, particularly those who study women and politics. Shauna L. Shames, Rachel I. Bernhard, Mirya R. Holman, Dawn Langan Teele have assembled an impressive group of contributing authors, focusing mostly but not exclusively on American politics and the particular experiences and issues that women in the United States face in considering a run for public office.
Good Reason to Run came out of a collaborative effort between scholars/academics and practitioners, thus the data, information, and analysis in the book weaves together both scholarship on women running for office and the experience of those who work with and for women running for office or in elected office. A standout section of the book harnesses this collaborative information in discussing the role of non-profit organizations in providing a variety of support for female candidates; this section also includes a global comparative analysis of the role of these organizations. The book focuses on the theory of political ambition and how a static understanding of this concept has often shaped the thinking and analysis of electoral politics. Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy provides a diversity of methodological approaches across the chapters, from field experiments and survey data to deep interviews and descriptive analysis—which makes the text accessible to a broad array of readers. Beyond answering questions about which women choose to run and why they make that choice, Good Reason to Run also includes a section on the role of money in politics, especially as it figures into that decision matrix – and the differences across parties, and countries.
Shames, Bernhard, Holman, and Teele have organized and marshaled an engaging text that responds to the literature about women running for office, integrating the established theories and exploring current data, information, and experiences from those in the field.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1439919569/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy</em></a> (Temple University Press, 2020) is an excellent text that provides a wealth of information and analysis of the reasons why women (and men) choose to run for public office and what that path looks like in terms of training, support, obstacles, and advantages. This is a wonderfully accessible text, great for use in the classroom, for those who work in politics and campaigns, and for scholars of electoral politics, particularly those who study women and politics. Shauna L. Shames, Rachel I. Bernhard, Mirya R. Holman, Dawn Langan Teele have assembled an impressive group of contributing authors, focusing mostly but not exclusively on American politics and the particular experiences and issues that women in the United States face in considering a run for public office.</p><p><em>Good Reason to Run</em> came out of a collaborative effort between scholars/academics and practitioners, thus the data, information, and analysis in the book weaves together both scholarship on women running for office and the experience of those who work with and for women running for office or in elected office. A standout section of the book harnesses this collaborative information in discussing the role of non-profit organizations in providing a variety of support for female candidates; this section also includes a global comparative analysis of the role of these organizations. The book focuses on the theory of political ambition and how a static understanding of this concept has often shaped the thinking and analysis of electoral politics. <em>Good Reason to Run: Women and Political Candidacy</em> provides a diversity of methodological approaches across the chapters, from field experiments and survey data to deep interviews and descriptive analysis—which makes the text accessible to a broad array of readers. Beyond answering questions about which women choose to run and why they make that choice, <em>Good Reason to Run</em> also includes a section on the role of money in politics, especially as it figures into that decision matrix – and the differences across parties, and countries.</p><p>Shames, Bernhard, Holman, and Teele have organized and marshaled an engaging text that responds to the literature about women running for office, integrating the established theories and exploring current data, information, and experiences from those in the field.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3215</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8852082639.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas John Lappas, "In League Against King Alcohol" (U Oklahoma Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Many Americans are familiar with the real, but repeatedly stereotyped problem of alcohol abuse in Indian country. Most know about the Prohibition Era and reformers who promoted passage of the Eighteenth Amendment, among them the members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). But few people are aware of how American Indian women joined forces with the WCTU to press for positive change in their communities, a critical chapter of American cultural history explored in depth for the first time in his book In League Against King Alcohol: Native American Women and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1874–1933 (University of Oklahoma Press, 2020)
Drawing on the WCTU’s national records as well as state and regional organizational newspaper accounts and official state histories, historian Thomas John Lappas unearths the story of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in Indian country. Lappas' work reveals how Native American women in the organization embraced a type of social, economic, and political progress that their white counterparts supported and recognized—while maintaining distinctly Native elements of sovereignty, self-determination, and cultural preservation. They asserted their identities as Indigenous women, albeit as Christian and progressive Indigenous women. At the same time, through their mutual participation, white WCTU members formed conceptions about Native people that they subsequently brought to bear on state and local Indian policy pertaining to alcohol, but also on education, citizenship, voting rights, and land use and ownership.
Lappas’s book places Native women at the center of the temperance story, showing how they used a women’s national reform organization to move their own goals and objectives forward. Subtly but significantly, they altered the welfare and status of American Indian communities in the early twentieth century.
David Dry is a PhD student in the Department of History at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>95</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Lappas unearths the story of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in Indian country...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many Americans are familiar with the real, but repeatedly stereotyped problem of alcohol abuse in Indian country. Most know about the Prohibition Era and reformers who promoted passage of the Eighteenth Amendment, among them the members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). But few people are aware of how American Indian women joined forces with the WCTU to press for positive change in their communities, a critical chapter of American cultural history explored in depth for the first time in his book In League Against King Alcohol: Native American Women and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1874–1933 (University of Oklahoma Press, 2020)
Drawing on the WCTU’s national records as well as state and regional organizational newspaper accounts and official state histories, historian Thomas John Lappas unearths the story of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in Indian country. Lappas' work reveals how Native American women in the organization embraced a type of social, economic, and political progress that their white counterparts supported and recognized—while maintaining distinctly Native elements of sovereignty, self-determination, and cultural preservation. They asserted their identities as Indigenous women, albeit as Christian and progressive Indigenous women. At the same time, through their mutual participation, white WCTU members formed conceptions about Native people that they subsequently brought to bear on state and local Indian policy pertaining to alcohol, but also on education, citizenship, voting rights, and land use and ownership.
Lappas’s book places Native women at the center of the temperance story, showing how they used a women’s national reform organization to move their own goals and objectives forward. Subtly but significantly, they altered the welfare and status of American Indian communities in the early twentieth century.
David Dry is a PhD student in the Department of History at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many Americans are familiar with the real, but repeatedly stereotyped problem of alcohol abuse in Indian country. Most know about the Prohibition Era and reformers who promoted passage of the Eighteenth Amendment, among them the members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU). But few people are aware of how American Indian women joined forces with the WCTU to press for positive change in their communities, a critical chapter of American cultural history explored in depth for the first time in his book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0806164638/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>In League Against King Alcohol: Native American Women and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 1874–1933</em></a> (University of Oklahoma Press, 2020)</p><p>Drawing on the WCTU’s national records as well as state and regional organizational newspaper accounts and official state histories, historian <a href="https://www2.naz.edu/dept/history-political-science/faculty/thomas-lappas">Thomas John Lappas</a> unearths the story of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in Indian country. Lappas' work reveals how Native American women in the organization embraced a type of social, economic, and political progress that their white counterparts supported and recognized—while maintaining distinctly Native elements of sovereignty, self-determination, and cultural preservation. They asserted their identities as Indigenous women, albeit as Christian and progressive Indigenous women. At the same time, through their mutual participation, white WCTU members formed conceptions about Native people that they subsequently brought to bear on state and local Indian policy pertaining to alcohol, but also on education, citizenship, voting rights, and land use and ownership.</p><p>Lappas’s book places Native women at the center of the temperance story, showing how they used a women’s national reform organization to move their own goals and objectives forward. Subtly but significantly, they altered the welfare and status of American Indian communities in the early twentieth century.</p><p><a href="https://history.unc.edu/graduate-student/david-dry/"><em>David Dry</em></a><em> is a PhD student in the Department of History at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3559</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Phil Harvey, "Welfare For The Rich" (Post Hill Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>In today’s ultra-polarized and highly partisan political environment, Welfare for the Rich: How Your Tax Dollars End Up in Millionaires' Pockets―And What You Can Do About It (Post Hill Press, 2020) is one of the rare books written to appeal to engaged and open-minded citizens from across the political spectrum.
Welfare for the Rich is the first book to describe and analyze the many ways that federal and state governments provide handouts—subsidies, grants, tax credits, loan guarantees, price supports, and many other payouts—to millionaires, billionaires, and the companies they own and run.
Welfare for millionaire farmers comes to more than $50 billion annually. Subsidies to giant corporations exceeds $100 billion. This shocking waste of taxpayer money is rigorously documented in Welfare for the Rich, along with the political action committees, and special interest groups that keep this distorted system going.
Many journalists, scholars, and activists have focused on one or more of these dysfunctional programs. A few of the most egregious examples have even become famous. But Welfare for the Rich is the first attempt to paint a comprehensive, easily accessible picture of a system largely designed by the richest Americans—through lobbyists, lawyers, political action committees, special interest groups, and other powerful influencers—with the specific goal of making sure the government keeps wealth and power flowing from the many to the few.
Phil Harvey is an entrepreneur who has founded a thriving business, a philanthropist who has created several important nonprofit organizations, and the author of five books.
Lisa Conyers is director of policy studies for the DKT Liberty Project.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>81</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"Welfare for the Rich" is the first book to describe and analyze the many ways that federal and state governments provide handouts to millionaires, billionaires, and the companies they own and run...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In today’s ultra-polarized and highly partisan political environment, Welfare for the Rich: How Your Tax Dollars End Up in Millionaires' Pockets―And What You Can Do About It (Post Hill Press, 2020) is one of the rare books written to appeal to engaged and open-minded citizens from across the political spectrum.
Welfare for the Rich is the first book to describe and analyze the many ways that federal and state governments provide handouts—subsidies, grants, tax credits, loan guarantees, price supports, and many other payouts—to millionaires, billionaires, and the companies they own and run.
Welfare for millionaire farmers comes to more than $50 billion annually. Subsidies to giant corporations exceeds $100 billion. This shocking waste of taxpayer money is rigorously documented in Welfare for the Rich, along with the political action committees, and special interest groups that keep this distorted system going.
Many journalists, scholars, and activists have focused on one or more of these dysfunctional programs. A few of the most egregious examples have even become famous. But Welfare for the Rich is the first attempt to paint a comprehensive, easily accessible picture of a system largely designed by the richest Americans—through lobbyists, lawyers, political action committees, special interest groups, and other powerful influencers—with the specific goal of making sure the government keeps wealth and power flowing from the many to the few.
Phil Harvey is an entrepreneur who has founded a thriving business, a philanthropist who has created several important nonprofit organizations, and the author of five books.
Lisa Conyers is director of policy studies for the DKT Liberty Project.
Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the iTunes Store or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his YouTube channel. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at becomeapublicintellectual.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In today’s ultra-polarized and highly partisan political environment, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1642934143/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Welfare for the Rich: How Your Tax Dollars End Up in Millionaires' Pockets―And What You Can Do About It</em></a><em> </em>(Post Hill Press, 2020) is one of the rare books written to appeal to engaged and open-minded citizens from across the political spectrum.</p><p><em>Welfare for the Rich </em>is the first book to describe and analyze the many ways that federal and state governments provide handouts—subsidies, grants, tax credits, loan guarantees, price supports, and many other payouts—to millionaires, billionaires, and the companies they own and run.</p><p>Welfare for millionaire farmers comes to more than $50 billion annually. Subsidies to giant corporations exceeds $100 billion. This shocking waste of taxpayer money is rigorously documented in Welfare for the Rich, along with the political action committees, and special interest groups that keep this distorted system going.</p><p>Many journalists, scholars, and activists have focused on one or more of these dysfunctional programs. A few of the most egregious examples have even become famous. But <em>Welfare for the Rich</em> is the first attempt to paint a comprehensive, easily accessible picture of a system largely designed by the richest Americans—through lobbyists, lawyers, political action committees, special interest groups, and other powerful influencers—with the specific goal of making sure the government keeps wealth and power flowing from the many to the few.</p><p><a href="http://welfarefortherich.com/about-the-authors.php">Phil Harvey</a> is an entrepreneur who has founded a thriving business, a philanthropist who has created several important nonprofit organizations, and the author of five books.</p><p><a href="http://welfarefortherich.com/about-the-authors.php">Lisa Conyers</a> is director of policy studies for the DKT Liberty Project.</p><p><em>Kirk Meighoo is a TV and podcast host, former university lecturer, author and former Senator in Trinidad and Tobago. He hosts his own podcast, Independent Thought &amp; Freedom, where he interviews some of the most interesting people from around the world who are shaking up politics, economics, society and ideas. You can find it in the </em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/independent-thought-freedom/id1446388269"><em>iTunes Store</em></a><em> or any of your favorite podcast providers. You can also subscribe to his </em><a href="https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLJ5dQ_tSNLwkuyJuq5SfJR-8fOFa3zGze"><em>YouTube channel</em></a><em>. If you are an academic who wants to get heard nationally, please check out his free training at </em><a href="https://becomeapublicintellectual.com/?utm_source=nbn"><em>becomeapublicintellectual.com.</em></a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2957</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Daniel Q. Gillion, "The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Daniel Q. Gillion’s new book, The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2020) is an incredibly topical and important analysis of the connection between protests and the influence this public activism has on the voting electorate. Tracing the idea of the “silent majority” from Richard Nixon’s characterization of his supporters in the 1960s through to contemporary uses of the term in the 2016 campaign by then-candidate Donald Trump, Gillion examines the construction of this binary framework, that there is a silent majority at home and a vocal minority in the streets, making noise; he also argues that the idea of the silent majority might not apply in our current polarized political world.
The Loud Minority brings together a variety of disciplinary perspectives to examine protests—weaving together research and analysis from sociology, history, and political science to more fully understand the protests themselves, but to also get at the impacts that protests have, on politicians and elected officials, on donations to campaigns and candidates, on voting behavior, and on policy implementation and shifts in policy directions. Gillion finds that voters are influenced by protests and activism, especially when it happens in close proximity to them. In a way that may be more useful than other information streams, protests provide the electorate with a kind of shorthand that they can then use to connect policy and political actors. Because of the acute partisan polarization within the American political system, protests fit into ideological bends, as Gillion notes in the interview, the protests themselves are linked to one another through the emphasis or policy thrust of the individual protest and the overarching umbrella under which it may be classified. This linkage then becomes a broader scope for voters to use to assess the records of candidates and elected officials on specific concerns.
Gillion is exploring the question, throughout the book, of whether protests work and if so, how do they work? The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy also explains that the answer to the question is not a simple one, necessarily, that the outcome of the protest may not be singular or even initially assessible. This research helps us to understand the potential impact of the many protests we are seeing all around us in the United States (and beyond), while guiding us through the myriad ways that protests act—they are not simple the hours of marching or demonstrating, but the ripples and ramifications of those marches, as the electorate observes and responds, by donating, by voting, by becoming involved in the community, by joining in subsequent protests. Protests are, according to Gillion, “the canaries in the coal mines that warn of future political and electoral change.” Understanding the connection between protests and their influence on the electorate helps us to better understand democracy.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>442</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Gillion analyses the connection between protests and the influence this public activism has on the voting electorate....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Daniel Q. Gillion’s new book, The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2020) is an incredibly topical and important analysis of the connection between protests and the influence this public activism has on the voting electorate. Tracing the idea of the “silent majority” from Richard Nixon’s characterization of his supporters in the 1960s through to contemporary uses of the term in the 2016 campaign by then-candidate Donald Trump, Gillion examines the construction of this binary framework, that there is a silent majority at home and a vocal minority in the streets, making noise; he also argues that the idea of the silent majority might not apply in our current polarized political world.
The Loud Minority brings together a variety of disciplinary perspectives to examine protests—weaving together research and analysis from sociology, history, and political science to more fully understand the protests themselves, but to also get at the impacts that protests have, on politicians and elected officials, on donations to campaigns and candidates, on voting behavior, and on policy implementation and shifts in policy directions. Gillion finds that voters are influenced by protests and activism, especially when it happens in close proximity to them. In a way that may be more useful than other information streams, protests provide the electorate with a kind of shorthand that they can then use to connect policy and political actors. Because of the acute partisan polarization within the American political system, protests fit into ideological bends, as Gillion notes in the interview, the protests themselves are linked to one another through the emphasis or policy thrust of the individual protest and the overarching umbrella under which it may be classified. This linkage then becomes a broader scope for voters to use to assess the records of candidates and elected officials on specific concerns.
Gillion is exploring the question, throughout the book, of whether protests work and if so, how do they work? The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy also explains that the answer to the question is not a simple one, necessarily, that the outcome of the protest may not be singular or even initially assessible. This research helps us to understand the potential impact of the many protests we are seeing all around us in the United States (and beyond), while guiding us through the myriad ways that protests act—they are not simple the hours of marching or demonstrating, but the ripples and ramifications of those marches, as the electorate observes and responds, by donating, by voting, by becoming involved in the community, by joining in subsequent protests. Protests are, according to Gillion, “the canaries in the coal mines that warn of future political and electoral change.” Understanding the connection between protests and their influence on the electorate helps us to better understand democracy.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist <a href="https://live-sas-www-polisci.pantheon.sas.upenn.edu/people/standing-faculty/daniel-gillion">Daniel Q. Gillion</a>’s new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0691181772/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2020) is an incredibly topical and important analysis of the connection between protests and the influence this public activism has on the voting electorate. Tracing the idea of the “silent majority” from Richard Nixon’s characterization of his supporters in the 1960s through to contemporary uses of the term in the 2016 campaign by then-candidate Donald Trump, Gillion examines the construction of this binary framework, that there is a silent majority at home and a vocal minority in the streets, making noise; he also argues that the idea of the silent majority might not apply in our current polarized political world.</p><p><em>The Loud Minority</em> brings together a variety of disciplinary perspectives to examine protests—weaving together research and analysis from sociology, history, and political science to more fully understand the protests themselves, but to also get at the impacts that protests have, on politicians and elected officials, on donations to campaigns and candidates, on voting behavior, and on policy implementation and shifts in policy directions. Gillion finds that voters are influenced by protests and activism, especially when it happens in close proximity to them. In a way that may be more useful than other information streams, protests provide the electorate with a kind of shorthand that they can then use to connect policy and political actors. Because of the acute partisan polarization within the American political system, protests fit into ideological <em>bends</em>, as Gillion notes in the interview, the protests themselves are linked to one another through the emphasis or policy thrust of the individual protest and the overarching umbrella under which it may be classified. This linkage then becomes a broader scope for voters to use to assess the records of candidates and elected officials on specific concerns.</p><p>Gillion is exploring the question, throughout the book, of whether protests work and if so, how do they work? <em>The Loud Minority: Why Protests Matter in American Democracy</em> also explains that the answer to the question is not a simple one, necessarily, that the outcome of the protest may not be singular or even initially assessible. This research helps us to understand the potential impact of the many protests we are seeing all around us in the United States (and beyond), while guiding us through the myriad ways that protests act—they are not simple the hours of marching or demonstrating, but the ripples and ramifications of those marches, as the electorate observes and responds, by donating, by voting, by becoming involved in the community, by joining in subsequent protests. Protests are, according to Gillion, “the canaries in the coal mines that warn of future political and electoral change.” Understanding the connection between protests and their influence on the electorate helps us to better understand democracy.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3069</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Gilda R. Daniels, "Uncounted: The Crisis of Voter Suppression" (NYU Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Are we asleep at the (common)wheel? Civil rights attorney and law professor Gilda R. Daniels insists that contemporary voter ID laws, voter deception, voter purges, and disenfranchisement of felons constitute a crisis of democracy – one that should remind us of past poll taxes, grandfather clauses, literacy tests, and physical intimidation – that should spur us to action. Uncounted combines law, history, oral history, and democratic theory to illuminate a 21st century, premediated legal strategy to disenfranchise voters of color.
In Uncounted: The Crisis of Voter Suppression (NYU Press, 2020), Daniels establishes the context of 21st-century voter suppression then focuses on the importance of the Voting Rights Act in discouraging voter suppression – and the negative impact of the Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County v. Holder (2013). She elucidates the types – and impacts – of voter deception with attention to possible impacts on the presidential election in 2020. Throughout the work, she connects past and present to demonstrate the radical impact of voter suppression on voting and this is particularly apparent in the chapters on voter purging and felon disenfranchisement.
The podcast includes a fascinating discussion of the impact of COVID-19 on voter suppression – particularly regarding absentee voting. Daniels complements her nuanced analysis of the cycles of voter suppression in America with concrete steps for combatting it urging people to educate, legislate, litigate, and participate.
This timely book offers an analysis that is both deep and highly accessible. It is simultaneously a work of scholarship and a practical call to action.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>441</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Are we asleep at the (common)wheel?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Are we asleep at the (common)wheel? Civil rights attorney and law professor Gilda R. Daniels insists that contemporary voter ID laws, voter deception, voter purges, and disenfranchisement of felons constitute a crisis of democracy – one that should remind us of past poll taxes, grandfather clauses, literacy tests, and physical intimidation – that should spur us to action. Uncounted combines law, history, oral history, and democratic theory to illuminate a 21st century, premediated legal strategy to disenfranchise voters of color.
In Uncounted: The Crisis of Voter Suppression (NYU Press, 2020), Daniels establishes the context of 21st-century voter suppression then focuses on the importance of the Voting Rights Act in discouraging voter suppression – and the negative impact of the Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County v. Holder (2013). She elucidates the types – and impacts – of voter deception with attention to possible impacts on the presidential election in 2020. Throughout the work, she connects past and present to demonstrate the radical impact of voter suppression on voting and this is particularly apparent in the chapters on voter purging and felon disenfranchisement.
The podcast includes a fascinating discussion of the impact of COVID-19 on voter suppression – particularly regarding absentee voting. Daniels complements her nuanced analysis of the cycles of voter suppression in America with concrete steps for combatting it urging people to educate, legislate, litigate, and participate.
This timely book offers an analysis that is both deep and highly accessible. It is simultaneously a work of scholarship and a practical call to action.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Are we asleep at the (common)wheel? Civil rights attorney and law professor <a href="http://law.ubalt.edu/faculty/profiles/daniels.cfm">Gilda R. Daniels</a> insists that contemporary voter ID laws, voter deception, voter purges, and disenfranchisement of felons constitute a crisis of democracy – one that should remind us of past poll taxes, grandfather clauses, literacy tests, and physical intimidation – that should spur us to action. <em>Uncounted </em>combines law, history, oral history, and democratic theory to illuminate a 21st century, premediated legal strategy to disenfranchise voters of color.</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1479862355/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Uncounted: The Crisis of Voter Suppression</em></a> (NYU Press, 2020), Daniels establishes the context of 21st-century voter suppression then focuses on the importance of the Voting Rights Act in discouraging voter suppression – and the negative impact of the Supreme Court’s decision in <em>Shelby County v. Holder</em> (2013). She elucidates the types – and impacts – of voter deception with attention to possible impacts on the presidential election in 2020. Throughout the work, she connects past and present to demonstrate the radical impact of voter suppression on voting and this is particularly apparent in the chapters on voter purging and felon disenfranchisement.</p><p>The podcast includes a fascinating discussion of the impact of COVID-19 on voter suppression – particularly regarding absentee voting. Daniels complements her nuanced analysis of the cycles of voter suppression in America with concrete steps for combatting it urging people to educate, legislate, litigate, and participate.</p><p>This timely book offers an analysis that is both deep and highly accessible. It is simultaneously a work of scholarship and a practical call to action.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2973</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Mary-Kate Lizotte, "Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Political Consequences" (Temple UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist Mary-Kate Lizotte’s new book, Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Political Consequences (Temple University Press, 2020) helps us to understand the concept of the gender gap in American politics and how this gap looks across a host of different policy areas. Lizotte examines four different policy umbrellas: the use of force, environmental policy, social welfare policy, and policy around issues of equality. Making use of American National Election Studies (ANES) data, the research in Gender Differences in Public Opinion digs into these policy umbrellas to tease out distinctions within these policy areas, examining where the gender gap is broader and where it narrows, both in comparison to other issue areas and in context of the issues themselves. While the gender gap is often discussed during election cycles, particularly around presidential vote preferences and the different choices men and women make, Lizotte’s work is much broader and theoretically encompassing, arguing that there is a values gap between men and women and their thinking about policy, and this is connected, then, to their political choices. There is a need to better and more comprehensively explain the gaps (which do range in size) across policy areas and not analyze each particular distinction independently.
Lizotte posits that “values offer a novel and comprehensive approach to understanding gender differences in policy preferences.” Values, as such, reflect how an individual conceives of the proper role of the government in society. And thinking about different perspectives on values in this context, according to Lizotte’s thesis, helps to explain the gender gap and the way that it traces through different policy areas. Gender Differences in Public Opinion teaches us how men and women approach policy and political decisions from different perspectives and how that surfaces in specific policy choices. Lizotte also explains that these policy choices are important for candidates and parties to consider—since they need to recruit both male and female voters in order to win elections, and they have to understand the basis for choices made by these voters.
 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>436</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>LIzotte helps us to understand the concept of the gender gap in American politics and how this gap looks across a host of different policy areas....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist Mary-Kate Lizotte’s new book, Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Political Consequences (Temple University Press, 2020) helps us to understand the concept of the gender gap in American politics and how this gap looks across a host of different policy areas. Lizotte examines four different policy umbrellas: the use of force, environmental policy, social welfare policy, and policy around issues of equality. Making use of American National Election Studies (ANES) data, the research in Gender Differences in Public Opinion digs into these policy umbrellas to tease out distinctions within these policy areas, examining where the gender gap is broader and where it narrows, both in comparison to other issue areas and in context of the issues themselves. While the gender gap is often discussed during election cycles, particularly around presidential vote preferences and the different choices men and women make, Lizotte’s work is much broader and theoretically encompassing, arguing that there is a values gap between men and women and their thinking about policy, and this is connected, then, to their political choices. There is a need to better and more comprehensively explain the gaps (which do range in size) across policy areas and not analyze each particular distinction independently.
Lizotte posits that “values offer a novel and comprehensive approach to understanding gender differences in policy preferences.” Values, as such, reflect how an individual conceives of the proper role of the government in society. And thinking about different perspectives on values in this context, according to Lizotte’s thesis, helps to explain the gender gap and the way that it traces through different policy areas. Gender Differences in Public Opinion teaches us how men and women approach policy and political decisions from different perspectives and how that surfaces in specific policy choices. Lizotte also explains that these policy choices are important for candidates and parties to consider—since they need to recruit both male and female voters in order to win elections, and they have to understand the basis for choices made by these voters.
 
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist <a href="https://www.augusta.edu/faculty/directory/view.php?id=MLIZOTTE">Mary-Kate Lizotte</a>’s new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/143991608X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Gender Differences in Public Opinion: Values and Political Consequences</em></a> (Temple University Press, 2020) helps us to understand the concept of the gender gap in American politics and how this gap looks across a host of different policy areas. Lizotte examines four different policy umbrellas: the use of force, environmental policy, social welfare policy, and policy around issues of equality. Making use of American National Election Studies (ANES) data, the research in <em>Gender Differences in Public Opinion</em> digs into these policy umbrellas to tease out distinctions within these policy areas, examining where the gender gap is broader and where it narrows, both in comparison to other issue areas and in context of the issues themselves. While the gender gap is often discussed during election cycles, particularly around presidential vote preferences and the different choices men and women make, Lizotte’s work is much broader and theoretically encompassing, arguing that there is a values gap between men and women and their thinking about policy, and this is connected, then, to their political choices. There is a need to better and more comprehensively explain the gaps (which do range in size) across policy areas and not analyze each particular distinction independently.</p><p>Lizotte posits that “values offer a novel and comprehensive approach to understanding gender differences in policy preferences.” Values, as such, reflect how an individual conceives of the proper role of the government in society. And thinking about different perspectives on values in this context, according to Lizotte’s thesis, helps to explain the gender gap and the way that it traces through different policy areas. <em>Gender Differences in Public Opinion</em> teaches us how men and women approach policy and political decisions from different perspectives and how that surfaces in specific policy choices. Lizotte also explains that these policy choices are important for candidates and parties to consider—since they need to recruit both male and female voters in order to win elections, and they have to understand the basis for choices made by these voters.</p><p> </p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3015</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Ilya Somin, "Free to Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>When we think of democracy, we typically think of voting; and when we think of voting, we ordinarily have elections and campaigns in minds. In this intuitive sense, voting is a matter of casting a ballot. After Election Day, votes are counted, and, typically, the majority rules. But things really aren’t so simple. For one thing, citizens bring differing levels of information and ignorance into the voting booth. What’s more, famous mathematical analyses cast doubt on the very idea of a majority will. Given this, what are we to make of democracy?
In Free to Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom (Oxford University Press, 2020), Ilya Somin defends the idea that foot voting is an essential element of political freedom and democratic governance. Foot voting is the capacity of individuals to move to the jurisdiction or nation whose government most suits their preferences, or to select their favoured providers of various services.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Jun 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>219</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Somin defends the idea that foot voting is an essential element of political freedom and democratic governance...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When we think of democracy, we typically think of voting; and when we think of voting, we ordinarily have elections and campaigns in minds. In this intuitive sense, voting is a matter of casting a ballot. After Election Day, votes are counted, and, typically, the majority rules. But things really aren’t so simple. For one thing, citizens bring differing levels of information and ignorance into the voting booth. What’s more, famous mathematical analyses cast doubt on the very idea of a majority will. Given this, what are we to make of democracy?
In Free to Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom (Oxford University Press, 2020), Ilya Somin defends the idea that foot voting is an essential element of political freedom and democratic governance. Foot voting is the capacity of individuals to move to the jurisdiction or nation whose government most suits their preferences, or to select their favoured providers of various services.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When we think of democracy, we typically think of voting; and when we think of voting, we ordinarily have elections and campaigns in minds. In this intuitive sense, voting is a matter of casting a ballot. After Election Day, votes are counted, and, typically, the majority rules. But things really aren’t so simple. For one thing, citizens bring differing levels of information and ignorance into the voting booth. What’s more, famous mathematical analyses cast doubt on the very idea of a majority will. Given this, what are we to make of democracy?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190054581/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Free to Move: Foot Voting, Migration, and Political Freedom </em></a>(Oxford University Press, 2020), <a href="https://www.law.gmu.edu/faculty/directory/fulltime/somin_ilya">Ilya Somin</a> defends the idea that foot voting is an essential element of political freedom and democratic governance. Foot voting is the capacity of individuals to move to the jurisdiction or nation whose government most suits their preferences, or to select their favoured providers of various services.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3855</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>T. Skocpol and C. Tervo, "Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>How can we make sense of the elections of Barack Obama and Donald Trump? What forces moved American politics from the first African-American president and an all-Democratic Congress (2008) to ethno-nationalist rhetoric and GOP control of Congress (2016)? What do the reactions to these political events – the rise of the Tea Party and the Anti-Trump resistance – tell us about these, and future, presidential elections?
In there new book Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance (Oxford University Press, 2019), Theda Skocpol and Caroline Tervo focus on changing organizational configurations – such as voluntary local citizens’ groups, elite advocacy organizations, consortia of wealthy donors (e.g., Koch’s Americans For Prosperity), and candidate-led political campaigns – to explain these radical shifts.
The book has a unique methodology: a rich mix of quantitative and qualitative data analyzed by a collaborative team of authors from political science, sociology, and history. The range is extraordinary, combining what is best about both field work and big data in the social sciences. The authors document the changing organizational configurations – at both the national and state levels – with an emphasis on the states that were pivotal in the 2016 election: Wisconsin, North Carolina, Michigan, Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania. The book offer insights about national trends while capturing the importance of federalism – and attending to unique factors in swing states.
The authors excavate how top-down efforts (ultra-free market fundamentalism funded by groups like Americans For Prosperity) combined with bottom-up organizations (popular, local, and diverse groups who often channeled ethno-nationalist resentment) to push Republican politics to the right. Their analysis of progressive groups reacting to the Trump presidency reveals grassroots organizing that is both similar and different to the Tea Party movement. Rather than pushing the Democratic party to the left, the resisters work within the Democratic party (often energizing moribund organizations).
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 21 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>433</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How can we make sense of the elections of Barack Obama and Donald Trump?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How can we make sense of the elections of Barack Obama and Donald Trump? What forces moved American politics from the first African-American president and an all-Democratic Congress (2008) to ethno-nationalist rhetoric and GOP control of Congress (2016)? What do the reactions to these political events – the rise of the Tea Party and the Anti-Trump resistance – tell us about these, and future, presidential elections?
In there new book Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance (Oxford University Press, 2019), Theda Skocpol and Caroline Tervo focus on changing organizational configurations – such as voluntary local citizens’ groups, elite advocacy organizations, consortia of wealthy donors (e.g., Koch’s Americans For Prosperity), and candidate-led political campaigns – to explain these radical shifts.
The book has a unique methodology: a rich mix of quantitative and qualitative data analyzed by a collaborative team of authors from political science, sociology, and history. The range is extraordinary, combining what is best about both field work and big data in the social sciences. The authors document the changing organizational configurations – at both the national and state levels – with an emphasis on the states that were pivotal in the 2016 election: Wisconsin, North Carolina, Michigan, Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania. The book offer insights about national trends while capturing the importance of federalism – and attending to unique factors in swing states.
The authors excavate how top-down efforts (ultra-free market fundamentalism funded by groups like Americans For Prosperity) combined with bottom-up organizations (popular, local, and diverse groups who often channeled ethno-nationalist resentment) to push Republican politics to the right. Their analysis of progressive groups reacting to the Trump presidency reveals grassroots organizing that is both similar and different to the Tea Party movement. Rather than pushing the Democratic party to the left, the resisters work within the Democratic party (often energizing moribund organizations).
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How can we make sense of the elections of Barack Obama and Donald Trump? What forces moved American politics from the first African-American president and an all-Democratic Congress (2008) to ethno-nationalist rhetoric and GOP control of Congress (2016)? What do the reactions to these political events – the rise of the Tea Party and the Anti-Trump resistance – tell us about these, and future, presidential elections?</p><p>In there new book Upending <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190083530/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2019), <a href="https://sociology.fas.harvard.edu/people/theda-skocpol">Theda Skocpol</a> and <a href="https://twitter.com/carolinetervo?lang=en">Caroline Tervo</a> focus on changing organizational configurations – such as voluntary local citizens’ groups, elite advocacy organizations, consortia of wealthy donors (e.g., Koch’s Americans For Prosperity), and candidate-led political campaigns – to explain these radical shifts.</p><p>The book has a unique methodology: a rich mix of quantitative and qualitative data analyzed by a collaborative team of authors from political science, sociology, and history. The range is extraordinary, combining what is best about both field work and big data in the social sciences. The authors document the changing organizational configurations – at both the national and state levels – with an emphasis on the states that were pivotal in the 2016 election: Wisconsin, North Carolina, Michigan, Florida, Texas, and Pennsylvania. The book offer insights about national trends while capturing the importance of federalism – and attending to unique factors in swing states.</p><p>The authors excavate how top-down efforts (ultra-free market fundamentalism funded by groups like Americans For Prosperity) combined with bottom-up organizations (popular, local, and diverse groups who often channeled ethno-nationalist resentment) to push Republican politics to the right. Their analysis of progressive groups reacting to the Trump presidency reveals grassroots organizing that is both similar and different to the Tea Party movement. Rather than pushing the Democratic party to the left, the resisters work within the Democratic party (often energizing moribund organizations).</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell#_ga=2.125106634.1318472952.1578330950-502593983.1578330950"><em>Susan Liebell </em></a><em>is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Liebell-dp-1138999482/dp/1138999482/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=&amp;qid="><em>Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</em></a><em> (Routledge, 2013).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4065</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Brandon K. Winford, "John Hervey Wheeler, Black Banking, and the Economic Struggle for Civil Rights" (UP Kentucky, 2019)</title>
      <description>John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978) was one of the civil rights movement's most influential leaders. In articulating a bold vision of regional prosperity grounded in full citizenship and economic power for African Americans, this banker, lawyer, and visionary would play a key role in the fight for racial and economic equality throughout North Carolina.
Utilizing previously unexamined sources from the John Hervey Wheeler Collection at the Atlanta University Center Robert W. Woodruff Library, Brandon K. Winford's John Hervey Wheeler, Black Banking, and the Economic Struggle for Civil Rights (University Press of Kentucky, 2019) explores the black freedom struggle through the life of North Carolina's most influential black power broker. After graduating from Morehouse College, Wheeler returned to Durham and began a decades-long career at Mechanics and Farmers (M&amp;F) Bank. He started as a teller and rose to become bank president in 1952. In 1961, President Kennedy appointed Wheeler to the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, a position in which he championed equal rights for African Americans and worked with Vice President Johnson to draft civil rights legislation. One of the first blacks to attain a high position in the state's Democratic Party, Wheeler became the state party's treasurer in 1968, and then its financial director.
Wheeler urged North Carolina's white financial advisors to steer the region toward the end of Jim Crow segregation for economic reasons. Straddling the line between confrontation and negotiation, Wheeler pushed for increased economic opportunity for African Americans while reminding the white South that its future was linked to the plight of black southerners.
Today I talked to Brandon K. Winford
Dr. Brandon K. Winford is an assistant professor of history at the University of Tennessee. He is a historian of the late-nineteenth and twentieth-century United States and African American history with areas of specialization in civil rights and black business history.
Adam McNeil is a PhD Student in colonial and revolutionary-era Black women’s history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>195</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978) was one of the civil rights movement's most influential leaders...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978) was one of the civil rights movement's most influential leaders. In articulating a bold vision of regional prosperity grounded in full citizenship and economic power for African Americans, this banker, lawyer, and visionary would play a key role in the fight for racial and economic equality throughout North Carolina.
Utilizing previously unexamined sources from the John Hervey Wheeler Collection at the Atlanta University Center Robert W. Woodruff Library, Brandon K. Winford's John Hervey Wheeler, Black Banking, and the Economic Struggle for Civil Rights (University Press of Kentucky, 2019) explores the black freedom struggle through the life of North Carolina's most influential black power broker. After graduating from Morehouse College, Wheeler returned to Durham and began a decades-long career at Mechanics and Farmers (M&amp;F) Bank. He started as a teller and rose to become bank president in 1952. In 1961, President Kennedy appointed Wheeler to the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, a position in which he championed equal rights for African Americans and worked with Vice President Johnson to draft civil rights legislation. One of the first blacks to attain a high position in the state's Democratic Party, Wheeler became the state party's treasurer in 1968, and then its financial director.
Wheeler urged North Carolina's white financial advisors to steer the region toward the end of Jim Crow segregation for economic reasons. Straddling the line between confrontation and negotiation, Wheeler pushed for increased economic opportunity for African Americans while reminding the white South that its future was linked to the plight of black southerners.
Today I talked to Brandon K. Winford
Dr. Brandon K. Winford is an assistant professor of history at the University of Tennessee. He is a historian of the late-nineteenth and twentieth-century United States and African American history with areas of specialization in civil rights and black business history.
Adam McNeil is a PhD Student in colonial and revolutionary-era Black women’s history.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978) was one of the civil rights movement's most influential leaders. In articulating a bold vision of regional prosperity grounded in full citizenship and economic power for African Americans, this banker, lawyer, and visionary would play a key role in the fight for racial and economic equality throughout North Carolina.</p><p>Utilizing previously unexamined sources from the John Hervey Wheeler Collection at the Atlanta University Center Robert W. Woodruff Library, <a href="https://history.utk.edu/people/brandon-winford/">Brandon K. Winford</a>'s <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0813178258/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>John Hervey Wheeler, Black Banking, and the Economic Struggle for Civil Rights</em></a><em> </em>(University Press of Kentucky, 2019) explores the black freedom struggle through the life of North Carolina's most influential black power broker. After graduating from Morehouse College, Wheeler returned to Durham and began a decades-long career at Mechanics and Farmers (M&amp;F) Bank. He started as a teller and rose to become bank president in 1952. In 1961, President Kennedy appointed Wheeler to the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity, a position in which he championed equal rights for African Americans and worked with Vice President Johnson to draft civil rights legislation. One of the first blacks to attain a high position in the state's Democratic Party, Wheeler became the state party's treasurer in 1968, and then its financial director.</p><p>Wheeler urged North Carolina's white financial advisors to steer the region toward the end of Jim Crow segregation for economic reasons. Straddling the line between confrontation and negotiation, Wheeler pushed for increased economic opportunity for African Americans while reminding the white South that its future was linked to the plight of black southerners.</p><p>Today I talked to Brandon K. Winford</p><p>Dr. Brandon K. Winford is an assistant professor of history at the University of Tennessee. He is a historian of the late-nineteenth and twentieth-century United States and African American history with areas of specialization in civil rights and black business history.</p><p><em>Adam McNeil is a PhD Student in colonial and revolutionary-era Black women’s history.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4740</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Yuval Levin, "A Time to Build" (Basic Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>Americans are living through a social crisis, contends Yuval Levin in his 2020 book A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream (Basic Books, 2020)
In Levin’s view, acrimony reigns in the media, both social and traditional. Public discussion of crucial policy matters has degenerated into finger-pointing. Congress is more of a platform for demagogues than a workplace for serious legislators who put the national interest above their own personal brands. Donald Trump embodies this performative style of politics. Church attendance and other forms of worship are in decline. Academia is awash in identity politics. Even questions of what constitutes a family are in dispute.
Meanwhile, our major social institutions, in past decades the bulwarks of comity and social progress, from universities to government at every level, from the Boy Scouts to the Catholic Church to National Public Radio to Hollywood, have been tarnished by scandals from admissions ones to those related to sexual abuse or harassment. The federal courts have been politicized by both sides.
And, as if things were not bleak enough, we are in the midst of a pandemic and consequent economic catastrophe.
Depressed yet? Take heart, readers! Levin’s book charts a way out of this mess—as the title suggests. Or do you even agree that things are as bad as Levin paints them or that a renewal of American institutions is the way forward? Let’s hear from the man himself on the moral state of the nation and let’s get the lowdown on why he thinks institutions, troubled as many of them are, can rise from the ashes and why we, as a people, desperately need them to do so.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>79</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Americans are living through a social crisis, contends Yuval Levin...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans are living through a social crisis, contends Yuval Levin in his 2020 book A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream (Basic Books, 2020)
In Levin’s view, acrimony reigns in the media, both social and traditional. Public discussion of crucial policy matters has degenerated into finger-pointing. Congress is more of a platform for demagogues than a workplace for serious legislators who put the national interest above their own personal brands. Donald Trump embodies this performative style of politics. Church attendance and other forms of worship are in decline. Academia is awash in identity politics. Even questions of what constitutes a family are in dispute.
Meanwhile, our major social institutions, in past decades the bulwarks of comity and social progress, from universities to government at every level, from the Boy Scouts to the Catholic Church to National Public Radio to Hollywood, have been tarnished by scandals from admissions ones to those related to sexual abuse or harassment. The federal courts have been politicized by both sides.
And, as if things were not bleak enough, we are in the midst of a pandemic and consequent economic catastrophe.
Depressed yet? Take heart, readers! Levin’s book charts a way out of this mess—as the title suggests. Or do you even agree that things are as bad as Levin paints them or that a renewal of American institutions is the way forward? Let’s hear from the man himself on the moral state of the nation and let’s get the lowdown on why he thinks institutions, troubled as many of them are, can rise from the ashes and why we, as a people, desperately need them to do so.
Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans are living through a social crisis, contends <a href="https://www.nationalaffairs.com/authors/detail/yuval-levin">Yuval Levin</a> in his 2020 book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1541699270/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2020)</p><p>In Levin’s view, acrimony reigns in the media, both social and traditional. Public discussion of crucial policy matters has degenerated into finger-pointing. Congress is more of a platform for demagogues than a workplace for serious legislators who put the national interest above their own personal brands. Donald Trump embodies this performative style of politics. Church attendance and other forms of worship are in decline. Academia is awash in identity politics. Even questions of what constitutes a family are in dispute.</p><p>Meanwhile, our major social institutions, in past decades the bulwarks of comity and social progress, from universities to government at every level, from the Boy Scouts to the Catholic Church to National Public Radio to Hollywood, have been tarnished by scandals from admissions ones to those related to sexual abuse or harassment. The federal courts have been politicized by both sides.</p><p>And, as if things were not bleak enough, we are in the midst of a pandemic and consequent economic catastrophe.</p><p>Depressed yet? Take heart, readers! Levin’s book charts a way out of this mess—as the title suggests. Or do you even agree that things are as bad as Levin paints them or that a renewal of American institutions is the way forward? Let’s hear from the man himself on the moral state of the nation and let’s get the lowdown on why he thinks institutions, troubled as many of them are, can rise from the ashes and why we, as a people, desperately need them to do so.</p><p>Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3696</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Betsy Gaines Quammen, "American Zion: Cliven Bundy, God and Public Lands in the West" (Torrey House, 2020)</title>
      <description>In 2014, the cattle rancher Cliven Bundy entered the national spotlight after a showdown against federal officials over grazing rights on public lands. Two years later, his sons seized the Malheur Wildlife Refuge in Oregon and occupied it for forty days with militia and sovereign citizen groups. As journalists rushed to the scene, trying to make sense of the motivations behind their anti-government politics, Betsy Gaines Quammen, a historian working on her history Ph.D., knew something was amiss. She had spent hours at the Bundy home, interviewing them for her dissertation on Mormon settlement in the West. She knew the Bundy’s rooted their politics in their Mormon faith, but their religious attitudes made few popular headlines. In her new book, American Zion: Cliven Bundy, God &amp; Public Lands in the West (Torrey House Press, 2020), Quammen situates the Bundy standoff within the long and convoluted history of Mormon migration into the American West—and provides an exciting new take on religion in modern American politics.
Ryan Driskell Tate is a Ph.D. candidate in United States history at Rutgers University. He is completing a book on fossil-fuels and energy development in the American West. Twitter: @rydriskelltate
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>50</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Quammen situates the Bundy standoff within the long and convoluted history of Mormon migration into the American West—and provides an exciting new take on religion in modern American politics...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2014, the cattle rancher Cliven Bundy entered the national spotlight after a showdown against federal officials over grazing rights on public lands. Two years later, his sons seized the Malheur Wildlife Refuge in Oregon and occupied it for forty days with militia and sovereign citizen groups. As journalists rushed to the scene, trying to make sense of the motivations behind their anti-government politics, Betsy Gaines Quammen, a historian working on her history Ph.D., knew something was amiss. She had spent hours at the Bundy home, interviewing them for her dissertation on Mormon settlement in the West. She knew the Bundy’s rooted their politics in their Mormon faith, but their religious attitudes made few popular headlines. In her new book, American Zion: Cliven Bundy, God &amp; Public Lands in the West (Torrey House Press, 2020), Quammen situates the Bundy standoff within the long and convoluted history of Mormon migration into the American West—and provides an exciting new take on religion in modern American politics.
Ryan Driskell Tate is a Ph.D. candidate in United States history at Rutgers University. He is completing a book on fossil-fuels and energy development in the American West. Twitter: @rydriskelltate
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2014, the cattle rancher Cliven Bundy entered the national spotlight after a showdown against federal officials over grazing rights on public lands. Two years later, his sons seized the Malheur Wildlife Refuge in Oregon and occupied it for forty days with militia and sovereign citizen groups. As journalists rushed to the scene, trying to make sense of the motivations behind their anti-government politics, <a href="https://www.betsygainesquammen.com/about">Betsy Gaines Quammen</a>, a historian working on her history Ph.D., knew something was amiss. She had spent hours at the Bundy home, interviewing them for her dissertation on Mormon settlement in the West. She knew the Bundy’s rooted their politics in their Mormon faith, but their religious attitudes made few popular headlines. In her new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1948814145/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>American Zion: Cliven Bundy, God &amp; Public Lands in the West</em></a><em> </em>(Torrey House Press, 2020), Quammen situates the Bundy standoff within the long and convoluted history of Mormon migration into the American West—and provides an exciting new take on religion in modern American politics.</p><p><em>Ryan Driskell Tate is a Ph.D. candidate in United States history at Rutgers University. He is completing a book on fossil-fuels and energy development in the American West. Twitter: @rydriskelltate</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2991</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[15c46cac-c009-11ec-805b-7fb8b4797ce5]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3148687015.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jia Lynn Yang, "One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924–1965" (Norton, 2020)</title>
      <description>In One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924–1965 (W. W. Norton &amp; Company, 2020), Jia Lynn Yang recounts the personalities and debates that brought about the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which forms the foundation for modern U.S. immigration policy. Undoing the xenophobic national origins quotas enshrined in the 1924 Immigration Act required an epic, forty-year struggle against nativist concerns about the economy and national security, as well as racist and anti-Semitic impulses that continue to plague American society today.
Drawing on key scholarly monographs as well as her own research in archives like the LBJ Presidential Library and the Library of Congress, Yang’s narrative is full of larger-than-life characters. Some, like Lyndon B. Johnson and John F. Kennedy, will be familiar with readers. Others, like Congressman Emmanuel Celler of New York and Japanese American Citizens League national secretary Mike Masaoka, are well-known but less well understood. By following their negotiations through the halls of Congress and the White House, Yang captures the contingency that shows how difficult and improbable immigration reform was to achieve. Yang concludes by issuing a call for immigrants and their descendants to “articulate a new vision for the current era, one that embraces rather than elides how far America has drifted from its European roots.”.
Jia Lynn Yang is the deputy national editor at The New York Times.
Ian Shin is assistant professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>44</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Yang recounts the personalities and debates that brought about the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which forms the foundation for modern U.S. immigration policy...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924–1965 (W. W. Norton &amp; Company, 2020), Jia Lynn Yang recounts the personalities and debates that brought about the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which forms the foundation for modern U.S. immigration policy. Undoing the xenophobic national origins quotas enshrined in the 1924 Immigration Act required an epic, forty-year struggle against nativist concerns about the economy and national security, as well as racist and anti-Semitic impulses that continue to plague American society today.
Drawing on key scholarly monographs as well as her own research in archives like the LBJ Presidential Library and the Library of Congress, Yang’s narrative is full of larger-than-life characters. Some, like Lyndon B. Johnson and John F. Kennedy, will be familiar with readers. Others, like Congressman Emmanuel Celler of New York and Japanese American Citizens League national secretary Mike Masaoka, are well-known but less well understood. By following their negotiations through the halls of Congress and the White House, Yang captures the contingency that shows how difficult and improbable immigration reform was to achieve. Yang concludes by issuing a call for immigrants and their descendants to “articulate a new vision for the current era, one that embraces rather than elides how far America has drifted from its European roots.”.
Jia Lynn Yang is the deputy national editor at The New York Times.
Ian Shin is assistant professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0393635848/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>One Mighty and Irresistible Tide: The Epic Struggle Over American Immigration, 1924–1965</em></a> (W. W. Norton &amp; Company, 2020), <a href="https://muckrack.com/jia-lynn-yang">Jia Lynn Yang</a> recounts the personalities and debates that brought about the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which forms the foundation for modern U.S. immigration policy. Undoing the xenophobic national origins quotas enshrined in the 1924 Immigration Act required an epic, forty-year struggle against nativist concerns about the economy and national security, as well as racist and anti-Semitic impulses that continue to plague American society today.</p><p>Drawing on key scholarly monographs as well as her own research in archives like the LBJ Presidential Library and the Library of Congress, Yang’s narrative is full of larger-than-life characters. Some, like Lyndon B. Johnson and John F. Kennedy, will be familiar with readers. Others, like Congressman Emmanuel Celler of New York and Japanese American Citizens League national secretary Mike Masaoka, are well-known but less well understood. By following their negotiations through the halls of Congress and the White House, Yang captures the contingency that shows how difficult and improbable immigration reform was to achieve. Yang concludes by issuing a call for immigrants and their descendants to “articulate a new vision for the current era, one that embraces rather than elides how far America has drifted from its European roots.”.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/jialynnyang?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Jia Lynn Yang</a> is the deputy national editor at <em>The New York Times</em>.</p><p><a href="https://lsa.umich.edu/ac/people/faculty/ianshin.html"><em>Ian Shin</em></a><em> is assistant professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
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    <item>
      <title>Randy E. Barnett, "An Introduction to Constitutional Law: 100 Supreme Court Cases Everyone Should Know" (Wolters Kluwer, 2019)</title>
      <description>What do you think about these days when you hear the words, “Supreme Court?” Salacious news coverage of the confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh? Gushing profiles of feminist icon Ruth Bader Ginsburg? High school and vaguely recalled lectures about cases the details of which you dutifully read (or didn’t and flunked the test on) like McCulloch v. Maryland or Marbury v. Madison?
Or, in this age on the Coronavirus and the sudden need to determine as a citizen what the respective powers of governors and presidents are in times of crisis, are you suddenly aware that a grasp of seemingly arcane terms like “enumerated powers” is imperative for each and every one of us and not just constitutional scholars?
Are you suddenly out of a job and thinking now of attending law school and are not sure you could master the material? Have you suddenly found yourself homeschooling a bright late adolescent in need of a text and an associated online resource about the key legal cases that have determined our destiny as a nation and affect virtually every aspect of our individual lives? Do you simply want a solid but approachable book that provides vignettes of crucial moments of American legal, social and political history? Want to know under what pretexts a local government can seize your house?
Have I got the book and online study guide for you: An Introduction to Constitutional Law: 100 Supreme Court Cases Everyone Should Know (Wolter Kluwer, 2019) by Josh Blackman and Randy E. Barnett—published in 2019. Randy Barnett is one of the leading constitutional scholars of our time. He and his co-author Blackman have boiled down to a handy hundred what they believe are the cases that most matter—some of which are notorious (or what they term, “anti-canonical”). Let’s see if you agree with their picks. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>85</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Want to know under what pretexts a local government can seize your house?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What do you think about these days when you hear the words, “Supreme Court?” Salacious news coverage of the confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh? Gushing profiles of feminist icon Ruth Bader Ginsburg? High school and vaguely recalled lectures about cases the details of which you dutifully read (or didn’t and flunked the test on) like McCulloch v. Maryland or Marbury v. Madison?
Or, in this age on the Coronavirus and the sudden need to determine as a citizen what the respective powers of governors and presidents are in times of crisis, are you suddenly aware that a grasp of seemingly arcane terms like “enumerated powers” is imperative for each and every one of us and not just constitutional scholars?
Are you suddenly out of a job and thinking now of attending law school and are not sure you could master the material? Have you suddenly found yourself homeschooling a bright late adolescent in need of a text and an associated online resource about the key legal cases that have determined our destiny as a nation and affect virtually every aspect of our individual lives? Do you simply want a solid but approachable book that provides vignettes of crucial moments of American legal, social and political history? Want to know under what pretexts a local government can seize your house?
Have I got the book and online study guide for you: An Introduction to Constitutional Law: 100 Supreme Court Cases Everyone Should Know (Wolter Kluwer, 2019) by Josh Blackman and Randy E. Barnett—published in 2019. Randy Barnett is one of the leading constitutional scholars of our time. He and his co-author Blackman have boiled down to a handy hundred what they believe are the cases that most matter—some of which are notorious (or what they term, “anti-canonical”). Let’s see if you agree with their picks. Give a listen.
Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What do you think about these days when you hear the words, “Supreme Court?” Salacious news coverage of the confirmation hearings of Brett Kavanaugh? Gushing profiles of feminist icon Ruth Bader Ginsburg? High school and vaguely recalled lectures about cases the details of which you dutifully read (or didn’t and flunked the test on) like McCulloch v. Maryland or Marbury v. Madison?</p><p>Or, in this age on the Coronavirus and the sudden need to determine as a citizen what the respective powers of governors and presidents are in times of crisis, are you suddenly aware that a grasp of seemingly arcane terms like “enumerated powers” is imperative for each and every one of us and not just constitutional scholars?</p><p>Are you suddenly out of a job and thinking now of attending law school and are not sure you could master the material? Have you suddenly found yourself homeschooling a bright late adolescent in need of a text and an associated online resource about the key legal cases that have determined our destiny as a nation and affect virtually every aspect of our individual lives? Do you simply want a solid but approachable book that provides vignettes of crucial moments of American legal, social and political history? Want to know under what pretexts a local government can seize your house?</p><p>Have I got the book and online study guide for you: <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1543813909/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>An Introduction to Constitutional Law: 100 Supreme Court Cases Everyone Should Know</em></a> (Wolter Kluwer, 2019) by <a href="https://www.stcl.edu/about-us/faculty/josh-blackman/">Josh Blackman</a> and <a href="https://www.law.georgetown.edu/faculty/randy-e-barnett/">Randy E. Barnett</a>—published in 2019. Randy Barnett is one of the leading constitutional scholars of our time. He and his co-author Blackman have boiled down to a handy hundred what they believe are the cases that most matter—some of which are notorious (or what they term, “anti-canonical”). Let’s see if you agree with their picks. Give a listen.</p><p><em>Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4526</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Kenesha N. Grant, "The Great Migration and the Democratic Party" (Temple UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Kenesha N. Grant, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University, at the beginning of her new book, The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century (Temple University Press, 2020), poses a question to consider in context of trying to understand the realignment of voters within American political parties. This question is about the impact of the Great Migration of African Americans from the South to northern cities, and how this changed the political dynamics in many of the places where African Americans settled and built new lives. Grant’s examination focuses specifically on the impact in terms of politics, how and where African American individuals engaged in politics, as voters, and in running for and being elected to office. The Great Migration and the Democratic Party concentrates on three cities where the population changed and shifted given the influx of black citizens; and the political dynamics in Detroit, Chicago, and in New York City all came to reflect, in different ways, the influx of new voters and politically active citizens. The Great Migration and the Democratic Party focuses on the local, state, and national Democratic Party, since these voters were not only politically engaged at the local level, they were also able to contribute to voting blocs within states, at times making the difference in terms of the Electoral College and presidential candidacies.
The Great Migration and the Democratic Party traces the changes in the political parties over the course of the 20th century, exploring the shifts of voters across parties, with specific attention to Black voters’ movement from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party. Grant examines this shift in context of the movement of voters from one part of the United States to other parts of the United States, but also through the lens of how white Democratic elected officials in northern cities approached and engaged Black voters, and how both black and white citizens in these large urban centers participated in politics. Ultimately, Grant positions the Great Migration as a key dimension of some of the shifts and changes that have occurred in the parties over the past century. In tracing the political impact of the great migration, Grant also concludes her work with some analysis of the re-migration of African Americans back to the South, and how active citizens and voters may once again change the dynamics in American politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 May 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>425</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Grant analyses the impact of the Great Migration of African Americans from the South to northern cities, and how this changed the political dynamics in many of the places where African Americans settled and built new lives...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kenesha N. Grant, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University, at the beginning of her new book, The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century (Temple University Press, 2020), poses a question to consider in context of trying to understand the realignment of voters within American political parties. This question is about the impact of the Great Migration of African Americans from the South to northern cities, and how this changed the political dynamics in many of the places where African Americans settled and built new lives. Grant’s examination focuses specifically on the impact in terms of politics, how and where African American individuals engaged in politics, as voters, and in running for and being elected to office. The Great Migration and the Democratic Party concentrates on three cities where the population changed and shifted given the influx of black citizens; and the political dynamics in Detroit, Chicago, and in New York City all came to reflect, in different ways, the influx of new voters and politically active citizens. The Great Migration and the Democratic Party focuses on the local, state, and national Democratic Party, since these voters were not only politically engaged at the local level, they were also able to contribute to voting blocs within states, at times making the difference in terms of the Electoral College and presidential candidacies.
The Great Migration and the Democratic Party traces the changes in the political parties over the course of the 20th century, exploring the shifts of voters across parties, with specific attention to Black voters’ movement from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party. Grant examines this shift in context of the movement of voters from one part of the United States to other parts of the United States, but also through the lens of how white Democratic elected officials in northern cities approached and engaged Black voters, and how both black and white citizens in these large urban centers participated in politics. Ultimately, Grant positions the Great Migration as a key dimension of some of the shifts and changes that have occurred in the parties over the past century. In tracing the political impact of the great migration, Grant also concludes her work with some analysis of the re-migration of African Americans back to the South, and how active citizens and voters may once again change the dynamics in American politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.keneshiagrant.com/">Kenesha N. Grant</a>, Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University, at the beginning of her new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1439917469/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century</em></a> (Temple University Press, 2020), poses a question to consider in context of trying to understand the realignment of voters within American political parties. This question is about the impact of the Great Migration of African Americans from the South to northern cities, and how this changed the political dynamics in many of the places where African Americans settled and built new lives. Grant’s examination focuses specifically on the impact in terms of politics, how and where African American individuals engaged in politics, as voters, and in running for and being elected to office. <em>The Great Migration and the Democratic Party</em> concentrates on three cities where the population changed and shifted given the influx of black citizens; and the political dynamics in Detroit, Chicago, and in New York City all came to reflect, in different ways, the influx of new voters and politically active citizens. <em>The Great Migration and the Democratic Party</em> focuses on the local, state, and national Democratic Party, since these voters were not only politically engaged at the local level, they were also able to contribute to voting blocs within states, at times making the difference in terms of the Electoral College and presidential candidacies.</p><p><em>The Great Migration and the Democratic Party</em> traces the changes in the political parties over the course of the 20th century, exploring the shifts of voters across parties, with specific attention to Black voters’ movement from the Republican Party to the Democratic Party. Grant examines this shift in context of the movement of voters from one part of the United States to other parts of the United States, but also through the lens of how white Democratic elected officials in northern cities approached and engaged Black voters, and how both black and white citizens in these large urban centers participated in politics. Ultimately, Grant positions the Great Migration as a key dimension of some of the shifts and changes that have occurred in the parties over the past century. In tracing the political impact of the great migration, Grant also concludes her work with some analysis of the re-migration of African Americans back to the South, and how active citizens and voters may once again change the dynamics in American politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3148</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Adam H. Domby, "The False Cause: Fraud, Fabrication, and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory" (U Virginia Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>Adam H. Domby, an Assistant Professor of History at the University of Charleston, has written a rigorous analysis of American political memory as it connects to the Civil War and long shadow of the Confederacy. The False Cause: Fraud, Fabrication, and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory (University of Virginia Press, 2020) unpacks a variety of threads all connected to the Lost Cause ideology, and all based on falsehoods. These dimensions of the ideology include Domby’s examination of the history of dishonest claims to confederate pensions by white veterans, and also the accusations of fraud associated with claims made by former slaves and free people of color for much smaller pensions.
The False Cause digs into the historical claims made about the heroics demonstrated on the battlefield during the Civil War. In this context, The False Cause unpacks the myth that the Confederate army was one of the best ever, and these heroic claims, many of which were made at least forty years after the war itself, are not the only heroic assertions made in context of the Lost Cause ideology. Domby also explores the “soldiers who weren’t” – the enslaved individuals who were compelled to accompany their masters to war, and were then transformed, within this constructed political memory, into Black Confederates, which is yet another myth within the ideology. The book begins with an extremely topical component of the Lost Cause ideology and political memory, the monuments to confederate soldiers that were built long after the war, and that have become contemporary political lightning rods. Through all of these cases, Domby weaves the thread of how each particular area was used to buttress white supremacy and to re-narrate or re-cast the Civil War itself and those who engaged in it. Issues of white masculinity and grievance are embedded within the mythology and are also unpacked in context of these heroic declarations. This is an important historical examination that leads the reader through the facts and the subsequently created mythologies, which continue to shape and impact American politics and historical understandings.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>420</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Domby has written a rigorous analysis of American political memory as it connects to the Civil War and long shadow of the Confederacy,,,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Adam H. Domby, an Assistant Professor of History at the University of Charleston, has written a rigorous analysis of American political memory as it connects to the Civil War and long shadow of the Confederacy. The False Cause: Fraud, Fabrication, and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory (University of Virginia Press, 2020) unpacks a variety of threads all connected to the Lost Cause ideology, and all based on falsehoods. These dimensions of the ideology include Domby’s examination of the history of dishonest claims to confederate pensions by white veterans, and also the accusations of fraud associated with claims made by former slaves and free people of color for much smaller pensions.
The False Cause digs into the historical claims made about the heroics demonstrated on the battlefield during the Civil War. In this context, The False Cause unpacks the myth that the Confederate army was one of the best ever, and these heroic claims, many of which were made at least forty years after the war itself, are not the only heroic assertions made in context of the Lost Cause ideology. Domby also explores the “soldiers who weren’t” – the enslaved individuals who were compelled to accompany their masters to war, and were then transformed, within this constructed political memory, into Black Confederates, which is yet another myth within the ideology. The book begins with an extremely topical component of the Lost Cause ideology and political memory, the monuments to confederate soldiers that were built long after the war, and that have become contemporary political lightning rods. Through all of these cases, Domby weaves the thread of how each particular area was used to buttress white supremacy and to re-narrate or re-cast the Civil War itself and those who engaged in it. Issues of white masculinity and grievance are embedded within the mythology and are also unpacked in context of these heroic declarations. This is an important historical examination that leads the reader through the facts and the subsequently created mythologies, which continue to shape and impact American politics and historical understandings.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://history.cofc.edu/about/faculty-and-staff/domby-adam.php">Adam H. Domby</a>, an Assistant Professor of History at the University of Charleston, has written a rigorous analysis of American political memory as it connects to the Civil War and long shadow of the Confederacy. <a href="https://www.upress.virginia.edu/title/5354"><em>The False Cause: Fraud, Fabrication, and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory</em></a> (University of Virginia Press, 2020) unpacks a variety of threads all connected to the Lost Cause ideology, and all based on falsehoods. These dimensions of the ideology include Domby’s examination of the history of dishonest claims to confederate pensions by white veterans, and also the accusations of fraud associated with claims made by former slaves and free people of color for much smaller pensions.</p><p><em>The False Cause</em> digs into the historical claims made about the heroics demonstrated on the battlefield during the Civil War. In this context, <em>The False Cause</em> unpacks the myth that the Confederate army was one of the best ever, and these heroic claims, many of which were made at least forty years after the war itself, are not the only heroic assertions made in context of the Lost Cause ideology. Domby also explores the “soldiers who weren’t” – the enslaved individuals who were compelled to accompany their masters to war, and were then transformed, within this constructed political memory, into Black Confederates, which is yet another myth within the ideology. The book begins with an extremely topical component of the Lost Cause ideology and political memory, the monuments to confederate soldiers that were built long after the war, and that have become contemporary political lightning rods. Through all of these cases, Domby weaves the thread of how each particular area was used to buttress white supremacy and to re-narrate or re-cast the Civil War itself and those who engaged in it. Issues of white masculinity and grievance are embedded within the mythology and are also unpacked in context of these heroic declarations. This is an important historical examination that leads the reader through the facts and the subsequently created mythologies, which continue to shape and impact American politics and historical understandings.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3337</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Charles J. Holden, "Republican Populist: Spiro Agnew and the Origins of Donald Trump’s America" (UVA Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Today Spiro Agnew is best known for his resignation from the vice presidency of the United States as part of a plea bargain deal related to a legal case involving bribes he took as a public official. In Republican Populist: Spiro Agnew and the Origins of Donald Trump’s America (University of Virginia Press, 2019), however, Charles J. Holden, Zach Messitte, and Jerald Podair present Agnew as a progenitor of the conservative populism associated today with America’s 45th president. As Holden explains, Agnew enjoyed a rapid rise in politics, going from his first election to a county office to the vice presidency in little more than a decade. Impressing many conservatives with his response as Maryland governor to riots in Baltimore, as vice president Agnew burnished his standing with them with a series of speeches that further fueled his popularity within both the Republican Party and much of the country. Though Agnew’s plea deal brought his political career to an ignominious and premature end, much of his rhetoric would be echoed by others in the decades to come, fueling changes within the GOP and becoming Agnew’s greatest political legacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Apr 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>166</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The authors present Agnew as a progenitor of the conservative populism associated today with America’s 45th president...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today Spiro Agnew is best known for his resignation from the vice presidency of the United States as part of a plea bargain deal related to a legal case involving bribes he took as a public official. In Republican Populist: Spiro Agnew and the Origins of Donald Trump’s America (University of Virginia Press, 2019), however, Charles J. Holden, Zach Messitte, and Jerald Podair present Agnew as a progenitor of the conservative populism associated today with America’s 45th president. As Holden explains, Agnew enjoyed a rapid rise in politics, going from his first election to a county office to the vice presidency in little more than a decade. Impressing many conservatives with his response as Maryland governor to riots in Baltimore, as vice president Agnew burnished his standing with them with a series of speeches that further fueled his popularity within both the Republican Party and much of the country. Though Agnew’s plea deal brought his political career to an ignominious and premature end, much of his rhetoric would be echoed by others in the decades to come, fueling changes within the GOP and becoming Agnew’s greatest political legacy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today Spiro Agnew is best known for his resignation from the vice presidency of the United States as part of a plea bargain deal related to a legal case involving bribes he took as a public official. In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0813943264/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Republican Populist: Spiro Agnew and the Origins of Donald Trump’s America</em></a> (University of Virginia Press, 2019), however, <a href="https://inside.smcm.edu/directory/charles-j-holden">Charles J. Holden</a>, <a href="https://www.ripon.edu/president/">Zach Messitte</a>, and <a href="https://faculty.lawrence.edu/podairj/">Jerald Podair</a> present Agnew as a progenitor of the conservative populism associated today with America’s 45th president. As Holden explains, Agnew enjoyed a rapid rise in politics, going from his first election to a county office to the vice presidency in little more than a decade. Impressing many conservatives with his response as Maryland governor to riots in Baltimore, as vice president Agnew burnished his standing with them with a series of speeches that further fueled his popularity within both the Republican Party and much of the country. Though Agnew’s plea deal brought his political career to an ignominious and premature end, much of his rhetoric would be echoed by others in the decades to come, fueling changes within the GOP and becoming Agnew’s greatest political legacy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3541</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Cynthia Orozco, "Agent of Change: Adela Sloss-Vento, Mexican American Civil Rights Activist and Texas Feminist" (U Texas Press, 2020)</title>
      <description>In Agent of Change: Adela Sloss-Vento, Mexican American Civil Rights Activist and Texas Feminist (University of Texas Press, 2020), Cynthia E. Orozco traces the life of Adela Sloss-Vento, a twentieth-century Mexican American woman civil rights activist in Texas. In this episode, Orozco discusses the way Sloss-Vento constructed a modern gendered self-hood, which allowed her to join various movements as a public intellectual relying on her writing and intellect to challenge electoral politics, patriarchal rule, and racial exclusion. By writing a biography of Sloss-Vento, Orozco eloquently gives readers an understanding into the everyday life of middle-class Mexican American women who have shaped community concerns into political issues. Adela Sloss-Vento’s biography is first of its kind, this book pushes the field of Latinx history to consider what women’s lives can tell about state and national debates, such as civic engagement, civil rights, and gendered expectations.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas.  You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Apr 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>60</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Orozco traces the life of Adela Sloss-Vento, a twentieth-century Mexican American woman civil rights activist in Texas...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Agent of Change: Adela Sloss-Vento, Mexican American Civil Rights Activist and Texas Feminist (University of Texas Press, 2020), Cynthia E. Orozco traces the life of Adela Sloss-Vento, a twentieth-century Mexican American woman civil rights activist in Texas. In this episode, Orozco discusses the way Sloss-Vento constructed a modern gendered self-hood, which allowed her to join various movements as a public intellectual relying on her writing and intellect to challenge electoral politics, patriarchal rule, and racial exclusion. By writing a biography of Sloss-Vento, Orozco eloquently gives readers an understanding into the everyday life of middle-class Mexican American women who have shaped community concerns into political issues. Adela Sloss-Vento’s biography is first of its kind, this book pushes the field of Latinx history to consider what women’s lives can tell about state and national debates, such as civic engagement, civil rights, and gendered expectations.
Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas.  You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1477319867/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Agent of Change: Adela Sloss-Vento, Mexican American Civil Rights Activist and Texas Feminist</em></a> (University of Texas Press, 2020), <a href="https://ruidoso.enmu.edu/about/directory/faculty-directory/faculty-showcase/dr-cynthia-orozco/">Cynthia E. Orozco</a> traces the life of Adela Sloss-Vento, a twentieth-century Mexican American woman civil rights activist in Texas. In this episode, Orozco discusses the way Sloss-Vento constructed a modern gendered self-hood, which allowed her to join various movements as a public intellectual relying on her writing and intellect to challenge electoral politics, patriarchal rule, and racial exclusion. By writing a biography of Sloss-Vento, Orozco eloquently gives readers an understanding into the everyday life of middle-class Mexican American women who have shaped community concerns into political issues. Adela Sloss-Vento’s biography is first of its kind, this book pushes the field of Latinx history to consider what women’s lives can tell about state and national debates, such as civic engagement, civil rights, and gendered expectations.</p><p>Tiffany Jasmin González is an AAUW Fellow and Ph.D. Candidate of History at Texas A&amp;M University. Her research centers on the 20th-century US, Latinx history, American politics, social movements, borderlands, and women &amp; gender. Her dissertation, <em>Representation for a Change: Women in Government and the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement in Texas</em>.  You can follow Tiffany on Twitter @T_J_Gonzalez</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3834</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird, "Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior" (Princeton UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>In their new book, Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior (Princeton University Press, 2020), political scientists Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird explore the political behavior of African American voters in the United States and examine extensive data to determine how this particular group of voters have operated as a fairly unified voting block over the course of many election cycles. The research is fascinating, delineating the ideological fissures within the African-American community while also analyzing the voting patterns of African Americans and their inclination to remain loyal Democratic voters. Steadfast Democrats spends time examining the historical roots of this unified voting behavior, noting the roles that slavery and segregation played in creating the tightly connected communities in which many African Americans live and work.
White and Laird pay particular attention to how these connections operate in terms of norms in political behavior, building on linked fate theories, but distinguishing differences in terms of understanding how ideology and political behavior operate in context of partisan loyalty. White and Laird explain these dynamics through their theory of racialized social constraint and they build their research from survey data about voting patterns and behaviors, while adding in supplemental, experimental research to test these dynamics and norm enforcement. The research is not necessarily limited to black political behavior in the U.S., and the conclusion of Steadfast Democrats takes the theoretical framework of norm enforcement and community unity and examines other groups in the United States that operate along similar patterns and dynamics.
Steadfast Democrats:  is a window into understanding why and how African American voters in the United States remain a strongly unified voting bloc, even among many differences of opinion, a diversity of perspective, and a variety of lived experiences.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 08 Apr 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>417</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>White and Laird explore the political behavior of African American voters in the United States...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In their new book, Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior (Princeton University Press, 2020), political scientists Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird explore the political behavior of African American voters in the United States and examine extensive data to determine how this particular group of voters have operated as a fairly unified voting block over the course of many election cycles. The research is fascinating, delineating the ideological fissures within the African-American community while also analyzing the voting patterns of African Americans and their inclination to remain loyal Democratic voters. Steadfast Democrats spends time examining the historical roots of this unified voting behavior, noting the roles that slavery and segregation played in creating the tightly connected communities in which many African Americans live and work.
White and Laird pay particular attention to how these connections operate in terms of norms in political behavior, building on linked fate theories, but distinguishing differences in terms of understanding how ideology and political behavior operate in context of partisan loyalty. White and Laird explain these dynamics through their theory of racialized social constraint and they build their research from survey data about voting patterns and behaviors, while adding in supplemental, experimental research to test these dynamics and norm enforcement. The research is not necessarily limited to black political behavior in the U.S., and the conclusion of Steadfast Democrats takes the theoretical framework of norm enforcement and community unity and examines other groups in the United States that operate along similar patterns and dynamics.
Steadfast Democrats:  is a window into understanding why and how African American voters in the United States remain a strongly unified voting bloc, even among many differences of opinion, a diversity of perspective, and a variety of lived experiences.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In their new book, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/0691199515/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior</em></a><em> </em>(Princeton University Press, 2020)<em>,</em> political scientists <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/ismail.white">Ismail K. White</a> and <a href="https://scholars.duke.edu/person/ismail.white">Chryl N. Laird</a> explore the political behavior of African American voters in the United States and examine extensive data to determine how this particular group of voters have operated as a fairly unified voting block over the course of many election cycles. The research is fascinating, delineating the ideological fissures within the African-American community while also analyzing the voting patterns of African Americans and their inclination to remain loyal Democratic voters. <em>Steadfast Democrats</em> spends time examining the historical roots of this unified voting behavior, noting the roles that slavery and segregation played in creating the tightly connected communities in which many African Americans live and work.</p><p>White and Laird pay particular attention to how these connections operate in terms of norms in political behavior, building on linked fate theories, but distinguishing differences in terms of understanding how ideology and political behavior operate in context of partisan loyalty. White and Laird explain these dynamics through their theory of <em>racialized social constraint</em> and they build their research from survey data about voting patterns and behaviors, while adding in supplemental, experimental research to test these dynamics and norm enforcement. The research is not necessarily limited to black political behavior in the U.S., and the conclusion of <em>Steadfast Democrats</em> takes the theoretical framework of norm enforcement and community unity and examines other groups in the United States that operate along similar patterns and dynamics.</p><p><em>Steadfast Democrats: </em> is a window into understanding why and how African American voters in the United States remain a strongly unified voting bloc, even among many differences of opinion, a diversity of perspective, and a variety of lived experiences.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2510</itunes:duration>
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      <title>C. Wolbrecht and J. K. Corder, "A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage" (Cambridge UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder have a new book that builds on their previous work exploring women and suffrage in the United States, Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal (Cambridge University Press, 2016). A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage (Cambridge University Press, 2020), arriving as we mark the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment, explores women as voters in the United States while examining the contexts and changes that surround women participating in politics. Wolbrecht and Corder weave together a variety of methodological frameworks to guide the reader through an understanding of both women and men as voters during the past hundred years, examining voter data that they have spent years compiling from a variety of sources.
A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage also provides well-documented and important historical frameworks in which to consider this data, as the authors sketch out the legal, cultural, economic, and electoral shifts that transpire, at different speeds over the course of the century. These shifts in “orders” – the legal order, the gender order, electoral behavior, the family, the economic order, etc. – may move in the same direction, but they are often in tension with each other because the rate of change is not the same. Wolbrecht and Corder also parse out differences in ballot access for women—where racial and economic prohibitions also combined to preclude different groups of women (African American, immigrant, etc.) from fully exercising the franchise. This is a fascinating book, providing the reader with broad policy considerations, historical frameworks, and rich data to understand the integration of women as voters, but also the way in which we think about gender distinctions in context of politics.
As part of our discussion, we also dive into the concept of republican motherhood and understandings of the social context of gender. Both of these parts of the broader conversation highlight ongoing complications within the narratives that surround any discussion of women in politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Mar 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>416</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Wolbrecht and Corder weave together a variety of methodological frameworks to guide the reader through an understanding of both women and men as voters during the past hundred years...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christina Wolbrecht and J. Kevin Corder have a new book that builds on their previous work exploring women and suffrage in the United States, Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal (Cambridge University Press, 2016). A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage (Cambridge University Press, 2020), arriving as we mark the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment, explores women as voters in the United States while examining the contexts and changes that surround women participating in politics. Wolbrecht and Corder weave together a variety of methodological frameworks to guide the reader through an understanding of both women and men as voters during the past hundred years, examining voter data that they have spent years compiling from a variety of sources.
A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage also provides well-documented and important historical frameworks in which to consider this data, as the authors sketch out the legal, cultural, economic, and electoral shifts that transpire, at different speeds over the course of the century. These shifts in “orders” – the legal order, the gender order, electoral behavior, the family, the economic order, etc. – may move in the same direction, but they are often in tension with each other because the rate of change is not the same. Wolbrecht and Corder also parse out differences in ballot access for women—where racial and economic prohibitions also combined to preclude different groups of women (African American, immigrant, etc.) from fully exercising the franchise. This is a fascinating book, providing the reader with broad policy considerations, historical frameworks, and rich data to understand the integration of women as voters, but also the way in which we think about gender distinctions in context of politics.
As part of our discussion, we also dive into the concept of republican motherhood and understandings of the social context of gender. Both of these parts of the broader conversation highlight ongoing complications within the narratives that surround any discussion of women in politics.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as co-editor of Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://politicalscience.nd.edu/people/christina-wolbrecht/">Christina Wolbrecht</a> and <a href="https://wmich.edu/politics/directory/corder">J. Kevin Corder</a> have a new book that builds on their previous work exploring women and suffrage in the United States, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1316505871/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2016). <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1316638073/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2020), arriving as we mark the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment, explores women as voters in the United States while examining the contexts and changes that surround women participating in politics. Wolbrecht and Corder weave together a variety of methodological frameworks to guide the reader through an understanding of both women and men as voters during the past hundred years, examining voter data that they have spent years compiling from a variety of sources.</p><p><em>A Century of Votes for Women: American Elections Since Suffrage</em> also provides well-documented and important historical frameworks in which to consider this data, as the authors sketch out the legal, cultural, economic, and electoral shifts that transpire, at different speeds over the course of the century. These shifts in “orders” – the legal order, the gender order, electoral behavior, the family, the economic order, etc. – may move in the same direction, but they are often in tension with each other because the rate of change is not the same. Wolbrecht and Corder also parse out differences in ballot access for women—where racial and economic prohibitions also combined to preclude different groups of women (African American, immigrant, etc.) from fully exercising the franchise. This is a fascinating book, providing the reader with broad policy considerations, historical frameworks, and rich data to understand the integration of women as voters, but also the way in which we think about gender distinctions in context of politics.</p><p>As part of our discussion, we also dive into the concept of republican motherhood and understandings of the social context of gender. Both of these parts of the broader conversation highlight ongoing complications within the narratives that surround any discussion of women in politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as co-editor of</em> <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/mad-men-and-politics-9781501306358/">Mad Men and Politics: Nostalgia and the Remaking of Modern America</a> (Bloomsbury Academic, 2015).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2858</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael Fischbach, "The Movement and the Middle East: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Divided the American Left" (Stanford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>One of the most divisive international issues in American politics today is over Israel and Palestine. The close ties between Israel and the United States are very strong and see considerable cooperation between the two countries. However, that cooperation is also challenged because of the status of the Palestinian people and growing concern over their human rights. This has led to increasingly bitter criticisms of Israel, on the one hand, and denunciations of Israel’s critics in the United States for perceived and real anti-Semitism on the other. It threatens to split apart certain groups in the Democratic Party, for example.
Michael Fischbach’s Black Power and Palestine told one part of this history by examining how the issue of Palestine created fissures among black power and civil rights activists from the 1960s onward. Fischbach has now written an additional book examining the effects of the Israel-Palestine issue on domestic American politics with The Movement and the Middle East: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Divided the American Left (Stanford University Press, 2019). Fischbach examines the way that a host of groups on the American found themselves divided over which country they ought to support and how to fit that support into campaigns against imperialism or U.S. foreign policy. While most of the left ultimately shifted over to supporting Israel, today those same discussions are playing out in mainstream political parties.
Zeb Larson is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Mar 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>713</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Fischbach examines the way that a host of groups on the American found themselves divided over which country they ought to support and how to fit that support into campaigns against imperialism or U.S. foreign policy...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the most divisive international issues in American politics today is over Israel and Palestine. The close ties between Israel and the United States are very strong and see considerable cooperation between the two countries. However, that cooperation is also challenged because of the status of the Palestinian people and growing concern over their human rights. This has led to increasingly bitter criticisms of Israel, on the one hand, and denunciations of Israel’s critics in the United States for perceived and real anti-Semitism on the other. It threatens to split apart certain groups in the Democratic Party, for example.
Michael Fischbach’s Black Power and Palestine told one part of this history by examining how the issue of Palestine created fissures among black power and civil rights activists from the 1960s onward. Fischbach has now written an additional book examining the effects of the Israel-Palestine issue on domestic American politics with The Movement and the Middle East: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Divided the American Left (Stanford University Press, 2019). Fischbach examines the way that a host of groups on the American found themselves divided over which country they ought to support and how to fit that support into campaigns against imperialism or U.S. foreign policy. While most of the left ultimately shifted over to supporting Israel, today those same discussions are playing out in mainstream political parties.
Zeb Larson is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the most divisive international issues in American politics today is over Israel and Palestine. The close ties between Israel and the United States are very strong and see considerable cooperation between the two countries. However, that cooperation is also challenged because of the status of the Palestinian people and growing concern over their human rights. This has led to increasingly bitter criticisms of Israel, on the one hand, and denunciations of Israel’s critics in the United States for perceived and real anti-Semitism on the other. It threatens to split apart certain groups in the Democratic Party, for example.</p><p>Michael Fischbach’s <em>Black Power and Palestine</em> told one part of this history by examining how the issue of Palestine created fissures among black power and civil rights activists from the 1960s onward. Fischbach has now written an additional book examining the effects of the Israel-Palestine issue on domestic American politics with <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/150361106X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Movement and the Middle East: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Divided the American Left</em></a><em> </em>(Stanford University Press, 2019). Fischbach examines the way that a host of groups on the American found themselves divided over which country they ought to support and how to fit that support into campaigns against imperialism or U.S. foreign policy. While most of the left ultimately shifted over to supporting Israel, today those same discussions are playing out in mainstream political parties.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/Robert_Z_Larson?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor"><em>Zeb Larson</em></a><em> is a recent graduate of The Ohio State University with a PhD in History. His research deals with the anti-apartheid movement in the United States. To suggest a recent title or to contact him, please send an e-mail to zeb.larson@gmail.com.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2871</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Edward E. Curtis IV, "Muslim American Politics and the Future of US Democracy" (NYU Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>In his new book Muslim American Politics and the Future of US Democracy (New York University Press, 2019), Edward E. Curtis IV interrogates the limitations of American liberalism in light of the states’ and its various actor’s exclusionary politics and rhetoric around Muslim American citizens. Curtis argues that the place of Muslim Americans in the narrative and praxis of American law, politics, rights discourse, and much are, must be questioned. To do so, the book examines various case studies of Muslim American institutions, figures, soldiers, and women who have navigated and negotiated their place within American democracy as citizens. For instance, the Nation of Islam (NOI) is one such case study explored in the book.
Curtis considers how the NOI maintained certain forms of American liberalism (i.e., use of law and incurring of capital) while challenging others (i.e., racial and religious logics) as the movement developed. While Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) quintessentially models political dissent against American imperialism precisely because of his Islamic ethics and revolutionary politics. Both in and beyond his involvement in the NOI, Malcolm X’s politics was defined by global pan-African movements, as well as by revolutionary Muslim state leaders like Egypt’s Gamal Abdul Nasser. Using various other such examples, from the ways in which Muslim American women’s bodies were used by the nation state to justify foreign policies and military interventions to the memorialization of fallen Muslim American soldiers by American politicians, Curtis provocatively challenges his readers to content with the exclusionary, problematic, and complex rhetoric of American liberalism’s treatment of Muslim Americans as second-class citizens and Muslim Americans’ responses to this injustice. The book is a must read for scholars interested in American Islam and politics, while chapters of the book can also be accessibly used in courses on contemporary Islam, American Islam, and religion and politics.
Shobhana Xavier is an Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Queen’s University. Her research areas are on contemporary Sufism in North America and South Asia. She is the author of Sacred Spaces and Transnational Networks in American Sufism (Bloombsury Press, 2018) and a co-author of Contemporary Sufism: Piety, Politics, and Popular Culture (Routledge, 2017). More details about her research and scholarship may be found on here and here. You can follow her on Twitter via @shobhanaxavier
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      <pubDate>Thu, 26 Mar 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>173</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Curtis argues that the place of Muslim Americans in the narrative and praxis of American law, politics, rights discourse, and much are, must be questioned...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book Muslim American Politics and the Future of US Democracy (New York University Press, 2019), Edward E. Curtis IV interrogates the limitations of American liberalism in light of the states’ and its various actor’s exclusionary politics and rhetoric around Muslim American citizens. Curtis argues that the place of Muslim Americans in the narrative and praxis of American law, politics, rights discourse, and much are, must be questioned. To do so, the book examines various case studies of Muslim American institutions, figures, soldiers, and women who have navigated and negotiated their place within American democracy as citizens. For instance, the Nation of Islam (NOI) is one such case study explored in the book.
Curtis considers how the NOI maintained certain forms of American liberalism (i.e., use of law and incurring of capital) while challenging others (i.e., racial and religious logics) as the movement developed. While Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) quintessentially models political dissent against American imperialism precisely because of his Islamic ethics and revolutionary politics. Both in and beyond his involvement in the NOI, Malcolm X’s politics was defined by global pan-African movements, as well as by revolutionary Muslim state leaders like Egypt’s Gamal Abdul Nasser. Using various other such examples, from the ways in which Muslim American women’s bodies were used by the nation state to justify foreign policies and military interventions to the memorialization of fallen Muslim American soldiers by American politicians, Curtis provocatively challenges his readers to content with the exclusionary, problematic, and complex rhetoric of American liberalism’s treatment of Muslim Americans as second-class citizens and Muslim Americans’ responses to this injustice. The book is a must read for scholars interested in American Islam and politics, while chapters of the book can also be accessibly used in courses on contemporary Islam, American Islam, and religion and politics.
Shobhana Xavier is an Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Queen’s University. Her research areas are on contemporary Sufism in North America and South Asia. She is the author of Sacred Spaces and Transnational Networks in American Sufism (Bloombsury Press, 2018) and a co-author of Contemporary Sufism: Piety, Politics, and Popular Culture (Routledge, 2017). More details about her research and scholarship may be found on here and here. You can follow her on Twitter via @shobhanaxavier
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1479811440/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><strong><em>Muslim American Politics and the Future of US Democracy</em> </strong></a>(New York University Press, 2019), <a href="https://liberalarts.iupui.edu/about/directory/curtis-iv-edward-e.html">Edward E. Curtis IV</a> interrogates the limitations of American liberalism in light of the states’ and its various actor’s exclusionary politics and rhetoric around Muslim American citizens. Curtis argues that the place of Muslim Americans in the narrative and praxis of American law, politics, rights discourse, and much are, must be questioned. To do so, the book examines various case studies of Muslim American institutions, figures, soldiers, and women who have navigated and negotiated their place within American democracy as citizens. For instance, the Nation of Islam (NOI) is one such case study explored in the book.</p><p>Curtis considers how the NOI maintained certain forms of American liberalism (i.e., use of law and incurring of capital) while challenging others (i.e., racial and religious logics) as the movement developed. While Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) quintessentially models political dissent against American imperialism precisely because of his Islamic ethics and revolutionary politics. Both in and beyond his involvement in the NOI, Malcolm X’s politics was defined by global pan-African movements, as well as by revolutionary Muslim state leaders like Egypt’s Gamal Abdul Nasser. Using various other such examples, from the ways in which Muslim American women’s bodies were used by the nation state to justify foreign policies and military interventions to the memorialization of fallen Muslim American soldiers by American politicians, Curtis provocatively challenges his readers to content with the exclusionary, problematic, and complex rhetoric of American liberalism’s treatment of Muslim Americans as second-class citizens and Muslim Americans’ responses to this injustice. The book is a must read for scholars interested in American Islam and politics, while chapters of the book can also be accessibly used in courses on contemporary Islam, American Islam, and religion and politics.</p><p><em>Shobhana Xavier is an Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Queen’s University. Her research areas are on contemporary Sufism in North America and South Asia. She is the author of </em>Sacred Spaces and Transnational Networks in American Sufism <em>(Bloombsury Press, 2018) and a co-author of </em>Contemporary Sufism: Piety, Politics, and Popular Culture<em> (Routledge, 2017). More details about her research and scholarship may be found on </em><a href="https://www.queensu.ca/religion/people/faculty/m-shobhana-xavier"><em>here</em></a><em> and </em><a href="https://queensu.academia.edu/ShobhanaXavier"><em>here</em></a><em>. You can follow her on Twitter via @shobhanaxavier</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2772</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Theda Skocpol, "Upending American Politics" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>Since 2008, the Tea Party and the Resistance have caused some major shake-ups for the Republican and Democratic parties. The changes fall outside the scope of traditional party politics, and outside the realm of traditional social science research. To better understand what’s going on Theda Skocpol, the Victor S. Thomas Professor of Government and Strategy at Harvard and Director of the Scholars Strategy Network, convened a group of researchers to study the people and organizations and at the heart of these grassroots movements.
Skocpol joins us this week to discuss their findings and the new book (co-edited with Caroline Tervo) Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance (Oxford University Press, 2020). Her work in particular focuses on the Tea Party and includes interviews with Tea Party members across the country. We also discuss the Resistance and whether these oppositional forces to the party in power are likely to continue after November’s election.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the Democracy Works podcast, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 11 Mar 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>125</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Since 2008, the Tea Party and the Resistance have caused some major shake-ups for the Republican and Democratic parties...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since 2008, the Tea Party and the Resistance have caused some major shake-ups for the Republican and Democratic parties. The changes fall outside the scope of traditional party politics, and outside the realm of traditional social science research. To better understand what’s going on Theda Skocpol, the Victor S. Thomas Professor of Government and Strategy at Harvard and Director of the Scholars Strategy Network, convened a group of researchers to study the people and organizations and at the heart of these grassroots movements.
Skocpol joins us this week to discuss their findings and the new book (co-edited with Caroline Tervo) Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance (Oxford University Press, 2020). Her work in particular focuses on the Tea Party and includes interviews with Tea Party members across the country. We also discuss the Resistance and whether these oppositional forces to the party in power are likely to continue after November’s election.
Jenna Spinelle is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the Democracy Works podcast, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since 2008, the Tea Party and the Resistance have caused some major shake-ups for the Republican and Democratic parties. The changes fall outside the scope of traditional party politics, and outside the realm of traditional social science research. To better understand what’s going on <a href="https://sociology.fas.harvard.edu/people/theda-skocpol">Theda Skocpol</a>, the Victor S. Thomas Professor of Government and Strategy at Harvard and Director of the Scholars Strategy Network, convened a group of researchers to study the people and organizations and at the heart of these grassroots movements.</p><p>Skocpol joins us this week to discuss their findings and the new book (co-edited with Caroline Tervo) <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190083530/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Upending American Politics: Polarizing Parties, Ideological Elites, and Citizen Activists from the Tea Party to the Anti-Trump Resistance </em></a>(Oxford University Press, 2020). Her work in particular focuses on the Tea Party and includes interviews with Tea Party members across the country. We also discuss the Resistance and whether these oppositional forces to the party in power are likely to continue after November’s election.</p><p><a href="http://jennaspinelle.com/"><em>Jenna Spinelle</em></a><em> is a journalism instructor at Penn State, host of the </em><a href="http://democracyworkspodcast.com/"><em>Democracy Works podcast</em></a><em>, produced by Penn State’s McCourtney Institute for Democracy.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2540</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Sarah Burns, "The Politics of War Powers: The Theory and History of Presidential Unilateralism" (UP of Kansas, 2020)</title>
      <description>Sarah Burns’ new book The Politics of War Powers: The Theory and History of Presidential Unilateralism (University Press of Kansas, 2020) pulls together distinct threads in analyzing the theoretical framing of presidential power in the American constitutional system and then tracing that power through forty-five presidents. Burns begins by assessing Locke’s impact on the constitutional design of the presidency and then turning her attention to the more substantial contributions made by Montesquieu, since Montesquieu had an equally sizeable impact on the Founders and their thinking about this office. There were great tensions at the time of the Founding about the powers that the president has in pursuing war and military engagements. The Politics of War Powers pays close attention to the distinctions made in the Constitution between the role of the legislature in declaring war, and the role of the president in prosecuting war. This is the foundation for Burns’ analysis of presidential implementation of these powers over the course of more than 200 years, and she carefully examines these theoretical foundations, devoting the first third of The Politics of War Powers to unpacking and discussing the competing views of this important and, at times, suspect, power.
Following from this theoretical basis, The Politics of War Powers dives into deeply researched explorations of not only the presidents themselves and how they thought about and used their war powers, but also how and where Congress acted and responded. This dimension of the analysis is particularly important to consider, and Burns sketches the ways in which the early Congress exerted its authority and constitutional role in regard to war and the war powers embedded in the Constitution. She then goes on to explore the tension between the executive and the legislature over the course of a number of military engagements that pressed on these competing capacities. The final section of the book outlines the ways in which presidential war powers have grown substantially and the legal reasoning that has grown up around these powers as Congress has stepped back from its own role in regard to war powers. In many ways, The Politics of War Powers is as much about congressional engagement or abdication in its constitutional role as it is about the expansion of presidential power. The delicate balance between the branches has shifted rather substantially, according to Burns’ analysis, and The Politics of War Powers draws out the ways in which this balance has shifted over the course of American history and political development.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Mar 2020 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>407</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Burns  pulls together distinct threads in analyzing the theoretical framing of presidential power in the American constitutional system and then tracing that power through forty-five presidents...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sarah Burns’ new book The Politics of War Powers: The Theory and History of Presidential Unilateralism (University Press of Kansas, 2020) pulls together distinct threads in analyzing the theoretical framing of presidential power in the American constitutional system and then tracing that power through forty-five presidents. Burns begins by assessing Locke’s impact on the constitutional design of the presidency and then turning her attention to the more substantial contributions made by Montesquieu, since Montesquieu had an equally sizeable impact on the Founders and their thinking about this office. There were great tensions at the time of the Founding about the powers that the president has in pursuing war and military engagements. The Politics of War Powers pays close attention to the distinctions made in the Constitution between the role of the legislature in declaring war, and the role of the president in prosecuting war. This is the foundation for Burns’ analysis of presidential implementation of these powers over the course of more than 200 years, and she carefully examines these theoretical foundations, devoting the first third of The Politics of War Powers to unpacking and discussing the competing views of this important and, at times, suspect, power.
Following from this theoretical basis, The Politics of War Powers dives into deeply researched explorations of not only the presidents themselves and how they thought about and used their war powers, but also how and where Congress acted and responded. This dimension of the analysis is particularly important to consider, and Burns sketches the ways in which the early Congress exerted its authority and constitutional role in regard to war and the war powers embedded in the Constitution. She then goes on to explore the tension between the executive and the legislature over the course of a number of military engagements that pressed on these competing capacities. The final section of the book outlines the ways in which presidential war powers have grown substantially and the legal reasoning that has grown up around these powers as Congress has stepped back from its own role in regard to war powers. In many ways, The Politics of War Powers is as much about congressional engagement or abdication in its constitutional role as it is about the expansion of presidential power. The delicate balance between the branches has shifted rather substantially, according to Burns’ analysis, and The Politics of War Powers draws out the ways in which this balance has shifted over the course of American history and political development.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.rit.edu/directory/smbgsm-sarah-burns">Sarah Burns</a>’ new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700628738/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Politics of War Powers: The Theory and History of Presidential Unilateralism</em></a><em> </em>(University Press of Kansas, 2020) pulls together distinct threads in analyzing the theoretical framing of presidential power in the American constitutional system and then tracing that power through forty-five presidents. Burns begins by assessing Locke’s impact on the constitutional design of the presidency and then turning her attention to the more substantial contributions made by Montesquieu, since Montesquieu had an equally sizeable impact on the Founders and their thinking about this office. There were great tensions at the time of the Founding about the powers that the president has in pursuing war and military engagements. <em>The Politics of War Powers</em> pays close attention to the distinctions made in the <em>Constitution</em> between the role of the legislature in declaring war, and the role of the president in prosecuting war. This is the foundation for Burns’ analysis of presidential implementation of these powers over the course of more than 200 years, and she carefully examines these theoretical foundations, devoting the first third of <em>The Politics of War Powers</em> to unpacking and discussing the competing views of this important and, at times, suspect, power.</p><p>Following from this theoretical basis, <em>The Politics of War Powers</em> dives into deeply researched explorations of not only the presidents themselves and how they thought about and used their war powers, but also how and where Congress acted and responded. This dimension of the analysis is particularly important to consider, and Burns sketches the ways in which the early Congress exerted its authority and constitutional role in regard to war and the war powers embedded in the <em>Constitution</em>. She then goes on to explore the tension between the executive and the legislature over the course of a number of military engagements that pressed on these competing capacities. The final section of the book outlines the ways in which presidential war powers have grown substantially and the legal reasoning that has grown up around these powers as Congress has stepped back from its own role in regard to war powers. In many ways, <em>The Politics of War Powers</em> is as much about congressional engagement or abdication in its constitutional role as it is about the expansion of presidential power. The delicate balance between the branches has shifted rather substantially, according to Burns’ analysis, and <em>The Politics of War Powers</em> draws out the ways in which this balance has shifted over the course of American history and political development.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3046</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Rebecca E. Zietlow, "The Forgotten Emancipator: James Mitchell Ashley and the Ideological Origins of Reconstruction" (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Though the story of emancipation is well known in American history, the roles of many of the key figures involved in it are often overlooked. Among them is James Mitchell Ashley, the Ohio congressman who shepherded the Thirteenth Amendment through the House of Representatives. In The Forgotten Emancipator: James Mitchell Ashley and the Ideological Origins of Reconstruction (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Rebecca E. Zietlow recounts the intellectual development of Ashley as an abolitionist and how he sought to turn freedom into a reality for millions of African Americans. As Zietlow explains, an important strain in Ashley’s thinking was his commitment to the free labor ideas prominent in the Democratic Party in the antebellum era. As a committed abolitionist, he played a prominent role in the emergence of the Republican Party in Ohio in the 1850s culminating in his election to Congress in 1858. As a representative during one of the critical period in the nation’s history, Ashley was at the forefront of Congress’ response to the issue of slavery during the Civil War, working not just to pass the amendment that ended the “peculiar institution” but to craft legislation designed to ensure that the freedom won by African Americans was real and not undermined by the unreconstructed Southern governments in power in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Mar 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>163</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Though the story of emancipation is well known in American history, the roles of many of the key figures involved in it are often overlooked. Among them is James Mitchell Ashley...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Though the story of emancipation is well known in American history, the roles of many of the key figures involved in it are often overlooked. Among them is James Mitchell Ashley, the Ohio congressman who shepherded the Thirteenth Amendment through the House of Representatives. In The Forgotten Emancipator: James Mitchell Ashley and the Ideological Origins of Reconstruction (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Rebecca E. Zietlow recounts the intellectual development of Ashley as an abolitionist and how he sought to turn freedom into a reality for millions of African Americans. As Zietlow explains, an important strain in Ashley’s thinking was his commitment to the free labor ideas prominent in the Democratic Party in the antebellum era. As a committed abolitionist, he played a prominent role in the emergence of the Republican Party in Ohio in the 1850s culminating in his election to Congress in 1858. As a representative during one of the critical period in the nation’s history, Ashley was at the forefront of Congress’ response to the issue of slavery during the Civil War, working not just to pass the amendment that ended the “peculiar institution” but to craft legislation designed to ensure that the freedom won by African Americans was real and not undermined by the unreconstructed Southern governments in power in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Though the story of emancipation is well known in American history, the roles of many of the key figures involved in it are often overlooked. Among them is James Mitchell Ashley, the Ohio congressman who shepherded the Thirteenth Amendment through the House of Representatives. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107095271/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Forgotten Emancipator: James Mitchell Ashley and the Ideological Origins of Reconstruction</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018), <a href="https://www.utoledo.edu/law/faculty/fulltime/zietlow.html">Rebecca E. Zietlow</a> recounts the intellectual development of Ashley as an abolitionist and how he sought to turn freedom into a reality for millions of African Americans. As Zietlow explains, an important strain in Ashley’s thinking was his commitment to the free labor ideas prominent in the Democratic Party in the antebellum era. As a committed abolitionist, he played a prominent role in the emergence of the Republican Party in Ohio in the 1850s culminating in his election to Congress in 1858. As a representative during one of the critical period in the nation’s history, Ashley was at the forefront of Congress’ response to the issue of slavery during the Civil War, working not just to pass the amendment that ended the “peculiar institution” but to craft legislation designed to ensure that the freedom won by African Americans was real and not undermined by the unreconstructed Southern governments in power in the immediate aftermath of the Civil War.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3015</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Steve Suitts, "Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement" (NewSouth Books, 2020)</title>
      <description>School choice, widely touted as a system that would ensure underprivileged youth have an equal opportunity in education, has grown in popularity in the past fifteen years. The strategies and rhetoric of school choice, however, resemble those of segregationists who closed public schools and funded private institutions to block African American students from integrating with their white peers in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision.
In Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement (NewSouth Books, 2020), Steve Suitts examines the parallels between de facto segregationist practices and the modern school choice movement. He exposes the dangers lying behind the smoke and mirrors of the so-called civil rights policies of Betsy DeVos and the education privatization lobbies. Economic and educational disparities have expanded rather than contracted in the years following Brown, and post-Jim Crow discriminatory policies drive inequality and poverty today. Suitts deftly reveals the risk that America and its underprivileged youth face as school voucher programs funnel public funds into predominantly white and often wealthy private schools and charter schools
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A Peoples History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>89</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Suitts examines the parallels between de facto segregationist practices and the modern school choice movement...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>School choice, widely touted as a system that would ensure underprivileged youth have an equal opportunity in education, has grown in popularity in the past fifteen years. The strategies and rhetoric of school choice, however, resemble those of segregationists who closed public schools and funded private institutions to block African American students from integrating with their white peers in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision.
In Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement (NewSouth Books, 2020), Steve Suitts examines the parallels between de facto segregationist practices and the modern school choice movement. He exposes the dangers lying behind the smoke and mirrors of the so-called civil rights policies of Betsy DeVos and the education privatization lobbies. Economic and educational disparities have expanded rather than contracted in the years following Brown, and post-Jim Crow discriminatory policies drive inequality and poverty today. Suitts deftly reveals the risk that America and its underprivileged youth face as school voucher programs funnel public funds into predominantly white and often wealthy private schools and charter schools
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A Peoples History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>School choice, widely touted as a system that would ensure underprivileged youth have an equal opportunity in education, has grown in popularity in the past fifteen years. The strategies and rhetoric of school choice, however, resemble those of segregationists who closed public schools and funded private institutions to block African American students from integrating with their white peers in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision.</p><p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1588384209/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Overturning Brown: The Segregationist Legacy of the Modern School Choice Movement</em></a> (NewSouth Books, 2020), <a href="http://www.newsouthbooks.com/bkpgs/detailauthor.php?author_id=1030">Steve Suitts</a> examines the parallels between de facto segregationist practices and the modern school choice movement. He exposes the dangers lying behind the smoke and mirrors of the so-called civil rights policies of Betsy DeVos and the education privatization lobbies. Economic and educational disparities have expanded rather than contracted in the years following Brown, and post-Jim Crow discriminatory policies drive inequality and poverty today. Suitts deftly reveals the risk that America and its underprivileged youth face as school voucher programs funnel public funds into predominantly white and often wealthy private schools and charter schools</p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of </em>The New Victorians<em> (New Press, 2004), </em>A Peoples History of Poverty in America<em> (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and </em>Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen<em> (Oxford, 2017).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1738</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Eric Lomazoff, "Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic" (U Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Eric Lomazoff has written a kind of detective novel about the national bank controversy during the early years of the new republic. Lomazoff poses, in the introduction, and at the start of each chapter, the general understanding that many scholars and citizens have about the bank controversy itself and the constitutional decision in McCulloch vs. Maryland. And Lomazoff notes that these contours are generally accurate but that they elide significant components of the controversy that is actually spread out over an extended period of time. Given this more extensive time frame, Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic (University of Chicago Press, 2018) does exactly what the title promises, in compiling different aspects of our understanding of the controversy, and integrating key shifts in the political and economic landscape that also changed parts of the actual controversy itself. Lomazoff takes the reader through the general understanding of the National Bank controversy, untangling different threads of the argument and the changing political and economic dynamics in the United States. Because the bank controversy is often collapsed into the debate over either a strict or broad interpretation of the Necessary and Proper clause of the Constitution, many aspects of American political development are generally pushed into the background—these ignored or obscured aspects of the controversy are the focus of Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic, and rightly so, since they trace a deeper and more complex understanding of changing monetary policy, banking regulation, and congressional and executive fiscal power in the new republic. This is an action-packed discussion of the general understanding of the early American Republic, and the real controversy around the establishment of the national bank.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as author of The Politics of Military Base Closings: Not in My District (Peter Lang Publishers, 2003).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 18 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>405</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Lomazoff has written a kind of detective novel about the national bank controversy during the early years of the new republic</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eric Lomazoff has written a kind of detective novel about the national bank controversy during the early years of the new republic. Lomazoff poses, in the introduction, and at the start of each chapter, the general understanding that many scholars and citizens have about the bank controversy itself and the constitutional decision in McCulloch vs. Maryland. And Lomazoff notes that these contours are generally accurate but that they elide significant components of the controversy that is actually spread out over an extended period of time. Given this more extensive time frame, Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic (University of Chicago Press, 2018) does exactly what the title promises, in compiling different aspects of our understanding of the controversy, and integrating key shifts in the political and economic landscape that also changed parts of the actual controversy itself. Lomazoff takes the reader through the general understanding of the National Bank controversy, untangling different threads of the argument and the changing political and economic dynamics in the United States. Because the bank controversy is often collapsed into the debate over either a strict or broad interpretation of the Necessary and Proper clause of the Constitution, many aspects of American political development are generally pushed into the background—these ignored or obscured aspects of the controversy are the focus of Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic, and rightly so, since they trace a deeper and more complex understanding of changing monetary policy, banking regulation, and congressional and executive fiscal power in the new republic. This is an action-packed discussion of the general understanding of the early American Republic, and the real controversy around the establishment of the national bank.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), as well as author of The Politics of Military Base Closings: Not in My District (Peter Lang Publishers, 2003).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www1.villanova.edu/villanova/artsci/psc/facstaff/biodetail.html?mail=eric.lomazoff@villanova.edu&amp;xsl=bio_long">Eric Lomazoff</a> has written a kind of detective novel about the national bank controversy during the early years of the new republic. Lomazoff poses, in the introduction, and at the start of each chapter, the general understanding that many scholars and citizens have about the bank controversy itself and the constitutional decision in <em>McCulloch vs. Maryland</em>. And Lomazoff notes that these contours are generally accurate but that they elide significant components of the controversy that is actually spread out over an extended period of time. Given this more extensive time frame, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022657945X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018) does exactly what the title promises, in compiling different aspects of our understanding of the controversy, and integrating key shifts in the political and economic landscape that also changed parts of the actual controversy itself. Lomazoff takes the reader through the general understanding of the National Bank controversy, untangling different threads of the argument and the changing political and economic dynamics in the United States. Because the bank controversy is often collapsed into the debate over either a strict or broad interpretation of the <em>Necessary and Proper</em> clause of the <em>Constitution</em>, many aspects of American political development are generally pushed into the background—these ignored or obscured aspects of the controversy are the focus of <em>Reconstructing the National Bank Controversy: Politics and Law in the Early American Republic</em>, and rightly so, since they trace a deeper and more complex understanding of changing monetary policy, banking regulation, and congressional and executive fiscal power in the new republic. This is an action-packed discussion of the general understanding of the early American Republic, and the real controversy around the establishment of the national bank.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012), <em>as well as author of</em> The Politics of Military Base Closings: Not in My District (Peter Lang Publishers, 2003).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2667</itunes:duration>
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    <item>
      <title>Lee Drutman, "Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America" (Oxford UP, 2020)</title>
      <description>There are quite a few authors writing about the problems facing American democracy and how best to solve those problems. Many of the problematic issues devolve to the question of representation – and how to shift or change the American political system so that it better represents the voters themselves and the plurality of perspectives and opinions across the country. Lee Drutman’s new book, Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America (Oxford UP, 2020) dives into both the problems with the current political dynamic and the possible solutions. As the title indicates, Drutman’s analysis investigates the current binary “doom loop” of two internally consistent parties, and the elected officials who rarely have to compromise within the Madisonian system set up to compel compromise. Drutman’s examination takes the reader through the historical shifts in terms of the parties themselves and American political development, and how Americans have come to find themselves in this “doom loop.” Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop also explores contemporary “toxic politics” and the existential threat that every election seems to pose for parties, partisans, those in elected office, and ultimately for the country itself and public policies. Ultimately, Drutman proposes a number of reforms that, without amending the Constitution, could, as he says, break this doom loop and open up opportunities for more actual representation. Following the examples of a number of cities in the U.S. and the state of Maine, Drutman posits that electoral reform, especially options like ranked choice voting, would shift the dynamic during campaigns, and would lead to coalition building and compromise by lawmakers and elected officials in office. The final section of Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America makes the case for how a multiparty system in the United States would work without amending the political institutions established by the Constitution. This is, ultimately, an optimistic book with a variety of proposals designed to untangle some of the persistent knots within the American political system.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>403</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Drutman dives into both the problems with the current political dynamic and the possible solutions...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There are quite a few authors writing about the problems facing American democracy and how best to solve those problems. Many of the problematic issues devolve to the question of representation – and how to shift or change the American political system so that it better represents the voters themselves and the plurality of perspectives and opinions across the country. Lee Drutman’s new book, Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America (Oxford UP, 2020) dives into both the problems with the current political dynamic and the possible solutions. As the title indicates, Drutman’s analysis investigates the current binary “doom loop” of two internally consistent parties, and the elected officials who rarely have to compromise within the Madisonian system set up to compel compromise. Drutman’s examination takes the reader through the historical shifts in terms of the parties themselves and American political development, and how Americans have come to find themselves in this “doom loop.” Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop also explores contemporary “toxic politics” and the existential threat that every election seems to pose for parties, partisans, those in elected office, and ultimately for the country itself and public policies. Ultimately, Drutman proposes a number of reforms that, without amending the Constitution, could, as he says, break this doom loop and open up opportunities for more actual representation. Following the examples of a number of cities in the U.S. and the state of Maine, Drutman posits that electoral reform, especially options like ranked choice voting, would shift the dynamic during campaigns, and would lead to coalition building and compromise by lawmakers and elected officials in office. The final section of Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America makes the case for how a multiparty system in the United States would work without amending the political institutions established by the Constitution. This is, ultimately, an optimistic book with a variety of proposals designed to untangle some of the persistent knots within the American political system.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There are quite a few authors writing about the problems facing American democracy and how best to solve those problems. Many of the problematic issues devolve to the question of representation – and how to shift or change the American political system so that it better represents the voters themselves and the plurality of perspectives and opinions across the country. <a href="https://www.newamerica.org/our-people/lee-drutman/">Lee Drutman</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190913851/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2020) dives into both the problems with the current political dynamic and the possible solutions. As the title indicates, Drutman’s analysis investigates the current binary “doom loop” of two internally consistent parties, and the elected officials who rarely have to compromise within the Madisonian system set up to compel compromise. Drutman’s examination takes the reader through the historical shifts in terms of the parties themselves and American political development, and how Americans have come to find themselves in this “doom loop.” <em>Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop</em> also explores contemporary “toxic politics” and the existential threat that every election seems to pose for parties, partisans, those in elected office, and ultimately for the country itself and public policies. Ultimately, Drutman proposes a number of reforms that, without amending the <em>Constitution</em>, could, as he says, break this doom loop and open up opportunities for more actual representation. Following the examples of a number of cities in the U.S. and the state of Maine, Drutman posits that electoral reform, especially options like ranked choice voting, would shift the dynamic during campaigns, and would lead to coalition building and compromise by lawmakers and elected officials in office. The final section of <em>Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop: The Case for Multiparty Democracy in America</em> makes the case for how a multiparty system in the United States would work without amending the political institutions established by the <em>Constitution</em>. This is, ultimately, an optimistic book with a variety of proposals designed to untangle some of the persistent knots within the American political system.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2356</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jay Wexler, "Our Non-Christian Nation" (Redwood Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Less and less Christian demographically, America is now home to an ever-larger number of people who say they identify with no religion at all. These non-Christians have increasingly been demanding their full participation in public life, bringing their arguments all the way to the Supreme Court. The law is on their side, but that doesn't mean that their attempts are not met with suspicion or outright hostility.
The book I’m looking at today is Our Non-Christian Nation: How Atheists, Satanists, Pagans, and Others Are Demanding Their Rightful Place in Public Life, by Jay Wexler. In it, he travels the country to engage the non-Christians who have called on us to maintain our ideals of inclusivity and diversity. With his characteristic sympathy and humor, he introduces us to the Summum and their Seven Aphorisms, a Wiccan priestess who would deck her City Hall with a pagan holiday wreath, and other determined champions of free religious expression. As Wexler reminds us, anyone who cares about pluralism, equality, and fairness should support a public square filled with a variety of religious and nonreligious voices. The stakes are nothing short of long-term social peace.
A Professor at Boston University School of Law, Jay Wexler is also a humorist, short story writer, and novelist. A one-time clerk to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and former lawyer at the US Department of Justice, he has written for National Geographic, The Boston Globe, McSweeney's Internet Tendency, Salon, and many other outlets. His non-fiction books include When God Isn't Green (2016) , The Odd Clauses (2011), and Holy Hullabaloos (2009). He joins me today, to talk about Our Non-Christian Nation.
Carrie Lynn Evans is a PhD student at Université Laval in Quebec City.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 11 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>40</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Less and less Christian demographically, America is now home to an ever-larger number of people who say they identify with no religion at all...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Less and less Christian demographically, America is now home to an ever-larger number of people who say they identify with no religion at all. These non-Christians have increasingly been demanding their full participation in public life, bringing their arguments all the way to the Supreme Court. The law is on their side, but that doesn't mean that their attempts are not met with suspicion or outright hostility.
The book I’m looking at today is Our Non-Christian Nation: How Atheists, Satanists, Pagans, and Others Are Demanding Their Rightful Place in Public Life, by Jay Wexler. In it, he travels the country to engage the non-Christians who have called on us to maintain our ideals of inclusivity and diversity. With his characteristic sympathy and humor, he introduces us to the Summum and their Seven Aphorisms, a Wiccan priestess who would deck her City Hall with a pagan holiday wreath, and other determined champions of free religious expression. As Wexler reminds us, anyone who cares about pluralism, equality, and fairness should support a public square filled with a variety of religious and nonreligious voices. The stakes are nothing short of long-term social peace.
A Professor at Boston University School of Law, Jay Wexler is also a humorist, short story writer, and novelist. A one-time clerk to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and former lawyer at the US Department of Justice, he has written for National Geographic, The Boston Globe, McSweeney's Internet Tendency, Salon, and many other outlets. His non-fiction books include When God Isn't Green (2016) , The Odd Clauses (2011), and Holy Hullabaloos (2009). He joins me today, to talk about Our Non-Christian Nation.
Carrie Lynn Evans is a PhD student at Université Laval in Quebec City.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Less and less Christian demographically, America is now home to an ever-larger number of people who say they identify with no religion at all. These non-Christians have increasingly been demanding their full participation in public life, bringing their arguments all the way to the Supreme Court. The law is on their side, but that doesn't mean that their attempts are not met with suspicion or outright hostility.</p><p>The book I’m looking at today is <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Our-Non-Christian-Nation-Satanists-Demanding/dp/0804798990/ref=sr_1_1?crid=FKJWQ911LX2C&amp;keywords=our+non+christian+nation&amp;qid=1579997408&amp;sprefix=our+christian+nation%2Caps%2C155&amp;sr=8-1"><em>Our Non-Christian Nation: How Atheists, Satanists, Pagans, and Others Are Demanding Their Rightful Place in Public Life</em></a>, by <a href="http://jaywex.com/wordpress/">Jay Wexler</a>. In it, he travels the country to engage the non-Christians who have called on us to maintain our ideals of inclusivity and diversity. With his characteristic sympathy and humor, he introduces us to the Summum and their Seven Aphorisms, a Wiccan priestess who would deck her City Hall with a pagan holiday wreath, and other determined champions of free religious expression. As Wexler reminds us, anyone who cares about pluralism, equality, and fairness should support a public square filled with a variety of religious and nonreligious voices. The stakes are nothing short of long-term social peace.</p><p>A Professor at Boston University School of Law, Jay Wexler is also a humorist, short story writer, and novelist. A one-time clerk to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and former lawyer at the US Department of Justice, he has written for <em>National Geographic</em>, <em>The Boston Globe</em>, <em>McSweeney's Internet Tendency</em>, <em>Salon</em>, and many other outlets. His non-fiction books include <em>When God Isn't Green</em> (2016) , <em>The Odd Clauses</em> (2011), and <em>Holy Hullabaloos</em> (2009). He joins me today, to talk about <em>Our Non-Christian Nation</em>.</p><p><a href="https://ulaval.academia.edu/CarrieLynnEvans"><em>Carrie Lynn Evans</em></a><em> is a PhD student at Université Laval in Quebec City.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3776</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Co-Authored: Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones on American Politics and Policy</title>
      <description>The Co-Authored podcast takes you behind the major academic collaborations in the study of politics. The first episode of the Co-Authored podcast focuses the multiple decade collaboration between Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones. This study initially focused on American politics and policy change, but it grew and grew to encompass new questions about information and new places stretched out across the world. Listen to the co-authors, collaborators, and former student share all the inside secrets.
The Co-Authored podcast is supported by the American Political Science Association Centennial Center and the New Books Network. It is written and produced by Heath Brown and edited by Sam Anderson.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>404</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Co-Authored podcast takes you behind the major academic collaborations in the study of politics.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Co-Authored podcast takes you behind the major academic collaborations in the study of politics. The first episode of the Co-Authored podcast focuses the multiple decade collaboration between Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones. This study initially focused on American politics and policy change, but it grew and grew to encompass new questions about information and new places stretched out across the world. Listen to the co-authors, collaborators, and former student share all the inside secrets.
The Co-Authored podcast is supported by the American Political Science Association Centennial Center and the New Books Network. It is written and produced by Heath Brown and edited by Sam Anderson.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Co-Authored podcast takes you behind the major academic collaborations in the study of politics. The first episode of the Co-Authored podcast focuses the multiple decade collaboration between <a href="https://fbaum.unc.edu/">Frank Baumgartner</a> and <a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/government/faculty/bj3276">Bryan Jones</a>. This study initially focused on American politics and policy change, but it grew and grew to encompass new questions about information and new places stretched out across the world. Listen to the co-authors, collaborators, and former student share all the inside secrets.</p><p>The Co-Authored podcast is supported by the <a href="https://connect.apsanet.org/centennialcenter/">American Political Science Association Centennial Center</a> and the New Books Network. It is written and produced by <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a> and edited by Sam Anderson.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2261</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Michael Bobelian, "Battle for the Marble Palace: Abe Fortas, Earl Warren, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and the Forging of the Modern Supreme Court" (Schaffner, 2019)</title>
      <description>Michael Bobelian has written a history of the nomination of Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court in 1968. In Battle for the Marble Palace: Abe Fortas, Earl Warren, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and the Forging of the Modern Supreme Court (Schaffner, 2019), he reminds us of the intense political battle over Lyndon Johnson’s legacy nomination of then-associate justice Abe Fortas to the chief justiceship. Bobelian’s account, relying upon a wealth of archival materials, including primary sources from presidential libraries, Senate hearings, and interviews, recreates the political world of Washington, D.C. in the 1960s, during the height of the Warren Court’s influence. Bobelian assesses the motives for various actors, such as segregationist Strom Thurmond, moderate Robert Griffin, and liberals Abe Fortas and Earl Warren, in their roles in the nomination process. He makes the argument that the politicization of the nomination process did not begin with Robert Bork’s nomination in 1987, but truly began with the nomination of Fortas. Bobelian also considers the political and popular responses to the then-novel consistently activist Warren Court and how the Fortas nomination and the opposition to it were motivated by combinations of jurisprudential ideology, institutional prerogatives, and the dynamics of personal relationships.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 05 Feb 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>78</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Bobelian reminds us of the intense political battle over Lyndon Johnson’s legacy nomination of then-associate justice Abe Fortas to the chief justiceship.,,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael Bobelian has written a history of the nomination of Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court in 1968. In Battle for the Marble Palace: Abe Fortas, Earl Warren, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and the Forging of the Modern Supreme Court (Schaffner, 2019), he reminds us of the intense political battle over Lyndon Johnson’s legacy nomination of then-associate justice Abe Fortas to the chief justiceship. Bobelian’s account, relying upon a wealth of archival materials, including primary sources from presidential libraries, Senate hearings, and interviews, recreates the political world of Washington, D.C. in the 1960s, during the height of the Warren Court’s influence. Bobelian assesses the motives for various actors, such as segregationist Strom Thurmond, moderate Robert Griffin, and liberals Abe Fortas and Earl Warren, in their roles in the nomination process. He makes the argument that the politicization of the nomination process did not begin with Robert Bork’s nomination in 1987, but truly began with the nomination of Fortas. Bobelian also considers the political and popular responses to the then-novel consistently activist Warren Court and how the Fortas nomination and the opposition to it were motivated by combinations of jurisprudential ideology, institutional prerogatives, and the dynamics of personal relationships.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.michaelbobelian.com">Michael Bobelian</a> has written a history of the nomination of Abe Fortas to be Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court in 1968. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1943156662/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Battle for the Marble Palace: Abe Fortas, Earl Warren, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon and the Forging of the Modern Supreme Court</em></a> (Schaffner, 2019), he reminds us of the intense political battle over Lyndon Johnson’s legacy nomination of then-associate justice Abe Fortas to the chief justiceship. Bobelian’s account, relying upon a wealth of archival materials, including primary sources from presidential libraries, Senate hearings, and interviews, recreates the political world of Washington, D.C. in the 1960s, during the height of the Warren Court’s influence. Bobelian assesses the motives for various actors, such as segregationist Strom Thurmond, moderate Robert Griffin, and liberals Abe Fortas and Earl Warren, in their roles in the nomination process. He makes the argument that the politicization of the nomination process did not begin with Robert Bork’s nomination in 1987, but truly began with the nomination of Fortas. Bobelian also considers the political and popular responses to the then-novel consistently activist Warren Court and how the Fortas nomination and the opposition to it were motivated by combinations of jurisprudential ideology, institutional prerogatives, and the dynamics of personal relationships.</p><p><a href="https://www.montclair.edu/profilepages/view_profile.php?username=drakei"><em>Ian J. Drake</em></a><em> is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3539</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel Denvir, "All-American Nativism: How the Bipartisan War on Immigrants Explains Politics as We Know It" (Verso, 2020)</title>
      <description>It is often said that with the election of Donald Trump nativism was raised from the dead. After all, here was a president who organized his campaign around a rhetoric of unvarnished racism and xenophobia. Among his first acts on taking office was to issue an executive order blocking Muslim immigrants from entering the United States. But although his actions may often seem unprecedented, they are not as unusual as many people believe. This story doesn’t begin with Trump. For decades, Republicans and Democrats alike have employed xenophobic ideas and policies, declaring time and again that “illegal immigration” is a threat to the nation’s security, wellbeing, and future.
The profound forces of all-American nativism have, in fact, been pushing politics so far to the right over the last forty years that, for many people, Trump began to look reasonable. As Daniel Denvir argues, issues as diverse as austerity economics, free trade, mass incarceration, the drug war, the contours of the post 9/11 security state, and, yes, Donald Trump and the Alt-Right movement are united by the ideology of nativism, which binds together assorted anxieties and concerns into a ruthless political project.
All-American Nativism: How the Bipartisan War on Immigrants Explains Politics as We Know It (Verso, 2020) provides a powerful and impressively researched account of the long but often forgotten history that gave us Donald Trump. Join us to hear Daniel Denvir lay out the grim history and current state of US immigration politics and policy.
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>84</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The profound forces of all-American nativism have, in fact, been pushing politics so far to the right over the last forty years that, for many people,..</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It is often said that with the election of Donald Trump nativism was raised from the dead. After all, here was a president who organized his campaign around a rhetoric of unvarnished racism and xenophobia. Among his first acts on taking office was to issue an executive order blocking Muslim immigrants from entering the United States. But although his actions may often seem unprecedented, they are not as unusual as many people believe. This story doesn’t begin with Trump. For decades, Republicans and Democrats alike have employed xenophobic ideas and policies, declaring time and again that “illegal immigration” is a threat to the nation’s security, wellbeing, and future.
The profound forces of all-American nativism have, in fact, been pushing politics so far to the right over the last forty years that, for many people, Trump began to look reasonable. As Daniel Denvir argues, issues as diverse as austerity economics, free trade, mass incarceration, the drug war, the contours of the post 9/11 security state, and, yes, Donald Trump and the Alt-Right movement are united by the ideology of nativism, which binds together assorted anxieties and concerns into a ruthless political project.
All-American Nativism: How the Bipartisan War on Immigrants Explains Politics as We Know It (Verso, 2020) provides a powerful and impressively researched account of the long but often forgotten history that gave us Donald Trump. Join us to hear Daniel Denvir lay out the grim history and current state of US immigration politics and policy.
Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It is often said that with the election of Donald Trump nativism was raised from the dead. After all, here was a president who organized his campaign around a rhetoric of unvarnished racism and xenophobia. Among his first acts on taking office was to issue an executive order blocking Muslim immigrants from entering the United States. But although his actions may often seem unprecedented, they are not as unusual as many people believe. This story doesn’t begin with Trump. For decades, Republicans and Democrats alike have employed xenophobic ideas and policies, declaring time and again that “illegal immigration” is a threat to the nation’s security, wellbeing, and future.</p><p>The profound forces of all-American nativism have, in fact, been pushing politics so far to the right over the last forty years that, for many people, Trump began to look reasonable. As <a href="https://www.danieldenvir.com/about-daniel-denvir">Daniel Denvir</a> argues, issues as diverse as austerity economics, free trade, mass incarceration, the drug war, the contours of the post 9/11 security state, and, yes, Donald Trump and the Alt-Right movement are united by the ideology of nativism, which binds together assorted anxieties and concerns into a ruthless political project.</p><p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1786637138/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>All-American Nativism: How the Bipartisan War on Immigrants Explains Politics as We Know It</em></a><em> </em>(Verso, 2020) provides a powerful and impressively researched account of the long but often forgotten history that gave us Donald Trump. Join us to hear Daniel Denvir lay out the grim history and current state of US immigration politics and policy.</p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/"><em>Stephen Pimpare</em></a><em> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of </em>The New Victorians<em> (New Press, 2004), </em>A People’s History of Poverty in America<em> (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and </em>Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen<em> (Oxford, 2017).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2400</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[30bd8e46-c0ac-11ec-8d54-fbcdc5434856]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7553162368.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James M. Banner, Jr., "Presidential Misconduct: From George Washington to Today" (The New Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>What standard should be used to assess presidential misconduct during the Trump presidency? How should the public, press, Congress, and bureaucracy resist and punish executive misconduct? Presidential Misconduct: From George Washington to Today (The New Press, 2019) insists we must look back to look forward. The book provides a comprehensive study of American presidents' misconduct and their response to charges against them. The book provides a unique context by which to understand and evaluate the impeachment of Donald Trump.
The origins of the book are unique. During the 1974 Nixon impeachment hearings, committee leaders ask a group of historians to catalogue presidential misconduct – in 8 weeks. This updated edition provides case studies through the presidency of Barack Obama as well as an excellent introduction by James M. Banner, Jr. (one of the original authors of the 1974 study who also provides chapters on Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe). Jeremi Suri’s analysis of Ronald Reagan’s presidency (EPA, HUD, illegal lobbying, Pentagon bribes and kickbacks, Savings and Loan, Iran-Contra) concludes that Reagan’s personal integrity contrasts with the managerial negligence and deregulation that “encouraged corruption and law-breaking.” Although Reagan did not profit personally, his penchant for deregulation and dislike of confrontation created an environment which made possible crimes committed by others. In her chapter on Bill Clinton, Kathryn Cramer Brownell highlights how changes in television and cable (the twenty-four hour news) impacted the presidency. Through an analysis of Travelgate, Whitewater, 1996 Campaign Finance Violations, and Monica Lewinsky, Brownell concludes that the “line between public and private life, as well as the public’s distinction between the two, disappeared during the Clinton administration.” During the podcast, Brownell expands on complex issues of gender and the separation of public and private.
The podcast concludes with thoughts on how a historical review of presidential misconduct informs our understanding of the impeachment of President Trump and the impact of public vigilance in American politics.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 22 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>397</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What standard should be used to assess presidential misconduct during the Trump presidency? </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What standard should be used to assess presidential misconduct during the Trump presidency? How should the public, press, Congress, and bureaucracy resist and punish executive misconduct? Presidential Misconduct: From George Washington to Today (The New Press, 2019) insists we must look back to look forward. The book provides a comprehensive study of American presidents' misconduct and their response to charges against them. The book provides a unique context by which to understand and evaluate the impeachment of Donald Trump.
The origins of the book are unique. During the 1974 Nixon impeachment hearings, committee leaders ask a group of historians to catalogue presidential misconduct – in 8 weeks. This updated edition provides case studies through the presidency of Barack Obama as well as an excellent introduction by James M. Banner, Jr. (one of the original authors of the 1974 study who also provides chapters on Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe). Jeremi Suri’s analysis of Ronald Reagan’s presidency (EPA, HUD, illegal lobbying, Pentagon bribes and kickbacks, Savings and Loan, Iran-Contra) concludes that Reagan’s personal integrity contrasts with the managerial negligence and deregulation that “encouraged corruption and law-breaking.” Although Reagan did not profit personally, his penchant for deregulation and dislike of confrontation created an environment which made possible crimes committed by others. In her chapter on Bill Clinton, Kathryn Cramer Brownell highlights how changes in television and cable (the twenty-four hour news) impacted the presidency. Through an analysis of Travelgate, Whitewater, 1996 Campaign Finance Violations, and Monica Lewinsky, Brownell concludes that the “line between public and private life, as well as the public’s distinction between the two, disappeared during the Clinton administration.” During the podcast, Brownell expands on complex issues of gender and the separation of public and private.
The podcast concludes with thoughts on how a historical review of presidential misconduct informs our understanding of the impeachment of President Trump and the impact of public vigilance in American politics.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What standard should be used to assess presidential misconduct during the Trump presidency? How should the public, press, Congress, and bureaucracy resist and punish executive misconduct? <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1620975491/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Presidential Misconduct: From George Washington to Today</em></a> (The New Press, 2019) insists we must look back to look forward. The book provides a comprehensive study of American presidents' misconduct and their response to charges against them. The book provides a unique context by which to understand and evaluate the impeachment of Donald Trump.</p><p>The origins of the book are unique. During the 1974 Nixon impeachment hearings, committee leaders ask a group of historians to catalogue presidential misconduct – in 8 weeks. This updated edition provides case studies through the presidency of Barack Obama as well as an excellent introduction by <a href="https://history.columbian.gwu.edu/james-m-banner-jr">James M. Banner, Jr.</a> (one of the original authors of the 1974 study who also provides chapters on Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe). <a href="https://lbj.utexas.edu/suri-jeremi">Jeremi Suri</a>’s analysis of Ronald Reagan’s presidency (EPA, HUD, illegal lobbying, Pentagon bribes and kickbacks, Savings and Loan, Iran-Contra) concludes that Reagan’s personal integrity contrasts with the managerial negligence and deregulation that “encouraged corruption and law-breaking.” Although Reagan did not profit personally, his penchant for deregulation and dislike of confrontation created an environment which made possible crimes committed by others. In her chapter on Bill Clinton, <a href="http://kathryncramerbrownell.com/">Kathryn Cramer Brownell</a> highlights how changes in television and cable (the twenty-four hour news) impacted the presidency. Through an analysis of Travelgate, Whitewater, 1996 Campaign Finance Violations, and Monica Lewinsky, Brownell concludes that the “line between public and private life, as well as the public’s distinction between the two, disappeared during the Clinton administration.” During the podcast, Brownell expands on complex issues of gender and the separation of public and private.</p><p>The podcast concludes with thoughts on how a historical review of presidential misconduct informs our understanding of the impeachment of President Trump and the impact of public vigilance in American politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell"><em>Susan Liebell</em></a><em> is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[44a39ae2-c01e-11ec-81d3-2f606179d786]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1075843259.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jane H. Hong, "Gates to Asia: A Transpacific History of How America Repealed Asian Exclusion" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Over the course of less than a century, the U.S. transformed from a nation that excluded Asians from immigration and citizenship to one that receives more immigrants from Asia than from anywhere else in the world. Yet questions of how that dramatic shift took place have long gone unanswered. In Gates to Asia: A Transpacific History of How America Repealed Asian Exclusion (University of North Carolina Press, 2019), Jane H. Hong unearths the transpacific movement that successfully ended restrictions on Asian immigration.
The mid-twentieth century repeal of Asian exclusion, Hong shows, was part of the price of America's postwar empire in Asia. The demands of U.S. empire-building during an era of decolonization created new opportunities for advocates from both the U.S. and Asia to lobby U.S. Congress for repeal. Drawing from sources in the United States, India, and the Philippines, Opening the Gates to Asia charts a movement more than twenty years in the making. Positioning repeal at the intersection of U.S. civil rights struggles and Asian decolonization, Hong raises thorny questions about the meanings of nation, independence, and citizenship on the global stage.
This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press. Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Hong is an assistant professor of history at Occidental College where she specializes in 20th-century U.S. immigration and engagement with the world, with a focus on Asia.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>77</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Over the course of less than a century, the U.S. transformed from a nation that excluded Asians from immigration and citizenship to one that receives more immigrants from Asia than from anywhere else in the world...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the course of less than a century, the U.S. transformed from a nation that excluded Asians from immigration and citizenship to one that receives more immigrants from Asia than from anywhere else in the world. Yet questions of how that dramatic shift took place have long gone unanswered. In Gates to Asia: A Transpacific History of How America Repealed Asian Exclusion (University of North Carolina Press, 2019), Jane H. Hong unearths the transpacific movement that successfully ended restrictions on Asian immigration.
The mid-twentieth century repeal of Asian exclusion, Hong shows, was part of the price of America's postwar empire in Asia. The demands of U.S. empire-building during an era of decolonization created new opportunities for advocates from both the U.S. and Asia to lobby U.S. Congress for repeal. Drawing from sources in the United States, India, and the Philippines, Opening the Gates to Asia charts a movement more than twenty years in the making. Positioning repeal at the intersection of U.S. civil rights struggles and Asian decolonization, Hong raises thorny questions about the meanings of nation, independence, and citizenship on the global stage.
This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press. Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Hong is an assistant professor of history at Occidental College where she specializes in 20th-century U.S. immigration and engagement with the world, with a focus on Asia.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the course of less than a century, the U.S. transformed from a nation that excluded Asians from immigration and citizenship to one that receives more immigrants from Asia than from anywhere else in the world. Yet questions of how that dramatic shift took place have long gone unanswered. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1469653362/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Gates to Asia: A Transpacific History of How America Repealed Asian Exclusion</em></a> (University of North Carolina Press, 2019), <a href="https://www.oxy.edu/academics/faculty/jane-hong">Jane H. Hong</a> unearths the transpacific movement that successfully ended restrictions on Asian immigration.</p><p>The mid-twentieth century repeal of Asian exclusion, Hong shows, was part of the price of America's postwar empire in Asia. The demands of U.S. empire-building during an era of decolonization created new opportunities for advocates from both the U.S. and Asia to lobby U.S. Congress for repeal. Drawing from sources in the United States, India, and the Philippines, Opening the Gates to Asia charts a movement more than twenty years in the making. Positioning repeal at the intersection of U.S. civil rights struggles and Asian decolonization, Hong raises thorny questions about the meanings of nation, independence, and citizenship on the global stage.</p><p>This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press. Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.</p><p>Hong is an assistant professor of history at Occidental College where she specializes in 20th-century U.S. immigration and engagement with the world, with a focus on Asia.</p><p><em>Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2746</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5f1599f8-c013-11ec-8e04-e79955318839]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4194348904.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Rachel Louise Moran, "Governing Bodies: American Politics and the Shaping of the Modern Physique" (U Penn Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>How did the modern, American body come into being? According to Rachel Louise Moran this is a story to be told through the lens of the advisory state. In her book, Governing Bodies: American Politics and the Shaping of the Modern Physique (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), she tracks the emergence of the American advisory state -- a key analytic introduced and developed by the author in this book -- and draws attention to polyvalence of bodies as both instruments and objects of public policy. Presenting a series of “body projects” which were pursued both formally and informally by the US federal state, Moran makes a case for the persistent political uses of physique throughout more than a century. In this manner, the author manages to tell a story not only of state expansion and citizenship, but also of gender roles, heteronormativity, standards of normality, and weight. This book, therefore, will be of great interest not only to US historians but also scholars interested in the medicalization of the body, gender and sexuality, childhood development, public health, and fat studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>106</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How did the modern, American body come into being?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did the modern, American body come into being? According to Rachel Louise Moran this is a story to be told through the lens of the advisory state. In her book, Governing Bodies: American Politics and the Shaping of the Modern Physique (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), she tracks the emergence of the American advisory state -- a key analytic introduced and developed by the author in this book -- and draws attention to polyvalence of bodies as both instruments and objects of public policy. Presenting a series of “body projects” which were pursued both formally and informally by the US federal state, Moran makes a case for the persistent political uses of physique throughout more than a century. In this manner, the author manages to tell a story not only of state expansion and citizenship, but also of gender roles, heteronormativity, standards of normality, and weight. This book, therefore, will be of great interest not only to US historians but also scholars interested in the medicalization of the body, gender and sexuality, childhood development, public health, and fat studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did the modern, American body come into being? According to <a href="http://history.unt.edu/people/rachel-louise-moran">Rachel Louise Moran</a> this is a story to be told through the lens of the advisory state. In her book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0812250192/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Governing Bodies: American Politics and the Shaping of the Modern Physique</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018)<em>, </em>she tracks the emergence of the American advisory state -- a key analytic introduced and developed by the author in this book -- and draws attention to polyvalence of bodies as both instruments and objects of public policy. Presenting a series of “body projects” which were pursued both formally and informally by the US federal state, Moran makes a case for the persistent political uses of physique throughout more than a century. In this manner, the author manages to tell a story not only of state expansion and citizenship, but also of gender roles, heteronormativity, standards of normality, and weight. This book, therefore, will be of great interest not only to US historians but also scholars interested in the medicalization of the body, gender and sexuality, childhood development, public health, and fat studies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3026</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[6cd852ae-c00b-11ec-8a35-2793ebf35fda]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9571200859.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Joseph Blocher and Darrell A.H. Miller, "The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller" (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Joseph Blocher and Darrell A.H. Miller insist that the Second Amendment is widely recognized but fundamentally misunderstood by the public and public officials. Misconceptions about what the amendment allows, forbids, and how it function as law distort American debates and public policy. Blocher and Miller provide a nuanced synthesis of politics, history, and legal arguments to recover a more balanced discourse – what they call a “positive” Second Amendment” – that accommodates both a right to bear arms and reasonable regulation.
Blocher and Miller begin with a puzzle. After the Sandy Hook shootings, 90% of the public and 74% of NRA members supported background checks for guns purchased at gun shows and online – yet the Manchin-Toomey Amendment failed in the Senate. The power of interest groups, Blocher and Miller insist, does not fully explain the disconnect between public opinion and policy. Examining the powerful constitutional rhetoric around what is “allowed” by the Second Amendment provides a fuller picture of the political and legal landscape. The book systematically works through the legal history of the amendment to demonstrate how extremists on both sides fail to understand the Second Amendment. Written in clear terms (such that it can be read by citizens, students, and scholars), The Positive Second Amendment provides accessible and balanced scholarship on a polarizing topic in politics and law.
The podcast concludes with thoughts on the firearms law case heard by the Supreme Court in December 2019.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University Carroll in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>396</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Blocher and Miller insist that the Second Amendment is widely recognized but fundamentally misunderstood by the public and public officials. Misconceptions about what the amendment allows, forbids, and how it function as law distort American debates and public policy.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Joseph Blocher and Darrell A.H. Miller insist that the Second Amendment is widely recognized but fundamentally misunderstood by the public and public officials. Misconceptions about what the amendment allows, forbids, and how it function as law distort American debates and public policy. Blocher and Miller provide a nuanced synthesis of politics, history, and legal arguments to recover a more balanced discourse – what they call a “positive” Second Amendment” – that accommodates both a right to bear arms and reasonable regulation.
Blocher and Miller begin with a puzzle. After the Sandy Hook shootings, 90% of the public and 74% of NRA members supported background checks for guns purchased at gun shows and online – yet the Manchin-Toomey Amendment failed in the Senate. The power of interest groups, Blocher and Miller insist, does not fully explain the disconnect between public opinion and policy. Examining the powerful constitutional rhetoric around what is “allowed” by the Second Amendment provides a fuller picture of the political and legal landscape. The book systematically works through the legal history of the amendment to demonstrate how extremists on both sides fail to understand the Second Amendment. Written in clear terms (such that it can be read by citizens, students, and scholars), The Positive Second Amendment provides accessible and balanced scholarship on a polarizing topic in politics and law.
The podcast concludes with thoughts on the firearms law case heard by the Supreme Court in December 2019.
Susan Liebell is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University Carroll in Philadelphia. She is the author of Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship (Routledge, 2013).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1316611280/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018), <a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/blocher/">Joseph Blocher</a> and <a href="https://law.duke.edu/fac/dmiller/">Darrell A.H. Miller</a> insist that the Second Amendment is widely recognized but fundamentally misunderstood by the public and public officials. Misconceptions about what the amendment allows, forbids, and how it function as law distort American debates and public policy. Blocher and Miller provide a nuanced synthesis of politics, history, and legal arguments to recover a more balanced discourse – what they call a “positive” Second Amendment” – that accommodates both a right to bear arms and reasonable regulation.</p><p>Blocher and Miller begin with a puzzle. After the Sandy Hook shootings, 90% of the public and 74% of NRA members supported background checks for guns purchased at gun shows and online – yet the Manchin-Toomey Amendment failed in the Senate. The power of interest groups, Blocher and Miller insist, does not fully explain the disconnect between public opinion and policy. Examining the powerful constitutional rhetoric around what is “allowed” by the Second Amendment provides a fuller picture of the political and legal landscape. The book systematically works through the legal history of the amendment to demonstrate how extremists on both sides fail to understand the Second Amendment. Written in clear terms (such that it can be read by citizens, students, and scholars), <em>The Positive Second Amendment</em> provides accessible and balanced scholarship on a polarizing topic in politics and law.</p><p>The podcast concludes with thoughts on the firearms law case heard by the Supreme Court in December 2019.</p><p><a href="https://www.sju.edu/faculty/susan-liebell"><em>Susan Liebell</em></a><em> is associate professor of political science at Saint Joseph’s University Carroll in Philadelphia. She is the author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Intelligent-Design-Evolution-Citizenship/dp/0415897653">Democracy, Intelligent Design, and Evolution: Science for Citizenship</a><em> (Routledge, 2013).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2977</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lori Cox Han, "Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan" (UP of Kansas, 2019)</title>
      <description>Political Scientist and presidential expert Lori Cox Han has written an absorbing analysis of the many, many memos that Pat Buchanan wrote while working in Richard Nixon’s White House. Buchanan was in the Nixon White House from the very beginning until the very end, and many of his memos are now available to study at the official Richard M. Nixon Library &amp; Museum in Yorba Linda, California. Cox Han has had an interest in these memos and Buchanan’s particular role in the Nixon White House for quite some time, and this book fits into her long-standing research stream examining presidential administrations, especially their communications structures and strategies. As Cox Han notes, Buchanan had a unique position in the Nixon White House and this also helps to contextualize these many memos and Buchanan’s thinking while working for Nixon. In her analysis of these memos, Cox Han lays out the role that Buchanan played in the Nixon White House as a strategic thinker in terms of the shifting political dimensions, especially in the Republican Party at the time and the growing conservative movement. Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan (UP of Kansas, 2019) brings together over a hundred of Buchanan’s memos, either written directly to President Nixon or to other close advisors to the president. These memos, chronologically arranged and annotated by Cox Han, provide readers and scholars with insight into not only the president himself, but the structure and processes of the Nixon Administration, from the campaign trail in 1968 through the last days of his presidency as Richard Nixon resigned amidst the Watergate scandal.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 09 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>395</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Cox Han lays out the role that Buchanan played in the Nixon White House as a strategic thinker in terms of the shifting political dimensions, especially in the Republican Party at the time and the growing conservative movement...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political Scientist and presidential expert Lori Cox Han has written an absorbing analysis of the many, many memos that Pat Buchanan wrote while working in Richard Nixon’s White House. Buchanan was in the Nixon White House from the very beginning until the very end, and many of his memos are now available to study at the official Richard M. Nixon Library &amp; Museum in Yorba Linda, California. Cox Han has had an interest in these memos and Buchanan’s particular role in the Nixon White House for quite some time, and this book fits into her long-standing research stream examining presidential administrations, especially their communications structures and strategies. As Cox Han notes, Buchanan had a unique position in the Nixon White House and this also helps to contextualize these many memos and Buchanan’s thinking while working for Nixon. In her analysis of these memos, Cox Han lays out the role that Buchanan played in the Nixon White House as a strategic thinker in terms of the shifting political dimensions, especially in the Republican Party at the time and the growing conservative movement. Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan (UP of Kansas, 2019) brings together over a hundred of Buchanan’s memos, either written directly to President Nixon or to other close advisors to the president. These memos, chronologically arranged and annotated by Cox Han, provide readers and scholars with insight into not only the president himself, but the structure and processes of the Nixon Administration, from the campaign trail in 1968 through the last days of his presidency as Richard Nixon resigned amidst the Watergate scandal.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political Scientist and presidential expert <a href="https://www.chapman.edu/our-faculty/lori-cox-han">Lori Cox Han</a> has written an absorbing analysis of the many, many memos that Pat Buchanan wrote while working in Richard Nixon’s White House. Buchanan was in the Nixon White House from the very beginning until the very end, and many of his memos are now available to study at the official Richard M. Nixon Library &amp; Museum in Yorba Linda, California. Cox Han has had an interest in these memos and Buchanan’s particular role in the Nixon White House for quite some time, and this book fits into her long-standing research stream examining presidential administrations, especially their communications structures and strategies. As Cox Han notes, Buchanan had a unique position in the Nixon White House and this also helps to contextualize these many memos and Buchanan’s thinking while working for Nixon. In her analysis of these memos, Cox Han lays out the role that Buchanan played in the Nixon White House as a strategic thinker in terms of the shifting political dimensions, especially in the Republican Party at the time and the growing conservative movement. <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700628290/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Advising Nixon: The White House Memos of Patrick J. Buchanan</em></a> (UP of Kansas, 2019) brings together over a hundred of Buchanan’s memos, either written directly to President Nixon or to other close advisors to the president. These memos, chronologically arranged and annotated by Cox Han, provide readers and scholars with insight into not only the president himself, but the structure and processes of the Nixon Administration, from the campaign trail in 1968 through the last days of his presidency as Richard Nixon resigned amidst the Watergate scandal.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning </em><a href="https://www.kentuckypress.com/9780813141015/women-and-the-white-house/">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2030</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>David Frum, "Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic" (Harper, 2018)</title>
      <description>Around the McCourtney Institute, we like to say that we’re “partisans for democracy.” We can think of few people who better embody that notion today than David Frum. He was among the first people to talk about the Trump administration’s impact on democracy and remains one of the loudest voices defending democratic norms in the United States. David is a longtime contributor to The Atlantic and author of Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic (Harper, 2018)
In many ways, this conversation speaks to the very idea of this podcast. Democracy, no matter where it’s happening in the world, is most successful when people come together to build something greater than the sum of its parts. As you’ll hear, David is a strong advocate for joining organizations that require deliberation and working with people who might hold different political beliefs than you do — in person and away from social media.
The gradual shift away from those habits of democracy is one of the things that paved the way for the Trumpocracy that David writes about in his book. Rebuilding those habits, he says, is part of the cure for what ails democracy and must happen in tandem with voting to restore faith in democratic institutions and reduce polarization.
Democracy Works is created by the McCourtney Institute for Democracy at Penn State and recorded at WPSU Penn State, central Pennsylvania’s NPR station.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jan 2020 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>62</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The gradual shift away from those habits of democracy is one of the things that paved the way for the Trumpocracy that David writes about in his book...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Around the McCourtney Institute, we like to say that we’re “partisans for democracy.” We can think of few people who better embody that notion today than David Frum. He was among the first people to talk about the Trump administration’s impact on democracy and remains one of the loudest voices defending democratic norms in the United States. David is a longtime contributor to The Atlantic and author of Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic (Harper, 2018)
In many ways, this conversation speaks to the very idea of this podcast. Democracy, no matter where it’s happening in the world, is most successful when people come together to build something greater than the sum of its parts. As you’ll hear, David is a strong advocate for joining organizations that require deliberation and working with people who might hold different political beliefs than you do — in person and away from social media.
The gradual shift away from those habits of democracy is one of the things that paved the way for the Trumpocracy that David writes about in his book. Rebuilding those habits, he says, is part of the cure for what ails democracy and must happen in tandem with voting to restore faith in democratic institutions and reduce polarization.
Democracy Works is created by the McCourtney Institute for Democracy at Penn State and recorded at WPSU Penn State, central Pennsylvania’s NPR station.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Around the McCourtney Institute, we like to say that we’re “partisans for democracy.” We can think of few people who better embody that notion today than <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Frum">David Frum</a>. He was among the first people to talk about the Trump administration’s impact on democracy and remains one of the loudest voices defending democratic norms in the United States. David is a longtime contributor to The Atlantic and author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0062796739/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic</em></a> (Harper, 2018)</p><p>In many ways, this conversation speaks to the very idea of this podcast. Democracy, no matter where it’s happening in the world, is most successful when people come together to build something greater than the sum of its parts. As you’ll hear, David is a strong advocate for joining organizations that require deliberation and working with people who might hold different political beliefs than you do — in person and away from social media.</p><p>The gradual shift away from those habits of democracy is one of the things that paved the way for the Trumpocracy that David writes about in his book. Rebuilding those habits, he says, is part of the cure for what ails democracy and must happen in tandem with voting to restore faith in democratic institutions and reduce polarization.</p><p><a href="https://www.democracyworkspodcast.com/"><em>Democracy Works</em></a><em> is created by the </em><a href="http://democracyinstitute.la.psu.edu/"><em>McCourtney Institute for Democracy</em></a><em> at Penn State and recorded at </em><a href="http://wpsu.org/"><em>WPSU Penn State</em></a><em>, central Pennsylvania’s NPR station.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2486</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7c68a504-c0a9-11ec-840b-2f566f86b2d2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4632996575.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Benjamin Francis-Fallon, "The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History" (Harvard UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” Benjamin Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History (Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic Latinidad was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 31 Dec 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>55</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” Benjamin Francis-Fallon historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History (Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic Latinidad was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While media pundits continually speculate over the future leanings of the so-called “Latino vote,” <a href="https://www.wcu.edu/learn/departments-schools-colleges/cas/humanities/history/history-faculty-and-staff/Benjamin-Francis-Fallon.aspx">Benjamin Francis-Fallon</a> historicizes how Latinos were imagined into a national electoral constituency in his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/067473744X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Rise of the Latino Vote: A History</em> </a>(Harvard University Press, 2019). Francis-Fallon, Assistant Professor of History at Western Carolina University, examines the rhetorical construction of a national voting bloc by politicians, parties, and a national network of Latino political elites. This interview explores some of the major themes in the book, including the essential role of Latino congressmen, the ideological struggles between Latino elected officials and radical activists, and the ongoing appeals to a panethnic Latino voting bloc from presidential campaigns. Of course Democratic Party politics is only half of the story, with the efforts of the Republican Party featuring prominently in the text as well. By discussing the parallel Latino engagement strategies of both parties, Francis-Fallon underscores the fact that the “rise of the Latino vote was a multiparty phenomenon.” Building upon existing studies that detail how panethnic <em>Latinidad </em>was constructed in the twentieth-century United States, Francis-Fallon adds national and presidential politics to the list of forces that continue to define what it means to be Latino.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3227</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher A. Preble, "Fuel to the Fire: How Trump made America’s Foreign Policy Even Worse" (Cato Institute, 2019)</title>
      <description>As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump broke not only from the Republican Party consensus but also from the bipartisan consensus on the direction of recent U.S. foreign policy. Calling the Iraq war a terrible mistake and lamenting America's nation building efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, President Trump has shown little interest in maintaining the traditional form of American leadership of the liberal international order. He has threatened to pull the United States out of NATO, complained that the United States was being taken advantage of by its trading partners, and argued that uncontrolled third-world immigration was a terrible mistake and indeed a threat to the American heartland. Instead, Trump's “America First” vision called for a reassertion of American nationalism on the economic front as well as in foreign affairs. In short, President Trump’s foreign policy is more akin to that of the pre-Franklin Delano Roosevelt America. Fuel to the Fire: How Trump made America’s Foreign Policy Even Worse (and How We Can Recover) (Cato Institute, 2019), co-authored by Christopher A. Preble, John Glaser, and A. Trevor Thrall, this book provides an assessment of Trump’s America First Doctrine, its performance to date and its implications for the future.
Since Trump took office, it has become clear that “America First” was more campaign slogan than coherent vision of American grand strategy and foreign policy. As president Trump has steered a course that has maintained some of the worst aspects of foreign policy of the Bush and Obama era – namely the pursuit of primacy if not hegemony and frequent military intervention abroad – while managing to make a new set of mistakes all his own.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Dec 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>46</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>President Trump has shown little interest in maintaining the traditional form of American leadership of the liberal international order...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump broke not only from the Republican Party consensus but also from the bipartisan consensus on the direction of recent U.S. foreign policy. Calling the Iraq war a terrible mistake and lamenting America's nation building efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, President Trump has shown little interest in maintaining the traditional form of American leadership of the liberal international order. He has threatened to pull the United States out of NATO, complained that the United States was being taken advantage of by its trading partners, and argued that uncontrolled third-world immigration was a terrible mistake and indeed a threat to the American heartland. Instead, Trump's “America First” vision called for a reassertion of American nationalism on the economic front as well as in foreign affairs. In short, President Trump’s foreign policy is more akin to that of the pre-Franklin Delano Roosevelt America. Fuel to the Fire: How Trump made America’s Foreign Policy Even Worse (and How We Can Recover) (Cato Institute, 2019), co-authored by Christopher A. Preble, John Glaser, and A. Trevor Thrall, this book provides an assessment of Trump’s America First Doctrine, its performance to date and its implications for the future.
Since Trump took office, it has become clear that “America First” was more campaign slogan than coherent vision of American grand strategy and foreign policy. As president Trump has steered a course that has maintained some of the worst aspects of foreign policy of the Bush and Obama era – namely the pursuit of primacy if not hegemony and frequent military intervention abroad – while managing to make a new set of mistakes all his own.
Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump broke not only from the Republican Party consensus but also from the bipartisan consensus on the direction of recent U.S. foreign policy. Calling the Iraq war a terrible mistake and lamenting America's nation building efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan, President Trump has shown little interest in maintaining the traditional form of American leadership of the liberal international order. He has threatened to pull the United States out of NATO, complained that the United States was being taken advantage of by its trading partners, and argued that uncontrolled third-world immigration was a terrible mistake and indeed a threat to the American heartland. Instead, Trump's “America First” vision called for a reassertion of American nationalism on the economic front as well as in foreign affairs. In short, President Trump’s foreign policy is more akin to that of the pre-Franklin Delano Roosevelt America. <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/194864746X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Fuel to the Fire: How Trump made America’s Foreign Policy Even Worse (and How We Can Recover)</em></a> (Cato Institute, 2019), co-authored by <a href="https://www.cato.org/people/christopher-preble">Christopher A. Preble</a>, <a href="https://www.cato.org/people/john-glaser">John Glaser</a>, and <a href="https://www.cato.org/people/trevor-thrall">A. Trevor Thrall</a>, this book provides an assessment of Trump’s America First Doctrine, its performance to date and its implications for the future.</p><p>Since Trump took office, it has become clear that “America First” was more campaign slogan than coherent vision of American grand strategy and foreign policy. As president Trump has steered a course that has maintained some of the worst aspects of foreign policy of the Bush and Obama era – namely the pursuit of primacy if not hegemony and frequent military intervention abroad – while managing to make a new set of mistakes all his own.</p><p><em>Charles Coutinho Ph. D. of the Royal Historical Society, received his doctorate from New York University. His area of specialization is 19th and 20th-century European, American diplomatic and political history. He has written recently for Chatham House’s International Affairs.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2887</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Matt Grossmann, "Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In his book Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Matt Grossmann examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.
Red State Blues provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. Red State Blues concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Dec 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>390</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Grossmann finds that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his book Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Matt Grossmann examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.
Red State Blues provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. Red State Blues concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108701752/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States </em></a>(Cambridge University Press, 2019), <a href="https://twitter.com/MattGrossmann?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Matt Grossmann</a> examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.</p><p><em>Red State Blues</em> provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. <em>Red State Blues</em> concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2101</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matt Grossmann, "Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In his book Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Matt Grossmann examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.
Red State Blues provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. Red State Blues concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Dec 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>390</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Grossmann finds that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his book Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Matt Grossmann examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.
Red State Blues provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. Red State Blues concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108701752/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Red State Blues: How the Conservative Revolution Stalled in the States </em></a>(Cambridge University Press, 2019), <a href="https://twitter.com/MattGrossmann?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor">Matt Grossmann</a> examines, first, the watershed event of Republican takeovers of governors’ offices and state houses over the past twenty or so years. He then, through a triangular model, explores what actually happened in terms of policy outcomes and directional changes based on this political shift. What Grossmann finds, which might be a bit surprising, is that, overall, the size of state governments was not reduced under conservative leadership. He also finds that state government spending was not substantially reduced either. Grossmann argues that the policy outcomes did not necessarily match the political rhetoric on which Republicans campaigned to achieve these statewide offices.</p><p><em>Red State Blues</em> provides a systematic examination of policies passed across statehouses during the course of the last twenty-five years and finds that there are some gains made in regard to passage of socially conservative policies, particularly around abortion and the deregulation of guns. Grossmann also observes that criminal justice reform, decriminalization and legalization of marijuana, and same-sex marriage have all seen state-level success in terms of liberalized policy outcomes. In some cases, there has been bi-partisan support for these more progressive policies even while the state house and governors’ mansions have been dominated by more conservative Republicans. <em>Red State Blues</em> concludes that even with substantial electoral successes, the conservative revolution to curtail the size, cost, and scope of state-level government has not necessarily brought the anticipated outcomes. The data and the analysis bolster this conclusion, noting that it is much more difficult to cut spending and fundamentally change the way that state-level government works.</p><p><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly J. Goren</em></a><em> is professor of political science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is co-editor of the award winning book, </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/gp/product/081314101X/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_bibl_vppi_i0">Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2101</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Michael Romano and Todd Curry, "Creating the Law: State Supreme Court Opinions and The Effect of Audiences" (Routledge, 2019)</title>
      <description>In Creating the Law: State Supreme Court Opinions and The Effect of Audiences (Routledge, 2019), Michael Romano and Todd Curry examine whether judges tailor their language in order to avoid retribution during their retention elections. Using an extensive dataset that includes the text of all death penalty and education decisions issued by state supreme courts from 1995–2010, Romano and Curry examine the connection between retention incentives and legal language choices. In doing so, they find that judges write with their audience in mind, and emphasize dueling strategies of justification and persuasion in order to appeal to diverse audiences that may be paying attention.
Michael Romano is an assistant professor of political science at Shenandoah University; Todd Curry is an associate professor of political science at the University of Texas, El Paso.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>383</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Romano and Curry examine whether judges tailor their language in order to avoid retribution during their retention elections...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Creating the Law: State Supreme Court Opinions and The Effect of Audiences (Routledge, 2019), Michael Romano and Todd Curry examine whether judges tailor their language in order to avoid retribution during their retention elections. Using an extensive dataset that includes the text of all death penalty and education decisions issued by state supreme courts from 1995–2010, Romano and Curry examine the connection between retention incentives and legal language choices. In doing so, they find that judges write with their audience in mind, and emphasize dueling strategies of justification and persuasion in order to appeal to diverse audiences that may be paying attention.
Michael Romano is an assistant professor of political science at Shenandoah University; Todd Curry is an associate professor of political science at the University of Texas, El Paso.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1138616842/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Creating the Law: State Supreme Court Opinions and The Effect of Audiences </em></a>(Routledge, 2019), <a href="https://www.su.edu/faculty-staff/faculty/michael-romano/">Michael Romano</a> and <a href="https://www.utep.edu/liberalarts/political-science/people/professors/dr-todd-curry.html">Todd Curry</a> examine whether judges tailor their language in order to avoid retribution during their retention elections. Using an extensive dataset that includes the text of all death penalty and education decisions issued by state supreme courts from 1995–2010, Romano and Curry examine the connection between retention incentives and legal language choices. In doing so, they find that judges write with their audience in mind, and emphasize dueling strategies of justification and persuasion in order to appeal to diverse audiences that may be paying attention.</p><p>Michael Romano is an assistant professor of political science at Shenandoah University; Todd Curry is an associate professor of political science at the University of Texas, El Paso.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1285</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Dana Fisher, "American Resistance: From the Women's March to the Blue Wave" (Columbia UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Dana Fisher has written a big new book on the movement to oppose Donald Trump, titled American Resistance: From the Women's March to the Blue Wave (Columbia University Press, 2019). American Resistance follows activists from the streets back to their congressional districts around the country. Fisher analyzes how Resistance groups turned anger into activism and electoral action. Beginning with the first Women’s March in 2017 and following the movement through the 2018 midterm Congressional elections, Fisher shows how the work the Resistance paid off in a wave of Democratic victories. She reveals the lessons for turning grassroots passion into electoral gains, and what comes next.
Fisher is professor of sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 14 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>384</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"American Resistance" follows activists from the streets back to their congressional districts around the country...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dana Fisher has written a big new book on the movement to oppose Donald Trump, titled American Resistance: From the Women's March to the Blue Wave (Columbia University Press, 2019). American Resistance follows activists from the streets back to their congressional districts around the country. Fisher analyzes how Resistance groups turned anger into activism and electoral action. Beginning with the first Women’s March in 2017 and following the movement through the 2018 midterm Congressional elections, Fisher shows how the work the Resistance paid off in a wave of Democratic victories. She reveals the lessons for turning grassroots passion into electoral gains, and what comes next.
Fisher is professor of sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.drfisher.umd.edu/">Dana Fisher</a> has written a big new book on the movement to oppose Donald Trump, titled <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0231187645/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>American Resistance: From the Women's March to the Blue Wave</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2019). <em>American Resistance</em> follows activists from the streets back to their congressional districts around the country. Fisher analyzes how Resistance groups turned anger into activism and electoral action. Beginning with the first Women’s March in 2017 and following the movement through the 2018 midterm Congressional elections, Fisher shows how the work the Resistance paid off in a wave of Democratic victories. She reveals the lessons for turning grassroots passion into electoral gains, and what comes next.</p><p>Fisher is professor of sociology at the University of Maryland, College Park.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1699</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[189724ee-c01b-11ec-bf1c-cb1f82962f6c]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9102793245.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William P. Hustwit, "Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with William P. Hustwit about his book Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, Integration Now explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.
Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that Alexander v. Holmes (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although Brown v. Board of Education has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. Alexander v. Holmes required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.
Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.
Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"Integration Now" explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with William P. Hustwit about his book Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, Integration Now explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.
Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that Alexander v. Holmes (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although Brown v. Board of Education has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. Alexander v. Holmes required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.
Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.
Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with <a href="https://www.bsc.edu/academics/faculty/hustwit-william.html">William P. Hustwit</a> about his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1469648555/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education</em></a> (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, <em>Integration Now </em>explores how studying the case <em>Alexander v. Holmes </em>(1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.</p><p>Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that <em>Alexander v. Holmes</em> (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em> has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. <em>Alexander v. Holmes</em> required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.</p><p>Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.</p><p>Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.</p><p><em>Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2707</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert Mann, "Becoming Ronald Reagan: The Rise of a Conservative Icon" (Potomac Book, 2019)</title>
      <description>Throughout much of his career as an actor in Hollywood, Ronald Reagan identified as a passionate New Deal Democrat, yet by the time he turned to a career in politics in the 1960s he was a conservative Republican. In Becoming Ronald Reagan: The Rise of a Conservative Icon (Potomac Books, 2019), Robert Mann charts the course of his transition and explores the factors behind it. Growing up in Illinois, Reagan adopted the politics of his father Jack, an Irish Democrat who administered welfare programs during the Great Depression. As an actor Reagan became known among his peers for his passion for politics, and he often campaigned for Democrats in national elections. As Mann explains, while Reagan’s time as president of the Screen Actors Guild was an important stage in his shift rightward, the key was his work in the 1950s as a spokesperson for General Electric. During his time with the famously conservative company, Reagan embraced their views and gradually crafted his presentation of them in speeches he gave throughout the country. It was a refined version of these speeches which he gave in a nationally televised address during the 1964 presidential campaign which launched his career in elected politics, one that culminated in his election to the highest office in the land less than two decades later.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>155</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Throughout much of his career as an actor in Hollywood, Ronald Reagan identified as a passionate New Deal Democrat...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Throughout much of his career as an actor in Hollywood, Ronald Reagan identified as a passionate New Deal Democrat, yet by the time he turned to a career in politics in the 1960s he was a conservative Republican. In Becoming Ronald Reagan: The Rise of a Conservative Icon (Potomac Books, 2019), Robert Mann charts the course of his transition and explores the factors behind it. Growing up in Illinois, Reagan adopted the politics of his father Jack, an Irish Democrat who administered welfare programs during the Great Depression. As an actor Reagan became known among his peers for his passion for politics, and he often campaigned for Democrats in national elections. As Mann explains, while Reagan’s time as president of the Screen Actors Guild was an important stage in his shift rightward, the key was his work in the 1950s as a spokesperson for General Electric. During his time with the famously conservative company, Reagan embraced their views and gradually crafted his presentation of them in speeches he gave throughout the country. It was a refined version of these speeches which he gave in a nationally televised address during the 1964 presidential campaign which launched his career in elected politics, one that culminated in his election to the highest office in the land less than two decades later.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Throughout much of his career as an actor in Hollywood, Ronald Reagan identified as a passionate New Deal Democrat, yet by the time he turned to a career in politics in the 1960s he was a conservative Republican. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1612349684/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Becoming Ronald Reagan: The Rise of a Conservative Icon</em></a> (Potomac Books, 2019), <a href="https://www.lsu.edu/manship/people/faculty-staff/mann.php">Robert Mann</a> charts the course of his transition and explores the factors behind it. Growing up in Illinois, Reagan adopted the politics of his father Jack, an Irish Democrat who administered welfare programs during the Great Depression. As an actor Reagan became known among his peers for his passion for politics, and he often campaigned for Democrats in national elections. As Mann explains, while Reagan’s time as president of the Screen Actors Guild was an important stage in his shift rightward, the key was his work in the 1950s as a spokesperson for General Electric. During his time with the famously conservative company, Reagan embraced their views and gradually crafted his presentation of them in speeches he gave throughout the country. It was a refined version of these speeches which he gave in a nationally televised address during the 1964 presidential campaign which launched his career in elected politics, one that culminated in his election to the highest office in the land less than two decades later.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3003</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[0e63a4d6-c00a-11ec-99ae-87b916dbc141]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>William P. Hustwit, "Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with William P. Hustwit about his book Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, Integration Now explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.
Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that Alexander v. Holmes (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although Brown v. Board of Education has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. Alexander v. Holmes required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.
Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.
Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>74</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"Integration Now" explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with William P. Hustwit about his book Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, Integration Now explores how studying the case Alexander v. Holmes (1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.
Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that Alexander v. Holmes (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although Brown v. Board of Education has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. Alexander v. Holmes required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.
Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.
Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.
Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of Talking Legal History, Siobhan talks with <a href="https://www.bsc.edu/academics/faculty/hustwit-william.html">William P. Hustwit</a> about his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1469648555/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Integration Now: Alexander v. Holmes and the End of Jim Crow Education</em></a> (UNC Press, 2019). Hustwit is the Associate Professor of History and Chair of the History Department at Birmingham-Southern College. Fifty years after the Supreme Court decision, <em>Integration Now </em>explores how studying the case <em>Alexander v. Holmes </em>(1969) enhances understandings of the history underlying school desegregation. This episode is part of a series featuring legal history works from UNC Press.</p><p>Recovering the history of an often-ignored landmark Supreme Court case, William P. Hustwit assesses the significant role that <em>Alexander v. Holmes</em> (1969) played in integrating the South’s public schools. Although <em>Brown v. Board of Education</em> has rightly received the lion’s share of historical analysis, its ambiguous language for implementation led to more than a decade of delays and resistance by local and state governments. <em>Alexander v. Holmes</em> required “integration now,” and less than a year later, thousands of children were attending integrated schools.</p><p>Hustwit traces the progression of the Alexander case to show how grassroots activists in Mississippi operated hand in glove with lawyers and judges involved in the litigation. By combining a narrative of the larger legal battle surrounding the case and the story of the local activists who pressed for change, Hustwit offers an innovative, well-researched account of a definitive legal decision that reaches from the cotton fields of Holmes County to the chambers of the Supreme Court in Washington.</p><p>Support for the production of this series was provided by the Versatile Humanists at Duke program.</p><p><em>Siobhan M. M. Barco, J.D. explores U.S. legal history at Duke University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2707</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Douglas R. Egerton, "Heirs of an Honored Name: The Decline of the Adams Family and the Rise of Modern America" (Basic Books, 2019)</title>
      <description>John and Abigail Adams founded a famous political family, but they would not witness its calamitous fall from grace. When John Quincy Adams died in 1848, so began the slow decline of the family’s political legacy. In Heirs of an Honored Name: The Decline of the Adams Family and the Rise of Modern America (Basic Books, 2019), Douglas R. Egerton, Professor of History at Le Moyne College, depicts a family grown famous, wealthy — and aimless. After the Civil War, Republicans looked to the Adamses to steer their party back to its radical 1850s roots. Instead, Charles Francis Sr. and his children — Charles Francis Jr., John Quincy II, Henry and Clover Adams, and Louisa Adams Kuhn — largely quit the political arena and found refuge in an imagined past of aristocratic preeminence. An absorbing story of brilliant siblings and family strain, Heirs of an Honored Name shows how the burden of impossible expectations shaped the Adamses and, through them, American history.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>651</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>John and Abigail Adams founded a famous political family, but they would not witness its calamitous fall from grace...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John and Abigail Adams founded a famous political family, but they would not witness its calamitous fall from grace. When John Quincy Adams died in 1848, so began the slow decline of the family’s political legacy. In Heirs of an Honored Name: The Decline of the Adams Family and the Rise of Modern America (Basic Books, 2019), Douglas R. Egerton, Professor of History at Le Moyne College, depicts a family grown famous, wealthy — and aimless. After the Civil War, Republicans looked to the Adamses to steer their party back to its radical 1850s roots. Instead, Charles Francis Sr. and his children — Charles Francis Jr., John Quincy II, Henry and Clover Adams, and Louisa Adams Kuhn — largely quit the political arena and found refuge in an imagined past of aristocratic preeminence. An absorbing story of brilliant siblings and family strain, Heirs of an Honored Name shows how the burden of impossible expectations shaped the Adamses and, through them, American history.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>John and Abigail Adams founded a famous political family, but they would not witness its calamitous fall from grace. When John Quincy Adams died in 1848, so began the slow decline of the family’s political legacy. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0465093884/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Heirs of an Honored Name: The Decline of the Adams Family and the Rise of Modern America</em></a><em> </em>(Basic Books, 2019), <a href="https://www.lemoyne.edu/Academics/Our-Faculty/History/Douglas-Egerton">Douglas R. Egerton</a>, Professor of History at Le Moyne College, depicts a family grown famous, wealthy — and aimless. After the Civil War, Republicans looked to the Adamses to steer their party back to its radical 1850s roots. Instead, Charles Francis Sr. and his children — Charles Francis Jr., John Quincy II, Henry and Clover Adams, and Louisa Adams Kuhn — largely quit the political arena and found refuge in an imagined past of aristocratic preeminence. An absorbing story of brilliant siblings and family strain, Heirs of an Honored Name shows how the burden of impossible expectations shaped the Adamses and, through them, American history.</p><p><em>Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>6167</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Bert A. Rockman and Andrew Rudalevige, "The Obama Legacy" (UP of Kansas, 2019)</title>
      <description>Presidency scholars Bert A. Rockman and Andrew Rudalevige have compiled an excellent array of authors and essays in their edited volume, The Obama Legacy (University Press of Kansas, 2019). This book, with twelve chapters that explore multiple dimensions of Barack Obama’s Administration, provides readers with substantial analysis of policy, partisanship, historical and political context in considering both the administration itself and the legacy of Obama’s administration.
This book is part of a series that has included retrospective evaluation and analysis of the presidencies of George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and now Barack Obama. While this series on individual presidential legacies was initially published by other presses, it now resides at the University Press of Kansas as part of the book series on presidential appraisals and legacies.
The Obama Legacy covers the domestic and foreign policy attempts, failures, and achievements in thoughtful chapters by Alyssa Julian, John D. Graham, and David Patrick Houghton, while also examining how Obama and his presidency contributed to shaping of the partisan landscape. Julia Azari’s chapter tracing the rise of even more acute partisanship and polarization and how the parties grappled with these dynamics is a key contribution to the presidential scholarship around party polarization. Each chapter of the book includes an assessment of partisanship and polarization because it is impossible to understand the Obama presidency and its legacy without this lens of analysis and interpretation. Alvin B. Tillery Jr. and Angela Gutierrez, Angela X. Ocampo, and Matt A. Barreto focus their respective chapters on Obama and his administration’s relationship with key demographic groups, particularly African Americans and Latino/Latina Americans. The book also pays specific attention to the Obama Administration’s relationship with the branches of government in chapters by Molly E. Reynolds, Sharice Thrower, and David A. Yalof. Rockman and Rudalevige have produced an accessible and important discussion of the Obama Administration, the impact of Obama’s two terms in the White House, and the historical context in which to consider Obama’s legacy as president.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Nov 2019 09:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>381</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"The Obama Legacy" covers the domestic and foreign policy attempts, failures, and achievements... </itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Presidency scholars Bert A. Rockman and Andrew Rudalevige have compiled an excellent array of authors and essays in their edited volume, The Obama Legacy (University Press of Kansas, 2019). This book, with twelve chapters that explore multiple dimensions of Barack Obama’s Administration, provides readers with substantial analysis of policy, partisanship, historical and political context in considering both the administration itself and the legacy of Obama’s administration.
This book is part of a series that has included retrospective evaluation and analysis of the presidencies of George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and now Barack Obama. While this series on individual presidential legacies was initially published by other presses, it now resides at the University Press of Kansas as part of the book series on presidential appraisals and legacies.
The Obama Legacy covers the domestic and foreign policy attempts, failures, and achievements in thoughtful chapters by Alyssa Julian, John D. Graham, and David Patrick Houghton, while also examining how Obama and his presidency contributed to shaping of the partisan landscape. Julia Azari’s chapter tracing the rise of even more acute partisanship and polarization and how the parties grappled with these dynamics is a key contribution to the presidential scholarship around party polarization. Each chapter of the book includes an assessment of partisanship and polarization because it is impossible to understand the Obama presidency and its legacy without this lens of analysis and interpretation. Alvin B. Tillery Jr. and Angela Gutierrez, Angela X. Ocampo, and Matt A. Barreto focus their respective chapters on Obama and his administration’s relationship with key demographic groups, particularly African Americans and Latino/Latina Americans. The book also pays specific attention to the Obama Administration’s relationship with the branches of government in chapters by Molly E. Reynolds, Sharice Thrower, and David A. Yalof. Rockman and Rudalevige have produced an accessible and important discussion of the Obama Administration, the impact of Obama’s two terms in the White House, and the historical context in which to consider Obama’s legacy as president.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Presidency scholars <a href="https://cla.purdue.edu/directory/profiles/bert-rockman.html">Bert A. Rockman</a> and <a href="https://www.bowdoin.edu/profiles/faculty/arudalev/">Andrew Rudalevige</a> have compiled an excellent array of authors and essays in their edited volume, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700627901/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Obama Legacy</em></a> (University Press of Kansas, 2019). This book, with twelve chapters that explore multiple dimensions of Barack Obama’s Administration, provides readers with substantial analysis of policy, partisanship, historical and political context in considering both the administration itself and the legacy of Obama’s administration.</p><p>This book is part of a series that has included retrospective evaluation and analysis of the presidencies of George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and now Barack Obama. While this series on individual presidential legacies was initially published by other presses, it now resides at the University Press of Kansas as part of the book series on presidential appraisals and legacies.</p><p><em>The Obama Legacy</em> covers the domestic and foreign policy attempts, failures, and achievements in thoughtful chapters by Alyssa Julian, John D. Graham, and David Patrick Houghton, while also examining how Obama and his presidency contributed to shaping of the partisan landscape. Julia Azari’s chapter tracing the rise of even more acute partisanship and polarization and how the parties grappled with these dynamics is a key contribution to the presidential scholarship around party polarization. Each chapter of the book includes an assessment of partisanship and polarization because it is impossible to understand the Obama presidency and its legacy without this lens of analysis and interpretation. Alvin B. Tillery Jr. and Angela Gutierrez, Angela X. Ocampo, and Matt A. Barreto focus their respective chapters on Obama and his administration’s relationship with key demographic groups, particularly African Americans and Latino/Latina Americans. The book also pays specific attention to the Obama Administration’s relationship with the branches of government in chapters by Molly E. Reynolds, Sharice Thrower, and David A. Yalof. Rockman and Rudalevige have produced an accessible and important discussion of the Obama Administration, the impact of Obama’s two terms in the White House, and the historical context in which to consider Obama’s legacy as president.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning </em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2738</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Zoltan Hajnal, "Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In his new book Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Zoltan Hajnal examines the political impact of the two most significant demographic trends of last fifty years. Examining federal and local elections over many decades, as well as policy, Hajnal finds that race more than class or any other demographic factor shapes not only how Americans vote but also who wins and who loses. America has become a racial democracy, with non-Whites and especially African Americans regularly on the losing side. As worrisome, Hajnal shows that over time these divisions are worsening, yet also discovers that electing Democrats to office can make democracy more even and ultimately reduce inequality in well-being.
Hajnal is professor of political science at UC-San Diego.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>380</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Hajnal finds that race more than class or any other demographic factor shapes not only how Americans vote but also who wins and who loses...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2019), Zoltan Hajnal examines the political impact of the two most significant demographic trends of last fifty years. Examining federal and local elections over many decades, as well as policy, Hajnal finds that race more than class or any other demographic factor shapes not only how Americans vote but also who wins and who loses. America has become a racial democracy, with non-Whites and especially African Americans regularly on the losing side. As worrisome, Hajnal shows that over time these divisions are worsening, yet also discovers that electing Democrats to office can make democracy more even and ultimately reduce inequality in well-being.
Hajnal is professor of political science at UC-San Diego.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108719724/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Dangerously Divided: How Race and Class Shape Winning and Losing in American Politics</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2019), <a href="https://gps.ucsd.edu/faculty-directory/zoltan-hajnal.html">Zoltan Hajnal</a> examines the political impact of the two most significant demographic trends of last fifty years. Examining federal and local elections over many decades, as well as policy, Hajnal finds that race more than class or any other demographic factor shapes not only how Americans vote but also who wins and who loses. America has become a racial democracy, with non-Whites and especially African Americans regularly on the losing side. As worrisome, Hajnal shows that over time these divisions are worsening, yet also discovers that electing Democrats to office can make democracy more even and ultimately reduce inequality in well-being.</p><p>Hajnal is professor of political science at UC-San Diego.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1369</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Samuel Goldman, "God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America" (U Penn Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Samuel Goldman, who teaches political science at George Washington University, Washington DC, has written a powerfully impressive new book on the long history of the political theology that he describes as “Christian Zionism.” God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America takes some very unexpected routes through a subject that, in some respects, is well-known. Beginning his account with English puritans in the early seventeenth century, and tracing the impact of their expectation of the future restoration of Jewish people to the Promised Land, he shows how this discourse became increasingly and then distinctively American, and until some new religious movements, such as the Mormons, came to imagine the new world as itself the location within which end-times prophecies would be fulfilled. Only since the 1980s has the term “Christian Zionism” entered the political lexicon as a neologism that obscures as much as it reveals about the agendas of those it is used to describe. God’s Country is an expansive, often surprising and always insightful account of a political theology that continues to resonate in discussions of modern American politics and foreign policy.
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of John Owen and English Puritanism (Oxford University Press, 2016).
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      <pubDate>Mon, 28 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>81</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Goldman has written a powerfully impressive new book on the long history of the political theology that he describes as “Christian Zionism"...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Samuel Goldman, who teaches political science at George Washington University, Washington DC, has written a powerfully impressive new book on the long history of the political theology that he describes as “Christian Zionism.” God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America takes some very unexpected routes through a subject that, in some respects, is well-known. Beginning his account with English puritans in the early seventeenth century, and tracing the impact of their expectation of the future restoration of Jewish people to the Promised Land, he shows how this discourse became increasingly and then distinctively American, and until some new religious movements, such as the Mormons, came to imagine the new world as itself the location within which end-times prophecies would be fulfilled. Only since the 1980s has the term “Christian Zionism” entered the political lexicon as a neologism that obscures as much as it reveals about the agendas of those it is used to describe. God’s Country is an expansive, often surprising and always insightful account of a political theology that continues to resonate in discussions of modern American politics and foreign policy.
Crawford Gribben is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of John Owen and English Puritanism (Oxford University Press, 2016).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://politicalscience.columbian.gwu.edu/samuel-goldman">Samuel Goldman</a>, who teaches political science at George Washington University, Washington DC, has written a powerfully impressive new book on the long history of the political theology that he describes as “Christian Zionism.” <a href="https://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/15764.html"><em>God’s Country: Christian Zionism in America</em></a> takes some very unexpected routes through a subject that, in some respects, is well-known. Beginning his account with English puritans in the early seventeenth century, and tracing the impact of their expectation of the future restoration of Jewish people to the Promised Land, he shows how this discourse became increasingly and then distinctively American, and until some new religious movements, such as the Mormons, came to imagine the new world as itself the location within which end-times prophecies would be fulfilled. Only since the 1980s has the term “Christian Zionism” entered the political lexicon as a neologism that obscures as much as it reveals about the agendas of those it is used to describe. <em>God’s Country</em> is an expansive, often surprising and always insightful account of a political theology that continues to resonate in discussions of modern American politics and foreign policy.</p><p><a href="https://pure.qub.ac.uk/portal/en/persons/crawford-gribben(9c12859e-6933-4880-b397-d8e6382b0052).html"><em>Crawford Gribben</em></a><em> is a professor of history at Queen’s University Belfast. His research interests focus on the history of puritanism and evangelicalism, and he is the author most recently of </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/john-owen-and-english-puritanism-9780199798155?cc=gb&amp;lang=en&amp;"><em>John Owen and English Puritanism</em></a><em> (Oxford University Press, 2016).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1897</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Marc Dollinger, "Black Power, Jewish Politics: Reinventing the Alliance in the 1960s" (Brandeis UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In Black Power, Jewish Politics: Reinventing the Alliance in the 1960s (Brandeis University Press, 2018), Professor Marc Dollinger who holds the Richard and Rhoda Goldman Chair in Jewish Studies and Social Responsibility at San Francisco State University, challenges widely held beliefs about the black-Jewish alliance in American politics. Dollinger shows how black nationalists enabled Jewish activists to devise a new Judeo-centered political agenda - including the emancipation of Soviet Jews, the rise of Jewish day schools, the revitalization of worship services with gender-inclusive liturgy, and the birth of a new form of American Zionism. This book breaks new ground and charts new directions for understanding the relationship between black and Jewish politics in the twentieth century and beyond.
Dr Max Kaiser teaches at the University of Melbourne. He can be reached at kaiserm@unimelb.edu.au 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Dollinger challenges widely held beliefs about the black-Jewish alliance in American politics...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Black Power, Jewish Politics: Reinventing the Alliance in the 1960s (Brandeis University Press, 2018), Professor Marc Dollinger who holds the Richard and Rhoda Goldman Chair in Jewish Studies and Social Responsibility at San Francisco State University, challenges widely held beliefs about the black-Jewish alliance in American politics. Dollinger shows how black nationalists enabled Jewish activists to devise a new Judeo-centered political agenda - including the emancipation of Soviet Jews, the rise of Jewish day schools, the revitalization of worship services with gender-inclusive liturgy, and the birth of a new form of American Zionism. This book breaks new ground and charts new directions for understanding the relationship between black and Jewish politics in the twentieth century and beyond.
Dr Max Kaiser teaches at the University of Melbourne. He can be reached at kaiserm@unimelb.edu.au 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1512602574/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Black Power, Jewish Politics: Reinventing the Alliance in the 1960s</em></a> (Brandeis University Press, 2018), <a href="https://jewish.sfsu.edu/people/staff/marc-dollinger">Professor Marc Dollinger</a> who holds the Richard and Rhoda Goldman Chair in Jewish Studies and Social Responsibility at San Francisco State University, challenges widely held beliefs about the black-Jewish alliance in American politics. Dollinger shows how black nationalists enabled Jewish activists to devise a new Judeo-centered political agenda - including the emancipation of Soviet Jews, the rise of Jewish day schools, the revitalization of worship services with gender-inclusive liturgy, and the birth of a new form of American Zionism. This book breaks new ground and charts new directions for understanding the relationship between black and Jewish politics in the twentieth century and beyond.</p><p><a href="https://unimelb.academia.edu/MaxKaiser"><em>Dr Max Kaiser</em></a><em> teaches at the University of Melbourne. He can be reached at </em><a href="mailto:kaiser@student.unimelb.edu.au"><em>kaiserm@unimelb.edu.au</em></a><em> </em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1609</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Saul Cornell, "The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders’ Constitution, 1780s-1830s" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders’ Constitution, 1780s-1830s (Cambridge University Press, 2019) is the first book to unite a top down and bottom up account of constitutional change in the Founding era. Gerald Leonard, Professor of Law at Boston University School of Law, and Saul Cornell, Paul and Diane Guenther Chair in American History at Fordham University, focus on the decline of the Founding generation's elitist vision of the Constitution and the rise of a more 'democratic' vision premised on the exclusion of women and non-whites. It incorporates recent scholarship on topics ranging from judicial review to popular constitutionalism to place judicial initiatives like Marbury vs Madison in a broader, socio-legal context. The book recognizes the role of constitutional outsiders as agents in shaping the law, making figures such as the Whiskey Rebels, Judith Sargent Murray, and James Forten part of a cast of characters that has traditionally been limited to white, male elites such as James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Marshall. Finally, it shows how the 'democratic' political party came to supplant the Supreme Court as the nation's pre-eminent constitutional institution.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 23 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>634</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Cornell and Leonard focus on the decline of the Founding generation's elitist vision of the Constitution and the rise of a more 'democratic' vision...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders’ Constitution, 1780s-1830s (Cambridge University Press, 2019) is the first book to unite a top down and bottom up account of constitutional change in the Founding era. Gerald Leonard, Professor of Law at Boston University School of Law, and Saul Cornell, Paul and Diane Guenther Chair in American History at Fordham University, focus on the decline of the Founding generation's elitist vision of the Constitution and the rise of a more 'democratic' vision premised on the exclusion of women and non-whites. It incorporates recent scholarship on topics ranging from judicial review to popular constitutionalism to place judicial initiatives like Marbury vs Madison in a broader, socio-legal context. The book recognizes the role of constitutional outsiders as agents in shaping the law, making figures such as the Whiskey Rebels, Judith Sargent Murray, and James Forten part of a cast of characters that has traditionally been limited to white, male elites such as James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Marshall. Finally, it shows how the 'democratic' political party came to supplant the Supreme Court as the nation's pre-eminent constitutional institution.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/110766389X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders’ Constitution, 1780s-1830s</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2019) is the first book to unite a top down and bottom up account of constitutional change in the Founding era. <a href="https://www.bu.edu/law/profile/gerald-f-leonard/">Gerald Leonard</a>, Professor of Law at Boston University School of Law, and <a href="https://www.fordham.edu/info/20762/faculty/6385/saul_cornell">Saul Cornell</a>, Paul and Diane Guenther Chair in American History at Fordham University, focus on the decline of the Founding generation's elitist vision of the Constitution and the rise of a more 'democratic' vision premised on the exclusion of women and non-whites. It incorporates recent scholarship on topics ranging from judicial review to popular constitutionalism to place judicial initiatives like Marbury vs Madison in a broader, socio-legal context. The book recognizes the role of constitutional outsiders as agents in shaping the law, making figures such as the Whiskey Rebels, Judith Sargent Murray, and James Forten part of a cast of characters that has traditionally been limited to white, male elites such as James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Marshall. Finally, it shows how the 'democratic' political party came to supplant the Supreme Court as the nation's pre-eminent constitutional institution.</p><p><em>Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3166</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2661469625.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Lorena Oropeza, "The King of Adobe: Reies López Tijerina, Lost Prophet of the Chicano Movement" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Lorena Oropeza, Professor of History at the University of California at Davis, sheds new light on one of Chicano history’s most notorious figures in her new book, The King of Adobe: Reies López Tijerina, Lost Prophet of the Chicano Movement(University of North Carolina Press, 2019). Oropeza intervenes in the conventional historical scholarship on protest politics through her biography of Reies López Tijerina, a land grant activist and founder of La Alianza Federal de Mercedes (the Federal Alliance of Land Grants). Tijerina was a living testament to the fact that individuals of Mexican descent were part and parcel of the monumental political changes in the United States during the 1960s and the challenge to the established racial order. But Tijerina was more than just another radical advocate of armed protest, he was also uniquely shaped by his extreme religious beliefs and his particular understanding of justice rooted in the restoration of land rights. As the author argues, Tijerina was the harbinger of an anti-colonial rhetoric that helped reframe Mexican American civil rights. Perhaps most importantly, Oropeza centers the experiences and treatment of women in Tijerina’s life as a lens with which to view his world and activism. Drawing from her experience as a former journalist and now academic historian, Oropeza investigates the lives of Tijerina’s wives and daughters through oral history in order to reveal that “the subordination of women was fundamental to his ideal community.” In the end, Reies López Tijerina was a man of intense conviction who sought to achieve his goals at any cost – often at the expense of those that once loved him most.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 22 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>54</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Oropeza sheds new light on one of Chicano history’s most notorious figures...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lorena Oropeza, Professor of History at the University of California at Davis, sheds new light on one of Chicano history’s most notorious figures in her new book, The King of Adobe: Reies López Tijerina, Lost Prophet of the Chicano Movement(University of North Carolina Press, 2019). Oropeza intervenes in the conventional historical scholarship on protest politics through her biography of Reies López Tijerina, a land grant activist and founder of La Alianza Federal de Mercedes (the Federal Alliance of Land Grants). Tijerina was a living testament to the fact that individuals of Mexican descent were part and parcel of the monumental political changes in the United States during the 1960s and the challenge to the established racial order. But Tijerina was more than just another radical advocate of armed protest, he was also uniquely shaped by his extreme religious beliefs and his particular understanding of justice rooted in the restoration of land rights. As the author argues, Tijerina was the harbinger of an anti-colonial rhetoric that helped reframe Mexican American civil rights. Perhaps most importantly, Oropeza centers the experiences and treatment of women in Tijerina’s life as a lens with which to view his world and activism. Drawing from her experience as a former journalist and now academic historian, Oropeza investigates the lives of Tijerina’s wives and daughters through oral history in order to reveal that “the subordination of women was fundamental to his ideal community.” In the end, Reies López Tijerina was a man of intense conviction who sought to achieve his goals at any cost – often at the expense of those that once loved him most.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://history.ucdavis.edu/people/lboropeza">Lorena Oropeza</a>, Professor of History at the University of California at Davis, sheds new light on one of Chicano history’s most notorious figures in her new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/146965329X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The King of Adobe: Reies López Tijerina, Lost Prophet of the Chicano Movement</em></a>(University of North Carolina Press, 2019). Oropeza intervenes in the conventional historical scholarship on protest politics through her biography of Reies López Tijerina, a land grant activist and founder of <em>La Alianza Federal de Mercedes</em> (the Federal Alliance of Land Grants). Tijerina was a living testament to the fact that individuals of Mexican descent were part and parcel of the monumental political changes in the United States during the 1960s and the challenge to the established racial order. But Tijerina was more than just another radical advocate of armed protest, he was also uniquely shaped by his extreme religious beliefs and his particular understanding of justice rooted in the restoration of land rights. As the author argues, Tijerina was the harbinger of an anti-colonial rhetoric that helped reframe Mexican American civil rights. Perhaps most importantly, Oropeza centers the experiences and treatment of women in Tijerina’s life as a lens with which to view his world and activism. Drawing from her experience as a former journalist and now academic historian, Oropeza investigates the lives of Tijerina’s wives and daughters through oral history in order to reveal that “the subordination of women was fundamental to his ideal community.” In the end, Reies López Tijerina was a man of intense conviction who sought to achieve his goals at any cost – often at the expense of those that once loved him most.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4195</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1073105510.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Steven White, "World War II and American Racial Politics: Public Opinion, the Presidency, and Civil Rights Advocacy" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>World War II played an important role in the trajectory of race and American political development, but the War's effects were much more complex than many assume. In order to unpack these complexities and mine underutilized sources of public opinion data, Steven White had written World War II and American Racial Politics: Public Opinion, the Presidency, and Civil Rights Advocacy (Cambridge University Press, 2019). White is an assistant professor of political science at Syracuse University.
White offers an extensive analysis of rarely used survey data and archival evidence to assess white racial attitudes and the White house response to civil rights. Intriguingly, he shows that the white public's racial policy opinions largely DID NOT liberalize during the war against Nazi Germany and Congress remained unwilling to act on a civil rights policy agenda. Painfully aware of this, civil rights advocates shifted venues to lobby for unilateral action by the president. This book offers a reinterpretation of this critical period in American political development, as well as implications for the theoretical relationship between war and the inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic societies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 18 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>379</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Intriguingly, White shows that the white public's racial policy opinions largely DID NOT liberalize during the war against Nazi Germany</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>World War II played an important role in the trajectory of race and American political development, but the War's effects were much more complex than many assume. In order to unpack these complexities and mine underutilized sources of public opinion data, Steven White had written World War II and American Racial Politics: Public Opinion, the Presidency, and Civil Rights Advocacy (Cambridge University Press, 2019). White is an assistant professor of political science at Syracuse University.
White offers an extensive analysis of rarely used survey data and archival evidence to assess white racial attitudes and the White house response to civil rights. Intriguingly, he shows that the white public's racial policy opinions largely DID NOT liberalize during the war against Nazi Germany and Congress remained unwilling to act on a civil rights policy agenda. Painfully aware of this, civil rights advocates shifted venues to lobby for unilateral action by the president. This book offers a reinterpretation of this critical period in American political development, as well as implications for the theoretical relationship between war and the inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic societies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>World War II played an important role in the trajectory of race and American political development, but the War's effects were much more complex than many assume. In order to unpack these complexities and mine underutilized sources of public opinion data, <a href="https://www.maxwell.syr.edu/psc/White,_Steven/">Steven White</a> had written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108427634/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>World War II and American Racial Politics: Public Opinion, the Presidency, and Civil Rights Advocacy</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2019). White is an assistant professor of political science at Syracuse University.</p><p>White offers an extensive analysis of rarely used survey data and archival evidence to assess white racial attitudes and the White house response to civil rights. Intriguingly, he shows that the white public's racial policy opinions largely DID NOT liberalize during the war against Nazi Germany and Congress remained unwilling to act on a civil rights policy agenda. Painfully aware of this, civil rights advocates shifted venues to lobby for unilateral action by the president. This book offers a reinterpretation of this critical period in American political development, as well as implications for the theoretical relationship between war and the inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic societies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1239</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[123352f4-c0a6-11ec-8f9c-67e792df0688]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Hitt, "Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court" (U Michigan Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>The United States Supreme Court operates to resolve disputes among lower courts and the other branches of government, allowing elected officials, citizens, and businesses to act without legal uncertainty. Yet a Court that prioritizes resolving many disputes sometimes will produce contradictory opinions or fail to provide a rationale for its decision at all. In either case, it produces an unreasoned judgment. When does the Court do this and is this on the rise?
Matthew Hitt has written Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court (University of Michigan Press, 2019) to answer this question. Hitt is assistant professor of political science at Colorado State University.
In Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court, Hitt demonstrates that over time, institutional changes have substantially reduced unreasoned judgments in the Court’s output, coinciding with a reduction in the Court’s caseload. As such, though the Supreme Court historically emphasized dispute resolution, it has evolved into a Court that prioritizes the goal of logically consistent doctrine. Consequently, the Court today fails to resolve more underlying questions in law and society in order to minimize criticism of its output from other elites.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 10 Oct 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>376</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Hitt demonstrates that over time, institutional changes have substantially reduced unreasoned judgments in the Court’s output,..</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The United States Supreme Court operates to resolve disputes among lower courts and the other branches of government, allowing elected officials, citizens, and businesses to act without legal uncertainty. Yet a Court that prioritizes resolving many disputes sometimes will produce contradictory opinions or fail to provide a rationale for its decision at all. In either case, it produces an unreasoned judgment. When does the Court do this and is this on the rise?
Matthew Hitt has written Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court (University of Michigan Press, 2019) to answer this question. Hitt is assistant professor of political science at Colorado State University.
In Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court, Hitt demonstrates that over time, institutional changes have substantially reduced unreasoned judgments in the Court’s output, coinciding with a reduction in the Court’s caseload. As such, though the Supreme Court historically emphasized dispute resolution, it has evolved into a Court that prioritizes the goal of logically consistent doctrine. Consequently, the Court today fails to resolve more underlying questions in law and society in order to minimize criticism of its output from other elites.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The United States Supreme Court operates to resolve disputes among lower courts and the other branches of government, allowing elected officials, citizens, and businesses to act without legal uncertainty. Yet a Court that prioritizes resolving many disputes sometimes will produce contradictory opinions or fail to provide a rationale for its decision at all. In either case, it produces an <em>unreasoned judgment</em>. When does the Court do this and is this on the rise?</p><p><a href="https://polisci.colostate.edu/author/matthitt/">Matthew Hitt</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0472131362/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court</em></a> (University of Michigan Press, 2019) to answer this question. Hitt is assistant professor of political science at Colorado State University.</p><p>In <em>Inconsistency and Indecision in the United States Supreme Court, </em>Hitt demonstrates that over time, institutional changes have substantially reduced unreasoned judgments in the Court’s output, coinciding with a reduction in the Court’s caseload. As such, though the Supreme Court historically emphasized dispute resolution, it has evolved into a Court that prioritizes the goal of logically consistent doctrine. Consequently, the Court today fails to resolve more underlying questions in law and society in order to minimize criticism of its output from other elites.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1507</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[dc6d0a7a-c0a0-11ec-9432-3f85a50f8432]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew Sidman, "Pork Barrel Politics: How Government Spending Determines Elections in a Polarized Era" (Columbia UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>n Andrew Sidman, Pork Barrel Politics: How Government Spending Determines Elections in a Polarized Era (Columbia University Press, 2019), offers a systematic explanation for how political polarization relates to the electoral influence of federal spending. He argues that the voters see the pork barrel as part of the larger issue of government spending, determined by partisanship and ideology. It is only when the political world becomes more divided over everything else that they pay attention to pork, linking it to their general preferences over government spending. Using data on pork barrel spending from 1986 through 2012 and public works spending since 1876 along with analyses of district-level election outcomes, Sidman demonstrates the rising power of polarization in United States elections. During periods of low polarization, pork barrel spending has little impact, but when polarization is high, it affects primary competition, campaign spending, and vote share in general elections.
Sidman is associate professor of political science at the City University of New York, John Jay College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Sep 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>374</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Sidman offers a systematic explanation for how political polarization relates to the electoral influence of federal spending...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>n Andrew Sidman, Pork Barrel Politics: How Government Spending Determines Elections in a Polarized Era (Columbia University Press, 2019), offers a systematic explanation for how political polarization relates to the electoral influence of federal spending. He argues that the voters see the pork barrel as part of the larger issue of government spending, determined by partisanship and ideology. It is only when the political world becomes more divided over everything else that they pay attention to pork, linking it to their general preferences over government spending. Using data on pork barrel spending from 1986 through 2012 and public works spending since 1876 along with analyses of district-level election outcomes, Sidman demonstrates the rising power of polarization in United States elections. During periods of low polarization, pork barrel spending has little impact, but when polarization is high, it affects primary competition, campaign spending, and vote share in general elections.
Sidman is associate professor of political science at the City University of New York, John Jay College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>n <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/andrew-sidman">Andrew Sidman</a>, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0231193599/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Pork Barrel Politics: How Government Spending Determines Elections in a Polarized Era</em></a> (Columbia University Press, 2019), offers a systematic explanation for how political polarization relates to the electoral influence of federal spending. He argues that the voters see the pork barrel as part of the larger issue of government spending, determined by partisanship and ideology. It is only when the political world becomes more divided over everything else that they pay attention to pork, linking it to their general preferences over government spending. Using data on pork barrel spending from 1986 through 2012 and public works spending since 1876 along with analyses of district-level election outcomes, Sidman demonstrates the rising power of polarization in United States elections. During periods of low polarization, pork barrel spending has little impact, but when polarization is high, it affects primary competition, campaign spending, and vote share in general elections.</p><p>Sidman is associate professor of political science at the City University of New York, John Jay College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1415</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3830547499.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Robert M. Alexander, "Representation and the Electoral College" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Robert Alexander’s new book, Representation and the Electoral College (Oxford UP, 2019) is an important analysis of the Electoral College, from the debates about it at the constitutional convention and during the early days of the republic to contemporary controversies that surround this unique construction. Alexander frames the book with the theoretical conundrum of representation, unpacking different kinds of representation and how these competing interpretations of representation have contributed to the ways in which voters, parties, candidates, and electors approach the Electoral College and understand its function within the American constitutional system. By tracing the historical arguments for the Electoral College and the ways in which the electors themselves are chosen and are supposed to act, Alexander pays attention to the ways that the Electoral College has evolved over the course of more than 200 years. This book excellently explains the original competing demands that led to the creation of the Electoral College, and goes on to analyze how it has functioned in context of the rise of political parties, shifting ideological preferences, and geographic and national pressures. Alexander’s earlier research on the electors themselves helps inform the analysis here, integrating the perspectives of individuals who serve a constitutional function but are rarely surveyed or studied within that context. This book brings together historical, constitutional, theoretical, and contemporary perspectives in analyzing and exploring the Electoral College. It is also a very well-written book, making it accessible to a wide range of readers.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 25 Sep 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>373</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Alexander frames the book with the theoretical conundrum of representation...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robert Alexander’s new book, Representation and the Electoral College (Oxford UP, 2019) is an important analysis of the Electoral College, from the debates about it at the constitutional convention and during the early days of the republic to contemporary controversies that surround this unique construction. Alexander frames the book with the theoretical conundrum of representation, unpacking different kinds of representation and how these competing interpretations of representation have contributed to the ways in which voters, parties, candidates, and electors approach the Electoral College and understand its function within the American constitutional system. By tracing the historical arguments for the Electoral College and the ways in which the electors themselves are chosen and are supposed to act, Alexander pays attention to the ways that the Electoral College has evolved over the course of more than 200 years. This book excellently explains the original competing demands that led to the creation of the Electoral College, and goes on to analyze how it has functioned in context of the rise of political parties, shifting ideological preferences, and geographic and national pressures. Alexander’s earlier research on the electors themselves helps inform the analysis here, integrating the perspectives of individuals who serve a constitutional function but are rarely surveyed or studied within that context. This book brings together historical, constitutional, theoretical, and contemporary perspectives in analyzing and exploring the Electoral College. It is also a very well-written book, making it accessible to a wide range of readers.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/robert-alexander-1b407a5b/">Robert Alexander</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190939435/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Representation and the Electoral College</em></a> (Oxford UP, 2019) is an important analysis of the Electoral College, from the debates about it at the constitutional convention and during the early days of the republic to contemporary controversies that surround this unique construction. Alexander frames the book with the theoretical conundrum of representation, unpacking different kinds of representation and how these competing interpretations of representation have contributed to the ways in which voters, parties, candidates, and electors approach the Electoral College and understand its function within the American constitutional system. By tracing the historical arguments for the Electoral College and the ways in which the electors themselves are chosen and are supposed to act, Alexander pays attention to the ways that the Electoral College has evolved over the course of more than 200 years. This book excellently explains the original competing demands that led to the creation of the Electoral College, and goes on to analyze how it has functioned in context of the rise of political parties, shifting ideological preferences, and geographic and national pressures. Alexander’s earlier research on the electors themselves helps inform the analysis here, integrating the perspectives of individuals who serve a constitutional function but are rarely surveyed or studied within that context. This book brings together historical, constitutional, theoretical, and contemporary perspectives in analyzing and exploring the Electoral College. It is also a very well-written book, making it accessible to a wide range of readers.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning </em><a href="http://kentuckypress.com/live/title_detail.php?titleid=2637#.XWSmSVB7k_V"><em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics</em></a><em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3058</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Bryan Jones, "The Great Broadening: How the Vast Expansion of the Policymaking Agenda Transformed American Politics" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Bryan Jones, Sean Theriault, and Michelle Whyman are out with a big book on with a provocative thesis. In The Great Broadening: How the Vast Expansion of the Policymaking Agenda Transformed American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019), the authors argue that there are dimensions to the broadening of the US federal government into new areas of public life largely overlooked by previous scholars. Rather than public opinion or changes in the party system, they claim that it is the social movement system that is an underappreciated driver of the broadening of government in the 1960s. They continue that polarization and the growth of interest groups are each a consequence of this transformation of government, not a primary cause.
The Great Broadening is rooted in a massive exploration of data connected with the Policy Agendas Projects. Culling data across nearly a century of American politics and government, the book raises as many new questions as it conclusively answers. The authors are candid that they are expanding the conversation about American political development, not necessarily refuting previous claims. They do so with a heap of quantitative measures on agenda setting in congress, federal expenditures, and the size of the administrative state. This is a must read for students of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Sep 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>372</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The authors argue that there are dimensions to the broadening of the US federal government into new areas of public life largely overlooked by previous scholars...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Bryan Jones, Sean Theriault, and Michelle Whyman are out with a big book on with a provocative thesis. In The Great Broadening: How the Vast Expansion of the Policymaking Agenda Transformed American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019), the authors argue that there are dimensions to the broadening of the US federal government into new areas of public life largely overlooked by previous scholars. Rather than public opinion or changes in the party system, they claim that it is the social movement system that is an underappreciated driver of the broadening of government in the 1960s. They continue that polarization and the growth of interest groups are each a consequence of this transformation of government, not a primary cause.
The Great Broadening is rooted in a massive exploration of data connected with the Policy Agendas Projects. Culling data across nearly a century of American politics and government, the book raises as many new questions as it conclusively answers. The authors are candid that they are expanding the conversation about American political development, not necessarily refuting previous claims. They do so with a heap of quantitative measures on agenda setting in congress, federal expenditures, and the size of the administrative state. This is a must read for students of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/government/faculty/bj3276">Bryan Jones</a>, <a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/government/faculty/seanmt">Sean Theriault</a>, and <a href="http://www.michellewhyman.com/">Michelle Whyman</a> are out with a big book on with a provocative thesis. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022662580X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Great Broadening: How the Vast Expansion of the Policymaking Agenda Transformed American Politics</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2019), the authors argue that there are dimensions to the broadening of the US federal government into new areas of public life largely overlooked by previous scholars. Rather than public opinion or changes in the party system, they claim that it is the social movement system that is an underappreciated driver of the broadening of government in the 1960s. They continue that polarization and the growth of interest groups are each a consequence of this transformation of government, not a primary cause.</p><p><em>The Great Broadening</em> is rooted in a massive exploration of data connected with the Policy Agendas Projects. Culling data across nearly a century of American politics and government, the book raises as many new questions as it conclusively answers. The authors are candid that they are expanding the conversation about American political development, not necessarily refuting previous claims. They do so with a heap of quantitative measures on agenda setting in congress, federal expenditures, and the size of the administrative state. This is a must read for students of American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1503</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Anne M. Kornhauser, "Debating the American State: Liberal Anxieties and the New Leviathan, 1930-1970" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>The New Deal left a host of political, institutional, and economic legacies. Among them was the restructuring of the government into an administrative state with a powerful executive leader and a large class of unelected officials. This "leviathan" state was championed by the political left, and its continued growth and dominance in American politics is seen as a product of liberal thought—to the extent that "Big Government" is now nearly synonymous with liberalism. Yet there were tensions among liberal statists even as the leviathan first arose. Born in crisis and raised by technocrats, the bureaucratic state always rested on shaky foundations, and the liberals who built and supported it disagreed about whether and how to temper the excesses of the state while retaining its basic structure and function.
Debating the American State: Liberal Anxieties and the New Leviathan, 1930-1970 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015) traces the encounter between liberal thought and the rise of the administrative state and the resulting legitimacy issues that arose for democracy, the rule of law, and individual autonomy. Anne M. Kornhauser examines a broad and unusual cast of characters, including American social scientists and legal academics, the philosopher John Rawls, and German refugee intellectuals who had witnessed the destruction of democracy in the face of a totalitarian administrative state. In particular, she uncovers the sympathetic but concerned voices—commonly drowned out in the increasingly partisan political discourse—of critics who struggled to reconcile the positive aspects of the administrative state with the negative pressure such a contrivance brought on other liberal values such as individual autonomy, popular sovereignty, and social justice. By showing that the leviathan state was never given a principled and scrupulous justification by its proponents, Debating the American State reveals why the liberal state today remains haunted by programmatic dysfunctions and relentless political attacks.
Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at stephencolbrook@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Sep 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>593</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The New Deal left a host of political, institutional, and economic legacies...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The New Deal left a host of political, institutional, and economic legacies. Among them was the restructuring of the government into an administrative state with a powerful executive leader and a large class of unelected officials. This "leviathan" state was championed by the political left, and its continued growth and dominance in American politics is seen as a product of liberal thought—to the extent that "Big Government" is now nearly synonymous with liberalism. Yet there were tensions among liberal statists even as the leviathan first arose. Born in crisis and raised by technocrats, the bureaucratic state always rested on shaky foundations, and the liberals who built and supported it disagreed about whether and how to temper the excesses of the state while retaining its basic structure and function.
Debating the American State: Liberal Anxieties and the New Leviathan, 1930-1970 (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015) traces the encounter between liberal thought and the rise of the administrative state and the resulting legitimacy issues that arose for democracy, the rule of law, and individual autonomy. Anne M. Kornhauser examines a broad and unusual cast of characters, including American social scientists and legal academics, the philosopher John Rawls, and German refugee intellectuals who had witnessed the destruction of democracy in the face of a totalitarian administrative state. In particular, she uncovers the sympathetic but concerned voices—commonly drowned out in the increasingly partisan political discourse—of critics who struggled to reconcile the positive aspects of the administrative state with the negative pressure such a contrivance brought on other liberal values such as individual autonomy, popular sovereignty, and social justice. By showing that the leviathan state was never given a principled and scrupulous justification by its proponents, Debating the American State reveals why the liberal state today remains haunted by programmatic dysfunctions and relentless political attacks.
Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at stephencolbrook@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The New Deal left a host of political, institutional, and economic legacies. Among them was the restructuring of the government into an administrative state with a powerful executive leader and a large class of unelected officials. This "leviathan" state was championed by the political left, and its continued growth and dominance in American politics is seen as a product of liberal thought—to the extent that "Big Government" is now nearly synonymous with liberalism. Yet there were tensions among liberal statists even as the leviathan first arose. Born in crisis and raised by technocrats, the bureaucratic state always rested on shaky foundations, and the liberals who built and supported it disagreed about whether and how to temper the excesses of the state while retaining its basic structure and function.</p><p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/081224687X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Debating the American State: Liberal Anxieties and the New Leviathan, 1930-1970</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015) traces the encounter between liberal thought and the rise of the administrative state and the resulting legitimacy issues that arose for democracy, the rule of law, and individual autonomy. <a href="https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/profiles/anne-kornhauser">Anne M. Kornhauser</a> examines a broad and unusual cast of characters, including American social scientists and legal academics, the philosopher John Rawls, and German refugee intellectuals who had witnessed the destruction of democracy in the face of a totalitarian administrative state. In particular, she uncovers the sympathetic but concerned voices—commonly drowned out in the increasingly partisan political discourse—of critics who struggled to reconcile the positive aspects of the administrative state with the negative pressure such a contrivance brought on other liberal values such as individual autonomy, popular sovereignty, and social justice. By showing that the leviathan state was never given a principled and scrupulous justification by its proponents, <em>Debating the American State </em>reveals why the liberal state today remains haunted by programmatic dysfunctions and relentless political attacks.</p><p><em>Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at </em><a href="mailto:stephencolbrook@gmail.com"><em>stephencolbrook@gmail.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
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      <itunes:duration>3055</itunes:duration>
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      <title>Patrick Andelic, "Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994" (UP of Kansas, 2019)</title>
      <description>What happened to the Democratic Party after the 1960s? In many political histories, the McGovern defeat of 1972 announced the party’s decline—and the conservative movement’s ascent. What the conventional narrative neglects, Patrick Andelic submits, is the role of Congress in the party’s, and the nation’s, political fortunes. In Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994(University Press of Kansas, 2019), Andelic looks at Congress from 1974 to 1994 as the Democratic Party’s stronghold and explores how this twenty-year tenure boosted and undermined the party’s response to the conservative challenge.
If post-1960s America belongs to the conservative movement, Andelic asks, how do we account for the failure of so much of the conservative agenda—especially the shrinking of the federal government? Examining the Democratic Party’s unusual durability in Congress after 1974, Donkey Work disrupts the narrative of inexorable liberal decline since the 1970s and reveals the ways in which liberalism and conservatism actually developed in tandem. The book traces the evolution of ideologies within the Democratic Party, particularly the emergence of “neoliberalism,” suggesting that this political philosophy was as much an anticipation of America’s “right turn” as a reaction to it; as factions vied for control of the party, Congress itself both strengthened and weakened liberal resistance to the conservative movement.
By putting the focus on Congress and legislative politics, in contrast to the “presidential synthesis” that dominates US political history, Andelic’s book offers a new, deeply informed perspective on two turbulent decades of American politics—a perspective that alters and expands our understanding of how we arrived at our present political moment.
Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at stephencolbrook@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 05 Sep 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>586</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What happened to the Democratic Party after the 1960s?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What happened to the Democratic Party after the 1960s? In many political histories, the McGovern defeat of 1972 announced the party’s decline—and the conservative movement’s ascent. What the conventional narrative neglects, Patrick Andelic submits, is the role of Congress in the party’s, and the nation’s, political fortunes. In Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994(University Press of Kansas, 2019), Andelic looks at Congress from 1974 to 1994 as the Democratic Party’s stronghold and explores how this twenty-year tenure boosted and undermined the party’s response to the conservative challenge.
If post-1960s America belongs to the conservative movement, Andelic asks, how do we account for the failure of so much of the conservative agenda—especially the shrinking of the federal government? Examining the Democratic Party’s unusual durability in Congress after 1974, Donkey Work disrupts the narrative of inexorable liberal decline since the 1970s and reveals the ways in which liberalism and conservatism actually developed in tandem. The book traces the evolution of ideologies within the Democratic Party, particularly the emergence of “neoliberalism,” suggesting that this political philosophy was as much an anticipation of America’s “right turn” as a reaction to it; as factions vied for control of the party, Congress itself both strengthened and weakened liberal resistance to the conservative movement.
By putting the focus on Congress and legislative politics, in contrast to the “presidential synthesis” that dominates US political history, Andelic’s book offers a new, deeply informed perspective on two turbulent decades of American politics—a perspective that alters and expands our understanding of how we arrived at our present political moment.
Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at stephencolbrook@gmail.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What happened to the Democratic Party after the 1960s? In many political histories, the McGovern defeat of 1972 announced the party’s decline—and the conservative movement’s ascent. What the conventional narrative neglects, <a href="https://www.northumbria.ac.uk/about-us/our-staff/a/patrick-andelic/">Patrick Andelic</a> submits, is the role of Congress in the party’s, and the nation’s, political fortunes. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700628037/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Donkey Work: Congressional Democrats in Conservative America, 1974-1994</em></a>(University Press of Kansas, 2019), Andelic looks at Congress from 1974 to 1994 as the Democratic Party’s stronghold and explores how this twenty-year tenure boosted and undermined the party’s response to the conservative challenge.</p><p>If post-1960s America belongs to the conservative movement, Andelic asks, how do we account for the failure of so much of the conservative agenda—especially the shrinking of the federal government? Examining the Democratic Party’s unusual durability in Congress after 1974, <em>Donkey Work</em> disrupts the narrative of inexorable liberal decline since the 1970s and reveals the ways in which liberalism and conservatism actually developed in tandem. The book traces the evolution of ideologies within the Democratic Party, particularly the emergence of “neoliberalism,” suggesting that this political philosophy was as much an anticipation of America’s “right turn” as a reaction to it; as factions vied for control of the party, Congress itself both strengthened and weakened liberal resistance to the conservative movement.</p><p>By putting the focus on Congress and legislative politics, in contrast to the “presidential synthesis” that dominates US political history, Andelic’s book offers a new, deeply informed perspective on two turbulent decades of American politics—a perspective that alters and expands our understanding of how we arrived at our present political moment.</p><p><em>Stephen Colbrook is a graduate student at University College London, where he is researching a dissertation on the interaction between HIV/AIDS and state policy-making. This work will focus on the political and policy-making side of the epidemic and aims to compare the different contexts of individual states, such as California, Florida, and New Jersey. Stephen can be contacted at </em><a href="mailto:stephencolbrook@gmail.com"><em>stephencolbrook@gmail.com</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2359</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Niambi Michele Carter, "American While Black: African Americans, Immigration, and the Limits of Citizenship" (Oxford UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Just in time for the APSA annual meeting, Niambi Michele Carter has written an incredibly timely book on a central issue to American politics, American While Black: African Americans, Immigration, and the Limits of Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 2019). Carter is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University. Her work focuses on racial and ethnic politics in the United States, specifically public opinion and political behavior of African Americans.
In American While Black, Carter argues that immigration, both historically and in the contemporary moment, has served as a reminder of the limited inclusion of African Americans in the body politic. Carter draws on original interview material and empirical data on African American political opinion to offer the first theory of black public opinion toward immigration.
Carter contends that blacks use the issue of immigration as a way to understand the nature and meaning of their American citizenship-specifically the way that white supremacy structures and constrains not just their place in the American political landscape, but their political opinions as well. But what may appear to be a conflict between blacks and other minorities is about self-preservation.
Prof. Carter also makes a host of excellent recommendations for enjoying the District, including: Hazel, Haikan, Thai Xing, Dirty Goose, Compass Coffee, The Royal (coffee/bar/restaurant), Brookland’s Finest, Calabash, Menomale (didn’t mention but a great place for Neoplitan style pizza), Union Market ( esp. Neopol Savory Smokery), and St. Anselm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>369</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In American While Black, Carter argues that immigration, both historically and in the contemporary moment,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Just in time for the APSA annual meeting, Niambi Michele Carter has written an incredibly timely book on a central issue to American politics, American While Black: African Americans, Immigration, and the Limits of Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 2019). Carter is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University. Her work focuses on racial and ethnic politics in the United States, specifically public opinion and political behavior of African Americans.
In American While Black, Carter argues that immigration, both historically and in the contemporary moment, has served as a reminder of the limited inclusion of African Americans in the body politic. Carter draws on original interview material and empirical data on African American political opinion to offer the first theory of black public opinion toward immigration.
Carter contends that blacks use the issue of immigration as a way to understand the nature and meaning of their American citizenship-specifically the way that white supremacy structures and constrains not just their place in the American political landscape, but their political opinions as well. But what may appear to be a conflict between blacks and other minorities is about self-preservation.
Prof. Carter also makes a host of excellent recommendations for enjoying the District, including: Hazel, Haikan, Thai Xing, Dirty Goose, Compass Coffee, The Royal (coffee/bar/restaurant), Brookland’s Finest, Calabash, Menomale (didn’t mention but a great place for Neoplitan style pizza), Union Market ( esp. Neopol Savory Smokery), and St. Anselm.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Just in time for the APSA annual meeting, <a href="http://politicalscience.coas.howard.edu/carter/index.html">Niambi Michele Carter</a> has written an incredibly timely book on a central issue to American politics, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190053542/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>American While Black: African Americans, Immigration, and the Limits of Citizenship</em></a> (Oxford University Press, 2019). Carter is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Howard University. Her work focuses on racial and ethnic politics in the United States, specifically public opinion and political behavior of African Americans.</p><p>In <em>American While Black</em>, Carter argues that immigration, both historically and in the contemporary moment, has served as a reminder of the limited inclusion of African Americans in the body politic. Carter draws on original interview material and empirical data on African American political opinion to offer the first theory of black public opinion toward immigration.</p><p>Carter contends that blacks use the issue of immigration as a way to understand the nature and meaning of their American citizenship-specifically the way that white supremacy structures and constrains not just their place in the American political landscape, but their political opinions as well. But what may appear to be a conflict between blacks and other minorities is about self-preservation.</p><p>Prof. Carter also makes a host of excellent recommendations for enjoying the District, including: Hazel, Haikan, Thai Xing, Dirty Goose, Compass Coffee, The Royal (coffee/bar/restaurant), Brookland’s Finest, Calabash, Menomale (didn’t mention but a great place for Neoplitan style pizza), Union Market ( esp. Neopol Savory Smokery), and St. Anselm.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1868</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof, "Racial Migrations: New York City and the Revolutionary Politics of the Spanish Caribbean" (Princeton UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>In his new book, Racial Migrations: New York City and the Revolutionary Politics of the Spanish Caribbean (Princeton University Press, 2019), historian Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof seamlessly ties together various scholarly subfields into a truly transnational history of anticolonial politics and the Afro-Latino diaspora in the United States. Hoffnung-Garskof, Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, brings to life the migration stories of black Cubans and Puerto Ricans who founded an intellectual and political movement in nineteenth-century New York. Though exiles and migrants from the Spanish Caribbean were but a fraction of the growing immigrant population during the Gilded Age, this small community of color produced leaders in industry, journalism, and above all, revolutionary struggle. From a small apartment in the center of segregated New York City, a mutual aid organization called La Liga became the political hub for a vast network of exiles of color seeking to liberate Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish colonialism. The book provides “a migrants’-eye view” through a collection of microhistories that shed light on the worldviews of a select group of thought leaders and their increasingly intertwined lives. While most of the historical actors featured in this text were afro-descendants, their own racial subjectivities and racialization by external parties took on various forms. This interview delves further into the migrants’ articulations of race – among many other issues – a core theme and line of inquiry throughout the book. In the shadow of a complex and contested historiography centered on revolutionary leaders such as José Martí, Hoffnung-Garskof highlights the invaluable contributions of the Spanish Caribbean’s “class of color.” Black Cuban and Puerto Rican intellectuals did not passively participate in the movement led by Martí, but rather fought to manifest their own vision of what a new interracial democracy could be.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>51</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Hoffnung-Garskof seamlessly ties together various scholarly subfields into a truly transnational history of anticolonial politics and the Afro-Latino diaspora in the United States...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book, Racial Migrations: New York City and the Revolutionary Politics of the Spanish Caribbean (Princeton University Press, 2019), historian Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof seamlessly ties together various scholarly subfields into a truly transnational history of anticolonial politics and the Afro-Latino diaspora in the United States. Hoffnung-Garskof, Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, brings to life the migration stories of black Cubans and Puerto Ricans who founded an intellectual and political movement in nineteenth-century New York. Though exiles and migrants from the Spanish Caribbean were but a fraction of the growing immigrant population during the Gilded Age, this small community of color produced leaders in industry, journalism, and above all, revolutionary struggle. From a small apartment in the center of segregated New York City, a mutual aid organization called La Liga became the political hub for a vast network of exiles of color seeking to liberate Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish colonialism. The book provides “a migrants’-eye view” through a collection of microhistories that shed light on the worldviews of a select group of thought leaders and their increasingly intertwined lives. While most of the historical actors featured in this text were afro-descendants, their own racial subjectivities and racialization by external parties took on various forms. This interview delves further into the migrants’ articulations of race – among many other issues – a core theme and line of inquiry throughout the book. In the shadow of a complex and contested historiography centered on revolutionary leaders such as José Martí, Hoffnung-Garskof highlights the invaluable contributions of the Spanish Caribbean’s “class of color.” Black Cuban and Puerto Rican intellectuals did not passively participate in the movement led by Martí, but rather fought to manifest their own vision of what a new interracial democracy could be.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book, <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/14238.html"><em>Racial Migrations: New York City and the Revolutionary Politics of the Spanish Caribbean</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2019), historian <a href="https://lsa.umich.edu/ac/people/faculty/jessehg.html">Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof</a> seamlessly ties together various scholarly subfields into a truly transnational history of anticolonial politics and the Afro-Latino diaspora in the United States. Hoffnung-Garskof, Professor of History and American Culture at the University of Michigan, brings to life the migration stories of black Cubans and Puerto Ricans who founded an intellectual and political movement in nineteenth-century New York. Though exiles and migrants from the Spanish Caribbean were but a fraction of the growing immigrant population during the Gilded Age, this small community of color produced leaders in industry, journalism, and above all, revolutionary struggle. From a small apartment in the center of segregated New York City, a mutual aid organization called <em>La Liga</em> became the political hub for a vast network of exiles of color seeking to liberate Cuba and Puerto Rico from Spanish colonialism. The book provides “a migrants’-eye view” through a collection of microhistories that shed light on the worldviews of a select group of thought leaders and their increasingly intertwined lives. While most of the historical actors featured in this text were afro-descendants, their own racial subjectivities and racialization by external parties took on various forms. This interview delves further into the migrants’ articulations of race – among many other issues – a core theme and line of inquiry throughout the book. In the shadow of a complex and contested historiography centered on revolutionary leaders such as José Martí, Hoffnung-Garskof highlights the invaluable contributions of the Spanish Caribbean’s “class of color.” Black Cuban and Puerto Rican intellectuals did not passively participate in the movement led by Martí, but rather fought to manifest their own vision of what a new interracial democracy could be.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5384</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paul Finkelman, "Supreme Injustice: Slavery in the Nation’s Highest Court" (Harvard UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In this episode of the American Society for Legal History’s podcast Talking Legal History Siobhan talks with Paul Finkelman, President of Gratz College, about his book Supreme Injustice: Slavery in the Nation’s Highest Court(Harvard University Press, 2018). Finkelman is a specialist on the history of slavery and the law. He is also the author of more than 200 scholarly articles and the author or editor of more than fifty books on a broad range of topics including American Jewish history, American legal history, constitutional law, and legal issues surrounding baseball.
The three most important Supreme Court Justices before the Civil War―Chief Justices John Marshall and Roger B. Taney and Associate Justice Joseph Story―upheld the institution of slavery in ruling after ruling. These opinions cast a shadow over the Court and the legacies of these men, but historians have rarely delved deeply into the personal and political ideas and motivations they held. In Supreme Injustice, the distinguished legal historian Paul Finkelman establishes an authoritative account of each justice’s proslavery position, the reasoning behind his opposition to black freedom, and the incentives created by circumstances in his private life.
Finkelman uses census data and other sources to reveal that Justice Marshall aggressively bought and sold slaves throughout his lifetime―a fact that biographers have ignored. Justice Story never owned slaves and condemned slavery while riding circuit, and yet on the high court he remained silent on slave trade cases and ruled against blacks who sued for freedom. Although Justice Taney freed many of his own slaves, he zealously and consistently opposed black freedom, arguing in Dred Scott that free blacks had no Constitutional rights and that slave owners could move slaves into the Western territories. Finkelman situates this infamous holding within a solid record of support for slavery and hostility to free blacks.
Supreme Injustice boldly documents the entanglements that alienated three major justices from America’s founding ideals and embedded racism ever deeper in American civic life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>170</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Finkelman is a specialist on the history of slavery and the law...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this episode of the American Society for Legal History’s podcast Talking Legal History Siobhan talks with Paul Finkelman, President of Gratz College, about his book Supreme Injustice: Slavery in the Nation’s Highest Court(Harvard University Press, 2018). Finkelman is a specialist on the history of slavery and the law. He is also the author of more than 200 scholarly articles and the author or editor of more than fifty books on a broad range of topics including American Jewish history, American legal history, constitutional law, and legal issues surrounding baseball.
The three most important Supreme Court Justices before the Civil War―Chief Justices John Marshall and Roger B. Taney and Associate Justice Joseph Story―upheld the institution of slavery in ruling after ruling. These opinions cast a shadow over the Court and the legacies of these men, but historians have rarely delved deeply into the personal and political ideas and motivations they held. In Supreme Injustice, the distinguished legal historian Paul Finkelman establishes an authoritative account of each justice’s proslavery position, the reasoning behind his opposition to black freedom, and the incentives created by circumstances in his private life.
Finkelman uses census data and other sources to reveal that Justice Marshall aggressively bought and sold slaves throughout his lifetime―a fact that biographers have ignored. Justice Story never owned slaves and condemned slavery while riding circuit, and yet on the high court he remained silent on slave trade cases and ruled against blacks who sued for freedom. Although Justice Taney freed many of his own slaves, he zealously and consistently opposed black freedom, arguing in Dred Scott that free blacks had no Constitutional rights and that slave owners could move slaves into the Western territories. Finkelman situates this infamous holding within a solid record of support for slavery and hostility to free blacks.
Supreme Injustice boldly documents the entanglements that alienated three major justices from America’s founding ideals and embedded racism ever deeper in American civic life.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this episode of the American Society for Legal History’s podcast Talking Legal History Siobhan talks with <a href="https://www.gratz.edu/college-faculty-staff-executive-team/paul-finkelman-phd">Paul Finkelman</a>, President of Gratz College, about his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674051211/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Supreme Injustice: Slavery in the Nation’s Highest Court</em></a>(Harvard University Press, 2018). Finkelman is a specialist on the history of slavery and the law. He is also the author of more than 200 scholarly articles and the author or editor of more than fifty books on a broad range of topics including American Jewish history, American legal history, constitutional law, and legal issues surrounding baseball.</p><p>The three most important Supreme Court Justices before the Civil War―Chief Justices John Marshall and Roger B. Taney and Associate Justice Joseph Story―upheld the institution of slavery in ruling after ruling. These opinions cast a shadow over the Court and the legacies of these men, but historians have rarely delved deeply into the personal and political ideas and motivations they held. In Supreme Injustice, the distinguished legal historian Paul Finkelman establishes an authoritative account of each justice’s proslavery position, the reasoning behind his opposition to black freedom, and the incentives created by circumstances in his private life.</p><p>Finkelman uses census data and other sources to reveal that Justice Marshall aggressively bought and sold slaves throughout his lifetime―a fact that biographers have ignored. Justice Story never owned slaves and condemned slavery while riding circuit, and yet on the high court he remained silent on slave trade cases and ruled against blacks who sued for freedom. Although Justice Taney freed many of his own slaves, he zealously and consistently opposed black freedom, arguing in Dred Scott that free blacks had no Constitutional rights and that slave owners could move slaves into the Western territories. Finkelman situates this infamous holding within a solid record of support for slavery and hostility to free blacks.</p><p>Supreme Injustice boldly documents the entanglements that alienated three major justices from America’s founding ideals and embedded racism ever deeper in American civic life.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Joshua D. Farrington, "Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Reflecting on his fifty-year effort to steer the Grand Old Party toward black voters, Memphis power broker George W. Lee declared, "Somebody had to stay in the Republican Party and fight." As Joshua D. Farrington, Instructor in African &amp; African-American Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, recounts in Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), Lee was one of many black Republican leaders who remained loyal after the New Deal inspired black voters to switch their allegiance from the "party of Lincoln" to the Democrats. Ideologically and demographically diverse, the ranks of twentieth-century black Republicans included Southern patronage dispensers like Lee and Robert Church, Northern critics of corrupt Democratic urban machines like Jackie Robinson and Archibald Carey, civil rights agitators like Grant Reynolds and T. R. M. Howard, elected politicians like U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Kentucky state legislator Charles W. Anderson, black nationalists like Floyd McKissick and Nathan Wright, and scores of grassroots organizers from Atlanta to Los Angeles. Black Republicans believed that a two-party system in which both parties were forced to compete for the African American vote was the best way to obtain stronger civil rights legislation. Though they were often pushed to the sidelines by their party's white leadership, their continuous and vocal inner-party dissent helped moderate the GOP's message and platform through the 1970s. And though often excluded from traditional narratives of U.S. politics, black Republicans left an indelible mark on the history of their party, the civil rights movement, and twentieth-century political development. Farrington marshals an impressive amount of archival material at the national, state, and municipal levels in the South, Midwest, and West, as well as in the better-known Northeast, to open up new avenues in African American political history.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>575</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Reflecting on his fifty-year effort to steer the Grand Old Party toward black voters, Memphis power broker George W. Lee declared, "Somebody had to stay in the Republican Party and fight."</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Reflecting on his fifty-year effort to steer the Grand Old Party toward black voters, Memphis power broker George W. Lee declared, "Somebody had to stay in the Republican Party and fight." As Joshua D. Farrington, Instructor in African &amp; African-American Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, recounts in Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), Lee was one of many black Republican leaders who remained loyal after the New Deal inspired black voters to switch their allegiance from the "party of Lincoln" to the Democrats. Ideologically and demographically diverse, the ranks of twentieth-century black Republicans included Southern patronage dispensers like Lee and Robert Church, Northern critics of corrupt Democratic urban machines like Jackie Robinson and Archibald Carey, civil rights agitators like Grant Reynolds and T. R. M. Howard, elected politicians like U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Kentucky state legislator Charles W. Anderson, black nationalists like Floyd McKissick and Nathan Wright, and scores of grassroots organizers from Atlanta to Los Angeles. Black Republicans believed that a two-party system in which both parties were forced to compete for the African American vote was the best way to obtain stronger civil rights legislation. Though they were often pushed to the sidelines by their party's white leadership, their continuous and vocal inner-party dissent helped moderate the GOP's message and platform through the 1970s. And though often excluded from traditional narratives of U.S. politics, black Republicans left an indelible mark on the history of their party, the civil rights movement, and twentieth-century political development. Farrington marshals an impressive amount of archival material at the national, state, and municipal levels in the South, Midwest, and West, as well as in the better-known Northeast, to open up new avenues in African American political history.
Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Reflecting on his fifty-year effort to steer the Grand Old Party toward black voters, Memphis power broker George W. Lee declared, "Somebody had to stay in the Republican Party and fight." As <a href="https://history.as.uky.edu/user/3475">Joshua D. Farrington</a>, Instructor in African &amp; African-American Studies at Eastern Kentucky University, recounts in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/081224852X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Black Republicans and the Transformation of the GOP</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), Lee was one of many black Republican leaders who remained loyal after the New Deal inspired black voters to switch their allegiance from the "party of Lincoln" to the Democrats. Ideologically and demographically diverse, the ranks of twentieth-century black Republicans included Southern patronage dispensers like Lee and Robert Church, Northern critics of corrupt Democratic urban machines like Jackie Robinson and Archibald Carey, civil rights agitators like Grant Reynolds and T. R. M. Howard, elected politicians like U.S. Senator Edward W. Brooke and Kentucky state legislator Charles W. Anderson, black nationalists like Floyd McKissick and Nathan Wright, and scores of grassroots organizers from Atlanta to Los Angeles. Black Republicans believed that a two-party system in which both parties were forced to compete for the African American vote was the best way to obtain stronger civil rights legislation. Though they were often pushed to the sidelines by their party's white leadership, their continuous and vocal inner-party dissent helped moderate the GOP's message and platform through the 1970s. And though often excluded from traditional narratives of U.S. politics, black Republicans left an indelible mark on the history of their party, the civil rights movement, and twentieth-century political development. Farrington marshals an impressive amount of archival material at the national, state, and municipal levels in the South, Midwest, and West, as well as in the better-known Northeast, to open up new avenues in African American political history.</p><p><em>Ryan Tripp is part-time and full-time adjunct history faculty for Los Medanos Community College as well as the College of Online and Continuing Education at Southern New Hampshire University.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4651</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Kevin M. Baron, "Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act" (Edinburgh UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>Kevin Baron’s new book, Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act (Edinburgh University Press, 2019), is a fascinating analysis of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and how this act, passed in the 1960s and signed by President Lyndon Johnson, has changed the ways that both the Executive Branch and the Legislature operate and engage with each other. Baron dives into the history of information and the role that access to information plays in supporting democracy. He explains much of the debate over freedom of information from the time of the Founding to the contemporary disputes about executive privilege and Congress’s right to information. By tracing the evolution of presidential privilege through the post-World War II period, the Cold War, the Red Scare, and the Watergate scandal, Baron examines the ways in which presidents and administrations have protected information, often in the name of national security, and the ways in which the Legislative branch has pursued access to that same information. This book explores the ongoing debates about transparency and secrecy in the government, how FOIA has become a tool for Congress to get relevant information from the Executive, and how the understanding and use of presidential privilege has grown and expanded within this same context. Through deep research, Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act provides the reader with institutional understandings, policy shifts and reactions, the political dynamics of many of the post-WWII administrations and congresses, all ultimately focusing on the idea of governmental information and the health of democracy.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 14 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>368</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Baron dives into the history of information and the role that access to information plays in supporting democracy...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kevin Baron’s new book, Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act (Edinburgh University Press, 2019), is a fascinating analysis of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and how this act, passed in the 1960s and signed by President Lyndon Johnson, has changed the ways that both the Executive Branch and the Legislature operate and engage with each other. Baron dives into the history of information and the role that access to information plays in supporting democracy. He explains much of the debate over freedom of information from the time of the Founding to the contemporary disputes about executive privilege and Congress’s right to information. By tracing the evolution of presidential privilege through the post-World War II period, the Cold War, the Red Scare, and the Watergate scandal, Baron examines the ways in which presidents and administrations have protected information, often in the name of national security, and the ways in which the Legislative branch has pursued access to that same information. This book explores the ongoing debates about transparency and secrecy in the government, how FOIA has become a tool for Congress to get relevant information from the Executive, and how the understanding and use of presidential privilege has grown and expanded within this same context. Through deep research, Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act provides the reader with institutional understandings, policy shifts and reactions, the political dynamics of many of the post-WWII administrations and congresses, all ultimately focusing on the idea of governmental information and the health of democracy.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://people.clas.ufl.edu/kbaron76/">Kevin Baron</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1474442447/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act</em></a> (Edinburgh University Press, 2019), is a fascinating analysis of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and how this act, passed in the 1960s and signed by President Lyndon Johnson, has changed the ways that both the Executive Branch and the Legislature operate and engage with each other. Baron dives into the history of information and the role that access to information plays in supporting democracy. He explains much of the debate over freedom of information from the time of the Founding to the contemporary disputes about executive privilege and Congress’s right to information. By tracing the evolution of presidential privilege through the post-World War II period, the Cold War, the Red Scare, and the Watergate scandal, Baron examines the ways in which presidents and administrations have protected information, often in the name of national security, and the ways in which the Legislative branch has pursued access to that same information. This book explores the ongoing debates about transparency and secrecy in the government, how FOIA has become a tool for Congress to get relevant information from the Executive, and how the understanding and use of presidential privilege has grown and expanded within this same context. Through deep research, Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act provides the reader with institutional understandings, policy shifts and reactions, the political dynamics of many of the post-WWII administrations and congresses, all ultimately focusing on the idea of governmental information and the health of democracy.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning </em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3250</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Cyril Ghosh, "De-Moralizing Gay Rights: Some Queer Remarks on LGBT+ Rights Politics in the US" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018)</title>
      <description>In his book, De-Moralizing Gay Rights: Some Queer Remarks on LGBT+ Rights Politics in the US(Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), Cyril Ghosh interrogates three arenas of debate over LGBT+ rights in the contemporary American landscape—debates over and critiques of pinkwashing, the recent US Supreme Court decision Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), and Kenji Yoshino’s concept of gay covering. Ghosh is associate professor of political science at Wagner College and was the original host of the New Books in Political Science podcast.
In each case, Ghosh identifies a tension in the promotion of LGBT+ rights, from both liberal and radical perspectives, demonstrating that these discourses often (re/)produce their own assimilationist logics. Drawing on queer theoretical frameworks, Ghosh ultimately argues for an approach to theorizing rights that takes seriously the project of resisting and dismantling assimilationist demands.
The podcast is co-hosted by Heath Brown and Emily Crandall.
Heath Brown is associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown
Emily K. Crandall holds a PhD in Political Science from the Graduate Center, CUNY. She is a fellow at the Center for Global Ethics and Politics in the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 09 Aug 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>367</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Ghosh interrogates three arenas of debate over LGBT+ rights in the contemporary American landscape...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his book, De-Moralizing Gay Rights: Some Queer Remarks on LGBT+ Rights Politics in the US(Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), Cyril Ghosh interrogates three arenas of debate over LGBT+ rights in the contemporary American landscape—debates over and critiques of pinkwashing, the recent US Supreme Court decision Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), and Kenji Yoshino’s concept of gay covering. Ghosh is associate professor of political science at Wagner College and was the original host of the New Books in Political Science podcast.
In each case, Ghosh identifies a tension in the promotion of LGBT+ rights, from both liberal and radical perspectives, demonstrating that these discourses often (re/)produce their own assimilationist logics. Drawing on queer theoretical frameworks, Ghosh ultimately argues for an approach to theorizing rights that takes seriously the project of resisting and dismantling assimilationist demands.
The podcast is co-hosted by Heath Brown and Emily Crandall.
Heath Brown is associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown
Emily K. Crandall holds a PhD in Political Science from the Graduate Center, CUNY. She is a fellow at the Center for Global Ethics and Politics in the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/3319788396/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>De-Moralizing Gay Rights: Some Queer Remarks on LGBT+ Rights Politics in the US</em></a>(Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), <a href="https://wagner.edu/gap/profile/cyril.ghosh">Cyril Ghosh</a> interrogates three arenas of debate over LGBT+ rights in the contemporary American landscape—debates over and critiques of pinkwashing, the recent US Supreme Court decision Obergefell v. Hodges (2015), and Kenji Yoshino’s concept of gay covering. Ghosh is associate professor of political science at Wagner College and was the original host of the New Books in Political Science podcast.</p><p>In each case, Ghosh identifies a tension in the promotion of LGBT+ rights, from both liberal and radical perspectives, demonstrating that these discourses often (re/)produce their own assimilationist logics. Drawing on queer theoretical frameworks, Ghosh ultimately argues for an approach to theorizing rights that takes seriously the project of resisting and dismantling assimilationist demands.</p><p>The podcast is co-hosted by Heath Brown and Emily Crandall.</p><p><em>Heath Brown is associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown</em></p><p><em>Emily K. Crandall holds a PhD in Political Science from the Graduate Center, CUNY. She is a fellow at the Center for Global Ethics and Politics in the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2300</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Sam Erman, "Almost Citizens: Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire" (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Sam Erman is the author of Almost Citizens: Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire, published by Cambridge University Press in 2018. Almost Citizens recounts the story of how Puerto Rico came to be part of the United States empire at the turn of the 20th Century. More specifically, Erman looks at how Puerto Ricans, U.S. legislators, presidents, judges, and a bevy of other people debated how Puerto Rico would be incorporated into the United States. The nexus for this debate centered on whether or not Puerto Ricans would be full citizens of the United States. Erman’s study illustrates the myriad of ways in which constitutional change occurs outside of the judiciary, showing how everyday people contributed to a radical shift in constitutional meanings of terms such as citizenship, alien, territory, and empire. The debates he shows within his book had a long lasting impact for the island and its people; an impact which is still felt today.
Sam Erman is Professor of Law at the University of Southern California, where he studies constitutional law, legal history, and the Supreme Court.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>"Almost Citizens" recounts the story of how Puerto Rico came to be part of the United States empire at the turn of the 20th Century...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sam Erman is the author of Almost Citizens: Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire, published by Cambridge University Press in 2018. Almost Citizens recounts the story of how Puerto Rico came to be part of the United States empire at the turn of the 20th Century. More specifically, Erman looks at how Puerto Ricans, U.S. legislators, presidents, judges, and a bevy of other people debated how Puerto Rico would be incorporated into the United States. The nexus for this debate centered on whether or not Puerto Ricans would be full citizens of the United States. Erman’s study illustrates the myriad of ways in which constitutional change occurs outside of the judiciary, showing how everyday people contributed to a radical shift in constitutional meanings of terms such as citizenship, alien, territory, and empire. The debates he shows within his book had a long lasting impact for the island and its people; an impact which is still felt today.
Sam Erman is Professor of Law at the University of Southern California, where he studies constitutional law, legal history, and the Supreme Court.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://gould.usc.edu/faculty/?id=71272">Sam Erman</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/110840149X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Almost Citizens: Puerto Rico, the U.S. Constitution, and Empire</em></a>, published by Cambridge University Press in 2018. <em>Almost Citizens</em> recounts the story of how Puerto Rico came to be part of the United States empire at the turn of the 20th Century. More specifically, Erman looks at how Puerto Ricans, U.S. legislators, presidents, judges, and a bevy of other people debated how Puerto Rico would be incorporated into the United States. The nexus for this debate centered on whether or not Puerto Ricans would be full citizens of the United States. Erman’s study illustrates the myriad of ways in which constitutional change occurs outside of the judiciary, showing how everyday people contributed to a radical shift in constitutional meanings of terms such as citizenship, alien, territory, and empire. The debates he shows within his book had a long lasting impact for the island and its people; an impact which is still felt today.</p><p>Sam Erman is Professor of Law at the University of Southern California, where he studies constitutional law, legal history, and the Supreme Court.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3388</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer A. Jones, "The Browning of the New South" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>The dawn of the new millennium bore witness to an unprecedented transformation of the population in the Southeastern United States as evidenced by Dr. Jennifer A. Jones in her new book The Browning of the New South (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Jones, an Assistant Professor of Sociology as well as Latin American and Latino Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago, examines the evolution of race relations in the face of rapid demographic change as Mexican immigrants move into the traditionally biracial American South. Employing a community-based ethnographic approach, Jones vividly illustrates shifting Southern race relations through the case study of Winston-Salem, North Carolina. The Browning of the New South contributes to the scholarship on immigration and racial formation by revealing the mechanisms that spur collaboration (rather than division) between Latino immigrants and African Americans in a process that Jones calls “minority linked fate.” Counter to a generally national conception of racial formation, Jones emphasizes its local nature, not simply based on preexisting racial hierarchies or phenotype but instead on personal experiences of discrimination, unique social pressures, and local political dynamics. Ultimately, this study of the newly triracial South has immense implications for the future of U.S. politics and our understanding of how race is made.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>50</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Jones examines the evolution of race relations in the face of rapid demographic change as Mexican immigrants move into the traditionally biracial American South...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The dawn of the new millennium bore witness to an unprecedented transformation of the population in the Southeastern United States as evidenced by Dr. Jennifer A. Jones in her new book The Browning of the New South (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Jones, an Assistant Professor of Sociology as well as Latin American and Latino Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago, examines the evolution of race relations in the face of rapid demographic change as Mexican immigrants move into the traditionally biracial American South. Employing a community-based ethnographic approach, Jones vividly illustrates shifting Southern race relations through the case study of Winston-Salem, North Carolina. The Browning of the New South contributes to the scholarship on immigration and racial formation by revealing the mechanisms that spur collaboration (rather than division) between Latino immigrants and African Americans in a process that Jones calls “minority linked fate.” Counter to a generally national conception of racial formation, Jones emphasizes its local nature, not simply based on preexisting racial hierarchies or phenotype but instead on personal experiences of discrimination, unique social pressures, and local political dynamics. Ultimately, this study of the newly triracial South has immense implications for the future of U.S. politics and our understanding of how race is made.
Jaime Sánchez, Jr. is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter @Jaime_SanchezJr.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The dawn of the new millennium bore witness to an unprecedented transformation of the population in the Southeastern United States as evidenced by <a href="https://soc.uic.edu/profiles/jennifer-a-jones/">Dr. Jennifer A. Jones</a> in her new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022660098X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Browning of the New South</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Jones, an Assistant Professor of Sociology as well as Latin American and Latino Studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago, examines the evolution of race relations in the face of rapid demographic change as Mexican immigrants move into the traditionally biracial American South. Employing a community-based ethnographic approach, Jones vividly illustrates shifting Southern race relations through the case study of Winston-Salem, North Carolina. <em>The Browning of the New South </em>contributes to the scholarship on immigration and racial formation by revealing the mechanisms that spur collaboration (rather than division) between Latino immigrants and African Americans in a process that Jones calls “minority linked fate.” Counter to a generally national conception of racial formation, Jones emphasizes its <em>local</em> nature, not simply based on preexisting racial hierarchies or phenotype but instead on personal experiences of discrimination, unique social pressures, and local political dynamics. Ultimately, this study of the newly triracial South has immense implications for the future of U.S. politics and our understanding of how race is made.</p><p><a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/jaime-s%C3%A1nchez-jr"><em>Jaime Sánchez, Jr.</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of History at Princeton University and a scholar of U.S. politics and Latino studies. He is currently writing an institutional history of the Democratic National Committee and partisan coalition politics in the twentieth century. You can follow him on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/Jaime_SanchezJr"><em>@Jaime_SanchezJr</em></a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3389</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Maria Cotera, "Chicana Movidas: New Narratives of Activism and Feminism in the Movement Era" (U of Texas Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>In Chicana Movidas: New Narratives of Activism and Feminism in the Movement Era(University of Texas Press, 2018), Dionne Espinoza, María Eugenia Cotera, and Maylei Blackwell have formulated a landmark anthology illustrating Chicana feminism and activism that spread in the Southwest, Midwest, and Pacific Northwest during the Chicana/o movement era. Contributors examine Chicana activism from different angles that are classified as either hallway movidas, home-making movidas, movidas of crossing, or memory movidas. This episode features Dr. Cotera, who is an Associate Professor of American Culture and the Director of the Latina/o Program at the University of Michigan. Cotera also talks about the creation of Chicana por mi Raza: Digital Memory Collective, a digital archive that has innovatively collected and maintained over 7000 documents on Chicana history. As a way to decolonize the institutional archive, Cotera and Linda García Merchant initiated this endeavor in the early 2000s. González also speaks with Martha P. Cotera about her essay contribution and civil rights activism in Texas.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>48</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The editors have formulated a landmark anthology illustrating Chicana feminism and activism that spread in the Southwest, Midwest, and Pacific Northwest during the Chicana/o movement era...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Chicana Movidas: New Narratives of Activism and Feminism in the Movement Era(University of Texas Press, 2018), Dionne Espinoza, María Eugenia Cotera, and Maylei Blackwell have formulated a landmark anthology illustrating Chicana feminism and activism that spread in the Southwest, Midwest, and Pacific Northwest during the Chicana/o movement era. Contributors examine Chicana activism from different angles that are classified as either hallway movidas, home-making movidas, movidas of crossing, or memory movidas. This episode features Dr. Cotera, who is an Associate Professor of American Culture and the Director of the Latina/o Program at the University of Michigan. Cotera also talks about the creation of Chicana por mi Raza: Digital Memory Collective, a digital archive that has innovatively collected and maintained over 7000 documents on Chicana history. As a way to decolonize the institutional archive, Cotera and Linda García Merchant initiated this endeavor in the early 2000s. González also speaks with Martha P. Cotera about her essay contribution and civil rights activism in Texas.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1477315594/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Chicana Movidas: New Narratives of Activism and Feminism in the Movement Era</em></a>(University of Texas Press, 2018), <a href="http://www.calstatela.edu/faculty/dionne-espinoza">Dionne Espinoza</a>, <a href="https://lsa.umich.edu/ac/people/faculty/mcotera.html">María Eugenia Cotera</a>, and <a href="http://www.chavez.ucla.edu/content/maylei-blackwell">Maylei Blackwell</a> have formulated a landmark anthology illustrating Chicana feminism and activism that spread in the Southwest, Midwest, and Pacific Northwest during the Chicana/o movement era. Contributors examine Chicana activism from different angles that are classified as either hallway movidas, home-making movidas, movidas of crossing, or memory movidas. This episode features Dr. Cotera, who is an Associate Professor of American Culture and the Director of the Latina/o Program at the University of Michigan. Cotera also talks about the creation of <em>Chicana por mi Raza: Digital Memory Collective</em>, a digital archive that has innovatively collected and maintained over 7000 documents on Chicana history. As a way to decolonize the institutional archive, Cotera and Linda García Merchant initiated this endeavor in the early 2000s. González also speaks with Martha P. Cotera about her essay contribution and civil rights activism in Texas.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3585</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Marc Stein, "Sexual Injustice: Supreme Court Decisions from Griswold to Roe" (UNC Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>Focusing on six major Supreme Court cases during the 1960s and 1970s, Marc Stein's book Sexual Injustice (University of North Carolina Press, 2013) examines the generally liberal rulings on birth control, abortion, interracial marriage, and obscenity in Griswold, Eisenstadt, Roe, Loving, and Fanny Hill alongside a profoundly conservative ruling on homosexuality in Boutilier. In the same era in which the Court recognized special marital, reproductive, and heterosexual rights and privileges, it also upheld an immigration statute that classified homosexuals as "psychopathic personalities." Stein shows how a diverse set of influential journalists, judges, and scholars translated the Court's language about marital and reproductive rights into bold statements about sexual freedom and equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 12 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>544</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Stein shows how a diverse set of influential journalists, judges, and scholars translated the Court's language about marital and reproductive rights into bold statements about sexual freedom and equality...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Focusing on six major Supreme Court cases during the 1960s and 1970s, Marc Stein's book Sexual Injustice (University of North Carolina Press, 2013) examines the generally liberal rulings on birth control, abortion, interracial marriage, and obscenity in Griswold, Eisenstadt, Roe, Loving, and Fanny Hill alongside a profoundly conservative ruling on homosexuality in Boutilier. In the same era in which the Court recognized special marital, reproductive, and heterosexual rights and privileges, it also upheld an immigration statute that classified homosexuals as "psychopathic personalities." Stein shows how a diverse set of influential journalists, judges, and scholars translated the Court's language about marital and reproductive rights into bold statements about sexual freedom and equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Focusing on six major Supreme Court cases during the 1960s and 1970s, <a href="https://history.sfsu.edu/people/faculty/marc-stein">Marc Stein</a>'s book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1469600889/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Sexual Injustice</em></a> (University of North Carolina Press, 2013) examines the generally liberal rulings on birth control, abortion, interracial marriage, and obscenity in <em>Griswold, Eisenstadt, Roe, Loving</em>, and <em>Fanny Hill</em> alongside a profoundly conservative ruling on homosexuality in <em>Boutilier</em>. In the same era in which the Court recognized special marital, reproductive, and heterosexual rights and privileges, it also upheld an immigration statute that classified homosexuals as "psychopathic personalities." Stein shows how a diverse set of influential journalists, judges, and scholars translated the Court's language about marital and reproductive rights into bold statements about sexual freedom and equality.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2242</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jonathan Gienapp, "The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era" (Harvard UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In his book, The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era (Harvard University Press, 2018), Jonathan Gienapp revisits the Founding Era to retell the story of America’s favorite document. Looking at the Constitution’s creation, Gienapp makes a compelling case for why we should reconceptualize just what this document meant to early Americans. By examining the debates which gripped Congress immediately following the ratification of the Constitution, and throughout the 1790s, Gienapp illustrates how the very meaning of the Constitution, both as an idea and a text, was forged through partisan politics. If most Americans think of the Constitution as a fixed document, Gienapp shows how “fixing” the Constitution turned it into a “fixed” document. The Second gives us a new starting point for how to interpret the constitutional politics of the Early Republic, and the enduring image of the Constitution to our own day.
Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor in History at Stanford University. He is a scholar of the Revolutionary Era and Early Republic. He’s principally interested in these period’s political culture, constitutionalism, and intellectual history.
Derek Litvak is a Ph.D. student in the department of history at the University of Maryland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>543</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Gienapp revisits the Founding Era to retell the story of America’s favorite document...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his book, The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era (Harvard University Press, 2018), Jonathan Gienapp revisits the Founding Era to retell the story of America’s favorite document. Looking at the Constitution’s creation, Gienapp makes a compelling case for why we should reconceptualize just what this document meant to early Americans. By examining the debates which gripped Congress immediately following the ratification of the Constitution, and throughout the 1790s, Gienapp illustrates how the very meaning of the Constitution, both as an idea and a text, was forged through partisan politics. If most Americans think of the Constitution as a fixed document, Gienapp shows how “fixing” the Constitution turned it into a “fixed” document. The Second gives us a new starting point for how to interpret the constitutional politics of the Early Republic, and the enduring image of the Constitution to our own day.
Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor in History at Stanford University. He is a scholar of the Revolutionary Era and Early Republic. He’s principally interested in these period’s political culture, constitutionalism, and intellectual history.
Derek Litvak is a Ph.D. student in the department of history at the University of Maryland.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674185048/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era </em></a>(Harvard University Press, 2018), <a href="https://history.stanford.edu/people/jonathan-gienapp">Jonathan Gienapp</a> revisits the Founding Era to retell the story of America’s favorite document. Looking at the Constitution’s creation, Gienapp makes a compelling case for why we should reconceptualize just what this document meant to early Americans. By examining the debates which gripped Congress immediately following the ratification of the Constitution, and throughout the 1790s, Gienapp illustrates how the very meaning of the Constitution, both as an idea and a text, was forged through partisan politics. If most Americans think of the Constitution as a fixed document, Gienapp shows how “fixing” the Constitution turned it into a “fixed” document. <em>The Second </em>gives us a new starting point for how to interpret the constitutional politics of the Early Republic, and the enduring image of the Constitution to our own day.</p><p>Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor in History at Stanford University. He is a scholar of the Revolutionary Era and Early Republic. He’s principally interested in these period’s political culture, constitutionalism, and intellectual history.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/thetattooedgrad"><em>Derek Litvak</em></a><em> is a Ph.D. student in the department of history at the University of Maryland.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3774</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Lantis, "Foreign Policy Advocacy and Entrepreneurship: How a New Generation in Congress Is Shaping U.S. Engagement with the World" (U Michigan Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>With the US in the midst of on-going negotiations with Iran, North Korea, and China, how is Congress playing a part? How is the new generation of Congress advocating for and against US action? Jeffrey Lantis’ new book answers these questions. He is the author of Foreign Policy Advocacy and Entrepreneurship: How a New Generation in Congress Is Shaping U.S. Engagement with the World(University of Michigan Press, 2019). Lantis is professor of political science at the College of Wooster.
Through several case studies, Lantis shows how some of the freshest faces on Capitol Hill are advocating for change. From Elizabeth Warren to Tom Cotton, Michelle Bachman to Carlos Curbelo, members of Congress are staking out bold foreign policy stances on everything from trade to climate change. Lantis’ book weaves these cases together into a meaningful account of the contemporary Congress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 02 Jul 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>359</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With the US in the midst of on-going negotiations with Iran, North Korea, and China, how is Congress playing a part?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the US in the midst of on-going negotiations with Iran, North Korea, and China, how is Congress playing a part? How is the new generation of Congress advocating for and against US action? Jeffrey Lantis’ new book answers these questions. He is the author of Foreign Policy Advocacy and Entrepreneurship: How a New Generation in Congress Is Shaping U.S. Engagement with the World(University of Michigan Press, 2019). Lantis is professor of political science at the College of Wooster.
Through several case studies, Lantis shows how some of the freshest faces on Capitol Hill are advocating for change. From Elizabeth Warren to Tom Cotton, Michelle Bachman to Carlos Curbelo, members of Congress are staking out bold foreign policy stances on everything from trade to climate change. Lantis’ book weaves these cases together into a meaningful account of the contemporary Congress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the US in the midst of on-going negotiations with Iran, North Korea, and China, how is Congress playing a part? How is the new generation of Congress advocating for and against US action? <a href="https://www.wooster.edu/bios/jlantis/">Jeffrey Lantis</a>’ new book answers these questions. He is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0472131311/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Foreign Policy Advocacy and Entrepreneurship: How a New Generation in Congress Is Shaping U.S. Engagement with the World</em></a>(University of Michigan Press, 2019). Lantis is professor of political science at the College of Wooster.</p><p>Through several case studies, Lantis shows how some of the freshest faces on Capitol Hill are advocating for change. From Elizabeth Warren to Tom Cotton, Michelle Bachman to Carlos Curbelo, members of Congress are staking out bold foreign policy stances on everything from trade to climate change. Lantis’ book weaves these cases together into a meaningful account of the contemporary Congress.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1486</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Anthony J. Badger, "Albert Gore, Sr.: A Political Life" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>In 1956 Albert Gore, Sr. received national attention as one of only three senators from the states of the former Confederacy who refused to sign the infamous “Southern Manifesto” opposing the racial integration of public spaces. Lauded as Gore was by many for his decision, as Anthony J. Badger shows in his Albert Gore, Sr.: A Political Life (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019) it was a product of a nuanced approach on the issue of civil rights in a changing time. The son of a farmer, Gore demonstrated his father’s strenuous work ethic in his efforts to earn a college education. After a rapid rise in state politics, Gore won election to the House of Representatives in 1938, where he served for fourteen years before defeating a longtime incumbent senator in a Democratic primary. As Badger demonstrates, while Gore’s “TVA liberalism” led him to play a key role in passing some of the major infrastructure legislation in the 1950s, the issues of civil rights and the Vietnam War ultimately led Gore to adopt positions that alienated his constituents. Though defeated in his bid for reelection in 1970, though in retirement this was tempered by his son Al’s success in winning election, first to Congress and then to the vice presidency, in the 1990s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Jun 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>149</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In 1956 Albert Gore, Sr. received national attention as one of only three senators from the states of the former Confederacy who refused to sign the infamous “Southern Manifesto” opposing the racial integration of public spaces...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1956 Albert Gore, Sr. received national attention as one of only three senators from the states of the former Confederacy who refused to sign the infamous “Southern Manifesto” opposing the racial integration of public spaces. Lauded as Gore was by many for his decision, as Anthony J. Badger shows in his Albert Gore, Sr.: A Political Life (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019) it was a product of a nuanced approach on the issue of civil rights in a changing time. The son of a farmer, Gore demonstrated his father’s strenuous work ethic in his efforts to earn a college education. After a rapid rise in state politics, Gore won election to the House of Representatives in 1938, where he served for fourteen years before defeating a longtime incumbent senator in a Democratic primary. As Badger demonstrates, while Gore’s “TVA liberalism” led him to play a key role in passing some of the major infrastructure legislation in the 1950s, the issues of civil rights and the Vietnam War ultimately led Gore to adopt positions that alienated his constituents. Though defeated in his bid for reelection in 1970, though in retirement this was tempered by his son Al’s success in winning election, first to Congress and then to the vice presidency, in the 1990s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1956 Albert Gore, Sr. received national attention as one of only three senators from the states of the former Confederacy who refused to sign the infamous “Southern Manifesto” opposing the racial integration of public spaces. Lauded as Gore was by many for his decision, as <a href="https://www.hist.cam.ac.uk/directory/ajb1001@cam.ac.uk">Anthony J. Badger</a> shows in his <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0812250729/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Albert Gore, Sr.: A Political Life</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019) it was a product of a nuanced approach on the issue of civil rights in a changing time. The son of a farmer, Gore demonstrated his father’s strenuous work ethic in his efforts to earn a college education. After a rapid rise in state politics, Gore won election to the House of Representatives in 1938, where he served for fourteen years before defeating a longtime incumbent senator in a Democratic primary. As Badger demonstrates, while Gore’s “TVA liberalism” led him to play a key role in passing some of the major infrastructure legislation in the 1950s, the issues of civil rights and the Vietnam War ultimately led Gore to adopt positions that alienated his constituents. Though defeated in his bid for reelection in 1970, though in retirement this was tempered by his son Al’s success in winning election, first to Congress and then to the vice presidency, in the 1990s.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3496</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>David Karol, "Red, Green, and Blue: The Partisan Divide on Environmental Issues" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>David Karol’s new book, Red, Green, and Blue: The Partisan Divide on Environmental Issues (Cambridge University Press, 2019), examines the history of environmental policy within American political parties. He ably integrates the early conservation movement into the discussion, providing foundational understandings of the distinction between the conservationists at the beginning of the 20th century and the growth and evolution of the environmental movement in the second half of the 20th century. Red, Green, and Blue also compares the U.S. engagement with “green” politics and how environmentalism and green social movements have operated in other developed, western democracies. The thrust of this book, which is part of the Element series at Cambridge University Press, is to focus on how, where, and why environmental policy became more acutely partisan. Karol also examines the functioning of party coalitions and interest groups as they wove together around environmental issues.
Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is author of Not in My District: The Politics of Military Base Closures (Peter Lang, 2003).
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      <pubDate>Fri, 21 Jun 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>358</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Karol examines the history of environmental policy within American political parties...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>David Karol’s new book, Red, Green, and Blue: The Partisan Divide on Environmental Issues (Cambridge University Press, 2019), examines the history of environmental policy within American political parties. He ably integrates the early conservation movement into the discussion, providing foundational understandings of the distinction between the conservationists at the beginning of the 20th century and the growth and evolution of the environmental movement in the second half of the 20th century. Red, Green, and Blue also compares the U.S. engagement with “green” politics and how environmentalism and green social movements have operated in other developed, western democracies. The thrust of this book, which is part of the Element series at Cambridge University Press, is to focus on how, where, and why environmental policy became more acutely partisan. Karol also examines the functioning of party coalitions and interest groups as they wove together around environmental issues.
Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is author of Not in My District: The Politics of Military Base Closures (Peter Lang, 2003).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://gvpt.umd.edu/facultyprofile/karol/david">David Karol</a>’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108716490/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Red, Green, and Blue: The Partisan Divide on Environmental Issues</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2019), examines the history of environmental policy within American political parties. He ably integrates the early conservation movement into the discussion, providing foundational understandings of the distinction between the conservationists at the beginning of the 20th century and the growth and evolution of the environmental movement in the second half of the 20th century. <em>Red, Green, and Blue</em> also compares the U.S. engagement with “green” politics and how environmentalism and green social movements have operated in other developed, western democracies. The thrust of this book, which is part of the Element series at Cambridge University Press, is to focus on how, where, and why environmental policy became more acutely partisan. Karol also examines the functioning of party coalitions and interest groups as they wove together around environmental issues.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is Professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She is author of </em><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Politics-Military-Base-Closings-Governance/dp/0820455245"><em>Not in My District: The Politics of Military Base Closures</em></a><em> (Peter Lang, 2003).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2089</itunes:duration>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[ef5666de-c01b-11ec-a526-e76cf4bf20c5]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2932429430.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Rachel Augustine Potter, "Bending the Rules: Procedural Politicking in the Bureaucracy" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Rule-making may rarely make headlines, but the significance of this largely hidden process cannot be underestimated. Rachel Augustine Potter makes the case in Bending the Rules: Procedural Politicking in the Bureaucracy (University of Chicago Press, 2019) that rulemaking is incredibly important, but also political in ways that are misunderstood. Potter is assistant professor at the University of Virginia.
With Bending the Rules, Rachel Augustine Potter shows that rulemaking is not the rote administrative activity it is commonly imagined to be, but rather is an intensely political activity. Because rulemaking occurs in a separation of powers system, bureaucrats are not free to implement their preferred policies unimpeded: the president, Congress, and the courts can all get involved in the process, often in conjunction with interest groups. However, rather than capitulating to demands, bureaucrats routinely employ “procedural politicking,” using their deep knowledge of the process to strategically insulate proposals from political scrutiny and interference. Potter shows how bureaucrats use procedures to resist interference from Congress, the President, and the courts at each stage of the process
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      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>257</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Rule-making may rarely make headlines, but the significance of this largely hidden process cannot be underestimated...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Rule-making may rarely make headlines, but the significance of this largely hidden process cannot be underestimated. Rachel Augustine Potter makes the case in Bending the Rules: Procedural Politicking in the Bureaucracy (University of Chicago Press, 2019) that rulemaking is incredibly important, but also political in ways that are misunderstood. Potter is assistant professor at the University of Virginia.
With Bending the Rules, Rachel Augustine Potter shows that rulemaking is not the rote administrative activity it is commonly imagined to be, but rather is an intensely political activity. Because rulemaking occurs in a separation of powers system, bureaucrats are not free to implement their preferred policies unimpeded: the president, Congress, and the courts can all get involved in the process, often in conjunction with interest groups. However, rather than capitulating to demands, bureaucrats routinely employ “procedural politicking,” using their deep knowledge of the process to strategically insulate proposals from political scrutiny and interference. Potter shows how bureaucrats use procedures to resist interference from Congress, the President, and the courts at each stage of the process
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Rule-making may rarely make headlines, but the significance of this largely hidden process cannot be underestimated. Rachel Augustine Potter makes the case in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022662174X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Bending the Rules: Procedural Politicking in the Bureaucracy</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2019) that rulemaking is incredibly important, but also political in ways that are misunderstood. Potter is assistant professor at the University of Virginia.</p><p>With Bending the Rules, <a href="https://politics.virginia.edu/rachel-potter/">Rachel Augustine Potter</a> shows that rulemaking is not the rote administrative activity it is commonly imagined to be, but rather is an intensely political activity. Because rulemaking occurs in a separation of powers system, bureaucrats are not free to implement their preferred policies unimpeded: the president, Congress, and the courts can all get involved in the process, often in conjunction with interest groups. However, rather than capitulating to demands, bureaucrats routinely employ “procedural politicking,” using their deep knowledge of the process to strategically insulate proposals from political scrutiny and interference. Potter shows how bureaucrats use procedures to resist interference from Congress, the President, and the courts at each stage of the process</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1473</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[cf135856-c0ab-11ec-a448-273b6b219b80]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2538540093.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Ryan Grim, "We've Got People: From Jesse Jackson to AOC, the End of Big Money and the Rise of a Movement" (Strong Arm Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>The modern progressive movement is rising in influence, intensity and numbers. Just where did it come from and where is it going? Ryan Grim, D.C bureau chief for The Intercept digs into the movement’s origins in We've Got People: From Jesse Jackson to AOC, the End of Big Money and the Rise of a Movement (Strong Arm Press, 2019). He begins with the presidential campaigns of Rev. Jesse Jackson, which laid the foundation for a cross-racial progressive populism, and prompted changes in the Democratic Party’s presidential primary process that later benefited Barack Obama. Grim also explores the Obama presidency which, while celebrated by many Democrats, has been criticized by some on the left as too wedded to corporations, centrism and insider deal-making. And those criticisms help to propel the 2016 presidential bid of Sen. Bernie Sanders and 2018’s upset House election victory of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Bill Scher is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in The New York Times, The New Republic, and The New York Daily News among other publications. He is author of Wait! Don’t Move to Canada, published by Rodale in 2006.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 17 Jun 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>52</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The modern progressive movement is rising in influence, intensity and numbers. Just where did it come from and where is it going?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The modern progressive movement is rising in influence, intensity and numbers. Just where did it come from and where is it going? Ryan Grim, D.C bureau chief for The Intercept digs into the movement’s origins in We've Got People: From Jesse Jackson to AOC, the End of Big Money and the Rise of a Movement (Strong Arm Press, 2019). He begins with the presidential campaigns of Rev. Jesse Jackson, which laid the foundation for a cross-racial progressive populism, and prompted changes in the Democratic Party’s presidential primary process that later benefited Barack Obama. Grim also explores the Obama presidency which, while celebrated by many Democrats, has been criticized by some on the left as too wedded to corporations, centrism and insider deal-making. And those criticisms help to propel the 2016 presidential bid of Sen. Bernie Sanders and 2018’s upset House election victory of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.
Bill Scher is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in The New York Times, The New Republic, and The New York Daily News among other publications. He is author of Wait! Don’t Move to Canada, published by Rodale in 2006.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The modern progressive movement is rising in influence, intensity and numbers. Just where did it come from and where is it going? <a href="https://theintercept.com/staff/ryangrim/">Ryan Grim</a>, D.C bureau chief for The Intercept digs into the movement’s origins in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1947492381/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>We've Got People: From Jesse Jackson to AOC, the End of Big Money and the Rise of a Movement</em></a> (Strong Arm Press, 2019). He begins with the presidential campaigns of Rev. Jesse Jackson, which laid the foundation for a cross-racial progressive populism, and prompted changes in the Democratic Party’s presidential primary process that later benefited Barack Obama. Grim also explores the Obama presidency which, while celebrated by many Democrats, has been criticized by some on the left as too wedded to corporations, centrism and insider deal-making. And those criticisms help to propel the 2016 presidential bid of Sen. Bernie Sanders and 2018’s upset House election victory of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.</p><p><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Scher"><em>Bill Scher</em></a><em> is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in </em>The New York Times, The New Republic<em>, and </em>The New York Daily News<em> among other publications. He is author of </em>Wait! Don’t Move to Canada<em>, published by Rodale in 2006.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2765</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a5ce8be2-c0aa-11ec-9570-77ec630bebed]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Ben Merriman, "Conservative Innovators: How States Are Challenging Federal Power" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Expansion of federal power has typically come with the consent of states, often eager to receive the funding tied to new policy priorities. Not so any more, as some states have famously rejected funding for Medicaid expansion. Was the case of Medicaid and Obamacare an aberration or part of a larger strategy? Such is the focus of Conservative Innovators: How States Are Challenging Federal Power (University of Chicago Press, 2019).
Ben Merriman’s new book explores what he calls uncooperative federalism. He finds a deliberate conservative strategy to use the courts and state executive power to resist federal influence in state affairs. He focuses especially on Kansas and the activity of far-right conservatives in the state who have in the past decade used the powers of state-level offices to fight federal regulation on a range of topics from gun control to voting processes to Medicaid.
Merriman — a sociologist by training — is an assistant professor at the School of Public Affairs &amp; Administration at the University of Kansas.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 14 Jun 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>356</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Merriman's book new book explores what he calls uncooperative federalism. He finds a deliberate conservative strategy to use the courts and state executive power to resist federal influence in state affairs...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Expansion of federal power has typically come with the consent of states, often eager to receive the funding tied to new policy priorities. Not so any more, as some states have famously rejected funding for Medicaid expansion. Was the case of Medicaid and Obamacare an aberration or part of a larger strategy? Such is the focus of Conservative Innovators: How States Are Challenging Federal Power (University of Chicago Press, 2019).
Ben Merriman’s new book explores what he calls uncooperative federalism. He finds a deliberate conservative strategy to use the courts and state executive power to resist federal influence in state affairs. He focuses especially on Kansas and the activity of far-right conservatives in the state who have in the past decade used the powers of state-level offices to fight federal regulation on a range of topics from gun control to voting processes to Medicaid.
Merriman — a sociologist by training — is an assistant professor at the School of Public Affairs &amp; Administration at the University of Kansas.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Expansion of federal power has typically come with the consent of states, often eager to receive the funding tied to new policy priorities. Not so any more, as some states have famously rejected funding for Medicaid expansion. Was the case of Medicaid and Obamacare an aberration or part of a larger strategy? Such is the focus of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022662031X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Conservative Innovators: How States Are Challenging Federal Power</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2019).</p><p><a href="https://kupa.ku.edu/ben-merriman">Ben Merriman</a>’s new book explores what he calls uncooperative federalism. He finds a deliberate conservative strategy to use the courts and state executive power to resist federal influence in state affairs. He focuses especially on Kansas and the activity of far-right conservatives in the state who have in the past decade used the powers of state-level offices to fight federal regulation on a range of topics from gun control to voting processes to Medicaid.</p><p>Merriman — a sociologist by training — is an assistant professor at the School of Public Affairs &amp; Administration at the University of Kansas.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1428</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[a191663a-c019-11ec-aee7-afd98f521e14]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7259390648.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher Childers, "The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American Republic" (Johns Hopkins UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>No, not the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Perhaps even more important than that Illinois contest of 1858 was the Webster-Hayne debate of 1830.
Confused? Drawing a blank? Not really your fault. Would you be even more surprised to hear that these were debates held not out in front of voters, but in the Senate? And that debates in the Senate could change public opinion? Build and break coalitions? Redirect political energy?
These days when the United States Senate is referred to as “the world’s greatest deliberative body,” it’s to both tell the windup and the punchline of a joke. If anyone regards the Senate as useful for much of anything, it’s to quickly pass legislation originating in the House or swiftly process presidential appointments. The Senate is now simply a hurdle in the legislative race.
It was not always so. The curious case of the Senate is that the Senate now means so little. On his now famous journey through the United States, the eternally scribbling Tocqueville noted that the debates of the Senate were worthy of any legislature in the world.
Tocqueville’s timing was impeccable. He had arrived in the Senate at the beginning of what is now regarded as the “Golden Age” of the Senate, lasting approximately from 1830 to 1860. One reason often given by political historians for this age of oratory and debate, and Senatorial consequence, was the controversy over slavery that was the focus of this rhetorically elevated contention. But as Christopher Childers demonstrates in his new book The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American Republic(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), the “golden age” of the Senate was the result of political breakdown and upheaval, the end of the previous generation of political culture. That breakdown is the focus of our our conversation today–along with the confrontation of Hayne of South Carolina and Webster of Massachusetts, what happened afterwards, and how it was first remembered and then forgotten.
Al Zambone is a historian and the host of the podcast Historically Thinking. You can subscribe to Historically Thinking on Apple Podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>508</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>No, not the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Perhaps even more important than that Illinois contest of 1858 was the Webster-Hayne debate of 1830.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>No, not the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Perhaps even more important than that Illinois contest of 1858 was the Webster-Hayne debate of 1830.
Confused? Drawing a blank? Not really your fault. Would you be even more surprised to hear that these were debates held not out in front of voters, but in the Senate? And that debates in the Senate could change public opinion? Build and break coalitions? Redirect political energy?
These days when the United States Senate is referred to as “the world’s greatest deliberative body,” it’s to both tell the windup and the punchline of a joke. If anyone regards the Senate as useful for much of anything, it’s to quickly pass legislation originating in the House or swiftly process presidential appointments. The Senate is now simply a hurdle in the legislative race.
It was not always so. The curious case of the Senate is that the Senate now means so little. On his now famous journey through the United States, the eternally scribbling Tocqueville noted that the debates of the Senate were worthy of any legislature in the world.
Tocqueville’s timing was impeccable. He had arrived in the Senate at the beginning of what is now regarded as the “Golden Age” of the Senate, lasting approximately from 1830 to 1860. One reason often given by political historians for this age of oratory and debate, and Senatorial consequence, was the controversy over slavery that was the focus of this rhetorically elevated contention. But as Christopher Childers demonstrates in his new book The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American Republic(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), the “golden age” of the Senate was the result of political breakdown and upheaval, the end of the previous generation of political culture. That breakdown is the focus of our our conversation today–along with the confrontation of Hayne of South Carolina and Webster of Massachusetts, what happened afterwards, and how it was first remembered and then forgotten.
Al Zambone is a historian and the host of the podcast Historically Thinking. You can subscribe to Historically Thinking on Apple Podcasts.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>No, not the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Perhaps even more important than that Illinois contest of 1858 was the Webster-Hayne debate of 1830.</p><p>Confused? Drawing a blank? Not really your fault. Would you be even more surprised to hear that these were debates held not out in front of voters, but in the Senate? And that debates in the Senate could change public opinion? Build and break coalitions? Redirect political energy?</p><p>These days when the United States Senate is referred to as “the world’s greatest deliberative body,” it’s to both tell the windup and the punchline of a joke. If anyone regards the Senate as useful for much of anything, it’s to quickly pass legislation originating in the House or swiftly process presidential appointments. The Senate is now simply a hurdle in the legislative race.</p><p>It was not always so. The curious case of the Senate is that the Senate now means so little. On his now famous journey through the United States, the eternally scribbling Tocqueville noted that the debates of the Senate were worthy of any legislature in the world.</p><p>Tocqueville’s timing was impeccable. He had arrived in the Senate at the beginning of what is now regarded as the “Golden Age” of the Senate, lasting approximately from 1830 to 1860. One reason often given by political historians for this age of oratory and debate, and Senatorial consequence, was the controversy over slavery that was the focus of this rhetorically elevated contention. But as <a href="https://www.pittstate.edu/hpss/faculty-and-staff/chris-childers.html">Christopher Childers</a> demonstrates in his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1421426145/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American Republic</em></a>(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), the “golden age” of the Senate was the result of political breakdown and upheaval, the end of the previous generation of political culture. That breakdown is the focus of our our conversation today–along with the confrontation of Hayne of South Carolina and Webster of Massachusetts, what happened afterwards, and how it was first remembered and then forgotten.</p><p><em>Al Zambone is a historian and the host of the podcast </em><a href="http://historicallythinking.org/"><em>Historically Thinking</em></a><em>. You can subscribe to Historically Thinking on </em><a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/historically-thinking-conversations/id965914326"><em>Apple Podcasts</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4106</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[1213794c-c00c-11ec-abf7-2b96db3794b6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9851891796.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher J. Galdieri, "Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from Robert Kennedy to Scott Brown" (SUNY Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Chris Galdieri has written an engaging analysis of carpetbagging in American politics. Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from Robert Kennedy to Scott Brown (SUNY Press, 2019), and its focus on individual case studies, highlight understandings of electoral politics in the United States and how individual ambition, party strengths and weaknesses, and electoral dynamics all fit into our thinking about candidates and their campaigns. While the thrust of Stranger in a Strange State is on this topic of carpetbagging—with high profile examples like Robert Kennedy and Hillary Clinton, and somewhat less well known candidates like Alan Keyes and Bill Brock—our understanding of carpetbagging also brings forward considerations of representation, since the critique of the carpetbagger tends to be a disconnection from the citizens to be represented, especially for those running for the United States Senate. Galdieri forefronts this analysis of representation, framing the analysis of these individual cases within our thinking about how elected officials are supposed to represent their constituents. This is a fascinating book, compelling the reader to turn the page to learn more about political parties, politicians, campaigns, ambition, and how much of this might fit within our polarized political landscape.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 May 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>350</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>While the thrust of Stranger in a Strange State is on this topic of carpetbagging, our understanding of carpetbagging also brings forward considerations of representation, since the critique of the carpetbagger tends to be a disconnection from the citizens to be represented, especially for those running for the United States Senate...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Chris Galdieri has written an engaging analysis of carpetbagging in American politics. Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from Robert Kennedy to Scott Brown (SUNY Press, 2019), and its focus on individual case studies, highlight understandings of electoral politics in the United States and how individual ambition, party strengths and weaknesses, and electoral dynamics all fit into our thinking about candidates and their campaigns. While the thrust of Stranger in a Strange State is on this topic of carpetbagging—with high profile examples like Robert Kennedy and Hillary Clinton, and somewhat less well known candidates like Alan Keyes and Bill Brock—our understanding of carpetbagging also brings forward considerations of representation, since the critique of the carpetbagger tends to be a disconnection from the citizens to be represented, especially for those running for the United States Senate. Galdieri forefronts this analysis of representation, framing the analysis of these individual cases within our thinking about how elected officials are supposed to represent their constituents. This is a fascinating book, compelling the reader to turn the page to learn more about political parties, politicians, campaigns, ambition, and how much of this might fit within our polarized political landscape.
Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.anselm.edu/faculty-directory/christopher-galdieri">Chris Galdieri</a> has written an engaging analysis of carpetbagging in American politics. <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1438474032/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from Robert Kennedy to Scott Brown</em></a> (SUNY Press, 2019), and its focus on individual case studies, highlight understandings of electoral politics in the United States and how individual ambition, party strengths and weaknesses, and electoral dynamics all fit into our thinking about candidates and their campaigns. While the thrust of Stranger in a Strange State is on this topic of carpetbagging—with high profile examples like Robert Kennedy and Hillary Clinton, and somewhat less well known candidates like Alan Keyes and Bill Brock—our understanding of carpetbagging also brings forward considerations of representation, since the critique of the carpetbagger tends to be a disconnection from the citizens to be represented, especially for those running for the United States Senate. Galdieri forefronts this analysis of representation, framing the analysis of these individual cases within our thinking about how elected officials are supposed to represent their constituents. This is a fascinating book, compelling the reader to turn the page to learn more about political parties, politicians, campaigns, ambition, and how much of this might fit within our polarized political landscape.</p><p><em>Lilly J. Goren is professor of Political Science at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. She co-edited the award-winning </em>Women and the White House: Gender, Popular Culture, and Presidential Politics<em> (University Press of Kentucky, 2012).</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3008</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9eb117fc-c01a-11ec-b0b4-476a65b161a8]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5400801689.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gwendoline M. Alphonso, "Polarized Families, Polarized Parties: Contesting Values and Economics in American Politics" (U Pennsylvania Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Gwendoline M. Alphonso's new book Polarized Families, Polarized Parties: Contesting Values and Economics in American Politics (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018) demonstrates how regional ideas about family in the 20th century shaped, not only Republican and Democratic policy and ideological positions concerning race and gender, but also their ideals concerning the economy and the state. Drawing on extensive data from congressional committee hearings, political party platforms, legislation sponsorship, and demographic data from the three periods in the United States, Polarized Families, Polarized Parties provides a detailed analysis of how the ideal family became critical to party politics. By revealing the deep historical interconnections between family and the two parties' ideologies and policy preferences, Alphonso shows that American party development is more than a story of the state and its role in the economy but also, at its core, a debate over the political values of family and the social fabric it embodies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>348</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Alphonso demonstrates how regional ideas about family in the 20th century shaped, not only Republican and Democratic policy and ideological positions concerning race and gender, but also their ideals concerning the economy and the state...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gwendoline M. Alphonso's new book Polarized Families, Polarized Parties: Contesting Values and Economics in American Politics (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018) demonstrates how regional ideas about family in the 20th century shaped, not only Republican and Democratic policy and ideological positions concerning race and gender, but also their ideals concerning the economy and the state. Drawing on extensive data from congressional committee hearings, political party platforms, legislation sponsorship, and demographic data from the three periods in the United States, Polarized Families, Polarized Parties provides a detailed analysis of how the ideal family became critical to party politics. By revealing the deep historical interconnections between family and the two parties' ideologies and policy preferences, Alphonso shows that American party development is more than a story of the state and its role in the economy but also, at its core, a debate over the political values of family and the social fabric it embodies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.fairfield.edu/lassochannel/academic/profile/index.lasso?id=987">Gwendoline M. Alphonso</a>'s new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0812250338/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Polarized Families, Polarized Parties: Contesting Values and Economics in American Politics</em></a> (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018) demonstrates how regional ideas about family in the 20th century shaped, not only Republican and Democratic policy and ideological positions concerning race and gender, but also their ideals concerning the economy and the state. Drawing on extensive data from congressional committee hearings, political party platforms, legislation sponsorship, and demographic data from the three periods in the United States, <em>Polarized Families, Polarized Parties</em> provides a detailed analysis of how the ideal family became critical to party politics. By revealing the deep historical interconnections between family and the two parties' ideologies and policy preferences, Alphonso shows that American party development is more than a story of the state and its role in the economy but also, at its core, a debate over the political values of family and the social fabric it embodies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1610</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[88009b10-c01d-11ec-af2f-2b89450f9836]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2054455187.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matthew Green, "Legislative Hardball: The House Freedom Caucus and the Power of Threat-Making in Congress" (Cambridge UP, 2019)</title>
      <description>“You think I am crazy, and I know you are not” is what future-White House Chief of Staff and then-House Freedom Caucus leader Congressman Mick Mulvaney said to Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy. The two members of Congress were playing a game of chicken that helps explain the tactics and strategies at the heard of Matthew Green’s new book Legislative Hardball: The House Freedom Caucus and the Power of Threat-Making in Congress (Cambridge University Press, 2019). Green is associate professor of politics at The Catholic University. He previously appeared on the podcast with his book Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives. He is also the author of Choosing the Leader: Leadership Elections in the U.S. House of Representatives (with Doug Harris) (Yale University Press, 2019).
Assertive bargaining occurs from time to time in the US Congress. It became an important feature of legislative negotiations within the House Republican Party when, following the 2014 elections, a group of conservatives called the House Freedom Caucus regularly issued threats against its own party's leadership. Such behavior by an ideologically extreme bloc of lawmakers is not accounted for by existing theories of legislative politics. Green studies the successes and failures of the Freedom Caucus, in Legislative Hardball, as well as the larger topic of contentious leadership battles in the House in Choosing the Leader.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 May 2019 14:50:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>351</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Following the 2014 elections, a group of conservatives called the House Freedom Caucus regularly issued threats against its own party's leadership...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“You think I am crazy, and I know you are not” is what future-White House Chief of Staff and then-House Freedom Caucus leader Congressman Mick Mulvaney said to Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy. The two members of Congress were playing a game of chicken that helps explain the tactics and strategies at the heard of Matthew Green’s new book Legislative Hardball: The House Freedom Caucus and the Power of Threat-Making in Congress (Cambridge University Press, 2019). Green is associate professor of politics at The Catholic University. He previously appeared on the podcast with his book Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives. He is also the author of Choosing the Leader: Leadership Elections in the U.S. House of Representatives (with Doug Harris) (Yale University Press, 2019).
Assertive bargaining occurs from time to time in the US Congress. It became an important feature of legislative negotiations within the House Republican Party when, following the 2014 elections, a group of conservatives called the House Freedom Caucus regularly issued threats against its own party's leadership. Such behavior by an ideologically extreme bloc of lawmakers is not accounted for by existing theories of legislative politics. Green studies the successes and failures of the Freedom Caucus, in Legislative Hardball, as well as the larger topic of contentious leadership battles in the House in Choosing the Leader.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“You think I am crazy, and I know you are not” is what future-White House Chief of Staff and then-House Freedom Caucus leader Congressman Mick Mulvaney said to Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy. The two members of Congress were playing a game of chicken that helps explain the tactics and strategies at the heard of <a href="http://politics.cua.edu/faculty/bio/green.cfm">Matthew Green</a>’s new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108735819/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Legislative Hardball: The House Freedom Caucus and the Power of Threat-Making in Congress</em></a> (Cambridge University Press, 2019). Green is associate professor of politics at The Catholic University. He previously appeared on the podcast with his book <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/matthew-green-underdog-politics-the-minority-party-in-the-u-s-house-of-representatives-yale-up-2015/"><em>Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives</em></a>. He is also the author of <em>Choosing the</em> <em>Leader: Leadership Elections in the U.S. House of Representatives</em> (with Doug Harris) (Yale University Press, 2019).</p><p>Assertive bargaining occurs from time to time in the US Congress. It became an important feature of legislative negotiations within the House Republican Party when, following the 2014 elections, a group of conservatives called the House Freedom Caucus regularly issued threats against its own party's leadership. Such behavior by an ideologically extreme bloc of lawmakers is not accounted for by existing theories of legislative politics. Green studies the successes and failures of the Freedom Caucus, in <em>Legislative Hardball</em>, as well as the larger topic of contentious leadership battles in the House in <em>Choosing the Leader</em>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1363</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8143948560.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 52: Eugene Volokh on What We Mean by "The First Amendment"</title>
      <description>What do we mean when we say "The First Amendment"? It's obvious: we mean the most robust protection of speech rights, religious liberty, freedom of the press, and freedom of association in the world today. Correct, says Eugene Volokh, absolutely correct. But it could change! Listen to this illuminating conversation with a leading expert on freedom of speech and constitutional law at UCLA. Volokh clerked for Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and runs the Volokh Conspiracy, a legal blog.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 May 2019 16:47:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>52</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eugene Volokh</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What do we mean when we say "The First Amendment"? It's obvious: we mean the most robust protection of speech rights, religious liberty, freedom of the press, and freedom of association in the world today. Correct, says Eugene Volokh, absolutely correct. But it could change! Listen to this illuminating conversation with a leading expert on freedom of speech and constitutional law at UCLA. Volokh clerked for Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and runs the Volokh Conspiracy, a legal blog.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What do we mean when we say "The First Amendment"? It's obvious: we mean the most robust protection of speech rights, religious liberty, freedom of the press, and freedom of association in the world today. Correct, says Eugene Volokh, absolutely correct. But it could change! Listen to this illuminating conversation with a leading expert on freedom of speech and constitutional law at UCLA. Volokh clerked for Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and runs the Volokh Conspiracy, a legal blog.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4646</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[01ad06c9824d42b2821c0704dab8f0f2]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7588781797.mp3?updated=1633201541" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 53: Eric Segall--Should You Trust the Supreme Court?</title>
      <description>Free speech is hotly debated around the world today -- and will it be saved by the U.S. Supreme Court? Professor Eric Segall is skeptical about putting our faith and our fate in the hands of nine black-robed justices placed for a lifetime on the Court. He questions the outsized role of judges to overturn laws, which should only happen, he says, when there is clear and convincing evidence of an "irreconcilable variance" between the law and my constitutional rights). Is there a better way?
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 May 2019 17:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>53</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Eric Segall</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Free speech is hotly debated around the world today -- and will it be saved by the U.S. Supreme Court? Professor Eric Segall is skeptical about putting our faith and our fate in the hands of nine black-robed justices placed for a lifetime on the Court. He questions the outsized role of judges to overturn laws, which should only happen, he says, when there is clear and convincing evidence of an "irreconcilable variance" between the law and my constitutional rights). Is there a better way?
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Free speech is hotly debated around the world today -- and will it be saved by the U.S. Supreme Court? Professor Eric Segall is skeptical about putting our faith and our fate in the hands of nine black-robed justices placed for a lifetime on the Court. He questions the outsized role of judges to overturn laws, which should only happen, he says, when there is clear and convincing evidence of an "irreconcilable variance" between the law and my constitutional rights). Is there a better way?</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3940</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[b21f897763ab413281fbcedf68ba7222]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2711298030.mp3?updated=1633201610" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Affirmative Action: Liliana Garces--Let's Create a Level Playing Field</title>
      <description>"I want to help the field of education realize its potential to help realize all Americans' potential." Dr. Liliana Garces was co-counsel in presenting amicus briefs to the Supreme Court of the United States. She is an Associate Professor at the University of Texas at Austin and Affiliate Faculty at the University of Texas School of Law. Her research is on access, diversity, and equity in higher education, and the use and influence of social science research in law. 
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 May 2019 14:28:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>51</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Liliana Garces</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>"I want to help the field of education realize its potential to help realize all Americans' potential." Dr. Liliana Garces was co-counsel in presenting amicus briefs to the Supreme Court of the United States. She is an Associate Professor at the University of Texas at Austin and Affiliate Faculty at the University of Texas School of Law. Her research is on access, diversity, and equity in higher education, and the use and influence of social science research in law. 
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>"I want to help the field of education realize its potential to help realize all Americans' potential." Dr. Liliana Garces was co-counsel in presenting amicus briefs to the Supreme Court of the United States. She is an Associate Professor at the University of Texas at Austin and Affiliate Faculty at the University of Texas School of Law. Her research is on access, diversity, and equity in higher education, and the use and influence of social science research in law. </p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3427</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>J. Dyck and E. Lascher, "Initiatives without Engagement: A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects" (U Michigan Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Ballot initiatives offer voters the chance to directly determine the outcome of state policy change. Do Americans who vote on initiatives grow in political efficacy and participate more in the future? Or is the initiative process ultimately undemocratic in the sense that those who participate grow less interested in participating over time? Ultimately, are there spillover effects of direct democracy?
Joshua Dyck and Edward Lascher take on these questions in Initiatives without Engagement: A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects (University of Michigan Press 2019). Dyck is Associate Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Center for Public Opinion at the University of Massachusetts Lowell; Lascher, Jr is Professor of Public Policy and Administration at California State University, Sacramento.
Initiatives without Engagement challenges what democratic reformers have thought about the initiative process since the Progressive Era. The findings suggest that ballot initiatives lead to higher voter turnout but not to higher political interest. There is also a partisan dimension to the findings. Independents are the least mobilized by ballot initiatives, while Republicans and Democrats are more likely to register to vote, possibly explained by the incentives of ideological political entrepreneurs who sponsor initiatives.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 May 2019 08:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>347</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Do Americans who vote on initiatives grow in political efficacy and participate more in the future?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ballot initiatives offer voters the chance to directly determine the outcome of state policy change. Do Americans who vote on initiatives grow in political efficacy and participate more in the future? Or is the initiative process ultimately undemocratic in the sense that those who participate grow less interested in participating over time? Ultimately, are there spillover effects of direct democracy?
Joshua Dyck and Edward Lascher take on these questions in Initiatives without Engagement: A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects (University of Michigan Press 2019). Dyck is Associate Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Center for Public Opinion at the University of Massachusetts Lowell; Lascher, Jr is Professor of Public Policy and Administration at California State University, Sacramento.
Initiatives without Engagement challenges what democratic reformers have thought about the initiative process since the Progressive Era. The findings suggest that ballot initiatives lead to higher voter turnout but not to higher political interest. There is also a partisan dimension to the findings. Independents are the least mobilized by ballot initiatives, while Republicans and Democrats are more likely to register to vote, possibly explained by the incentives of ideological political entrepreneurs who sponsor initiatives.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Ballot initiatives offer voters the chance to directly determine the outcome of state policy change. Do Americans who vote on initiatives grow in political efficacy and participate more in the future? Or is the initiative process ultimately undemocratic in the sense that those who participate grow less interested in participating over time? Ultimately, are there spillover effects of direct democracy?</p><p><a href="https://www.uml.edu/FAHSS/Political-Science/faculty/Dyck-Joshua.aspx">Joshua Dyck</a> and <a href="https://www.csus.edu/ppa/faculty/fulltimefaculty/lascher.html">Edward Lascher</a> take on these questions in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0472131192/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Initiatives without Engagement: A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects</em></a> (University of Michigan Press 2019). Dyck is Associate Professor of Political Science and Co-Director of the Center for Public Opinion at the University of Massachusetts Lowell; Lascher, Jr is Professor of Public Policy and Administration at California State University, Sacramento.</p><p><em>Initiatives without Engagement</em> challenges what democratic reformers have thought about the initiative process since the Progressive Era. The findings suggest that ballot initiatives lead to higher voter turnout but not to higher political interest. There is also a partisan dimension to the findings. Independents are the least mobilized by ballot initiatives, while Republicans and Democrats are more likely to register to vote, possibly explained by the incentives of ideological political entrepreneurs who sponsor initiatives.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1521</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Aram Gousouzian, "The Men and the Moment: The Election of 1968 and the Rise of Partisan Politics in America" (UNC Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>The endlessly fascinating 1968 presidential race transformed American politics in ways that are still being felt. Aram Goudsouzian explores the characters who shaped that race in The Men and the Moment: The Election of 1968 and the Rise of Partisan Politics in America (UNC Press, 2019). Goudsouzian argues the campaign marked the end of the “Old Politics” of party machines, and the rise of the “New Politics” in which candidates more robustly engaged voters. And it marked the decline of the Democratic coalition of white Southerners and northern urbanites, setting back progressivism and buoying conservatism. Goudsouzian gives readers in-depth portrayals of the motley collection of politicians who clashed that year, including Lyndon Johnson, Eugene McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Nelson Rockefeller and George Wallace. As you read about the political and cultural divisions that rocked American in 1968, it won’t be hard to detect parallels in our politics today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 May 2019 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>48</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The endlessly fascinating 1968 presidential race transformed American politics in ways that are still being felt...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The endlessly fascinating 1968 presidential race transformed American politics in ways that are still being felt. Aram Goudsouzian explores the characters who shaped that race in The Men and the Moment: The Election of 1968 and the Rise of Partisan Politics in America (UNC Press, 2019). Goudsouzian argues the campaign marked the end of the “Old Politics” of party machines, and the rise of the “New Politics” in which candidates more robustly engaged voters. And it marked the decline of the Democratic coalition of white Southerners and northern urbanites, setting back progressivism and buoying conservatism. Goudsouzian gives readers in-depth portrayals of the motley collection of politicians who clashed that year, including Lyndon Johnson, Eugene McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Nelson Rockefeller and George Wallace. As you read about the political and cultural divisions that rocked American in 1968, it won’t be hard to detect parallels in our politics today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The endlessly fascinating 1968 presidential race transformed American politics in ways that are still being felt. <a href="https://www.aramgoudsouzian.com/">Aram Goudsouzian</a> explores the characters who shaped that race in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1469651092/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Men and the Moment: The Election of 1968 and the Rise of Partisan Politics in America</em></a> (UNC Press, 2019). Goudsouzian argues the campaign marked the end of the “Old Politics” of party machines, and the rise of the “New Politics” in which candidates more robustly engaged voters. And it marked the decline of the Democratic coalition of white Southerners and northern urbanites, setting back progressivism and buoying conservatism. Goudsouzian gives readers in-depth portrayals of the motley collection of politicians who clashed that year, including Lyndon Johnson, Eugene McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Nelson Rockefeller and George Wallace. As you read about the political and cultural divisions that rocked American in 1968, it won’t be hard to detect parallels in our politics today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1844</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Peter Daou, "Digital Civil War: Confronting the Far-Right Menace" (Melville House, 2019)</title>
      <description>Democratic political adviser Peter Daou has long toggled between the world of presidential campaigns and online activism. He worked for the presidential campaigns of John Kerry in 2004 and Hillary Clinton in 2008, and he has built a large social media presence with which he wages battles for progressive causes. Now he has channeled his experiences into Digital Civil War: Confronting the Far-Right Menace (Melville House, 2019), in which he analyzes the daily political skirmishing that rages online, urges progressives to engage on the “digital battlefield.” While acknowledging the deepening polarization of American politics, he argues that the polarization is “asymmetric,” with Republicans becoming more “extreme” than Democrats. And he warns against characterizing conservative “red America” as more reflective of the “real America” than the liberal “blue.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 May 2019 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>47</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daou analyzes the daily political skirmishing that rages online, urges progressives to engage on the “digital battlefield.”</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Democratic political adviser Peter Daou has long toggled between the world of presidential campaigns and online activism. He worked for the presidential campaigns of John Kerry in 2004 and Hillary Clinton in 2008, and he has built a large social media presence with which he wages battles for progressive causes. Now he has channeled his experiences into Digital Civil War: Confronting the Far-Right Menace (Melville House, 2019), in which he analyzes the daily political skirmishing that rages online, urges progressives to engage on the “digital battlefield.” While acknowledging the deepening polarization of American politics, he argues that the polarization is “asymmetric,” with Republicans becoming more “extreme” than Democrats. And he warns against characterizing conservative “red America” as more reflective of the “real America” than the liberal “blue.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Democratic political adviser <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Daou">Peter Daou</a> has long toggled between the world of presidential campaigns and online activism. He worked for the presidential campaigns of John Kerry in 2004 and Hillary Clinton in 2008, and he has built a large social media presence with which he wages battles for progressive causes. Now he has channeled his experiences into <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1612197876/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Digital Civil War: Confronting the Far-Right Menace</em></a> (Melville House, 2019), in which he analyzes the daily political skirmishing that rages online, urges progressives to engage on the “digital battlefield.” While acknowledging the deepening polarization of American politics, he argues that the polarization is “asymmetric,” with Republicans becoming more “extreme” than Democrats. And he warns against characterizing conservative “red America” as more reflective of the “real America” than the liberal “blue.”</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2477</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[694edb40-c0aa-11ec-9dd9-0fc2beb52d72]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7911216986.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Erin M. Kempker, "Big Sister: Feminism, Conservatism and Conspiracy in the Heartland" (U Illinois, 2018)</title>
      <description>Erin M. Kempker is an associate professor of history at Mississippi University for Women and the author of Big Sister: Feminism, Conservatism and Conspiracy in the Heartland (University of Illinois, 2018). The author examines how 1970s right-wing women activists in the state of Indiana combined earlier political conspiracy theories, Cold War anti-communism and anti-ERA sentiment to cast feminism as threat to American democracy, free enterprise, and the family. Conservative women’s groups in the mid-West, such as Minute Women and Pro America, rallied against the Equal Right Amendment at a critical moment for feminism. The strategy of the ERA Coordinating Committee, (HERA) a coalition of twelve liberal organizations, was of low-key bi-partisan lobbying of legislators that marginalizing radical feminists. The soft-sale approach of Hoosier feminists threatened to kill the ERA as it faced militant right-wing opposition. Kempker examines the motivations and organizational strategies of right-wing women and the problems feminist encountered in promoting ERA as a matter of simple justice and failing to directly counter the conservative critiques. Big Sister is a study of both conservative strategies that led to the rightward move of the Republican Party in the 1980s and the failings of feminists in delaying the ultimate passage of ERA in Indiana offering lessons for activist today.
Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her recent book is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology (Oxford University Press, 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 May 2019 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>89</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The author examines how 1970s right-wing women activists in the state of Indiana combined earlier political conspiracy theories, Cold War anti-communism and anti-ERA sentiment to cast feminism as threat to American democracy, free enterprise, and the family.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Erin M. Kempker is an associate professor of history at Mississippi University for Women and the author of Big Sister: Feminism, Conservatism and Conspiracy in the Heartland (University of Illinois, 2018). The author examines how 1970s right-wing women activists in the state of Indiana combined earlier political conspiracy theories, Cold War anti-communism and anti-ERA sentiment to cast feminism as threat to American democracy, free enterprise, and the family. Conservative women’s groups in the mid-West, such as Minute Women and Pro America, rallied against the Equal Right Amendment at a critical moment for feminism. The strategy of the ERA Coordinating Committee, (HERA) a coalition of twelve liberal organizations, was of low-key bi-partisan lobbying of legislators that marginalizing radical feminists. The soft-sale approach of Hoosier feminists threatened to kill the ERA as it faced militant right-wing opposition. Kempker examines the motivations and organizational strategies of right-wing women and the problems feminist encountered in promoting ERA as a matter of simple justice and failing to directly counter the conservative critiques. Big Sister is a study of both conservative strategies that led to the rightward move of the Republican Party in the 1980s and the failings of feminists in delaying the ultimate passage of ERA in Indiana offering lessons for activist today.
Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her recent book is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology (Oxford University Press, 2018).
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.muw.edu/case/hpg/faculty/32-dr-erin-kempker">Erin M. Kempker</a> is an associate professor of history at Mississippi University for Women and the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0252083660/?tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Big Sister: Feminism, Conservatism and Conspiracy in the Heartland</em></a> (University of Illinois, 2018). The author examines how 1970s right-wing women activists in the state of Indiana combined earlier political conspiracy theories, Cold War anti-communism and anti-ERA sentiment to cast feminism as threat to American democracy, free enterprise, and the family. Conservative women’s groups in the mid-West, such as Minute Women and Pro America, rallied against the Equal Right Amendment at a critical moment for feminism. The strategy of the ERA Coordinating Committee, (HERA) a coalition of twelve liberal organizations, was of low-key bi-partisan lobbying of legislators that marginalizing radical feminists. The soft-sale approach of Hoosier feminists threatened to kill the ERA as it faced militant right-wing opposition. Kempker examines the motivations and organizational strategies of right-wing women and the problems feminist encountered in promoting ERA as a matter of simple justice and failing to directly counter the conservative critiques. <em>Big Sister</em> is a study of both conservative strategies that led to the rightward move of the Republican Party in the 1980s and the failings of feminists in delaying the ultimate passage of ERA in Indiana offering lessons for activist today.</p><p><em>Lilian Calles Barger, </em><a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com"><em>www.lilianbarger.com</em></a><em>, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her recent book is entitled </em>The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology (Oxford University Press, 2018).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3272</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>Steve Luxenberg, "Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation" (Norton, 2019)</title>
      <description>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (Norton, 2019) It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the Plessy case. The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts. We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision. The Plessy case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States. It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Mar 2019 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>68</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steve Luxenberg has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation (Norton, 2019) It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the Plessy case. The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts. We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision. The Plessy case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States. It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.
Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.steveluxenberg.com/">Steve Luxenberg</a> has created an unusual history of the famous Supreme Court case <em>Plessy v. Ferguson </em>and the 19th century’s segregationist practices in his book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QvAj4ybKUQU5e7YVF_jM-xIAAAFpfmHpfwEAAAFKAfNnhac/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0393239373/?creativeASIN=0393239373&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=70vL3d36Jj70CZCL-DYJSA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Separate: The Story of Plessy v. Ferguson, and America’s Journey from Slavery to Segregation</em></a> (Norton, 2019) It is unusual because it is chiefly an ensemble biography of Henry Brown, John Marshall Harlan, and Albion Tourgee, three men intimately connected with the <em>Plessy</em> case. The book covers the Antebellum period youth of the three men, each from a different part of the young nation and each encountering freedmen, slaves, and the institution of slavery in different social and political contexts. We follow these men through the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the post-Reconstruction period leading up to the Plessy decision. The <em>Plessy</em> case helped solidify official, state-enforced segregationist practices throughout the United States. It made the now-infamous phrase “separate but equal” a constitutional doctrine that was the law of the land until the 1950s and 1960s.</p><p><em>Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2896</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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    <item>
      <title>S. M. Milkis and D. J. Tichenor, "Rivalry and Reform: Presidents, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American Politics" (U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Sidney M. Milkis and Daniel J. Tichenor have written Rivalry and Reform: Presidents, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Milkis is the White Burkett Miller Professor in the Department of Politics and a senior fellow at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. Tichenor is the Philip H. Knight Chair of Political Science and director of the Program on Democratic Engagement and Governance of the Wayne Morse Center for Law and Politics at the University of Oregon.
Rivalry and Reform explores the historical relationships between presidents and social movements. Through several cases, including Lincoln and abolitionism, Johnson and the civil rights movement, and Ronald Reagan and the New Christian Right, Milkis and Tichenor show that major political change happens through compromise between movement leaders and presidents negotiated over decades. The book concludes by focusing on Barack Obama’s approach to social movements such as Black Lives Matter, United We Dream, and Marriage Equality.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Mar 2019 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>332</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Rivalry and Reform explores the historical relationships between presidents and social movements.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sidney M. Milkis and Daniel J. Tichenor have written Rivalry and Reform: Presidents, Social Movements, and the Transformation of American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Milkis is the White Burkett Miller Professor in the Department of Politics and a senior fellow at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. Tichenor is the Philip H. Knight Chair of Political Science and director of the Program on Democratic Engagement and Governance of the Wayne Morse Center for Law and Politics at the University of Oregon.
Rivalry and Reform explores the historical relationships between presidents and social movements. Through several cases, including Lincoln and abolitionism, Johnson and the civil rights movement, and Ronald Reagan and the New Christian Right, Milkis and Tichenor show that major political change happens through compromise between movement leaders and presidents negotiated over decades. The book concludes by focusing on Barack Obama’s approach to social movements such as Black Lives Matter, United We Dream, and Marriage Equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://politics.virginia.edu/sidney-milkis/">Sidney M. Milkis</a> and <a href="https://polisci.uoregon.edu/profile/tichenor/">Daniel J. Tichenor</a> have written <em>Rivalry and Reform: Presidents, </em><a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QjzOCtGTuJhgRnjahOKcOB8AAAFpXp6pIAEAAAFKAeuVl9A/https://www.amazon.com/dp/022656939X/?creativeASIN=022656939X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=SFjOCHXC-h5DL51ztcNVNg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Social Movements, and the Transformation of American Politics</em></a> (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Milkis is the White Burkett Miller Professor in the Department of Politics and a senior fellow at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia. Tichenor is the Philip H. Knight Chair of Political Science and director of the Program on Democratic Engagement and Governance of the Wayne Morse Center for Law and Politics at the University of Oregon.</p><p><em>Rivalry and Reform</em> explores the historical relationships between presidents and social movements. Through several cases, including Lincoln and abolitionism, Johnson and the civil rights movement, and Ronald Reagan and the New Christian Right, Milkis and Tichenor show that major political change happens through compromise between movement leaders and presidents negotiated over decades. The book concludes by focusing on Barack Obama’s approach to social movements such as Black Lives Matter, United We Dream, and Marriage Equality.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1717</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>B. I. Page, J. Seawright, and M. J. Lacombe, "Billionaires and Stealth Politics" U Chicago Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>With at least one new billionaire in the 2020 presidential race, the politics of the one percent are with us again. What do billionaires believe? And do they believe the same things as the average American? Answering these questions has until now been frustrated by the difficulty of fielding surveys of the very rich. Just finding where they live is hard enough. But a new book has solved part of this problem and answers many questions. Benjamin I. Page, Jason Seawright, and Matthew J. Lacombe have written Billionaires and Stealth Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Page is the Gordon Scott Fulcher Professor of Decision Making at Northwestern University; Seawright is professor of political science at the Northwestern University, and Matthew J. Lacombe is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University and is joining the faculty of Barnard College in the fall. In the book, we learn about the stealthy ways most billionaires participate in politics. They rarely utter a word about their beliefs in public, but do spend huge sums of money influencing politics. Unfortunately, only small amounts of that spending is publicly disclosed. Much of their spending is masked behind the non-transparent organizations that populate American politics. Stealthy politics, like the dark money groups that benefit, is a politics of secrecy and mystery, hardly the democratic politics of openness and transparency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Feb 2019 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>327</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With at least one new billionaire in the 2020 presidential race, the politics of the one percent are with us again...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With at least one new billionaire in the 2020 presidential race, the politics of the one percent are with us again. What do billionaires believe? And do they believe the same things as the average American? Answering these questions has until now been frustrated by the difficulty of fielding surveys of the very rich. Just finding where they live is hard enough. But a new book has solved part of this problem and answers many questions. Benjamin I. Page, Jason Seawright, and Matthew J. Lacombe have written Billionaires and Stealth Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Page is the Gordon Scott Fulcher Professor of Decision Making at Northwestern University; Seawright is professor of political science at the Northwestern University, and Matthew J. Lacombe is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University and is joining the faculty of Barnard College in the fall. In the book, we learn about the stealthy ways most billionaires participate in politics. They rarely utter a word about their beliefs in public, but do spend huge sums of money influencing politics. Unfortunately, only small amounts of that spending is publicly disclosed. Much of their spending is masked behind the non-transparent organizations that populate American politics. Stealthy politics, like the dark money groups that benefit, is a politics of secrecy and mystery, hardly the democratic politics of openness and transparency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With at least one new billionaire in the 2020 presidential race, the politics of the one percent are with us again. What do billionaires believe? And do they believe the same things as the average American? Answering these questions has until now been frustrated by the difficulty of fielding surveys of the very rich. Just finding where they live is hard enough. But a new book has solved part of this problem and answers many questions. Benjamin I. Page, Jason Seawright, and Matthew J. Lacombe have written <em>Billionaires and Stealth Politics</em> (University of Chicago Press, 2019). Page is the Gordon Scott Fulcher Professor of Decision Making at Northwestern University; Seawright is professor of political science at the Northwestern University, and Matthew J. Lacombe is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University and is joining the faculty of Barnard College in the fall. In the book, we learn about the stealthy ways most billionaires participate in politics. They rarely utter a word about their beliefs in public, but do spend huge sums of money influencing politics. Unfortunately, only small amounts of that spending is publicly disclosed. Much of their spending is masked behind the non-transparent organizations that populate American politics. Stealthy politics, like the dark money groups that benefit, is a politics of secrecy and mystery, hardly the democratic politics of openness and transparency.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1598</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1762952668.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Margaret Peacock, "Innocent Weapons: The Soviet and American Politics of Childhood in the Cold War" (UNC Press, 2014)</title>
      <description>In Innocent Weapons: The Soviet and American Politics of Childhood in the Cold War (University of North Press, 2014), Margaret Peacock analyzes the various ways in which images of children were put to use, in Soviet and American Cold War propaganda. From the Boy Scouts to the Pioneers, ubiquitous images of children portrayed the superiority of communism/capitalism.
Where children were used to showcase superiority, equally powerful were images of children as needing protection. In the United States, images of the child helped explain the need for nuclear testing and fallout shelters. From a Soviet point of view, children were likewise to be protected: from the evils of capitalist consumerism, from the rapacious nuclear warmongering of the West.
Even as children were used to promote the officially sanctioned view of the American/Soviet state, those same images, Dr. Peacock shows, could be used to subvert that view. Post-Stalin Soviet films criticized the status quo using images of the child to do so. Suspect American mothers hauled in front of the House Committee on Un-American Activities managed to subvert the aims of that body by hauling their children right along with them.
Utilizing archival and published evidence from a wide variety of Russian and American sources, Dr. Peacock has written an engaging history of the uses to which images of children have been put, in service of a conflict that spanned at least half the last century and whose consequences remain with us.
Aaron Weinacht is Professor of History at the University of Montana Western in Dillon, MT. He teaches courses on Russian and Soviet History, World History, and Philosophy of History. His research interests include the sociological theorist Philip Rieff and the influence of Russian nihilism on American libertarianism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 12 Feb 2019 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>82</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Margaret Peacock analyzes the various ways in which images of children were put to use, in Soviet and American Cold War propaganda...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Innocent Weapons: The Soviet and American Politics of Childhood in the Cold War (University of North Press, 2014), Margaret Peacock analyzes the various ways in which images of children were put to use, in Soviet and American Cold War propaganda. From the Boy Scouts to the Pioneers, ubiquitous images of children portrayed the superiority of communism/capitalism.
Where children were used to showcase superiority, equally powerful were images of children as needing protection. In the United States, images of the child helped explain the need for nuclear testing and fallout shelters. From a Soviet point of view, children were likewise to be protected: from the evils of capitalist consumerism, from the rapacious nuclear warmongering of the West.
Even as children were used to promote the officially sanctioned view of the American/Soviet state, those same images, Dr. Peacock shows, could be used to subvert that view. Post-Stalin Soviet films criticized the status quo using images of the child to do so. Suspect American mothers hauled in front of the House Committee on Un-American Activities managed to subvert the aims of that body by hauling their children right along with them.
Utilizing archival and published evidence from a wide variety of Russian and American sources, Dr. Peacock has written an engaging history of the uses to which images of children have been put, in service of a conflict that spanned at least half the last century and whose consequences remain with us.
Aaron Weinacht is Professor of History at the University of Montana Western in Dillon, MT. He teaches courses on Russian and Soviet History, World History, and Philosophy of History. His research interests include the sociological theorist Philip Rieff and the influence of Russian nihilism on American libertarianism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qjs-dGuKwiEMfRyDTqJs8VUAAAFo0p8VgAEAAAFKAZLdFEM/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1469633442/?creativeASIN=1469633442&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=3lwJ98EfaPqtNcvCMzCwhA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Innocent Weapons: The Soviet and American Politics of Childhood in the Cold War</em></a> (University of North Press, 2014), <a href="https://history.ua.edu/people/margaret-peacock/">Margaret Peacock</a> analyzes the various ways in which images of children were put to use, in Soviet and American Cold War propaganda. From the Boy Scouts to the Pioneers, ubiquitous images of children portrayed the superiority of communism/capitalism.</p><p>Where children were used to showcase superiority, equally powerful were images of children as needing protection. In the United States, images of the child helped explain the need for nuclear testing and fallout shelters. From a Soviet point of view, children were likewise to be protected: from the evils of capitalist consumerism, from the rapacious nuclear warmongering of the West.</p><p>Even as children were used to promote the officially sanctioned view of the American/Soviet state, those same images, Dr. Peacock shows, could be used to subvert that view. Post-Stalin Soviet films criticized the status quo using images of the child to do so. Suspect American mothers hauled in front of the House Committee on Un-American Activities managed to subvert the aims of that body by hauling their children right along with them.</p><p>Utilizing archival and published evidence from a wide variety of Russian and American sources, Dr. Peacock has written an engaging history of the uses to which images of children have been put, in service of a conflict that spanned at least half the last century and whose consequences remain with us.</p><p><em>Aaron Weinacht is Professor of History at the University of Montana Western in Dillon, MT. He teaches courses on Russian and Soviet History, World History, and Philosophy of History. His research interests include the sociological theorist Philip Rieff and the influence of Russian nihilism on American libertarianism.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3847</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Jon Ward, "Camelot’s End: Kennedy vs. Carter and the Fight That Broke the Democratic Party" (Twelve, 2019)</title>
      <description>Yahoo! News Senior Political Correspondent Jon Ward delves into to the oft-forgotten yet starkly dramatic 1980 Democratic presidential primary between President Jimmy Carter and Senator Ted Kennedy in Camelot’s End: Kennedy vs. Carter and the Fight That Broke the Democratic Party (Twelve, 2019). Ward tracks the political origins of the southern moderate outsider and the northern liberal insider, and paints two complex and nuanced portraits. He explains how Carter had long eyed Kennedy as an obstacle to the presidency and how Kennedy eventually grew to view Carter as an obstacle to his policy agenda. The two deeply ambitious politicians would eventually clash on the biggest political stages and break apart the already weakening north-south coalition that had fueled Democratic Party dominance for decades.
Bill Scher is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in The New York Times, The New Republic, and The New York Daily News among other publications. He is author of Wait! Don’t Move to Canada, published by Rodale in 2006.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Feb 2019 13:55:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>44</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Ward tracks the political origins of the southern moderate outsider and the northern liberal insider, and paints two complex and nuanced portraits...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Yahoo! News Senior Political Correspondent Jon Ward delves into to the oft-forgotten yet starkly dramatic 1980 Democratic presidential primary between President Jimmy Carter and Senator Ted Kennedy in Camelot’s End: Kennedy vs. Carter and the Fight That Broke the Democratic Party (Twelve, 2019). Ward tracks the political origins of the southern moderate outsider and the northern liberal insider, and paints two complex and nuanced portraits. He explains how Carter had long eyed Kennedy as an obstacle to the presidency and how Kennedy eventually grew to view Carter as an obstacle to his policy agenda. The two deeply ambitious politicians would eventually clash on the biggest political stages and break apart the already weakening north-south coalition that had fueled Democratic Party dominance for decades.
Bill Scher is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in The New York Times, The New Republic, and The New York Daily News among other publications. He is author of Wait! Don’t Move to Canada, published by Rodale in 2006.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Yahoo! News Senior Political Correspondent <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/author/jon-ward/">Jon Ward</a> delves into to the oft-forgotten yet starkly dramatic 1980 Democratic presidential primary between President Jimmy Carter and Senator Ted Kennedy in <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QtmdVE9zKVL64e8jKtcU50gAAAFoyic00QEAAAFKAcDoz10/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1455591386/?creativeASIN=1455591386&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=RLOesWiB2oRXpkzP3t9ufg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Camelot’s End: Kennedy vs. Carter and the Fight That Broke the Democratic Party</em></a> (Twelve, 2019). Ward tracks the political origins of the southern moderate outsider and the northern liberal insider, and paints two complex and nuanced portraits. He explains how Carter had long eyed Kennedy as an obstacle to the presidency and how Kennedy eventually grew to view Carter as an obstacle to his policy agenda. The two deeply ambitious politicians would eventually clash on the biggest political stages and break apart the already weakening north-south coalition that had fueled Democratic Party dominance for decades.</p><p><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Scher"><em>Bill Scher</em></a><em> is a Contributing Editor for POLITICO Magazine. He has provided political commentary on CNN, NPR and MSNBC. He has been published in </em>The New York Times, The New Republic<em>, and </em>The New York Daily News<em> among other publications. He is author of </em>Wait! Don’t Move to Canada<em>, published by Rodale in 2006.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3043</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1586393685.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Free Speech 39: Martha Jones on Birthright Citizenship</title>
      <description>Who’s in, and who’s out? Professor Martha Jones explains the history of birthright citizenship, how Black Americans claimed the rights of citizens long before the courts and Congress granted them such legal rights, and why this prehistory matters to understand today’s debates. Is it outrageous that senior officials question the right of birthright citizenship? You may think so, but you’d also be wrong to think that this right has not been and will remain contested as long as the Republic stands.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 17 Jan 2019 03:30:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>39</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Martha Jones</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Who’s in, and who’s out? Professor Martha Jones explains the history of birthright citizenship, how Black Americans claimed the rights of citizens long before the courts and Congress granted them such legal rights, and why this prehistory matters to understand today’s debates. Is it outrageous that senior officials question the right of birthright citizenship? You may think so, but you’d also be wrong to think that this right has not been and will remain contested as long as the Republic stands.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Who’s in, and who’s out? Professor Martha Jones explains the history of birthright citizenship, how Black Americans claimed the rights of citizens long before the courts and Congress granted them such legal rights, and why this prehistory matters to understand today’s debates. Is it outrageous that senior officials question the right of birthright citizenship? You may think so, but you’d also be wrong to think that this right has not been and will remain contested as long as the Republic stands.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3590</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
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      <title>Pamela Herd and Donald Moynihan, "Administrative Burden: Policymaking by Other Means" (Russell Sage Foundation Press, 2019)</title>
      <description>Pamela Herd and Donald Moynihan are authors of Administrative Burden: Policymaking by Other Means (Russell Sage Foundation Press, 2019). Herd is a Professor in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University; Moynihan is the inaugural McCourt Chair in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University.
In Administrative Burden, Herd and Moynihan show that the administrative burdens citizens regularly encounter in their interactions with government are not accidental, but the result of deliberate policy choices. With detailed descriptions of federal programs, the authors show that administrative burdens are essential to policy design. Regarding salient issues such as voter enfranchisement or abortion rights, lawmakers often use administrative burdens to limit access to rights or services they oppose.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 09 Jan 2019 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>322</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In Administrative Burden, Herd and Moynihan show that the administrative burdens citizens regularly encounter in their interactions with government are not accidental, but the result of deliberate policy choices...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Pamela Herd and Donald Moynihan are authors of Administrative Burden: Policymaking by Other Means (Russell Sage Foundation Press, 2019). Herd is a Professor in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University; Moynihan is the inaugural McCourt Chair in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University.
In Administrative Burden, Herd and Moynihan show that the administrative burdens citizens regularly encounter in their interactions with government are not accidental, but the result of deliberate policy choices. With detailed descriptions of federal programs, the authors show that administrative burdens are essential to policy design. Regarding salient issues such as voter enfranchisement or abortion rights, lawmakers often use administrative burdens to limit access to rights or services they oppose.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/0033600001i3sNCAAY/pamela-herd">Pamela Herd</a> and <a href="https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/0033600001i3sNRAAY/donald-moynihan">Donald Moynihan</a> are authors of <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qq2k-P35G6KIEMAsH2zjlrgAAAFoD8Rk6QEAAAFKAQVd9bw/https://www.amazon.com/dp/087154444X/?creativeASIN=087154444X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=4RNJvJ7mKsm7P2guWZGB4g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>Administrative Burden: Policymaking by Other Means</em></a> (Russell Sage Foundation Press, 2019). Herd is a Professor in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University; Moynihan is the inaugural McCourt Chair in the McCourt School of Public Policy at Georgetown University.</p><p>In <em>Administrative Burden</em>, Herd and Moynihan show that the administrative burdens citizens regularly encounter in their interactions with government are not accidental, but the result of deliberate policy choices. With detailed descriptions of federal programs, the authors show that administrative burdens are essential to policy design. Regarding salient issues such as voter enfranchisement or abortion rights, lawmakers often use administrative burdens to limit access to rights or services they oppose.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1266</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[bf376a08-c0ab-11ec-8352-53839f7f0e94]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6491130534.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Robert Chiles, "The Revolution of ’28: Al Smith, American Progressivism, and the Coming of the New Deal" (Cornell UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Traditionally Al Smith’s 1928 presidential campaign is remembered mainly for being the first time a Catholic was nominated as the candidate for a major political party. As Robert Chiles demonstrates in his book The Revolution of ’28: Al Smith, American Progressivism, and the Coming of the New Deal(Cornell University Press, 2018), this focus obscures Smith’s efforts to promote a progressive reform agenda during the election and the role this played in forming the “New Deal coalition” in the 1930s. Chiles traces the emergence of Smith’s progressivism to his association with the women of the settlement house movement in the 1910s, through whom he gained a greater understanding of the problems facing urban workers. As both a state legislator and as governor Smith sought to promote reforms designed to improve the lives of New Yorkers on a range of issues, from workplace safety to environmental conservation. As the nominee Smith promoted a strong progressive agenda, one that appealed to many ethnic working-class voters in the Northeast and Midwest. These voters became an important source of electoral support for Smith’s successor as the Democratic presidential nominee, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who would realize much of Smith’s proposals after winning the White House in 1932.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Jan 2019 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>464</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Traditionally Al Smith’s 1928 presidential campaign is remembered mainly for being the first time a Catholic was nominated as the candidate for a major political party....</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Traditionally Al Smith’s 1928 presidential campaign is remembered mainly for being the first time a Catholic was nominated as the candidate for a major political party. As Robert Chiles demonstrates in his book The Revolution of ’28: Al Smith, American Progressivism, and the Coming of the New Deal(Cornell University Press, 2018), this focus obscures Smith’s efforts to promote a progressive reform agenda during the election and the role this played in forming the “New Deal coalition” in the 1930s. Chiles traces the emergence of Smith’s progressivism to his association with the women of the settlement house movement in the 1910s, through whom he gained a greater understanding of the problems facing urban workers. As both a state legislator and as governor Smith sought to promote reforms designed to improve the lives of New Yorkers on a range of issues, from workplace safety to environmental conservation. As the nominee Smith promoted a strong progressive agenda, one that appealed to many ethnic working-class voters in the Northeast and Midwest. These voters became an important source of electoral support for Smith’s successor as the Democratic presidential nominee, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who would realize much of Smith’s proposals after winning the White House in 1932.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Traditionally Al Smith’s 1928 presidential campaign is remembered mainly for being the first time a Catholic was nominated as the candidate for a major political party. As <a href="http://history.umd.edu/users/rchiles">Robert Chiles</a> demonstrates in his book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qlf45-mPDRLZ4Mm3qtMwURYAAAFn17hwYwEAAAFKAVCFty8/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1501705504/?creativeASIN=1501705504&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Wy5JkuHGXGclWfvklJG1lA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20"><em>The Revolution of ’28: Al Smith, American Progressivism, and the Coming of the New Deal</em></a>(Cornell University Press, 2018), this focus obscures Smith’s efforts to promote a progressive reform agenda during the election and the role this played in forming the “New Deal coalition” in the 1930s. Chiles traces the emergence of Smith’s progressivism to his association with the women of the settlement house movement in the 1910s, through whom he gained a greater understanding of the problems facing urban workers. As both a state legislator and as governor Smith sought to promote reforms designed to improve the lives of New Yorkers on a range of issues, from workplace safety to environmental conservation. As the nominee Smith promoted a strong progressive agenda, one that appealed to many ethnic working-class voters in the Northeast and Midwest. These voters became an important source of electoral support for Smith’s successor as the Democratic presidential nominee, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who would realize much of Smith’s proposals after winning the White House in 1932.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3467</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[46d39582-c010-11ec-b797-672a256d3cee]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6431762409.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>John Sides, Michael Tesler, Lynn Vavreck, "Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America" (Princeton UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America (Princeton University Press, 2018), co-authors John Sides, Michael Tesler, and Lynn Vavreck explore the underlying question of American identity as a key component within the political landscape that was used during the 2016 primary and general election. Identity Crisis delves into the way that the Republican primary battle was shaped by this question of identity, specifically the ways in which candidate Donald Trump was able to leverage embedded tensions around social identity, especially in regard to issues like immigration. Through the use of substantial data sets that dive into voters’ choices over time, Sides, Tesler, and Vavreck are able to parse policy and issue preferences, how those choices coordinate with partisan inclinations and candidate selection, and what shifted during the course of the election cycle in 2015 and 2016. This incredibly compelling book, accessible to academics and non-academics, examines the tensions around American identity and what it means to be an American today, while exploring how that very idea is contested and seen through partisan lenses. The book examines not only an understanding of individual identity, but also the ways that group identity continues to contribute to further partisan cleavage and polarization. The authors also find interesting backlashes within this political dynamic, as responses to antagonistic attacks on certain groups prompts a variety of responses among voters. Identity Crisis will help readers understand what happened in 2016—from a variety of perspectives and considerations of different dimensions of American politics.
This podcast was hosted by Lilly Goren, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Dec 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>317</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America (Princeton University Press, 2018), co-authors John Sides, Michael Tesler, and Lynn Vavreck explore the underlying question of American identity as a key component within the political landscape that was used during the 2016 primary and general election...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America (Princeton University Press, 2018), co-authors John Sides, Michael Tesler, and Lynn Vavreck explore the underlying question of American identity as a key component within the political landscape that was used during the 2016 primary and general election. Identity Crisis delves into the way that the Republican primary battle was shaped by this question of identity, specifically the ways in which candidate Donald Trump was able to leverage embedded tensions around social identity, especially in regard to issues like immigration. Through the use of substantial data sets that dive into voters’ choices over time, Sides, Tesler, and Vavreck are able to parse policy and issue preferences, how those choices coordinate with partisan inclinations and candidate selection, and what shifted during the course of the election cycle in 2015 and 2016. This incredibly compelling book, accessible to academics and non-academics, examines the tensions around American identity and what it means to be an American today, while exploring how that very idea is contested and seen through partisan lenses. The book examines not only an understanding of individual identity, but also the ways that group identity continues to contribute to further partisan cleavage and polarization. The authors also find interesting backlashes within this political dynamic, as responses to antagonistic attacks on certain groups prompts a variety of responses among voters. Identity Crisis will help readers understand what happened in 2016—from a variety of perspectives and considerations of different dimensions of American politics.
This podcast was hosted by Lilly Goren, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter @gorenlj.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/11084.html"><em>Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America</em></a> (Princeton University Press, 2018), co-authors <a href="https://politicalscience.columbian.gwu.edu/john-sides">John Sides</a>, <a href="https://www.polisci.uci.edu/people/faculty.php">Michael Tesler</a>, and <a href="https://www.polisci.ucla.edu/people/lynn-vavreck">Lynn Vavreck</a> explore the underlying question of American identity as a key component within the political landscape that was used during the 2016 primary and general election. <em>Identity Crisis </em>delves into the way that the Republican primary battle was shaped by this question of identity, specifically the ways in which candidate Donald Trump was able to leverage embedded tensions around social identity, especially in regard to issues like immigration. Through the use of substantial data sets that dive into voters’ choices over time, Sides, Tesler, and Vavreck are able to parse policy and issue preferences, how those choices coordinate with partisan inclinations and candidate selection, and what shifted during the course of the election cycle in 2015 and 2016. This incredibly compelling book, accessible to academics and non-academics, examines the tensions around American identity and what it means to be an American today, while exploring how that very idea is contested and seen through partisan lenses. The book examines not only an understanding of individual identity, but also the ways that group identity continues to contribute to further partisan cleavage and polarization. The authors also find interesting backlashes within this political dynamic, as responses to antagonistic attacks on certain groups prompts a variety of responses among voters. <em>Identity Crisi</em>s will help readers understand what happened in 2016—from a variety of perspectives and considerations of different dimensions of American politics.</p><p><em>This podcast was hosted by </em><a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd"><em>Lilly Goren</em></a><em>, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter </em><a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj?lang=en"><em>@gorenlj</em></a><em>.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2738</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[320010b8-c01f-11ec-9acc-973b29e55412]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3122404392.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sara Egge, “Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920” (U Iowa Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>While the campaign to win for women the right to vote in America was waged on a national scale, this often obscures the fact that the most of battles took place at the state level, where local perspectives were key. Sara Egge’s book Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920 (University of Iowa Press, 2018) spotlights this by focusing on three counties in the states of Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota, charting the development of the campaigns for women’s suffrage there. As Egge explains, though women in the Gilded Age were expected to confine their activities to the private sphere, their involvement in community activities served as the basis for the assertion of their voting rights by signaling their willingness to assume the basic responsibilities of citizenship. By participating in local organizations and temperance campaigning women claimed a space in the public sphere, one upon which their successive efforts to win the suffrage in those states were built. This assertion of citizenship proved vital to the eventual success of the movement once the United States entered the First World War in 1917, as this civic activism served as a demonstration of loyalty proving that women deserved to exercise the right to vote.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Nov 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>While the campaign to win for women the right to vote in America was waged on a national scale, this often obscures the fact that the most of battles took place at the state level, where local perspectives were key.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>While the campaign to win for women the right to vote in America was waged on a national scale, this often obscures the fact that the most of battles took place at the state level, where local perspectives were key. Sara Egge’s book Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920 (University of Iowa Press, 2018) spotlights this by focusing on three counties in the states of Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota, charting the development of the campaigns for women’s suffrage there. As Egge explains, though women in the Gilded Age were expected to confine their activities to the private sphere, their involvement in community activities served as the basis for the assertion of their voting rights by signaling their willingness to assume the basic responsibilities of citizenship. By participating in local organizations and temperance campaigning women claimed a space in the public sphere, one upon which their successive efforts to win the suffrage in those states were built. This assertion of citizenship proved vital to the eventual success of the movement once the United States entered the First World War in 1917, as this civic activism served as a demonstration of loyalty proving that women deserved to exercise the right to vote.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>While the campaign to win for women the right to vote in America was waged on a national scale, this often obscures the fact that the most of battles took place at the state level, where local perspectives were key. <a href="https://www.centre.edu/directory/name/sara-egge/">Sara Egge</a>’s book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QpX2w_eh_j1tSzYqIPcCJTEAAAFnN6a2ZQEAAAFKARniNTc/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1609385578/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1609385578&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=qhtoPxuWT78ecFlmr9jL-g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870-1920</a> (University of Iowa Press, 2018) spotlights this by focusing on three counties in the states of Iowa, Minnesota, and South Dakota, charting the development of the campaigns for women’s suffrage there. As Egge explains, though women in the Gilded Age were expected to confine their activities to the private sphere, their involvement in community activities served as the basis for the assertion of their voting rights by signaling their willingness to assume the basic responsibilities of citizenship. By participating in local organizations and temperance campaigning women claimed a space in the public sphere, one upon which their successive efforts to win the suffrage in those states were built. This assertion of citizenship proved vital to the eventual success of the movement once the United States entered the First World War in 1917, as this civic activism served as a demonstration of loyalty proving that women deserved to exercise the right to vote.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3342</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79634]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8997683606.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James M. Turner and Andrew C. Isenberg, “The Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump” (Harvard UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>It wasn’t always this way. From the Theodore Roosevelt’s leadership on natural resource conservation to Richard Nixon’s creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and Ronald Reagan’s singing of the Montreal Protocol banning ozone-depleting chemicals, Republicans have a proud tradition of environmental stewardship. Why have they seemingly abandoned it? That question animates The Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump (Harvard University Press, 2018), a collaborative effort by acclaimed environmental historians James Morton Turner and Andrew C. Isenberg—who have produced an accompanying website for educators. They draw from the latest scholarship on the rise of postwar conservatism to explore how corporate interest groups, libertarian think tanks, evangelicalism, and the GOP power center’s shift southward and westward encouraged frustration with the broadly popular legislative achievements of the 1970s and resistance to mounting a similarly robust federal response to subsequent environmental problems. The authors explore the party’s shifting positions on the management of federal lands, the protection of air and water quality, and the mitigation of climate change. They observe how discourse prizing local control, prioritizing economic concerns, and questioning scientific expertise and international cooperation grew louder and louder and helped produce a political landscape where environmental issues are defined less by technical data and more by voters’ values. But party leaders’ anti-environmentalist rhetoric has often found them out of step with their constituents, and Republican administrations from Reagan to Trump have had to scale back their assaults on the environmental state.
James Morton Turner is Associate Professor of History at Wellesley College. His first book was the award-winning The Promise of Wilderness: American Environmental Politics since 1964 (University of Washington Press, 2012). Andrew C. Isenberg is the Hall Distinguished Professor of American History at the University of Kansas. His previous books includes Wyatt Earp: A Vigilante Life (Hill and Wang, 2013), Mining California: An Ecological History (Hill and Wing, 2005), and The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750–1920 (Cambridge University Press, 2000).

Brian Hamilton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin—Madison where he is researching African American environmental history in the nineteenth-century Cotton South. He is also an editor of the digital environmental magazine and podcast Edge Effects.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Nov 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d8defca6-c00a-11ec-991d-1fa41b8ff6cf/image/environmentalstudies1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>It wasn’t always this way. From the Theodore Roosevelt’s leadership on natural resource conservation to Richard Nixon’s creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and Ronald Reagan’s singing of the Montreal Protocol banning ozone-depleting chemica...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It wasn’t always this way. From the Theodore Roosevelt’s leadership on natural resource conservation to Richard Nixon’s creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and Ronald Reagan’s singing of the Montreal Protocol banning ozone-depleting chemicals, Republicans have a proud tradition of environmental stewardship. Why have they seemingly abandoned it? That question animates The Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump (Harvard University Press, 2018), a collaborative effort by acclaimed environmental historians James Morton Turner and Andrew C. Isenberg—who have produced an accompanying website for educators. They draw from the latest scholarship on the rise of postwar conservatism to explore how corporate interest groups, libertarian think tanks, evangelicalism, and the GOP power center’s shift southward and westward encouraged frustration with the broadly popular legislative achievements of the 1970s and resistance to mounting a similarly robust federal response to subsequent environmental problems. The authors explore the party’s shifting positions on the management of federal lands, the protection of air and water quality, and the mitigation of climate change. They observe how discourse prizing local control, prioritizing economic concerns, and questioning scientific expertise and international cooperation grew louder and louder and helped produce a political landscape where environmental issues are defined less by technical data and more by voters’ values. But party leaders’ anti-environmentalist rhetoric has often found them out of step with their constituents, and Republican administrations from Reagan to Trump have had to scale back their assaults on the environmental state.
James Morton Turner is Associate Professor of History at Wellesley College. His first book was the award-winning The Promise of Wilderness: American Environmental Politics since 1964 (University of Washington Press, 2012). Andrew C. Isenberg is the Hall Distinguished Professor of American History at the University of Kansas. His previous books includes Wyatt Earp: A Vigilante Life (Hill and Wang, 2013), Mining California: An Ecological History (Hill and Wing, 2005), and The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750–1920 (Cambridge University Press, 2000).

Brian Hamilton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin—Madison where he is researching African American environmental history in the nineteenth-century Cotton South. He is also an editor of the digital environmental magazine and podcast Edge Effects.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It wasn’t always this way. From the Theodore Roosevelt’s leadership on natural resource conservation to Richard Nixon’s creation of the Environmental Protection Agency and Ronald Reagan’s singing of the Montreal Protocol banning ozone-depleting chemicals, Republicans have a proud tradition of environmental stewardship. Why have they seemingly abandoned it? That question animates T<a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QlaLpInDozoYOcZpnuz0MRoAAAFnMMY0JgEAAAFKAUTiUnM/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0674979974/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0674979974&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Z-6OeCDJzys95s1yQ2J.Xg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">he Republican Reversal: Conservatives and the Environment from Nixon to Trump</a> (Harvard University Press, 2018), a collaborative effort by acclaimed environmental historians <a href="https://www.wellesley.edu/environmentalstudies/facstaff/turner">James Morton Turner</a> and <a href="https://history.ku.edu/andrew-c-isenberg">Andrew C. Isenberg</a>—who have produced an accompanying <a href="https://www.the-republican-reversal.com/">website</a> for educators. They draw from the latest scholarship on the rise of postwar conservatism to explore how corporate interest groups, libertarian think tanks, evangelicalism, and the GOP power center’s shift southward and westward encouraged frustration with the broadly popular legislative achievements of the 1970s and resistance to mounting a similarly robust federal response to subsequent environmental problems. The authors explore the party’s shifting positions on the management of federal lands, the protection of air and water quality, and the mitigation of climate change. They observe how discourse prizing local control, prioritizing economic concerns, and questioning scientific expertise and international cooperation grew louder and louder and helped produce a political landscape where environmental issues are defined less by technical data and more by voters’ values. But party leaders’ anti-environmentalist rhetoric has often found them out of step with their constituents, and Republican administrations from Reagan to Trump have had to scale back their assaults on the environmental state.</p><p>James Morton Turner is Associate Professor of History at Wellesley College. His first book was the award-winning The Promise of Wilderness: American Environmental Politics since 1964 (University of Washington Press, 2012). Andrew C. Isenberg is the Hall Distinguished Professor of American History at the University of Kansas. His previous books includes Wyatt Earp: A Vigilante Life (Hill and Wang, 2013), Mining California: An Ecological History (Hill and Wing, 2005), and The Destruction of the Bison: An Environmental History, 1750–1920 (Cambridge University Press, 2000).</p><p><br></p><p>Brian Hamilton is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Wisconsin—Madison where he is researching African American environmental history in the nineteenth-century Cotton South. He is also an editor of the digital environmental magazine and podcast <a href="http://edgeeffects.net/">Edge Effects.</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3418</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79553]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1318003373.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Mark R. Cheathem, “The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson” (Johns Hopkins UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>The expansion of democracy in 19th-century America transformed political campaigning in the country. As Mark R. Cheathem demonstrates in The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), nowhere was the change more dramatically seen than in the quadrennial election of a president. Prior to the 1820s, presidential campaigning was a limited affair reflecting the low level of popular engagement with the presidential selection process. This changed with the candidacies of Andrew Jackson, as his managers relied on a diverse range of tools to appeal to an increasingly engaged popular electorate. Through such means as parades, songs, and public correspondence, campaigns increasingly sought to rally their supporters to turn out and vote for the candidates. Though the Democrats pioneered such campaigns in Jackson’s successive bids for the White House, Cheathem shows how it was the Whigs which refined them to best effect in the presidential campaign of 1840, using these new tools to win the election that year for their nominee, William Henry Harrison.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Nov 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The expansion of democracy in 19th-century America transformed political campaigning in the country. As Mark R. Cheathem demonstrates in The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018),</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The expansion of democracy in 19th-century America transformed political campaigning in the country. As Mark R. Cheathem demonstrates in The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), nowhere was the change more dramatically seen than in the quadrennial election of a president. Prior to the 1820s, presidential campaigning was a limited affair reflecting the low level of popular engagement with the presidential selection process. This changed with the candidacies of Andrew Jackson, as his managers relied on a diverse range of tools to appeal to an increasingly engaged popular electorate. Through such means as parades, songs, and public correspondence, campaigns increasingly sought to rally their supporters to turn out and vote for the candidates. Though the Democrats pioneered such campaigns in Jackson’s successive bids for the White House, Cheathem shows how it was the Whigs which refined them to best effect in the presidential campaign of 1840, using these new tools to win the election that year for their nominee, William Henry Harrison.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The expansion of democracy in 19th-century America transformed political campaigning in the country. As <a href="https://www.cumberland.edu/faculty/mark-cheathem/">Mark R. Cheathem</a> demonstrates in <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qu7gvGm6imf2c59NhLREtAcAAAFm_Zi2YAEAAAFKAQDkMi8/https://www.amazon.com/dp/142142598X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=142142598X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=sn5XTPVsamA--Jz3BAc9RQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson</a> (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018), nowhere was the change more dramatically seen than in the quadrennial election of a president. Prior to the 1820s, presidential campaigning was a limited affair reflecting the low level of popular engagement with the presidential selection process. This changed with the candidacies of Andrew Jackson, as his managers relied on a diverse range of tools to appeal to an increasingly engaged popular electorate. Through such means as parades, songs, and public correspondence, campaigns increasingly sought to rally their supporters to turn out and vote for the candidates. Though the Democrats pioneered such campaigns in Jackson’s successive bids for the White House, Cheathem shows how it was the Whigs which refined them to best effect in the presidential campaign of 1840, using these new tools to win the election that year for their nominee, William Henry Harrison.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3172</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79346]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7000874770.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Bernard Fraga, “The Turnout Gap: Race, Ethnicity, and Political Inequality in a Diversifying America” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Following a historic election, we return again to the question of turnout. Who turned out in large numbers to shift power in the House back to the Democrats? What we know about the past is that there are substantial gaps in turnout between different groups. White Americans have turned out in larger numbers that many other racial and ethnic groups. This much is well-know, but what explains these gaps? Is it political interest, barrier to voting, or something else?
Such is the focus of Bernard Fraga’s new book The Turnout Gap: Race, Ethnicity, and Political Inequality in a Diversifying America (Cambridge University Press, 2018). Fraga is assistant professor of political science at Indiana University.
Fraga finds that the common explanations don’t always hold up when you examine rigorous data and use advanced methods. He argues for a theory of electoral influence based on the relative size of the racial and ethnic population in a voting district. In districts where minority groups make up a relatively small portion of the electorate, turnout tends to be low. In other districts, where the group makes up a larger portion, turnout tends to be much higher. These findings, and others, explain a lot about the 2018 election and future elections and campaigns.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Nov 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Following a historic election, we return again to the question of turnout. Who turned out in large numbers to shift power in the House back to the Democrats? What we know about the past is that there are substantial gaps in turnout between different gr...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Following a historic election, we return again to the question of turnout. Who turned out in large numbers to shift power in the House back to the Democrats? What we know about the past is that there are substantial gaps in turnout between different groups. White Americans have turned out in larger numbers that many other racial and ethnic groups. This much is well-know, but what explains these gaps? Is it political interest, barrier to voting, or something else?
Such is the focus of Bernard Fraga’s new book The Turnout Gap: Race, Ethnicity, and Political Inequality in a Diversifying America (Cambridge University Press, 2018). Fraga is assistant professor of political science at Indiana University.
Fraga finds that the common explanations don’t always hold up when you examine rigorous data and use advanced methods. He argues for a theory of electoral influence based on the relative size of the racial and ethnic population in a voting district. In districts where minority groups make up a relatively small portion of the electorate, turnout tends to be low. In other districts, where the group makes up a larger portion, turnout tends to be much higher. These findings, and others, explain a lot about the 2018 election and future elections and campaigns.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Following a historic election, we return again to the question of turnout. Who turned out in large numbers to shift power in the House back to the Democrats? What we know about the past is that there are substantial gaps in turnout between different groups. White Americans have turned out in larger numbers that many other racial and ethnic groups. This much is well-know, but what explains these gaps? Is it political interest, barrier to voting, or something else?</p><p>Such is the focus of <a href="https://polisci.indiana.edu/about/faculty/fraga-bernard.html">Bernard Fraga</a>’s new book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qno-Wm0e6GRZq7Is1dHXWv4AAAFm-Ped9wEAAAFKAb99dGM/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108475191/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108475191&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=SzQHPKcOuTHLuYNf5VB3hw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Turnout Gap: Race, Ethnicity, and Political Inequality in a Diversifying America </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2018). Fraga is assistant professor of political science at Indiana University.</p><p>Fraga finds that the common explanations don’t always hold up when you examine rigorous data and use advanced methods. He argues for a theory of electoral influence based on the relative size of the racial and ethnic population in a voting district. In districts where minority groups make up a relatively small portion of the electorate, turnout tends to be low. In other districts, where the group makes up a larger portion, turnout tends to be much higher. These findings, and others, explain a lot about the 2018 election and future elections and campaigns.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1189</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79336]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Kristina C. Miler, “Poor Representation: Congress and the Politics of Poverty in the United States” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>It’s been an article of faith among scholars and activists alike that poor Americans are ignored in national politics. But what if that conventional wisdom is wrong, and poor people, at least rhetorically, are in fact as commonly referred to by Presidents in their State of the Union addresses and in Party platforms as many other supposedly more favored groups? Kristina C. Miler’s Poor Representation: Congress and the Politics of Poverty in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2018) simultaneously gives the lie to these claims while offering rich new evidence to describe how and why most members of Congress fail to follow through on such rhetoric, even if they represent poor districts, and what we might do to remedy this imbalance.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford University Press, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Nov 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>It’s been an article of faith among scholars and activists alike that poor Americans are ignored in national politics. But what if that conventional wisdom is wrong, and poor people, at least rhetorically, are in fact as commonly referred to by Preside...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It’s been an article of faith among scholars and activists alike that poor Americans are ignored in national politics. But what if that conventional wisdom is wrong, and poor people, at least rhetorically, are in fact as commonly referred to by Presidents in their State of the Union addresses and in Party platforms as many other supposedly more favored groups? Kristina C. Miler’s Poor Representation: Congress and the Politics of Poverty in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2018) simultaneously gives the lie to these claims while offering rich new evidence to describe how and why most members of Congress fail to follow through on such rhetoric, even if they represent poor districts, and what we might do to remedy this imbalance.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford University Press, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It’s been an article of faith among scholars and activists alike that poor Americans are ignored in national politics. But what if that conventional wisdom is wrong, and poor people, at least rhetorically, are in fact as commonly referred to by Presidents in their State of the Union addresses and in Party platforms as many other supposedly more favored groups? <a href="https://capc.umd.edu/facultyprofile/Miler%20/Kris%20">Kristina C. Miler</a>’s <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QggoGBRcoEk8tAmrATZz2hYAAAFm4CzVEwEAAAFKAQvJ3Ts/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108461816/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108461816&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=ohXXjUQ3t9OZxRK7IkvWPw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Poor Representation: Congress and the Politics of Poverty in the United States</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018) simultaneously gives the lie to these claims while offering rich new evidence to describe how and why most members of Congress fail to follow through on such rhetoric, even if they represent poor districts, and what we might do to remedy this imbalance.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/">Stephen Pimpare</a> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford University Press, 2017).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2487</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79149]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5169325152.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Paul Djupe and Ryan L. Claassen, eds., “The Evangelical Crackup?: The Future of the Evangelical-Republican Coalition” (Temple UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In 2016, despite only mixed support from evangelical leaders, Donald Trump won an enormous share of the white evangelical vote. How did Trump manage to overcome the seeming mix-match between his record on social and moral issues and the longstanding views of evangelical voters?
The authors and editors of The Evangelical Crackup?: The Future of the Evangelical-Republican Coalition (Temple University Press, 2018) offer a variety of answer. The book is edited by Paul Djupe, associate professor of political science at Denison University, and Ryan L. Claassen, a professor of political science at Kent State University.
Paul joined the podcast to discuss the evolution of this interesting volume and what it says about the state of research on religion and politics, the Trump victory in 2016, and what the future holds for the relationship between religion, partisanship, and elections.
Other contributors to the book include: Contributors include: Daniel Bennett, Mark Brockway, Ryan P. Burge, Brian R. Calfano, Jeremy Castle, Kimberly Conger, Daniel A. Cox, Kevin den Dulk, Sarah Allen Gershon, Tobin Grant, Robert P. Jones, Geoffrey Layman, Andrew R. Lewis, Ronald J. McGauvran, Joshua Mitchell, Juhem Navarro-Rivera, Jacob R. Neiheisel, Elizabeth Oldmixon, Adrian D. Pantoja, David Searcy, Anand Edward Sokhey, J. Benjamin Taylor, Robert Wuthnow
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      <pubDate>Tue, 06 Nov 2018 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In 2016, despite only mixed support from evangelical leaders, Donald Trump won an enormous share of the white evangelical vote. How did Trump manage to overcome the seeming mix-match between his record on social and moral issues and the longstanding vi...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2016, despite only mixed support from evangelical leaders, Donald Trump won an enormous share of the white evangelical vote. How did Trump manage to overcome the seeming mix-match between his record on social and moral issues and the longstanding views of evangelical voters?
The authors and editors of The Evangelical Crackup?: The Future of the Evangelical-Republican Coalition (Temple University Press, 2018) offer a variety of answer. The book is edited by Paul Djupe, associate professor of political science at Denison University, and Ryan L. Claassen, a professor of political science at Kent State University.
Paul joined the podcast to discuss the evolution of this interesting volume and what it says about the state of research on religion and politics, the Trump victory in 2016, and what the future holds for the relationship between religion, partisanship, and elections.
Other contributors to the book include: Contributors include: Daniel Bennett, Mark Brockway, Ryan P. Burge, Brian R. Calfano, Jeremy Castle, Kimberly Conger, Daniel A. Cox, Kevin den Dulk, Sarah Allen Gershon, Tobin Grant, Robert P. Jones, Geoffrey Layman, Andrew R. Lewis, Ronald J. McGauvran, Joshua Mitchell, Juhem Navarro-Rivera, Jacob R. Neiheisel, Elizabeth Oldmixon, Adrian D. Pantoja, David Searcy, Anand Edward Sokhey, J. Benjamin Taylor, Robert Wuthnow
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2016, despite only mixed support from evangelical leaders, Donald Trump won an enormous share of the white evangelical vote. How did Trump manage to overcome the seeming mix-match between his record on social and moral issues and the longstanding views of evangelical voters?</p><p>The authors and editors of <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qn0rsDALUFXcwAlKcGP2vU8AAAFm1DwIaQEAAAFKAWf69ZE/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1439915229/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1439915229&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=qFnPzJ8o4VwVyhuHP-d7vA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Evangelical Crackup?: The Future of the Evangelical-Republican Coalition</a> (Temple University Press, 2018) offer a variety of answer. The book is edited by <a href="http://pauldjupe.com/">Paul Djupe</a>, associate professor of political science at Denison University, and <a href="http://www.personal.kent.edu/~rclaasse/index.htm/Welcome.html">Ryan L. Claassen</a>, a professor of political science at Kent State University.</p><p>Paul joined the podcast to discuss the evolution of this interesting volume and what it says about the state of research on religion and politics, the Trump victory in 2016, and what the future holds for the relationship between religion, partisanship, and elections.</p><p>Other contributors to the book include: Contributors include: Daniel Bennett, Mark Brockway, Ryan P. Burge, Brian R. Calfano, Jeremy Castle, Kimberly Conger, Daniel A. Cox, Kevin den Dulk, Sarah Allen Gershon, Tobin Grant, Robert P. Jones, Geoffrey Layman, Andrew R. Lewis, Ronald J. McGauvran, Joshua Mitchell, Juhem Navarro-Rivera, Jacob R. Neiheisel, Elizabeth Oldmixon, Adrian D. Pantoja, David Searcy, Anand Edward Sokhey, J. Benjamin Taylor, Robert Wuthnow</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1400</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=79126]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1374417885.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Greg Sargent, “An Uncivil War: Taking Back Our Democracy in an Age of Trumpian Disinformation and Thunderdome Politics” (Custom House, 2018)</title>
      <description>With many Americas fearing that democracy itself is in trouble, the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent explores remedies to reserve the democratic decline in An Uncivil War: Taking Back Our Democracy in an Age of Trumpian Disinformation and Thunderdome Politics (Custom House, 2018). Sargent first diagnoses the problem, arguing that democracy was in...
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      <pubDate>Thu, 25 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With many Americas fearing that democracy itself is in trouble, the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent explores remedies to reserve the democratic decline in An Uncivil War: Taking Back Our Democracy in an Age of Trumpian Disinformation and Thunderdome Pol...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With many Americas fearing that democracy itself is in trouble, the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent explores remedies to reserve the democratic decline in An Uncivil War: Taking Back Our Democracy in an Age of Trumpian Disinformation and Thunderdome Politics (Custom House, 2018). Sargent first diagnoses the problem, arguing that democracy was in...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With many Americas fearing that democracy itself is in trouble, the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent explores remedies to reserve the democratic decline in An Uncivil War: Taking Back Our Democracy in an Age of Trumpian Disinformation and Thunderdome Politics (Custom House, 2018). Sargent first diagnoses the problem, arguing that democracy was in...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2782</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78818]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1866954908.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stella M. Rouse and Ashley D. Ross, “The Politics of Millennials: Political Beliefs and Policy Preferences of America’s Most Diverse Generation” (U Michigan Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>The Millenial generation, those born between the early 1980s and late 1990s, are the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in US history. They also grew up during the birth of the digital revolution and two cataclysmic events: September 11th and the Great Recession. What they believe has remained largely speculation, until the publication of The Politics of Millennials: Political Beliefs and Policy Preferences of America’s Most Diverse Generation (U Michigan Press, 2018) by Stella M. Rouse and Ashley D. Ross.
In the book, Rouse and Ross discover the political and policy beliefs of Millenials through extensive survey and focus group research. They discover a generation deeply concerned about social issues, such as LGBTQ rights and drug legalization. On other issues, the findings suggest a moderate view on economic issues and a preference for a middle-ground approach by government on spending and taxation.
Rouse is associate professor of government and politics and director of the Center for American Politics and Citizenship at the University of Maryland; Ross is assistant professor in the Department of Marine Sciences and a fellow with the Center for Texas Beaches &amp; Shores at Texas A&amp;M University at Galveston.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Millenial generation, those born between the early 1980s and late 1990s, are the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in US history. They also grew up during the birth of the digital revolution and two cataclysmic events: September 11th ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Millenial generation, those born between the early 1980s and late 1990s, are the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in US history. They also grew up during the birth of the digital revolution and two cataclysmic events: September 11th and the Great Recession. What they believe has remained largely speculation, until the publication of The Politics of Millennials: Political Beliefs and Policy Preferences of America’s Most Diverse Generation (U Michigan Press, 2018) by Stella M. Rouse and Ashley D. Ross.
In the book, Rouse and Ross discover the political and policy beliefs of Millenials through extensive survey and focus group research. They discover a generation deeply concerned about social issues, such as LGBTQ rights and drug legalization. On other issues, the findings suggest a moderate view on economic issues and a preference for a middle-ground approach by government on spending and taxation.
Rouse is associate professor of government and politics and director of the Center for American Politics and Citizenship at the University of Maryland; Ross is assistant professor in the Department of Marine Sciences and a fellow with the Center for Texas Beaches &amp; Shores at Texas A&amp;M University at Galveston.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Millenial generation, those born between the early 1980s and late 1990s, are the most racially and ethnically diverse generation in US history. They also grew up during the birth of the digital revolution and two cataclysmic events: September 11th and the Great Recession. What they believe has remained largely speculation, until the publication of <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/9526877/politics_of_millennials">The Politics of Millennials: Political Beliefs and Policy Preferences of America’s Most Diverse Generation</a> (U Michigan Press, 2018) by <a href="https://stellarouse.com/">Stella M. Rouse</a> and <a href="http://www.tamug.edu/mars/faculty-bios/AshleyRoss.html">Ashley D. Ross</a>.</p><p>In the book, Rouse and Ross discover the political and policy beliefs of Millenials through extensive survey and focus group research. They discover a generation deeply concerned about social issues, such as LGBTQ rights and drug legalization. On other issues, the findings suggest a moderate view on economic issues and a preference for a middle-ground approach by government on spending and taxation.</p><p>Rouse is associate professor of government and politics and director of the Center for American Politics and Citizenship at the University of Maryland; Ross is assistant professor in the Department of Marine Sciences and a fellow with the Center for Texas Beaches &amp; Shores at Texas A&amp;M University at Galveston.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1096</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78672]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9533710368.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>David Pietrusza, “TR’s Last War: Theodore Roosevelt, the Great War, and a Journey of Triumph and Tragedy” (Lyons Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Teddy Roosevelt had one of the most colorful lives in the American history, but few have deeply explored his final years. Historian David Pietrusza does just that in TR’s Last War: Theodore Roosevelt, the Great War, and a Journey of Triumph and Tragedy (Lyons Press, 2018), taking us through a period...
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      <pubDate>Wed, 17 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Teddy Roosevelt had one of the most colorful lives in the American history, but few have deeply explored his final years. Historian David Pietrusza does just that in TR’s Last War: Theodore Roosevelt, the Great War,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Teddy Roosevelt had one of the most colorful lives in the American history, but few have deeply explored his final years. Historian David Pietrusza does just that in TR’s Last War: Theodore Roosevelt, the Great War, and a Journey of Triumph and Tragedy (Lyons Press, 2018), taking us through a period...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Teddy Roosevelt had one of the most colorful lives in the American history, but few have deeply explored his final years. Historian David Pietrusza does just that in TR’s Last War: Theodore Roosevelt, the Great War, and a Journey of Triumph and Tragedy (Lyons Press, 2018), taking us through a period...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3396</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78623]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3806483988.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Steve Kornacki, “The Red and The Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism” (Ecco, 2018)</title>
      <description>How did American politics become so polarized? MSNBC’s Steve Kornacki points to clash of two larger-than-life characters in the 1990s, Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich, as the origin of our viciously tribal politics. In The Red and The Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism (Ecco, 2018), Kornacki traces...
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      <pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>How did American politics become so polarized? MSNBC’s Steve Kornacki points to clash of two larger-than-life characters in the 1990s, Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich, as the origin of our viciously tribal politics.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>How did American politics become so polarized? MSNBC’s Steve Kornacki points to clash of two larger-than-life characters in the 1990s, Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich, as the origin of our viciously tribal politics. In The Red and The Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism (Ecco, 2018), Kornacki traces...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>How did American politics become so polarized? MSNBC’s Steve Kornacki points to clash of two larger-than-life characters in the 1990s, Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich, as the origin of our viciously tribal politics. In The Red and The Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism (Ecco, 2018), Kornacki traces...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2630</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78635]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7824391169.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Koncewicz, “They Said No to Nixon: Republicans Who Stood Up to the President’s Abuses of Power” (U California Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Is it possible for a president’s political appointees to rein in a president with a penchant for abusing power? Yes. Michael Koncewicz, who listened to hundreds of hours of the Nixon tapes, digs deep into the Richard Nixon presidency and shows exactly how Republicans put loyalty to the Constitution over...
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      <pubDate>Thu, 11 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Is it possible for a president’s political appointees to rein in a president with a penchant for abusing power? Yes. Michael Koncewicz, who listened to hundreds of hours of the Nixon tapes, digs deep into the Richard Nixon presidency and shows exactly ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is it possible for a president’s political appointees to rein in a president with a penchant for abusing power? Yes. Michael Koncewicz, who listened to hundreds of hours of the Nixon tapes, digs deep into the Richard Nixon presidency and shows exactly how Republicans put loyalty to the Constitution over...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is it possible for a president’s political appointees to rein in a president with a penchant for abusing power? Yes. Michael Koncewicz, who listened to hundreds of hours of the Nixon tapes, digs deep into the Richard Nixon presidency and shows exactly how Republicans put loyalty to the Constitution over...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2599</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78560]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3414703533.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 22: Erwin Chemerinsky--There Should Not Be Limits on Speech</title>
      <description>There must be no middle ground on speech. In this episode I speak with Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean of the University of California, Berkeley School of Law and a Distinguished Professor of Law. He is the author of ten books, including The Case Against the Supreme Court (2014) and Closing the Courthouse Doors: How Your Constitutional Rights Became Unenforceable.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2018 16:22:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>22</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Erwin Chemerinsky</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There must be no middle ground on speech. In this episode I speak with Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean of the University of California, Berkeley School of Law and a Distinguished Professor of Law. He is the author of ten books, including The Case Against the Supreme Court (2014) and Closing the Courthouse Doors: How Your Constitutional Rights Became Unenforceable.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There must be no middle ground on speech. In this episode I speak with Erwin Chemerinsky, Dean of the University of California, Berkeley School of Law and a Distinguished Professor of Law. He is the author of ten books, including The Case Against the Supreme Court (2014) and Closing the Courthouse Doors: How Your Constitutional Rights Became Unenforceable.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1781</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[5633971c9dfa41128f89c6a41cad07b4]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7130677665.mp3?updated=1633202317" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 21: Ian Haney López--The Free Speech Debates from the 1960s to Today</title>
      <description>Where do these controversies start – a deep dive into American politics from the 1960s till today. Ian Haney López is Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. His recent work engages the question of how racial divisions in society and growing wealth inequality in the United States are connected.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2018 16:21:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>21</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Ian Haney López</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Where do these controversies start – a deep dive into American politics from the 1960s till today. Ian Haney López is Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. His recent work engages the question of how racial divisions in society and growing wealth inequality in the United States are connected.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Where do these controversies start – a deep dive into American politics from the 1960s till today. Ian Haney López is Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley. His recent work engages the question of how racial divisions in society and growing wealth inequality in the United States are connected.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4435</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[8f3b332b9ffa4baf950beae8fea2f347]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7362573033.mp3?updated=1633202332" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Free Speech 9: Kate Shaw on Speech, Our President, and the Supreme Court</title>
      <description>Is "speech" the major underlying issue in recent Supreme Court decisions? Kate Shaw is Professor of Law at the Cardozo School of Law, a former Special Assistant to the President and Associate Counsel to the President in the White House Counsel’s Office. In this conversation, she speaks to Think About It about constitutional jurisprudence around speech, current developments in constitutional law, and the role of speech in recent SCOTUS rulings.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2018 16:09:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>9</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Kate Shaw</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Is "speech" the major underlying issue in recent Supreme Court decisions? Kate Shaw is Professor of Law at the Cardozo School of Law, a former Special Assistant to the President and Associate Counsel to the President in the White House Counsel’s Office. In this conversation, she speaks to Think About It about constitutional jurisprudence around speech, current developments in constitutional law, and the role of speech in recent SCOTUS rulings.
Uli Baer teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with Caroline Weber) the podcast "The Proust Questionnaire” and is Editorial Director at Warbler Press. Email ucb1@nyu.edu; Twitter @UliBaer.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Is "speech" the major underlying issue in recent Supreme Court decisions? Kate Shaw is Professor of Law at the Cardozo School of Law, a former Special Assistant to the President and Associate Counsel to the President in the White House Counsel’s Office. In this conversation, she speaks to Think About It about constitutional jurisprudence around speech, current developments in constitutional law, and the role of speech in recent SCOTUS rulings.</p><p><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.ulrichbaer.com_&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=emAsnRwNLGKjvl8KNqwxxeRhprQ6_fvVTA9RFIy_xOQ&amp;e="><em>Uli Baer</em></a><em> teaches literature and photography as University Professor at New York University. A recipient of Guggenheim, Getty and Humboldt awards, in addition to hosting "Speaking of…” he hosts (with </em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__barnard.edu_profiles_caroline-2Dweber&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=ZF4i5g4-aa7L4rpB3A2Jbd-bUOr2OmS2ek8MS8eVREw&amp;e="><em>Caroline Weber</em></a><em>) the podcast "</em><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.proustquestionnaire.net_about&amp;d=DwMFaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=drMmJTS8VuY9GhQ89rLkEg&amp;m=BU5IQvtPQiF51wYZDcs-NTsaOqJ7w0U54jTA7dv9WI8&amp;s=53abEgER8Kl-Y6QK_zbsifYAMHRcPX4E98a_WvqdEMA&amp;e="><em>The Proust Questionnaire</em></a><em>” and is Editorial Director at </em><a href="https://warblerpress.com/"><em>Warbler Press</em></a><em>. Email </em><a href="mailto:ucb1@nyu.edu"><em>ucb1@nyu.edu</em></a><em>; Twitter @UliBaer.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2534</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[9ef031d5810746fe88aac1f352f1335a]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8135921928.mp3?updated=1633202513" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>K. Dittmar, K. Sanbonmatsu, and S. Carroll, “A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen’s Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Interviewing one member of Congress is a feat for most researchers. Interviewing nearly 100 and almost every women member of Congress is remarkable. Even more remarkable is what we can learn from that data collection about the perceptions of women members of Congress, especially about the way they perceive recent partisan polarization and the changing role of gender, race, and ethnicity.
Such is the exhaustive project of Kelly Dittmar, Kira Sanbonmatsu, and Susan J. Carroll, who are the authors of A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen’s Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters (Oxford University Press, 2018). Dittmar is assistant professor of political science, Sanbonmatsu is professor of political science, and Carroll is professor of political science and gender studies, all at Rutgers University.
If you want to know how members of Congress think and the ways that they view their work, you would be hard pressed to find a better book. Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, and Carroll fill so many blanks in the study of the ways that women legislate and how they perceive that work. This book is a must read for scholars of women and politics, American politics, and representation.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 08 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Interviewing one member of Congress is a feat for most researchers. Interviewing nearly 100 and almost every women member of Congress is remarkable. Even more remarkable is what we can learn from that data collection about the perceptions of women memb...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Interviewing one member of Congress is a feat for most researchers. Interviewing nearly 100 and almost every women member of Congress is remarkable. Even more remarkable is what we can learn from that data collection about the perceptions of women members of Congress, especially about the way they perceive recent partisan polarization and the changing role of gender, race, and ethnicity.
Such is the exhaustive project of Kelly Dittmar, Kira Sanbonmatsu, and Susan J. Carroll, who are the authors of A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen’s Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters (Oxford University Press, 2018). Dittmar is assistant professor of political science, Sanbonmatsu is professor of political science, and Carroll is professor of political science and gender studies, all at Rutgers University.
If you want to know how members of Congress think and the ways that they view their work, you would be hard pressed to find a better book. Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, and Carroll fill so many blanks in the study of the ways that women legislate and how they perceive that work. This book is a must read for scholars of women and politics, American politics, and representation.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Interviewing one member of Congress is a feat for most researchers. Interviewing nearly 100 and almost every women member of Congress is remarkable. Even more remarkable is what we can learn from that data collection about the perceptions of women members of Congress, especially about the way they perceive recent partisan polarization and the changing role of gender, race, and ethnicity.</p><p>Such is the exhaustive project of <a href="http://kdittmar.rutgers.edu/">Kelly Dittmar</a>, <a href="https://www.polisci.rutgers.edu/cb-profile/sanbon">Kira Sanbonmatsu</a>, and <a href="https://womens-studies.rutgers.edu/faculty/core-faculty/119-susan-carroll">Susan J. Carroll</a>, who are the authors of <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QteGQd1U4_8wEJ9oIVumIIQAAAFmUCH_VQEAAAFKASWYtnM/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190915730/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190915730&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=xUWbigO72nOh-TVdoY5acA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">A Seat at the Table: Congresswomen’s Perspectives on Why Their Presence Matters</a> (Oxford University Press, 2018). Dittmar is assistant professor of political science, Sanbonmatsu is professor of political science, and Carroll is professor of political science and gender studies, all at Rutgers University.</p><p>If you want to know how members of Congress think and the ways that they view their work, you would be hard pressed to find a better book. Dittmar, Sanbonmatsu, and Carroll fill so many blanks in the study of the ways that women legislate and how they perceive that work. This book is a must read for scholars of women and politics, American politics, and representation.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1437</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78554]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8468299172.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel E. Ponder, “Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State” (Stanford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Dan Ponder’s new book, Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State (Stanford University Press, 2018), is an important and thoughtful exploration of the concept of presidential leverage, specifically how much capacity the president has to accomplish goals, particularly in terms of asserting power to produce outcomes from Congress. Ponder examines leverage in context, which makes this book very useful in thinking about not only the Executive, but also the Legislature, and the ways in which the branches and political bodies operate in our political system. Presidential Leverage explores not only the president’s role in many of the ways scholars generally assess the president, but also the presidency as part of the state itself. Ponder braids together this understanding of position of the president (and his/her general approval or disapproval by the citizens) and how the strength of that position is tied not just to the office and the person in it, but also to broader conceptualizations of citizen trust in government. Ponder interrogates this dynamic, unpacking and examining the different parts of it, and then integrates these pieces into a quantitative scoring of presidential leverage, giving the reader an understanding of when presidents may have more capacity or political capital and when they may have less influence or ability—but that these capacities, or lack thereof, are not just about the person in the White House, but very much connected to how we, the people, think about our government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Oct 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Dan Ponder’s new book, Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State (Stanford University Press, 2018), is an important and thoughtful exploration of the concept of presidential leverage,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dan Ponder’s new book, Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State (Stanford University Press, 2018), is an important and thoughtful exploration of the concept of presidential leverage, specifically how much capacity the president has to accomplish goals, particularly in terms of asserting power to produce outcomes from Congress. Ponder examines leverage in context, which makes this book very useful in thinking about not only the Executive, but also the Legislature, and the ways in which the branches and political bodies operate in our political system. Presidential Leverage explores not only the president’s role in many of the ways scholars generally assess the president, but also the presidency as part of the state itself. Ponder braids together this understanding of position of the president (and his/her general approval or disapproval by the citizens) and how the strength of that position is tied not just to the office and the person in it, but also to broader conceptualizations of citizen trust in government. Ponder interrogates this dynamic, unpacking and examining the different parts of it, and then integrates these pieces into a quantitative scoring of presidential leverage, giving the reader an understanding of when presidents may have more capacity or political capital and when they may have less influence or ability—but that these capacities, or lack thereof, are not just about the person in the White House, but very much connected to how we, the people, think about our government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.drury.edu/political-science/daniel-ponder">Dan Ponder’s</a> new book, <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QrhwfgYToJOGQ7Hk67iEvvwAAAFmKn2SdAEAAAFKAW-G7w0/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1503604063/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1503604063&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=VGBX8qYhY74rJqauxMvs9g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Presidential Leverage: Presidents, Approval, and the American State</a> (Stanford University Press, 2018), is an important and thoughtful exploration of the concept of presidential leverage, specifically how much capacity the president has to accomplish goals, particularly in terms of asserting power to produce outcomes from Congress. Ponder examines leverage in context, which makes this book very useful in thinking about not only the Executive, but also the Legislature, and the ways in which the branches and political bodies operate in our political system. Presidential Leverage explores not only the president’s role in many of the ways scholars generally assess the president, but also the presidency as part of the state itself. Ponder braids together this understanding of position of the president (and his/her general approval or disapproval by the citizens) and how the strength of that position is tied not just to the office and the person in it, but also to broader conceptualizations of citizen trust in government. Ponder interrogates this dynamic, unpacking and examining the different parts of it, and then integrates these pieces into a quantitative scoring of presidential leverage, giving the reader an understanding of when presidents may have more capacity or political capital and when they may have less influence or ability—but that these capacities, or lack thereof, are not just about the person in the White House, but very much connected to how we, the people, think about our government.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3023</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78328]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6056154242.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Carnes, “The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office and What We Can Do About It” (Princeton UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In 2018, much attention has been drawn to candidates like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Randy Bryce: candidates for Congress who’ve made a living doing working class jobs. They are unusual because Congressional candidates are almost always drawn from white collar professions.
Why do so few working class candidates run for office? Are workers unfit to govern? Do workers care about politics less? In The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office and What We Can Do About It (Princeton University Press, 2018), Nicholas Carnes says “no”, the conventional wisdom is all wrong. Carnes is the Creed C. Black Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University’s Sanford School of Public Policy.
Carnes’ book shows the real barriers to more working-class people running for office are that they lack the time and are rarely asked. Synthesizing a variety of new sources of data, Carnes finds that political parties do not look to workers to run, preferring instead professionals drawn from a small array of fields. Carnes does not stop at diagnosing the problem. He offers practical solutions to increase the number of working-class candidates and likely working-class elected officials in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Sep 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In 2018, much attention has been drawn to candidates like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Randy Bryce: candidates for Congress who’ve made a living doing working class jobs. They are unusual because Congressional candidates are almost always drawn from wh...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 2018, much attention has been drawn to candidates like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Randy Bryce: candidates for Congress who’ve made a living doing working class jobs. They are unusual because Congressional candidates are almost always drawn from white collar professions.
Why do so few working class candidates run for office? Are workers unfit to govern? Do workers care about politics less? In The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office and What We Can Do About It (Princeton University Press, 2018), Nicholas Carnes says “no”, the conventional wisdom is all wrong. Carnes is the Creed C. Black Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University’s Sanford School of Public Policy.
Carnes’ book shows the real barriers to more working-class people running for office are that they lack the time and are rarely asked. Synthesizing a variety of new sources of data, Carnes finds that political parties do not look to workers to run, preferring instead professionals drawn from a small array of fields. Carnes does not stop at diagnosing the problem. He offers practical solutions to increase the number of working-class candidates and likely working-class elected officials in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 2018, much attention has been drawn to candidates like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Randy Bryce: candidates for Congress who’ve made a living doing working class jobs. They are unusual because Congressional candidates are almost always drawn from white collar professions.</p><p>Why do so few working class candidates run for office? Are workers unfit to govern? Do workers care about politics less? In <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/13227.html">The Cash Ceiling: Why Only the Rich Run for Office and What We Can Do About It </a>(Princeton University Press, 2018), <a href="http://people.duke.edu/~nwc8/">Nicholas Carnes</a> says “no”, the conventional wisdom is all wrong. Carnes is the Creed C. Black Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University’s Sanford School of Public Policy.</p><p>Carnes’ book shows the real barriers to more working-class people running for office are that they lack the time and are rarely asked. Synthesizing a variety of new sources of data, Carnes finds that political parties do not look to workers to run, preferring instead professionals drawn from a small array of fields. Carnes does not stop at diagnosing the problem. He offers practical solutions to increase the number of working-class candidates and likely working-class elected officials in the future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1261</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=78245]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6711414566.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Spencer Piston, “Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with Spencer Piston about a provocative new book Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Sep 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:episode>65</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with Spencer Piston about a provocative new book Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It has long been a truism that Americans’ disdain for poor people–our collective sense that if they only worked harder or behaved more responsibly they would do well in this land of opportunity–explains, at least in part, why it is we have such a weak and limited public welfare state. But what if that very premise is false? What if, to the contrary, a majority of Americans have sympathy for poor people and disdain for the wealthy? And what if those feelings have demonstrable policy effects? Join us as we speak with <a href="https://www.bu.edu/polisci/people/faculty/piston/">Spencer Piston</a> about a provocative new book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QvnGse4NYYNDh_rWO8B3lmEAAAFlqwPukQEAAAFKAZ2HNBU/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108447120/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108447120&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=XnAedP8BSMRPOP7fXewoLQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Class Attitudes in American Politics: Sympathy for the Poor, Resentment of the Rich, and Political Implications</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018), a work that unsettles some long-held assumptions about American class attitudes.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1901</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77693]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>B. T. Gervais and I. L. Morris, “Reactionary Republicans: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>There’s been a lot written about the Tea Party, but nothing focused on members of Congress like the new book, Reactionary Republicans: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory (Oxford University Press, 2018) by Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris. Gervais is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Geography at the University of Texas at San Antonio; Morris is professor and chair of the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland, College Park.
In the book, Gervais and Morris disentangle what it meant to be affiliated with the Tea Party in the 112th and 113th congresses. What they suggest is that members of Congress fall into several categories based on self-identification and endorsements by Tea Party interest groups. Using these categories, the authors show the ways that Tea Party members of Congress vote and communicate. They find that Tea Party members resemble other Republican members except when it comes to certain social issues. They also examine social media communications and find that Tea Party members shared messages that were less civil and angrier than other members. These patterns show some of the ways that the Tea Party paved the way for Donald Trump’s campaign and presidential victory in 2016.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.

Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Sep 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>There’s been a lot written about the Tea Party, but nothing focused on members of Congress like the new book, Reactionary Republicans: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory (Oxford University Press, 2018) by Bryan T.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>There’s been a lot written about the Tea Party, but nothing focused on members of Congress like the new book, Reactionary Republicans: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory (Oxford University Press, 2018) by Bryan T. Gervais and Irwin L. Morris. Gervais is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Geography at the University of Texas at San Antonio; Morris is professor and chair of the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland, College Park.
In the book, Gervais and Morris disentangle what it meant to be affiliated with the Tea Party in the 112th and 113th congresses. What they suggest is that members of Congress fall into several categories based on self-identification and endorsements by Tea Party interest groups. Using these categories, the authors show the ways that Tea Party members of Congress vote and communicate. They find that Tea Party members resemble other Republican members except when it comes to certain social issues. They also examine social media communications and find that Tea Party members shared messages that were less civil and angrier than other members. These patterns show some of the ways that the Tea Party paved the way for Donald Trump’s campaign and presidential victory in 2016.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.

Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>There’s been a lot <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/venessa-williamson-and-theda-skocpol-the-tea-party-remaking-of-republican-conservatism-oxford-up-2012-2/">written</a> about the Tea Party, but nothing focused on members of Congress like the new book, <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QiqGrzwgUM3yVWsb4JV8hVgAAAFlq7VufQEAAAFKARDxKAc/https://www.amazon.com/dp/0190870753/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190870753&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Jz0Bzu4RoQ0H5nm1Fn54Cg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Reactionary Republicans: How the Tea Party in the House Paved the Way for Trump’s Victory </a>(Oxford University Press, 2018) by <a href="http://colfa.utsa.edu/polisci-geography/faculty/gervais">Bryan T. Gervais</a> and <a href="https://gvpt.umd.edu/facultyprofile/morris/irwin">Irwin L. Morris</a>. Gervais is assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Geography at the University of Texas at San Antonio; Morris is professor and chair of the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland, College Park.</p><p>In the book, Gervais and Morris disentangle what it meant to be affiliated with the Tea Party in the 112th and 113th congresses. What they suggest is that members of Congress fall into several categories based on self-identification and endorsements by Tea Party interest groups. Using these categories, the authors show the ways that Tea Party members of Congress vote and communicate. They find that Tea Party members resemble other Republican members except when it comes to certain social issues. They also examine social media communications and find that Tea Party members shared messages that were less civil and angrier than other members. These patterns show some of the ways that the Tea Party paved the way for Donald Trump’s campaign and presidential victory in 2016.</p><p><br></p><p>This podcast was hosted by <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/heathbrown?lang=en">@heathbrown</a>.</p><p><br></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1435</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77697]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood, “Race Over Party: Black Politics and Partisanship in Late Nineteenth-Century Boston” (UNC Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Boston’s political culture is most known within the frame of antebellum political struggles over the institution of slavery. What about Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction era Black Bostonian politics though? That story is made clear by the Dr. Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood’s newly published book Race Over Party: Black Politics and Partisanship in Late Nineteenth-Century Boston (University of North Carolina Press, 2018). Centering Edwin Garrison Walker, political leader and son of antebellum era abolitionist and pamphleteer David Walker, Bergeson-Lockwood tells the story of how independent Black Bostonian politics was used as a mechanism to shield Black Bostonians from party loyalty. Party loyalty, especially to the Republican Party, could be used to promote a connection to the “Party of Lincoln,” or to retain Black voters despite not always being on the side of their best interest. Ultimately, Black citizenship and the protection of the Black rights were at the forefront of Black Bostonians’ political project, and Bergeson-Lockwood’s history of Black politics in the late nineteenth century dramatically highlights the successes and shortcomings of this era.

Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter @CulturedModesty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 29 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Boston’s political culture is most known within the frame of antebellum political struggles over the institution of slavery. What about Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction era Black Bostonian politics though? That story is made clear by the Dr.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Boston’s political culture is most known within the frame of antebellum political struggles over the institution of slavery. What about Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction era Black Bostonian politics though? That story is made clear by the Dr. Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood’s newly published book Race Over Party: Black Politics and Partisanship in Late Nineteenth-Century Boston (University of North Carolina Press, 2018). Centering Edwin Garrison Walker, political leader and son of antebellum era abolitionist and pamphleteer David Walker, Bergeson-Lockwood tells the story of how independent Black Bostonian politics was used as a mechanism to shield Black Bostonians from party loyalty. Party loyalty, especially to the Republican Party, could be used to promote a connection to the “Party of Lincoln,” or to retain Black voters despite not always being on the side of their best interest. Ultimately, Black citizenship and the protection of the Black rights were at the forefront of Black Bostonians’ political project, and Bergeson-Lockwood’s history of Black politics in the late nineteenth century dramatically highlights the successes and shortcomings of this era.

Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter @CulturedModesty.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Boston’s political culture is most known within the frame of antebellum political struggles over the institution of slavery. What about Reconstruction and post-Reconstruction era Black Bostonian politics though? That story is made clear by the Dr. <a href="https://www.millingtonbl.com/">Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood</a>’s newly published book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QmcaWXX3vKHU1P-cMmDbtZ0AAAFlcWl33wEAAAFKAZfHnLI/https://www.amazon.com/dp/1469640414/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1469640414&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=mPUIS4G1aFgzpDjHG0wtFg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Race Over Party: Black Politics and Partisanship in Late Nineteenth-Century Boston </a>(University of North Carolina Press, 2018). Centering Edwin Garrison Walker, political leader and son of antebellum era abolitionist and pamphleteer David Walker, Bergeson-Lockwood tells the story of how independent Black Bostonian politics was used as a mechanism to shield Black Bostonians from party loyalty. Party loyalty, especially to the Republican Party, could be used to promote a connection to the “Party of Lincoln,” or to retain Black voters despite not always being on the side of their best interest. Ultimately, Black citizenship and the protection of the Black rights were at the forefront of Black Bostonians’ political project, and Bergeson-Lockwood’s history of Black politics in the late nineteenth century dramatically highlights the successes and shortcomings of this era.</p><p><br></p><p>Adam McNeil is a PhD student in History, African American Public Humanities Initiative and Colored Conventions Project Scholar at the University of Delaware. He can be reached on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/culturedmodesty?lang=en">@CulturedModesty</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2845</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77430]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3078200091.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Michele Margolis, “From Politics to the Pews: How Partisanship and the Political Environment Shape Religious Identity” (U Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>On this American Political Science Association special podcast, we welcome a special guest host – and former guest of the podcast – Andy Lewis. In addition to his recent book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics, Andy is a contributor to the Religion in Public blog and is associate professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati.
Andy and I had the real pleasure to talk with Michele Margolis about her new book From Politics to the Pews: How Partisanship and the Political Environment Shape Religious Identity (University of Chicago Press, 2018). Margolis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania.
The central argument of From Politics to the Pews is that a solid partisan identity forms before a solid religious identity, thus partisanship can inform religious behavior in ways that we may not have fully understood in the past. Margolis argues that many Americans step away from religion in early adulthood, returning later at the point of decisions about marriage and children. This break in religious activity and practice – though not necessarily in faith or belief– happens as partisan identity and behaviors have already set in. She relies on a wide variety of data to show how this happens and the implications for the relationship between partisanship, religion, and political behavior.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 28 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On this American Political Science Association special podcast, we welcome a special guest host – and former guest of the podcast – Andy Lewis. In addition to his recent book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On this American Political Science Association special podcast, we welcome a special guest host – and former guest of the podcast – Andy Lewis. In addition to his recent book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics, Andy is a contributor to the Religion in Public blog and is associate professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati.
Andy and I had the real pleasure to talk with Michele Margolis about her new book From Politics to the Pews: How Partisanship and the Political Environment Shape Religious Identity (University of Chicago Press, 2018). Margolis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania.
The central argument of From Politics to the Pews is that a solid partisan identity forms before a solid religious identity, thus partisanship can inform religious behavior in ways that we may not have fully understood in the past. Margolis argues that many Americans step away from religion in early adulthood, returning later at the point of decisions about marriage and children. This break in religious activity and practice – though not necessarily in faith or belief– happens as partisan identity and behaviors have already set in. She relies on a wide variety of data to show how this happens and the implications for the relationship between partisanship, religion, and political behavior.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On this American Political Science Association special podcast, we welcome a special guest host – and former guest of the podcast – Andy Lewis. In addition to his recent book, <a href="https://newbooksnetwork.com/andrew-r-lewis-the-rights-turn-in-conservative-christian-politics-how-abortion-transformed-the-culture-wars/">The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics,</a> Andy is a contributor to the <a href="https://religioninpublic.blog/">Religion in Public</a> blog and is associate professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati.</p><p>Andy and I had the real pleasure to talk with <a href="https://www.sas.upenn.edu/polisci/people/standing-faculty/michele-margolis">Michele Margolis</a> about her new book <a href="https://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qk3Cmf3atk3ZGLHO2ub4UWgAAAFlcMwntwEAAAFKAbYs4dg/https://www.amazon.com/dp/022655578X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=022655578X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=d3vrEtWNGEnLvJiAc0WIIw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">From Politics to the Pews: How Partisanship and the Political Environment Shape Religious Identity</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018). Margolis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Pennsylvania.</p><p>The central argument of From Politics to the Pews is that a solid partisan identity forms before a solid religious identity, thus partisanship can inform religious behavior in ways that we may not have fully understood in the past. Margolis argues that many Americans step away from religion in early adulthood, returning later at the point of decisions about marriage and children. This break in religious activity and practice – though not necessarily in faith or belief– happens as partisan identity and behaviors have already set in. She relies on a wide variety of data to show how this happens and the implications for the relationship between partisanship, religion, and political behavior.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1391</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[https://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77411]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9761790740.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Brian Abrams, “Obama: An Oral History, 2009-2017” (Little A, 2018)</title>
      <description>Brian Abrams interviewed more than 100 people – Democrats, Republicans, cabinet officials, White House aides, campaign operatives, congresspeople and activists – to piece together a comprehensive oral history of the Barack Obama presidency, in Obama: An Oral History, 2009-2017 (Little A, 2018).  Based almost solely on the words of those who...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Brian Abrams interviewed more than 100 people – Democrats, Republicans, cabinet officials, White House aides, campaign operatives, congresspeople and activists – to piece together a comprehensive oral history of the Barack Obama presidency,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Brian Abrams interviewed more than 100 people – Democrats, Republicans, cabinet officials, White House aides, campaign operatives, congresspeople and activists – to piece together a comprehensive oral history of the Barack Obama presidency, in Obama: An Oral History, 2009-2017 (Little A, 2018).  Based almost solely on the words of those who...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Brian Abrams interviewed more than 100 people – Democrats, Republicans, cabinet officials, White House aides, campaign operatives, congresspeople and activists – to piece together a comprehensive oral history of the Barack Obama presidency, in Obama: An Oral History, 2009-2017 (Little A, 2018).  Based almost solely on the words of those who...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2601</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77193]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3589391490.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Mary E. Stuckey, “Political Vocabularies: FDR, The Clergy Letters, and the Elements of Political Argument” (Michigan State UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Mary E. Stuckey’s new book, Political Vocabularies: FDR, The Clergy Letters, and the Elements of Political Argument (Michigan State University Press, 2018), is a fascinating and engaging investigation of an early period during the Roosevelt Administration that provides the reader with a broad and expansive understanding of different aspects of presidential politics, political rhetoric, communication between elected officials and constituents, and the shifting perceptions of the role of the executive in the American political system. This snapshot in time, in this case, 1935, provides a much bigger picture of power, political change, and the sense of the country as a whole.
Stuckey integrates aspects of these letters into her analysis as she explores rhetorical authority and differing political vocabularies as seen while the power and structural dynamics in the United States shifted during this period. She also examines how these letters between clergy members and the president provide readers with an understanding of American politics, religious warrants, and political imaginaries. This is an important and complex analysis because it also gets at the heart of what Americans understand about themselves and the political world in which they engage and participate. This book will be of interest to a broad range of scholars from political scientists and communication scholars to those in theology and religious studies as well as non-academics who will find Stuckey’s research and analysis fascinating in considering how the United States thinks about itself.

This podcast was hosted by Lilly Goren, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter @gorenlj
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Mary E. Stuckey’s new book, Political Vocabularies: FDR, The Clergy Letters, and the Elements of Political Argument (Michigan State University Press, 2018), is a fascinating and engaging investigation of an early period during the Roosevelt Administrat...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mary E. Stuckey’s new book, Political Vocabularies: FDR, The Clergy Letters, and the Elements of Political Argument (Michigan State University Press, 2018), is a fascinating and engaging investigation of an early period during the Roosevelt Administration that provides the reader with a broad and expansive understanding of different aspects of presidential politics, political rhetoric, communication between elected officials and constituents, and the shifting perceptions of the role of the executive in the American political system. This snapshot in time, in this case, 1935, provides a much bigger picture of power, political change, and the sense of the country as a whole.
Stuckey integrates aspects of these letters into her analysis as she explores rhetorical authority and differing political vocabularies as seen while the power and structural dynamics in the United States shifted during this period. She also examines how these letters between clergy members and the president provide readers with an understanding of American politics, religious warrants, and political imaginaries. This is an important and complex analysis because it also gets at the heart of what Americans understand about themselves and the political world in which they engage and participate. This book will be of interest to a broad range of scholars from political scientists and communication scholars to those in theology and religious studies as well as non-academics who will find Stuckey’s research and analysis fascinating in considering how the United States thinks about itself.

This podcast was hosted by Lilly Goren, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter @gorenlj
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://cas.la.psu.edu/people/mes519">Mary E. Stuckey</a>’s new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qq6dyX49iHrnvhIeAb_QZq4AAAFlP7AgZAEAAAFKARmJZ1o/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1611862655/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1611862655&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=RmueI1aYmsi.6Q78c11D8g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Political Vocabularies: FDR, The Clergy Letters, and the Elements of Political Argument </a>(Michigan State University Press, 2018), is a fascinating and engaging investigation of an early period during the Roosevelt Administration that provides the reader with a broad and expansive understanding of different aspects of presidential politics, political rhetoric, communication between elected officials and constituents, and the shifting perceptions of the role of the executive in the American political system. This snapshot in time, in this case, 1935, provides a much bigger picture of power, political change, and the sense of the country as a whole.</p><p>Stuckey integrates aspects of these letters into her analysis as she explores rhetorical authority and differing political vocabularies as seen while the power and structural dynamics in the United States shifted during this period. She also examines how these letters between clergy members and the president provide readers with an understanding of American politics, religious warrants, and political imaginaries. This is an important and complex analysis because it also gets at the heart of what Americans understand about themselves and the political world in which they engage and participate. This book will be of interest to a broad range of scholars from political scientists and communication scholars to those in theology and religious studies as well as non-academics who will find Stuckey’s research and analysis fascinating in considering how the United States thinks about itself.</p><p><br></p><p>This podcast was hosted by <a href="https://www.carrollu.edu/faculty/goren-lilly-phd">Lilly Goren</a>, Professor of Political Science and Global Studies at Carroll University in Waukesha, WI. You can follow her on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/gorenlj?lang=en">@gorenlj</a></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3079</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=77164]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1439710801.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Suzanne Mettler, “The Government-Citizen Disconnect” (Russell Sage Foundation Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>One of the paradoxes of US politics today is the widely dispersed benefits, but overall distrust, of government. Citizens enjoy many types of social policy, yet reject the process that provides for much aid to individual health, income, and education. What explains this paradox?
In The Government-Citizen Disconnect (Russell Sage Foundation Press 2018), Suzanne Mettler finds several answers. Metter is the Clinton Rossiter Professor of American Institutions in the Government Department at Cornell University.
Relying on original survey data, Mettler finds that nearly all Americans participate in some form of social policy, though many are largely unaware of it. This unawareness reflects the design of policies within the “submerged state” which hides several public benefits provided through intricacies of the tax code. In part a result, many Americans reject government programs in general as not directly beneficial to them, and support an anti-social policy agenda in Congress. In a period of increasing polarization, this long-standing pattern of American public opinion has been exacerbated and has the potential to undermine social equality and democracy.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 09 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>One of the paradoxes of US politics today is the widely dispersed benefits, but overall distrust, of government. Citizens enjoy many types of social policy, yet reject the process that provides for much aid to individual health, income, and education.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the paradoxes of US politics today is the widely dispersed benefits, but overall distrust, of government. Citizens enjoy many types of social policy, yet reject the process that provides for much aid to individual health, income, and education. What explains this paradox?
In The Government-Citizen Disconnect (Russell Sage Foundation Press 2018), Suzanne Mettler finds several answers. Metter is the Clinton Rossiter Professor of American Institutions in the Government Department at Cornell University.
Relying on original survey data, Mettler finds that nearly all Americans participate in some form of social policy, though many are largely unaware of it. This unawareness reflects the design of policies within the “submerged state” which hides several public benefits provided through intricacies of the tax code. In part a result, many Americans reject government programs in general as not directly beneficial to them, and support an anti-social policy agenda in Congress. In a period of increasing polarization, this long-standing pattern of American public opinion has been exacerbated and has the potential to undermine social equality and democracy.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the paradoxes of US politics today is the widely dispersed benefits, but overall distrust, of government. Citizens enjoy many types of social policy, yet reject the process that provides for much aid to individual health, income, and education. What explains this paradox?</p><p>In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QtfnWOXjKu3b43MKXorqRtIAAAFlCmECpAEAAAFKAZYDsWQ/http://www.amazon.com/dp/087154668X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=087154668X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=zvmJtJqZ11x0BkVwhK0o7g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Government-Citizen Disconnect</a> (Russell Sage Foundation Press 2018), <a href="http://government.cornell.edu/suzanne-mettler">Suzanne Mettler</a> finds several answers. Metter is the Clinton Rossiter Professor of American Institutions in the Government Department at Cornell University.</p><p>Relying on original survey data, Mettler finds that nearly all Americans participate in some form of social policy, though many are largely unaware of it. This unawareness reflects the design of policies within the “submerged state” which hides several public benefits provided through intricacies of the tax code. In part a result, many Americans reject government programs in general as not directly beneficial to them, and support an anti-social policy agenda in Congress. In a period of increasing polarization, this long-standing pattern of American public opinion has been exacerbated and has the potential to undermine social equality and democracy.</p><p><br></p><p>This podcast was hosted by <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/heathbrown?lang=en">@heathbrown</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1477</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=76749]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5647204257.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas Ogorzalek, “The Cities on the Hill: How Urban Institutions Transformed National Politics” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Urban politics scholars have long studied what makes cities interesting. Rarely, however, have these unique qualities of cities been studied in the national context. How do representatives of cities advocate for urban interests in Washington? Do they work together for cities, as a whole, or individually, for district needs within each city?
Thomas Ogorzalek’s new book, The Cities on the Hill: How Urban Institutions Transformed National Politics (Oxford University Press, 2018) takes on these questions. Ogorzalek is assistant professor of political science and urban studies at Northwestern University.
Studying the “long” New Deal, Ogorzalek finds that on certain issues, especially the provision of public goods and redistribution, city representatives stick together. Members of Congress who represent districts based in cities vote as one, even controlling for other factors, such as partisanship, and diversity of ideology. Supporting this consensus are institutions working to advocate for cities, including local political parties and newly formed interest groups, such as the US Conference of Mayors.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 03 Aug 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Urban politics scholars have long studied what makes cities interesting. Rarely, however, have these unique qualities of cities been studied in the national context. How do representatives of cities advocate for urban interests in Washington?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Urban politics scholars have long studied what makes cities interesting. Rarely, however, have these unique qualities of cities been studied in the national context. How do representatives of cities advocate for urban interests in Washington? Do they work together for cities, as a whole, or individually, for district needs within each city?
Thomas Ogorzalek’s new book, The Cities on the Hill: How Urban Institutions Transformed National Politics (Oxford University Press, 2018) takes on these questions. Ogorzalek is assistant professor of political science and urban studies at Northwestern University.
Studying the “long” New Deal, Ogorzalek finds that on certain issues, especially the provision of public goods and redistribution, city representatives stick together. Members of Congress who represent districts based in cities vote as one, even controlling for other factors, such as partisanship, and diversity of ideology. Supporting this consensus are institutions working to advocate for cities, including local political parties and newly formed interest groups, such as the US Conference of Mayors.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Urban politics scholars have long studied what makes cities interesting. Rarely, however, have these unique qualities of cities been studied in the national context. How do representatives of cities advocate for urban interests in Washington? Do they work together for cities, as a whole, or individually, for district needs within each city?</p><p><a href="https://www.polisci.northwestern.edu/people/core-faculty/thomas-ogorzalek.html">Thomas Ogorzalek</a>’s new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QhVBAYClNyRwLR3nAKq4C8IAAAFk-qJLtAEAAAFKAbyPrIY/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190668881/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190668881&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=RkgVR3Z2ZqmSyygjh0w-8g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Cities on the Hill: How Urban Institutions Transformed National Politics</a> (Oxford University Press, 2018) takes on these questions. Ogorzalek is assistant professor of political science and urban studies at Northwestern University.</p><p>Studying the “long” New Deal, Ogorzalek finds that on certain issues, especially the provision of public goods and redistribution, city representatives stick together. Members of Congress who represent districts based in cities vote as one, even controlling for other factors, such as partisanship, and diversity of ideology. Supporting this consensus are institutions working to advocate for cities, including local political parties and newly formed interest groups, such as the US Conference of Mayors.</p><p><br></p><p>This podcast was hosted by <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/heathbrown?lang=en">@heathbrown</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1493</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=76618]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9722233264.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Katherine Benton-Cohen, “Inventing the Immigration Problem: The Dillingham Commission and Its Legacy” (Harvard UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>In 1907 the U.S. Congress created a joint commission to investigate what many Americans saw as a national crisis: an unprecedented number of immigrants flowing into the United States. Experts—women and men trained in the new field of social science—fanned out across the country to collect data on these fresh arrivals. The trove of information they amassed shaped how Americans thought about immigrants, themselves, and the nation’s place in the world. Katherine Benton-Cohen argues that the Dillingham Commission’s legacy continues to inform the ways that U.S. policy addresses questions raised by immigration, over a century later.
Within a decade of its launch, almost all of the commission’s recommendations—including a literacy test, a quota system based on national origin, the continuation of Asian exclusion, and greater federal oversight of immigration policy—were implemented into law. Inventing the Immigration Problem: The Dillingham Commission and Its Legacy (Harvard University Press, 2018) describes the labyrinthine bureaucracy, broad administrative authority, and quantitative record-keeping that followed in the wake of these regulations. Their implementation marks a final turn away from an immigration policy motivated by executive-branch concerns over foreign policy and toward one dictated by domestic labor politics.
The Dillingham Commission—which remains the largest immigration study ever conducted in the United States—reflects its particular moment in time when mass immigration, the birth of modern social science, and an aggressive foreign policy fostered a newly robust and optimistic notion of federal power. Its quintessentially Progressive formulation of America’s immigration problem, and its recommendations, endure today in almost every component of immigration policy, control, and enforcement.
Katherine Benton-Cohen is Associate Professor of History at Georgetown University.

Lori A. Flores is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In 1907 the U.S. Congress created a joint commission to investigate what many Americans saw as a national crisis: an unprecedented number of immigrants flowing into the United States. Experts—women and men trained in the new field of social science—fan...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1907 the U.S. Congress created a joint commission to investigate what many Americans saw as a national crisis: an unprecedented number of immigrants flowing into the United States. Experts—women and men trained in the new field of social science—fanned out across the country to collect data on these fresh arrivals. The trove of information they amassed shaped how Americans thought about immigrants, themselves, and the nation’s place in the world. Katherine Benton-Cohen argues that the Dillingham Commission’s legacy continues to inform the ways that U.S. policy addresses questions raised by immigration, over a century later.
Within a decade of its launch, almost all of the commission’s recommendations—including a literacy test, a quota system based on national origin, the continuation of Asian exclusion, and greater federal oversight of immigration policy—were implemented into law. Inventing the Immigration Problem: The Dillingham Commission and Its Legacy (Harvard University Press, 2018) describes the labyrinthine bureaucracy, broad administrative authority, and quantitative record-keeping that followed in the wake of these regulations. Their implementation marks a final turn away from an immigration policy motivated by executive-branch concerns over foreign policy and toward one dictated by domestic labor politics.
The Dillingham Commission—which remains the largest immigration study ever conducted in the United States—reflects its particular moment in time when mass immigration, the birth of modern social science, and an aggressive foreign policy fostered a newly robust and optimistic notion of federal power. Its quintessentially Progressive formulation of America’s immigration problem, and its recommendations, endure today in almost every component of immigration policy, control, and enforcement.
Katherine Benton-Cohen is Associate Professor of History at Georgetown University.

Lori A. Flores is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1907 the U.S. Congress created a joint commission to investigate what many Americans saw as a national crisis: an unprecedented number of immigrants flowing into the United States. Experts—women and men trained in the new field of social science—fanned out across the country to collect data on these fresh arrivals. The trove of information they amassed shaped how Americans thought about immigrants, themselves, and the nation’s place in the world. Katherine Benton-Cohen argues that the Dillingham Commission’s legacy continues to inform the ways that U.S. policy addresses questions raised by immigration, over a century later.</p><p>Within a decade of its launch, almost all of the commission’s recommendations—including a literacy test, a quota system based on national origin, the continuation of Asian exclusion, and greater federal oversight of immigration policy—were implemented into law. <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QgJJGRVem8pRm-P74OuFGO4AAAFkwgcfDgEAAAFKAcZY1Mw/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674976444/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0674976444&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=m1BruBEjuu3p4K96-xSaLQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Inventing the Immigration Problem: The Dillingham Commission and Its Legacy</a> (Harvard University Press, 2018) describes the labyrinthine bureaucracy, broad administrative authority, and quantitative record-keeping that followed in the wake of these regulations. Their implementation marks a final turn away from an immigration policy motivated by executive-branch concerns over foreign policy and toward one dictated by domestic labor politics.</p><p>The Dillingham Commission—which remains the largest immigration study ever conducted in the United States—reflects its particular moment in time when mass immigration, the birth of modern social science, and an aggressive foreign policy fostered a newly robust and optimistic notion of federal power. Its quintessentially Progressive formulation of America’s immigration problem, and its recommendations, endure today in almost every component of immigration policy, control, and enforcement.</p><p><a href="https://isim.georgetown.edu/Katherine-Benton-Cohen">Katherine Benton-Cohen</a> is Associate Professor of History at Georgetown University.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.loriaflores.com">Lori A. Flores</a> is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of <a href="http://yalebooks.com/book/9780300196962/grounds-dreaming">Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4099</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=76404]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2634277066.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Dudas, “Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism” (Stanford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>With the rise of President Donald Trump as the head of the Republican Party, once a Democrat and liberal on many social issues, what does it mean to be a conservative today? What is the glue that connects Trump to other figures and ideas central to the conservative movement, both historical and contemporary? Jeffrey Dudas has an answer to this question: paternalism. Dudas has written Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism (Stanford University Press, 2018). He is Associate Professor of Political Science and Affiliate Faculty of American Studies at the University of Connecticut.
For Dudas, what links corporate interests, small-government libertarians, social and racial traditionalists, and evangelical Christians together is a paternal rights discourse that centers around the importance of fatherhood and the family. Raised Right focuses on three conservative figures: National Review editor William F. Buckley, Jr., President Ronald Reagan, and Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Through extensive analysis of their writing and speeches, Dudas argues that conservatives have focused on paternal discipline as an organizing principle of their worldview since the post-World War II period. Though Trump is not the focus of the book, it is hard to read Raised Right without thinking about the President’s style, rhetoric, and current policy agenda as illustrative of Dudas’ thesis.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 27 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With the rise of President Donald Trump as the head of the Republican Party, once a Democrat and liberal on many social issues, what does it mean to be a conservative today? What is the glue that connects Trump to other figures and ideas central to the...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With the rise of President Donald Trump as the head of the Republican Party, once a Democrat and liberal on many social issues, what does it mean to be a conservative today? What is the glue that connects Trump to other figures and ideas central to the conservative movement, both historical and contemporary? Jeffrey Dudas has an answer to this question: paternalism. Dudas has written Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism (Stanford University Press, 2018). He is Associate Professor of Political Science and Affiliate Faculty of American Studies at the University of Connecticut.
For Dudas, what links corporate interests, small-government libertarians, social and racial traditionalists, and evangelical Christians together is a paternal rights discourse that centers around the importance of fatherhood and the family. Raised Right focuses on three conservative figures: National Review editor William F. Buckley, Jr., President Ronald Reagan, and Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Through extensive analysis of their writing and speeches, Dudas argues that conservatives have focused on paternal discipline as an organizing principle of their worldview since the post-World War II period. Though Trump is not the focus of the book, it is hard to read Raised Right without thinking about the President’s style, rhetoric, and current policy agenda as illustrative of Dudas’ thesis.

This podcast was hosted by Heath Brown, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With the rise of President Donald Trump as the head of the Republican Party, once a Democrat and liberal on many social issues, what does it mean to be a conservative today? What is the glue that connects Trump to other figures and ideas central to the conservative movement, both historical and contemporary? <a href="https://polisci.uconn.edu/person/jeffrey-dudas/">Jeffrey Dudas</a> has an answer to this question: paternalism. Dudas has written <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QrzM29TF9YSx3ItaKuWSUzAAAAFkvsGnyAEAAAFKAVqHfEM/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1503601722/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1503601722&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=5DZV..WwjdNtoqKoXXG.ww&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Raised Right: Fatherhood in Modern American Conservatism</a> (Stanford University Press, 2018). He is Associate Professor of Political Science and Affiliate Faculty of American Studies at the University of Connecticut.</p><p>For Dudas, what links corporate interests, small-government libertarians, social and racial traditionalists, and evangelical Christians together is a paternal rights discourse that centers around the importance of fatherhood and the family. Raised Right focuses on three conservative figures: National Review editor William F. Buckley, Jr., President Ronald Reagan, and Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Through extensive analysis of their writing and speeches, Dudas argues that conservatives have focused on paternal discipline as an organizing principle of their worldview since the post-World War II period. Though Trump is not the focus of the book, it is hard to read Raised Right without thinking about the President’s style, rhetoric, and current policy agenda as illustrative of Dudas’ thesis.</p><p><br></p><p>This podcast was hosted by <a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, Assistant Professor of Public Policy, John Jay College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. You can follow him on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/heathbrown?lang=en">@heathbrown</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1460</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=76393]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7629454325.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Clayton Nall, “The Road to Inequality: How the Federal Highway Program Polarized America and Undermine Cities” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Several recent guests on New Books in Political Science have talked about the path to political polarization in the US, including Lilliana Mason, Dan and Dave Hopkins, and Sam Rosenfeld. The deep divides between the parties have an obvious geographic dimension, but what is the cause? What has allowed people to sort themselves into cities, suburbs, and rural areas of the country?
Clayton Nall has an answer to these questions: highways. Nall has written  The Road to Inequality: How the Federal Highway Program Polarized America and Undermine Cities (Cambridge University Press, 2018).
In the book, Nall connects the federal programs to expand highway construction through the country to differences in political attitudes. In short, highways have contributed to sorting and polarization, allowing people to live and work much farther away than in the past. Using a variety of interesting sources of data, Nall also shows how this sorting has had different impacts on attitudes about transportation spending, with Republicans and Democrats holding distinct views on how federal money should support the physical connections between communities.
￼
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 19 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Several recent guests on New Books in Political Science have talked about the path to political polarization in the US, including Lilliana Mason, Dan and Dave Hopkins, and Sam Rosenfeld. The deep divides between the parties have an obvious geographic d...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Several recent guests on New Books in Political Science have talked about the path to political polarization in the US, including Lilliana Mason, Dan and Dave Hopkins, and Sam Rosenfeld. The deep divides between the parties have an obvious geographic dimension, but what is the cause? What has allowed people to sort themselves into cities, suburbs, and rural areas of the country?
Clayton Nall has an answer to these questions: highways. Nall has written  The Road to Inequality: How the Federal Highway Program Polarized America and Undermine Cities (Cambridge University Press, 2018).
In the book, Nall connects the federal programs to expand highway construction through the country to differences in political attitudes. In short, highways have contributed to sorting and polarization, allowing people to live and work much farther away than in the past. Using a variety of interesting sources of data, Nall also shows how this sorting has had different impacts on attitudes about transportation spending, with Republicans and Democrats holding distinct views on how federal money should support the physical connections between communities.
￼
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Several recent guests on New Books in Political Science have talked about the path to political polarization in the US, including Lilliana Mason, Dan and Dave Hopkins, and Sam Rosenfeld. The deep divides between the parties have an obvious geographic dimension, but what is the cause? What has allowed people to sort themselves into cities, suburbs, and rural areas of the country?</p><p><a href="https://politicalscience.stanford.edu/people/clayton-m-nall">Clayton Nall</a> has an answer to these questions: highways. Nall has written  <a href="https://www.amazon.com/dp/1108405495/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108405495&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=hI-QHq6UWMH5z5qmeV61nw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Road to Inequality: How the Federal Highway Program Polarized America and Undermine Cities</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018).</p><p>In the book, Nall connects the federal programs to expand highway construction through the country to differences in political attitudes. In short, highways have contributed to sorting and polarization, allowing people to live and work much farther away than in the past. Using a variety of interesting sources of data, Nall also shows how this sorting has had different impacts on attitudes about transportation spending, with Republicans and Democrats holding distinct views on how federal money should support the physical connections between communities.</p><p>￼</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1732</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=76154]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6909788040.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Onnesha Roychoudhuri, “The Marginalized Majority: Claiming Our Power in a Post-Truth America” (Melville House, 2018)</title>
      <description>The Marginalized Majority: Claiming Our Power in a Post-Truth America (Melville House, 2018) offers a roadmap to reeling progressives, delivers a searing critique of cynical pragmatism and defends identity politics as a galvanizing force for positive social change. Journalist Onnesha Roychoudhuri shares personal stories of how her identity shaped her...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 13 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Marginalized Majority: Claiming Our Power in a Post-Truth America (Melville House, 2018) offers a roadmap to reeling progressives, delivers a searing critique of cynical pragmatism and defends identity politics as a galvanizing force for positive s...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Marginalized Majority: Claiming Our Power in a Post-Truth America (Melville House, 2018) offers a roadmap to reeling progressives, delivers a searing critique of cynical pragmatism and defends identity politics as a galvanizing force for positive social change. Journalist Onnesha Roychoudhuri shares personal stories of how her identity shaped her...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Marginalized Majority: Claiming Our Power in a Post-Truth America (Melville House, 2018) offers a roadmap to reeling progressives, delivers a searing critique of cynical pragmatism and defends identity politics as a galvanizing force for positive social change. Journalist Onnesha Roychoudhuri shares personal stories of how her identity shaped her...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2365</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=75985]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4297419904.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Darren Speece, “Defending Giants: The Redwood Wars and the Transformation of American Environmental Politics” (U Washington Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>Northern California’s giant redwoods are among the state’s most recognizable natural wonders. These massive trees were also under threat of clear-cut logging for much of the twentieth century, writes Darren Frederick Speece in Defending Giants: The Redwood Wars and the Transformation of American Environmental Politics (University of Washington Press, 2017). The book is an exhaustive study of the California timber industry and the environmentalists who used a wide range of tactics, from sit ins and sabotage to courtroom battles, to protect redwood ecosystems. Speece takes a bottom up approach to this history, telling the story from the perspective of the myriad individuals on both sides of the battle who shaped Pacific Coast environmental politics in the mid to late twentieth century. Defending Giants argues that historians of environmentalism have focused too much on birds-eye, national-level politics and have missed the important front line work performed by rural activists, who often put their lives on the line in protection of forests at risk of disappearing forever.
Defending Giants is also available as an audio book from University Press Audio Books.

Stephen Hausmann is a doctoral candidate at Temple University and Visiting Instructor of history at the University of Pittsburgh. He is currently writing his dissertation, a history of race and the environment in the Black Hills and surrounding northern plains region of South Dakota, Wyoming, and Montana.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 12 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Northern California’s giant redwoods are among the state’s most recognizable natural wonders. These massive trees were also under threat of clear-cut logging for much of the twentieth century, writes Darren Frederick Speece in Defending Giants: The Red...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Northern California’s giant redwoods are among the state’s most recognizable natural wonders. These massive trees were also under threat of clear-cut logging for much of the twentieth century, writes Darren Frederick Speece in Defending Giants: The Redwood Wars and the Transformation of American Environmental Politics (University of Washington Press, 2017). The book is an exhaustive study of the California timber industry and the environmentalists who used a wide range of tactics, from sit ins and sabotage to courtroom battles, to protect redwood ecosystems. Speece takes a bottom up approach to this history, telling the story from the perspective of the myriad individuals on both sides of the battle who shaped Pacific Coast environmental politics in the mid to late twentieth century. Defending Giants argues that historians of environmentalism have focused too much on birds-eye, national-level politics and have missed the important front line work performed by rural activists, who often put their lives on the line in protection of forests at risk of disappearing forever.
Defending Giants is also available as an audio book from University Press Audio Books.

Stephen Hausmann is a doctoral candidate at Temple University and Visiting Instructor of history at the University of Pittsburgh. He is currently writing his dissertation, a history of race and the environment in the Black Hills and surrounding northern plains region of South Dakota, Wyoming, and Montana.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Northern California’s giant redwoods are among the state’s most recognizable natural wonders. These massive trees were also under threat of clear-cut logging for much of the twentieth century, writes <a href="https://twitter.com/darrenspeece?lang=en">Darren Frederick Speece</a> in <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qq8D98ahc29GtQuIYz3YF_AAAAFke1jnpwEAAAFKARrEDII/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0295999519/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0295999519&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=Ni-c2RRanVpV4vQdrlPzrQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Defending Giants: The Redwood Wars and the Transformation of American Environmental Politics</a> (University of Washington Press, 2017). The book is an exhaustive study of the California timber industry and the environmentalists who used a wide range of tactics, from sit ins and sabotage to courtroom battles, to protect redwood ecosystems. Speece takes a bottom up approach to this history, telling the story from the perspective of the myriad individuals on both sides of the battle who shaped Pacific Coast environmental politics in the mid to late twentieth century. Defending Giants argues that historians of environmentalism have focused too much on birds-eye, national-level politics and have missed the important front line work performed by rural activists, who often put their lives on the line in protection of forests at risk of disappearing forever.</p><p>Defending Giants is also available as an <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Defending-Giants-Transformation-American-Environmental/dp/B079VSY9S2/ref=tmm_aud_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&amp;qid=&amp;sr=">audio book</a> from <a href="http://universitypressaudiobooks.com/detail.php/1981">University Press Audio Books</a>.</p><p><br></p><p>Stephen Hausmann is a doctoral candidate at Temple University and Visiting Instructor of history at the University of Pittsburgh. He is currently writing his dissertation, a history of race and the environment in the Black Hills and surrounding northern plains region of South Dakota, Wyoming, and Montana.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4542</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=75957]]></guid>
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      <title>Daniel Hopkins, “The Increasingly United States: How and Why American Political Behavior Nationalized” (U Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Will voters this fall be voting for or against Donald Trump, even though he isn’t on the ballot? Will they be voting on national issues, such as immigration or relations with North Korea, even when the election is for city council or mayor? If all politics is ultimately local, then the answer should be no. Instead, most assume that national issues will dominate vote choice up and down the ballot in 2018. For Daniel Hopkins, this is not a new phenomenon: the United States has been nationalizing for a long time, and political behavior has long reflected it. Hopkins is the author of The Increasingly United States: How and Why American Political Behavior Nationalized (University of Chicago Press, 2018). He is associate professor in the Political Science Department at the University of Pennsylvania.
In his new book, Hopkins marshals an incredible amount of data, from reanalysis of existing data to newly collected surveys to original experiments. From this mound of data, he shows how US politics has nationalized and why. The increasingly national news media and party polarization has change the way voters consume political information and what they are consuming. The result is an orientation of parties to national issues and political behavior that reflects this shift.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 04 Jul 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Will voters this fall be voting for or against Donald Trump, even though he isn’t on the ballot? Will they be voting on national issues, such as immigration or relations with North Korea, even when the election is for city council or mayor?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Will voters this fall be voting for or against Donald Trump, even though he isn’t on the ballot? Will they be voting on national issues, such as immigration or relations with North Korea, even when the election is for city council or mayor? If all politics is ultimately local, then the answer should be no. Instead, most assume that national issues will dominate vote choice up and down the ballot in 2018. For Daniel Hopkins, this is not a new phenomenon: the United States has been nationalizing for a long time, and political behavior has long reflected it. Hopkins is the author of The Increasingly United States: How and Why American Political Behavior Nationalized (University of Chicago Press, 2018). He is associate professor in the Political Science Department at the University of Pennsylvania.
In his new book, Hopkins marshals an incredible amount of data, from reanalysis of existing data to newly collected surveys to original experiments. From this mound of data, he shows how US politics has nationalized and why. The increasingly national news media and party polarization has change the way voters consume political information and what they are consuming. The result is an orientation of parties to national issues and political behavior that reflects this shift.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Will voters this fall be voting for or against Donald Trump, even though he isn’t on the ballot? Will they be voting on national issues, such as immigration or relations with North Korea, even when the election is for city council or mayor? If all politics is ultimately local, then the answer should be no. Instead, most assume that national issues will dominate vote choice up and down the ballot in 2018. For <a href="https://www.sas.upenn.edu/polisci/people/standing-faculty/daniel-hopkins">Daniel Hopkins</a>, this is not a new phenomenon: the United States has been nationalizing for a long time, and political behavior has long reflected it. Hopkins is the author of <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QrOG5bsZEVwwO-t-MRAJfScAAAFkVjQf4gEAAAFKAUdYUFM/http://www.amazon.com/dp/022653037X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=022653037X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=mf81OIPu7R6nvSEKUW4zxw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Increasingly United States: How and Why American Political Behavior Nationalized</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018). He is associate professor in the Political Science Department at the University of Pennsylvania.</p><p>In his new book, Hopkins marshals an incredible amount of data, from reanalysis of existing data to newly collected surveys to original experiments. From this mound of data, he shows how US politics has nationalized and why. The increasingly national news media and party polarization has change the way voters consume political information and what they are consuming. The result is an orientation of parties to national issues and political behavior that reflects this shift.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1856</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=75247]]></guid>
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      <title>Rick Hasen, “The Justice of Contradictions: Antonin Scalia and the Politics of Disruption” (Yale UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Several years on from the death of Antonin Scalia, what is his legacy? What did he leave the Supreme Court and jurisprudence? In The Justice of Contradictions: Antonin Scalia and the Politics of Disruption (Yale University Press, 2018), Rick Hasen takes up the large task of answering parts of this question. Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.
Scalia was funny and rude and innovative. Scalia was disrupter on the court, as the book’s subtitle suggestions. Much of Hasen’s book wrestles with Scalia’s favored ways of interpreting the law, textualism and originalism. Hasen shows the impact of the turn to these approaches, both in specific court rulings, but also in the wider impact on other jurists. Hasen argues that Scalia’s legacy will be protected by the large numbers of lawyers and newly appointed judges who adopted his approaches, including the newest justice, Neil Gorsuch.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Jun 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Several years on from the death of Antonin Scalia, what is his legacy? What did he leave the Supreme Court and jurisprudence? In The Justice of Contradictions: Antonin Scalia and the Politics of Disruption (Yale University Press, 2018),</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Several years on from the death of Antonin Scalia, what is his legacy? What did he leave the Supreme Court and jurisprudence? In The Justice of Contradictions: Antonin Scalia and the Politics of Disruption (Yale University Press, 2018), Rick Hasen takes up the large task of answering parts of this question. Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.
Scalia was funny and rude and innovative. Scalia was disrupter on the court, as the book’s subtitle suggestions. Much of Hasen’s book wrestles with Scalia’s favored ways of interpreting the law, textualism and originalism. Hasen shows the impact of the turn to these approaches, both in specific court rulings, but also in the wider impact on other jurists. Hasen argues that Scalia’s legacy will be protected by the large numbers of lawyers and newly appointed judges who adopted his approaches, including the newest justice, Neil Gorsuch.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Several years on from the death of Antonin Scalia, what is his legacy? What did he leave the Supreme Court and jurisprudence? In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QkvIbp9PjQhHMYI0pZ3xh14AAAFkLIJtfQEAAAFKAYf0bTs/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300228643/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0300228643&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=KzXOUr6CQdN-3G3YYDZZsA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Justice of Contradictions: Antonin Scalia and the Politics of Disruption</a> (Yale University Press, 2018), <a href="http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/">Rick Hasen</a> takes up the large task of answering parts of this question. Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.</p><p>Scalia was funny and rude and innovative. Scalia was disrupter on the court, as the book’s subtitle suggestions. Much of Hasen’s book wrestles with Scalia’s favored ways of interpreting the law, textualism and originalism. Hasen shows the impact of the turn to these approaches, both in specific court rulings, but also in the wider impact on other jurists. Hasen argues that Scalia’s legacy will be protected by the large numbers of lawyers and newly appointed judges who adopted his approaches, including the newest justice, Neil Gorsuch.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1565</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74837]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1693291166.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Michael A. Cohen, “American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division” (Oxford UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>In American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division (Oxford University Press, 2016), Michael A. Cohen shows how the 1968 American presidential election proved to be an “inflection point” of history that shattered the long-standing “liberal consensus,” and unleashed a conservative populism that continues to reverberate today. Cohen delivers...
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Jun 2018 14:45:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division (Oxford University Press, 2016), Michael A. Cohen shows how the 1968 American presidential election proved to be an “inflection point” of history that shattered the long-standing “li...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division (Oxford University Press, 2016), Michael A. Cohen shows how the 1968 American presidential election proved to be an “inflection point” of history that shattered the long-standing “liberal consensus,” and unleashed a conservative populism that continues to reverberate today. Cohen delivers...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In American Maelstrom: The 1968 Election and the Politics of Division (Oxford University Press, 2016), Michael A. Cohen shows how the 1968 American presidential election proved to be an “inflection point” of history that shattered the long-standing “liberal consensus,” and unleashed a conservative populism that continues to reverberate today. Cohen delivers...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2511</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74809]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7290185980.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher W. Schmidt, “The Sit-Ins: Protest and Legal Change in the Civil Rights Era” (U Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>The sit-in movement that swept the Southern states in 1960 was one of the iconic moments of the post-World War II civil rights movement. Yet the images of students patiently sitting at “whites-only” lunch counters conveys only one facet of a complex series of events. In The Sit-Ins: Protest and Legal Change in the Civil Rights Era (University of Chicago Press, 2018), Christopher W. Schmidt chronicles the movement and its impact on the political and legal struggle for civil rights for African Americans. As Schmidt explains, prior to the sit-ins the main civil rights organizations were fighting segregation primarily through the courts. The incremental pace of change frustrated younger activists, with four students at North Carolina A&amp;T ultimately deciding to fight segregation through direct protest. Yet the lunch counter protests they inspired were viewed with considerable ambivalence by the civil rights leadership, who were doubtful that the counters could be compelled to accept black patrons under existing law. Their uncertainly was reflected on the Supreme Court, where the justices’ division on the legality of segregation in privately-run facilities ultimately left the matter to be resolved by Congress in the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
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      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Jun 2018 13:06:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The sit-in movement that swept the Southern states in 1960 was one of the iconic moments of the post-World War II civil rights movement. Yet the images of students patiently sitting at “whites-only” lunch counters conveys only one facet of a complex se...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The sit-in movement that swept the Southern states in 1960 was one of the iconic moments of the post-World War II civil rights movement. Yet the images of students patiently sitting at “whites-only” lunch counters conveys only one facet of a complex series of events. In The Sit-Ins: Protest and Legal Change in the Civil Rights Era (University of Chicago Press, 2018), Christopher W. Schmidt chronicles the movement and its impact on the political and legal struggle for civil rights for African Americans. As Schmidt explains, prior to the sit-ins the main civil rights organizations were fighting segregation primarily through the courts. The incremental pace of change frustrated younger activists, with four students at North Carolina A&amp;T ultimately deciding to fight segregation through direct protest. Yet the lunch counter protests they inspired were viewed with considerable ambivalence by the civil rights leadership, who were doubtful that the counters could be compelled to accept black patrons under existing law. Their uncertainly was reflected on the Supreme Court, where the justices’ division on the legality of segregation in privately-run facilities ultimately left the matter to be resolved by Congress in the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The sit-in movement that swept the Southern states in 1960 was one of the iconic moments of the post-World War II civil rights movement. Yet the images of students patiently sitting at “whites-only” lunch counters conveys only one facet of a complex series of events. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QikfQ9Z_FLBnd_3slNEz8HoAAAFkJ5b_HwEAAAFKASXvTGU/http://www.amazon.com/dp/022652244X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=022652244X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=K-j0f.f3V.3dIT78a6BmCg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Sit-Ins: Protest and Legal Change in the Civil Rights Era</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018), <a href="https://www.kentlaw.iit.edu/faculty/christopher-schmidt">Christopher W. Schmidt</a> chronicles the movement and its impact on the political and legal struggle for civil rights for African Americans. As Schmidt explains, prior to the sit-ins the main civil rights organizations were fighting segregation primarily through the courts. The incremental pace of change frustrated younger activists, with four students at North Carolina A&amp;T ultimately deciding to fight segregation through direct protest. Yet the lunch counter protests they inspired were viewed with considerable ambivalence by the civil rights leadership, who were doubtful that the counters could be compelled to accept black patrons under existing law. Their uncertainly was reflected on the Supreme Court, where the justices’ division on the legality of segregation in privately-run facilities ultimately left the matter to be resolved by Congress in the 1964 Civil Rights Act.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3164</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74801]]></guid>
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      <title>Lily Geismer, “Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberalism and the Transformation of the Democratic Party” (Princeton UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>Stories about the suburbs often focus on conservatism. But, as Lily Geismer shows in her fascinating book, called Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberalism and the Transformation of the Democratic Party (Princeton University Press, 2014) suburbs can also be liberal spaces. The high-tech corridor of the Route 128 highway that circles Boston is one such example.
The book tracks how new economic conditions—namely the rise of a knowledge-based economy and white-collar work—changed the ideological content and organizing strategies of liberalism. And, as suburbanites replaced urban working-class voters as the most significant constituency for the Democratic Party, suburbanites transformed the Democratic Party itself. Their support for environmental causes, reproductive rights, the high-tech economy, and market-based solutions became central to the Democratic Party in the 1980s and 1990s, embodied most clearly in men like Michael Dukakis, Al Gore, and Bill Clinton. Geismer’s book will be of interest to political historians, urban and suburban historians, and historians of science and technology.

Dexter Fergie is a first-year PhD student of US and global history at Northwestern University. He is currently researching the 20th century geopolitical history of information and communications networks. He can be reached by email at dexter.fergie@u.northwestern.edu or on Twitter @DexterFergie.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 19 Jun 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Stories about the suburbs often focus on conservatism. But, as Lily Geismer shows in her fascinating book, called Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberalism and the Transformation of the Democratic Party (Princeton University Press,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Stories about the suburbs often focus on conservatism. But, as Lily Geismer shows in her fascinating book, called Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberalism and the Transformation of the Democratic Party (Princeton University Press, 2014) suburbs can also be liberal spaces. The high-tech corridor of the Route 128 highway that circles Boston is one such example.
The book tracks how new economic conditions—namely the rise of a knowledge-based economy and white-collar work—changed the ideological content and organizing strategies of liberalism. And, as suburbanites replaced urban working-class voters as the most significant constituency for the Democratic Party, suburbanites transformed the Democratic Party itself. Their support for environmental causes, reproductive rights, the high-tech economy, and market-based solutions became central to the Democratic Party in the 1980s and 1990s, embodied most clearly in men like Michael Dukakis, Al Gore, and Bill Clinton. Geismer’s book will be of interest to political historians, urban and suburban historians, and historians of science and technology.

Dexter Fergie is a first-year PhD student of US and global history at Northwestern University. He is currently researching the 20th century geopolitical history of information and communications networks. He can be reached by email at dexter.fergie@u.northwestern.edu or on Twitter @DexterFergie.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Stories about the suburbs often focus on conservatism. But, as <a href="https://www.cmc.edu/academic/faculty/profile/lily-geismer">Lily Geismer</a> shows in her fascinating book, called <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10371.html">Don’t Blame Us: Suburban Liberalism and the Transformation of the Democratic Party</a> (Princeton University Press, 2014) suburbs can also be liberal spaces. The high-tech corridor of the Route 128 highway that circles Boston is one such example.</p><p>The book tracks how new economic conditions—namely the rise of a knowledge-based economy and white-collar work—changed the ideological content and organizing strategies of liberalism. And, as suburbanites replaced urban working-class voters as the most significant constituency for the Democratic Party, suburbanites transformed the Democratic Party itself. Their support for environmental causes, reproductive rights, the high-tech economy, and market-based solutions became central to the Democratic Party in the 1980s and 1990s, embodied most clearly in men like Michael Dukakis, Al Gore, and Bill Clinton. Geismer’s book will be of interest to political historians, urban and suburban historians, and historians of science and technology.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.history.northwestern.edu/people/graduate-students/dexter-fergie.html">Dexter Fergie</a> is a first-year PhD student of US and global history at Northwestern University. He is currently researching the 20th century geopolitical history of information and communications networks. He can be reached by email at <a href="mailto:dexter.fergie@u.northwestern.edu">dexter.fergie@u.northwestern.edu</a> or on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/DexterFergie">@DexterFergie</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3204</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74670]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9869584854.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Jacqueline Jones, “Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical” (Basic Books, 2017)</title>
      <description>The award-winning author Jacqueline Jones is the Ellen C. Temple Chair in Women’s History at the University of Texas. Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical (Basic Books, 2017) is a biography of the riveting life of Lucy Parsons. As an activist, writer and speaker, Parsons embodied the most radical expression of the battle for labor rights in American history, yet her life remains a mystery. Born an enslaved woman in 1851 of mixed lineage, the circumstances of her birth and early life are unknown. Exceedingly beautiful and articulate, she met and married Albert Parsons, a confederate army veteran, in Waco, Texas in 1872. Their politics shifted from loyal Republicans to socialism and finally to anarchism advocating for white labor in Chicago. As a dynamic and radical duo engaged in extensive writing, charismatic speaking and alliances across multiple labor organizations, they became symbols of unrelenting agitation against industrial capitalism. Their call for armed resistance and involvement with the Haymarket bombing and trial, led to the execution of Albert leaving Lucy Parsons to carry their mutual legacy alone. Jones has brought to life an enigmatic figure whose compelling presence left a mark on the history of the radical movement for labor rights.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in August, 2018 from Oxford University Press.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Jun 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The award-winning author Jacqueline Jones is the Ellen C. Temple Chair in Women’s History at the University of Texas. Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical (Basic Books, 2017) is a biography of the riveting life of Lu...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The award-winning author Jacqueline Jones is the Ellen C. Temple Chair in Women’s History at the University of Texas. Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical (Basic Books, 2017) is a biography of the riveting life of Lucy Parsons. As an activist, writer and speaker, Parsons embodied the most radical expression of the battle for labor rights in American history, yet her life remains a mystery. Born an enslaved woman in 1851 of mixed lineage, the circumstances of her birth and early life are unknown. Exceedingly beautiful and articulate, she met and married Albert Parsons, a confederate army veteran, in Waco, Texas in 1872. Their politics shifted from loyal Republicans to socialism and finally to anarchism advocating for white labor in Chicago. As a dynamic and radical duo engaged in extensive writing, charismatic speaking and alliances across multiple labor organizations, they became symbols of unrelenting agitation against industrial capitalism. Their call for armed resistance and involvement with the Haymarket bombing and trial, led to the execution of Albert leaving Lucy Parsons to carry their mutual legacy alone. Jones has brought to life an enigmatic figure whose compelling presence left a mark on the history of the radical movement for labor rights.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in August, 2018 from Oxford University Press.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The award-winning author <a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/history/faculty/jj23464">Jacqueline Jones</a> is the Ellen C. Temple Chair in Women’s History at the University of Texas. <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QtMiT6Wu1s6F6_3xH0nLRB8AAAFkCk30ewEAAAFKAUvEhqs/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0465078990/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0465078990&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=MaylTUXtZu2BvlGlr1899g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Goddess of Anarchy: The Life and Times of Lucy Parsons, American Radical </a>(Basic Books, 2017) is a biography of the riveting life of Lucy Parsons. As an activist, writer and speaker, Parsons embodied the most radical expression of the battle for labor rights in American history, yet her life remains a mystery. Born an enslaved woman in 1851 of mixed lineage, the circumstances of her birth and early life are unknown. Exceedingly beautiful and articulate, she met and married Albert Parsons, a confederate army veteran, in Waco, Texas in 1872. Their politics shifted from loyal Republicans to socialism and finally to anarchism advocating for white labor in Chicago. As a dynamic and radical duo engaged in extensive writing, charismatic speaking and alliances across multiple labor organizations, they became symbols of unrelenting agitation against industrial capitalism. Their call for armed resistance and involvement with the Haymarket bombing and trial, led to the execution of Albert leaving Lucy Parsons to carry their mutual legacy alone. Jones has brought to life an enigmatic figure whose compelling presence left a mark on the history of the radical movement for labor rights.</p><p><br></p><p>Lilian Calles Barger, <a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com">www.lilianbarger.com</a>, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in August, 2018 from <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/the-world-come-of-age-9780190695392?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;">Oxford University Press</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3227</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74681]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6974153673.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Thomas B. Reston, “Soul of a Democrat: The Seven Core Ideals That Made Our Party and Our Country Great</title>
      <description>Democrats need to stop their “monomania” over Donald Trump and reconnect with their party’s core ideals to reclaim political power, argues Thomas B. Reston in his book Soul of a Democrat: The Seven Core Ideals That Made Our Party and Our Country Great (All Points Books, 2018). He explores those ideals...
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      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Jun 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Democrats need to stop their “monomania” over Donald Trump and reconnect with their party’s core ideals to reclaim political power, argues Thomas B. Reston in his book Soul of a Democrat: The Seven Core Ideals That Made Our Party and Our Country Great ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Democrats need to stop their “monomania” over Donald Trump and reconnect with their party’s core ideals to reclaim political power, argues Thomas B. Reston in his book Soul of a Democrat: The Seven Core Ideals That Made Our Party and Our Country Great (All Points Books, 2018). He explores those ideals...
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Democrats need to stop their “monomania” over Donald Trump and reconnect with their party’s core ideals to reclaim political power, argues Thomas B. Reston in his book Soul of a Democrat: The Seven Core Ideals That Made Our Party and Our Country Great (All Points Books, 2018). He explores those ideals...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1992</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74666]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4234058737.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Are Citizens Polarized with Steven Kull</title>
      <description>Steven Kull is a Senior Research Associate and director of the Program for Public Consultation at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland. He is also the Founder and Director of the nonpartisan organization Voice of the People, which is working to create structures and institutions that would enrich the channels of communication between Congress and citizens. Steven is a political psychologist who studies a range of phenomena from public political ignorance and popular attitudes about climate change to congressional decision-making and international attitudes towards religion. 
The "Why We Argue" podcast is produced by the Humanities Institute at the University of Connecticut as part of the Humility and Conviction in Public Life project.
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      <pubDate>Thu, 07 Jun 2018 20:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:season>1</itunes:season>
      <itunes:episode>30</itunes:episode>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/9ca7fd7e-c0ae-11ec-a97c-d7133654bd54/image/WWA_Logo_No_Season.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>An interview with Steven Kull</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steven Kull is a Senior Research Associate and director of the Program for Public Consultation at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland. He is also the Founder and Director of the nonpartisan organization Voice of the People, which is working to create structures and institutions that would enrich the channels of communication between Congress and citizens. Steven is a political psychologist who studies a range of phenomena from public political ignorance and popular attitudes about climate change to congressional decision-making and international attitudes towards religion. 
The "Why We Argue" podcast is produced by the Humanities Institute at the University of Connecticut as part of the Humility and Conviction in Public Life project.
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      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.cissm.umd.edu/people/steven-kull">Steven Kull</a> is a Senior Research Associate and director of the <a href="https://www.publicconsultation.org/">Program for Public Consultation</a> at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland. He is also the Founder and Director of the nonpartisan organization <a href="http://vop.org/">Voice of the People,</a> which is working to create structures and institutions that would enrich the channels of communication between Congress and citizens. Steven is a political psychologist who studies a range of phenomena from public political ignorance and popular attitudes about climate change to congressional decision-making and international attitudes towards religion. </p><p><em>The "</em><a href="https://humilityandconviction.uconn.edu/why-we-argue/"><em>Why We Argue</em></a><em>" podcast is produced by the </em><a href="https://humanities.uconn.edu/"><em>Humanities Institute</em></a><em> at the University of Connecticut as part of the </em><a href="https://humilityandconviction.uconn.edu/"><em>Humility and Conviction in Public Life</em></a><em> project.</em></p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1781</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[7f2a4ac7923e4b2ebc9baf85e60e16e6]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4180209097.mp3?updated=1631644753" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>David Faris, “It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics” (Melville House, 2018)</title>
      <description>Roosevelt University political science professor David Faris counsels Democrats to disregard procedural precedents and niceties, and pugnaciously wield power in his book, It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics (Melville House, 2018). As Faris explains in this interview, he doesn’t mean Democrats should...
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      <pubDate>Wed, 30 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Roosevelt University political science professor David Faris counsels Democrats to disregard procedural precedents and niceties, and pugnaciously wield power in his book, It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Roosevelt University political science professor David Faris counsels Democrats to disregard procedural precedents and niceties, and pugnaciously wield power in his book, It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics (Melville House, 2018). As Faris explains in this interview, he doesn’t mean Democrats should...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Roosevelt University political science professor David Faris counsels Democrats to disregard procedural precedents and niceties, and pugnaciously wield power in his book, It’s Time to Fight Dirty: How Democrats Can Build a Lasting Majority in American Politics (Melville House, 2018). As Faris explains in this interview, he doesn’t mean Democrats should...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2245</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74234]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2617011501.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Avidit Acharya et al., “Deep Roots: How Slavery Still Shapes Southern Politics” (Princeton UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Several weeks ago, we had Professor Lilliana Mason on the podcast talking about her book about the process of social sorting that has deepened divides between citizens by aligning race, religion, and region. Mason argues that social sorting acts on a psychological-level, shaping how not just how people view policy but also political opponents.
This week on the podcast, Matt Blackwell and Maya Sen extend this conversation back into history. In Deep Roots: How Slavery Still Shapes Southern Politics (Princeton University Press, 2018), the authors (with Avidit Acharya) argue that views on race have deeply historical roots, passed on across generations through cultural practices and other institutional mechanisms. They call this behavioral path dependence. Using sophisticated statistical analysis, they find that the long, disturbing legacy of slavery can be observed in the variation of attitudes of those living in different southern communities. In counties where slavery thrived in the 1860s (compared to similar counties in the south where slavery was less prevalent), white citizens hold significantly more hostile views of African Americans and express less support for race-related public policies. Interestingly, when they compare residents in those same two types of southern counties, their non-race views on other conservative issues, such as abortion, are essentially the same. Thus, the legacy of slavery is not in general conservative beliefs, but in specific and negative views on race.
Avidit Acharya is assistant professor of political science at Stanford University. Matthew Blackwell is assistant professor of government at Harvard University. Maya Sen is associate professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 30 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Several weeks ago, we had Professor Lilliana Mason on the podcast talking about her book about the process of social sorting that has deepened divides between citizens by aligning race, religion, and region.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Several weeks ago, we had Professor Lilliana Mason on the podcast talking about her book about the process of social sorting that has deepened divides between citizens by aligning race, religion, and region. Mason argues that social sorting acts on a psychological-level, shaping how not just how people view policy but also political opponents.
This week on the podcast, Matt Blackwell and Maya Sen extend this conversation back into history. In Deep Roots: How Slavery Still Shapes Southern Politics (Princeton University Press, 2018), the authors (with Avidit Acharya) argue that views on race have deeply historical roots, passed on across generations through cultural practices and other institutional mechanisms. They call this behavioral path dependence. Using sophisticated statistical analysis, they find that the long, disturbing legacy of slavery can be observed in the variation of attitudes of those living in different southern communities. In counties where slavery thrived in the 1860s (compared to similar counties in the south where slavery was less prevalent), white citizens hold significantly more hostile views of African Americans and express less support for race-related public policies. Interestingly, when they compare residents in those same two types of southern counties, their non-race views on other conservative issues, such as abortion, are essentially the same. Thus, the legacy of slavery is not in general conservative beliefs, but in specific and negative views on race.
Avidit Acharya is assistant professor of political science at Stanford University. Matthew Blackwell is assistant professor of government at Harvard University. Maya Sen is associate professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Several weeks ago, we had Professor Lilliana Mason on the podcast talking about her book about the process of social sorting that has deepened divides between citizens by aligning race, religion, and region. Mason argues that social sorting acts on a psychological-level, shaping how not just how people view policy but also political opponents.</p><p>This week on the podcast, <a href="http://www.mattblackwell.org/">Matt Blackwell</a> and <a href="https://scholar.harvard.edu/msen/home">Maya Sen</a> extend this conversation back into history. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QlZ3QcJSMhpV1xwNSqROY8AAAAFjrFTQvQEAAAFKAWc3gog/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691176744/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0691176744&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=vmHxSTqVwutHCVGovb2WIA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Deep Roots: How Slavery Still Shapes Southern Politics</a> (Princeton University Press, 2018), the authors (with Avidit Acharya) argue that views on race have deeply historical roots, passed on across generations through cultural practices and other institutional mechanisms. They call this behavioral path dependence. Using sophisticated statistical analysis, they find that the long, disturbing legacy of slavery can be observed in the variation of attitudes of those living in different southern communities. In counties where slavery thrived in the 1860s (compared to similar counties in the south where slavery was less prevalent), white citizens hold significantly more hostile views of African Americans and express less support for race-related public policies. Interestingly, when they compare residents in those same two types of southern counties, their non-race views on other conservative issues, such as abortion, are essentially the same. Thus, the legacy of slavery is not in general conservative beliefs, but in specific and negative views on race.</p><p><a href="https://stanford.edu/~avidit/">Avidit Acharya</a> is assistant professor of political science at Stanford University. Matthew Blackwell is assistant professor of government at Harvard University. Maya Sen is associate professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1738</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74242]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6599879659.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Beth Lew-Williams, “The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America” (Harvard UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>The American West erupted in anti-Chinese violence in 1885. Following the massacre of Chinese miners in Wyoming Territory, communities throughout California and the Pacific Northwest harassed, assaulted, and expelled thousands of Chinese immigrants. In The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America (Harvard University Press, 2018). Beth Lew-Williams shows how American immigration policies incited this violence and how the violence, in turn, provoked new exclusionary policies. Ultimately, Lew-Williams argues, Chinese expulsion and exclusion produced the concept of the “alien” in modern America. The Chinese Must Go begins in the 1850s, before federal border control established strict divisions between citizens and aliens. Across decades of felling trees and laying tracks in the American West, Chinese workers faced escalating racial conflict and unrest. In response, Congress passed the Chinese Restriction Act of 1882 and made its first attempt to bar immigrants based on race and class. When this unprecedented experiment in federal border control failed to slow Chinese migration, vigilantes attempted to take the matter into their own hands. Fearing the spread of mob violence, U.S. policymakers redoubled their efforts to keep the Chinese out, overhauling U.S. immigration law and transforming diplomatic relations with China. By locating the origins of the modern American alien in this violent era, Lew-Williams recasts the significance of Chinese exclusion in U.S. history. As The Chinese Must Go makes clear, anti-Chinese law and violence continues to have consequences for today’s immigrants. The present resurgence of xenophobia builds mightily upon past fears of the “heathen Chinaman.”

Lori A. Flores is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement (Yale University Press), out in paperback May 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 28 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/47e16802-c009-11ec-8080-ebf317017f63/image/asianamericanstudies1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>The American West erupted in anti-Chinese violence in 1885. Following the massacre of Chinese miners in Wyoming Territory, communities throughout California and the Pacific Northwest harassed, assaulted, and expelled thousands of Chinese immigrants.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The American West erupted in anti-Chinese violence in 1885. Following the massacre of Chinese miners in Wyoming Territory, communities throughout California and the Pacific Northwest harassed, assaulted, and expelled thousands of Chinese immigrants. In The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America (Harvard University Press, 2018). Beth Lew-Williams shows how American immigration policies incited this violence and how the violence, in turn, provoked new exclusionary policies. Ultimately, Lew-Williams argues, Chinese expulsion and exclusion produced the concept of the “alien” in modern America. The Chinese Must Go begins in the 1850s, before federal border control established strict divisions between citizens and aliens. Across decades of felling trees and laying tracks in the American West, Chinese workers faced escalating racial conflict and unrest. In response, Congress passed the Chinese Restriction Act of 1882 and made its first attempt to bar immigrants based on race and class. When this unprecedented experiment in federal border control failed to slow Chinese migration, vigilantes attempted to take the matter into their own hands. Fearing the spread of mob violence, U.S. policymakers redoubled their efforts to keep the Chinese out, overhauling U.S. immigration law and transforming diplomatic relations with China. By locating the origins of the modern American alien in this violent era, Lew-Williams recasts the significance of Chinese exclusion in U.S. history. As The Chinese Must Go makes clear, anti-Chinese law and violence continues to have consequences for today’s immigrants. The present resurgence of xenophobia builds mightily upon past fears of the “heathen Chinaman.”

Lori A. Flores is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement (Yale University Press), out in paperback May 2018).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The American West erupted in anti-Chinese violence in 1885. Following the massacre of Chinese miners in Wyoming Territory, communities throughout California and the Pacific Northwest harassed, assaulted, and expelled thousands of Chinese immigrants. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QgRcjHifl-WBDwBDOyrq7NgAAAFjno7_oAEAAAFKARgMkQ4/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674976010/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0674976010&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=F9BYYaawcZ5gFVx17.sJFw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America</a> (Harvard University Press, 2018). <a href="https://history.princeton.edu/people/beth-lew-williams">Beth Lew-Williams</a> shows how American immigration policies incited this violence and how the violence, in turn, provoked new exclusionary policies. Ultimately, Lew-Williams argues, Chinese expulsion and exclusion produced the concept of the “alien” in modern America. The Chinese Must Go begins in the 1850s, before federal border control established strict divisions between citizens and aliens. Across decades of felling trees and laying tracks in the American West, Chinese workers faced escalating racial conflict and unrest. In response, Congress passed the Chinese Restriction Act of 1882 and made its first attempt to bar immigrants based on race and class. When this unprecedented experiment in federal border control failed to slow Chinese migration, vigilantes attempted to take the matter into their own hands. Fearing the spread of mob violence, U.S. policymakers redoubled their efforts to keep the Chinese out, overhauling U.S. immigration law and transforming diplomatic relations with China. By locating the origins of the modern American alien in this violent era, Lew-Williams recasts the significance of Chinese exclusion in U.S. history. As The Chinese Must Go makes clear, anti-Chinese law and violence continues to have consequences for today’s immigrants. The present resurgence of xenophobia builds mightily upon past fears of the “heathen Chinaman.”</p><p><br></p><p>Lori A. Flores is an Associate Professor of History at Stony Brook University (SUNY) and the author of Grounds for Dreaming: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the California Farmworker Movement (Yale University Press), out in paperback May 2018).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3326</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=74157]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7420401717.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Roderick P. Hart, “Civic Hope: How Ordinary Americans Keep Democracy Alive” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>To find out what Americans really think about their government, University of Texas-Austin Professor Roderick P. Hart read and analyzed approximately 10,000 letters to the editor, from 12 “ordinary” cities, written between 1948 and the present. In Civic Hope: How Ordinary Americans Keep Democracy Alive (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Hart...
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      <pubDate>Thu, 24 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>To find out what Americans really think about their government, University of Texas-Austin Professor Roderick P. Hart read and analyzed approximately 10,000 letters to the editor, from 12 “ordinary” cities, written between 1948 and the present.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>To find out what Americans really think about their government, University of Texas-Austin Professor Roderick P. Hart read and analyzed approximately 10,000 letters to the editor, from 12 “ordinary” cities, written between 1948 and the present. In Civic Hope: How Ordinary Americans Keep Democracy Alive (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Hart...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>To find out what Americans really think about their government, University of Texas-Austin Professor Roderick P. Hart read and analyzed approximately 10,000 letters to the editor, from 12 “ordinary” cities, written between 1948 and the present. In Civic Hope: How Ordinary Americans Keep Democracy Alive (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Hart...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2345</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73984]]></guid>
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      <title>Jeffrey Tulis and Nicole Mellow, “Legacies of Losing in American Politics” (University of Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Donald Trump famously said “We’re going to win so much you may even get tired of winning.” Tell that to the losers of politics; those who have lost major elections or key political debates. We rarely focus on those who have lost, but Jeffrey Tulis and Nicole Mellow suggest we can learn a lot from the losers. In Legacies of Losing in American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2018), they demonstrate that in three key points in American political history, the losing side won a lot more than we typically acknowledge or understand. Focusing on the founding period, the Civil War era, and the time after the passage of the New Deal, they show how the direction of the country was greatly shaped by defeat.
Tulis teaches American politics and political theory at the University of Texas at Austin. Mellow is professor of political science at Williams College.
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      <pubDate>Wed, 23 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Donald Trump famously said “We’re going to win so much you may even get tired of winning.” Tell that to the losers of politics; those who have lost major elections or key political debates. We rarely focus on those who have lost,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Donald Trump famously said “We’re going to win so much you may even get tired of winning.” Tell that to the losers of politics; those who have lost major elections or key political debates. We rarely focus on those who have lost, but Jeffrey Tulis and Nicole Mellow suggest we can learn a lot from the losers. In Legacies of Losing in American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2018), they demonstrate that in three key points in American political history, the losing side won a lot more than we typically acknowledge or understand. Focusing on the founding period, the Civil War era, and the time after the passage of the New Deal, they show how the direction of the country was greatly shaped by defeat.
Tulis teaches American politics and political theory at the University of Texas at Austin. Mellow is professor of political science at Williams College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Donald Trump famously said “We’re going to win so much you may even get tired of winning.” Tell that to the losers of politics; those who have lost major elections or key political debates. We rarely focus on those who have lost, but <a href="https://liberalarts.utexas.edu/government/faculty/tulisjk">Jeffrey Tulis</a> and <a href="https://political-science.williams.edu/profile/nmellow/">Nicole Mellow</a> suggest we can learn a lot from the losers. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QtVIi_yrdfvf4RiBg1fh0NQAAAFjiEM0LgEAAAFKAV0TQgM/http://www.amazon.com/dp/022651532X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=022651532X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=NHAqZBZCrx0Lc5Qq-e0lTw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Legacies of Losing in American Politics</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018), they demonstrate that in three key points in American political history, the losing side won a lot more than we typically acknowledge or understand. Focusing on the founding period, the Civil War era, and the time after the passage of the New Deal, they show how the direction of the country was greatly shaped by defeat.</p><p>Tulis teaches American politics and political theory at the University of Texas at Austin. Mellow is professor of political science at Williams College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1551</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73962]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9819775303.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Salena Zito and Brad Todd, “The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics” (Crown Forum, 2018)</title>
      <description>During the 2016, journalist Salena Zito, who is based in Western Pennsylvania, sensed a brewing conservative populist in the white working-class when many thought the election would be determined by other demographic groups. Her dispatches from the back roads proved prescient when Donald Trump won the presidency. She teamed up...
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      <pubDate>Fri, 18 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>During the 2016, journalist Salena Zito, who is based in Western Pennsylvania, sensed a brewing conservative populist in the white working-class when many thought the election would be determined by other demographic groups.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>During the 2016, journalist Salena Zito, who is based in Western Pennsylvania, sensed a brewing conservative populist in the white working-class when many thought the election would be determined by other demographic groups. Her dispatches from the back roads proved prescient when Donald Trump won the presidency. She teamed up...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>During the 2016, journalist Salena Zito, who is based in Western Pennsylvania, sensed a brewing conservative populist in the white working-class when many thought the election would be determined by other demographic groups. Her dispatches from the back roads proved prescient when Donald Trump won the presidency. She teamed up...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2458</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73652]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6954329988.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jeffrey Lazarus and Amy Steigerwalt, “Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office” (U Michigan Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Research has demonstrated that women legislators face tougher re-election campaigns, often confronting stiff general election and primary competition. They typically received less favorable media coverage and get less support from their parties. How do they respond to this very different electoral context?
In Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office (University of Michigan Press, 2018), Jeffrey Lazarus and Amy Steigerwalt say that they work harder. Lazarus is associate professor of political science at Georgia State University; Steigerwalt is professor of political science at Georgia State University.
Lazarus and Steigerwalt show that in a number of areas, women members of Congress simply do more. They introduce more bills and bring more money back to their districts. They spend more time on constituent services than men and are more responsive to their constituents’ policy preferences. The authors attribute this in part to the disproportionate level of vulnerability that women legislators feel.
 
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      <pubDate>Thu, 17 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Research has demonstrated that women legislators face tougher re-election campaigns, often confronting stiff general election and primary competition. They typically received less favorable media coverage and get less support from their parties.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Research has demonstrated that women legislators face tougher re-election campaigns, often confronting stiff general election and primary competition. They typically received less favorable media coverage and get less support from their parties. How do they respond to this very different electoral context?
In Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office (University of Michigan Press, 2018), Jeffrey Lazarus and Amy Steigerwalt say that they work harder. Lazarus is associate professor of political science at Georgia State University; Steigerwalt is professor of political science at Georgia State University.
Lazarus and Steigerwalt show that in a number of areas, women members of Congress simply do more. They introduce more bills and bring more money back to their districts. They spend more time on constituent services than men and are more responsive to their constituents’ policy preferences. The authors attribute this in part to the disproportionate level of vulnerability that women legislators feel.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Research has demonstrated that women legislators face tougher re-election campaigns, often confronting stiff general election and primary competition. They typically received less favorable media coverage and get less support from their parties. How do they respond to this very different electoral context?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/9718595/gendered_vulnerability">Gendered Vulnerability: How Women Work Harder to Stay in Office</a> (University of Michigan Press, 2018), <a href="https://shared.cas.gsu.edu/profile/jeffrey-lazarus-2/">Jeffrey Lazarus</a> and <a href="http://politicalscience.gsu.edu/profile/amy-steigerwalt-2/">Amy Steigerwalt</a> say that they work harder. Lazarus is associate professor of political science at Georgia State University; Steigerwalt is professor of political science at Georgia State University.</p><p>Lazarus and Steigerwalt show that in a number of areas, women members of Congress simply do more. They introduce more bills and bring more money back to their districts. They spend more time on constituent services than men and are more responsive to their constituents’ policy preferences. The authors attribute this in part to the disproportionate level of vulnerability that women legislators feel.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1561</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73597]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3792213633.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Amanda Carpenter, “Gaslighting America: Why We Love It When Trump Lies to Us” (Broadside, 2018)</title>
      <description>CNN commentator Amanda Carpenter was an early conservative critic of Donald Trump when she was targeted in a smear campaign falsely accusing her of an extramarital affair with Trump’s 2016 Republican primary rival Sen. Ted Cruz. In her words, she was “gaslit,” driven crazy by bald-faced lies. In Gaslighting America:...
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      <pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>CNN commentator Amanda Carpenter was an early conservative critic of Donald Trump when she was targeted in a smear campaign falsely accusing her of an extramarital affair with Trump’s 2016 Republican primary rival Sen. Ted Cruz. In her words,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>CNN commentator Amanda Carpenter was an early conservative critic of Donald Trump when she was targeted in a smear campaign falsely accusing her of an extramarital affair with Trump’s 2016 Republican primary rival Sen. Ted Cruz. In her words, she was “gaslit,” driven crazy by bald-faced lies. In Gaslighting America:...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>CNN commentator Amanda Carpenter was an early conservative critic of Donald Trump when she was targeted in a smear campaign falsely accusing her of an extramarital affair with Trump’s 2016 Republican primary rival Sen. Ted Cruz. In her words, she was “gaslit,” driven crazy by bald-faced lies. In Gaslighting America:...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2486</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73608]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4496940888.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephen E. Strang, “God and Donald Trump” (Frontline, 2017)</title>
      <description>Those looking for deeper understanding of why the socially conservative, evangelical Christian community has been so loyal of Donald Trump will find answers in the book God and Donald Trump (Frontline, 2017). Author Stephen Strang provides an insider’s perspective on how evangelical leaders who initially backed Sen. Ted Cruz for Senate...
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      <pubDate>Fri, 11 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Those looking for deeper understanding of why the socially conservative, evangelical Christian community has been so loyal of Donald Trump will find answers in the book God and Donald Trump (Frontline, 2017).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Those looking for deeper understanding of why the socially conservative, evangelical Christian community has been so loyal of Donald Trump will find answers in the book God and Donald Trump (Frontline, 2017). Author Stephen Strang provides an insider’s perspective on how evangelical leaders who initially backed Sen. Ted Cruz for Senate...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Those looking for deeper understanding of why the socially conservative, evangelical Christian community has been so loyal of Donald Trump will find answers in the book God and Donald Trump (Frontline, 2017). Author Stephen Strang provides an insider’s perspective on how evangelical leaders who initially backed Sen. Ted Cruz for Senate...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3025</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73500]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8997077420.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jesse Berrett, “Pigskin Nation: How the NFL Remade American Politics” (U Illinois Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>Today we are joined by Jesse Berrett, author of Pigskin Nation: How the NFL Remade American Politics (University of Illinois Press, 2018). Berrett is a high school history teacher at University High School in San Francisco. He earned a PhD in History at the University of California, Berkeley, and has...
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      <pubDate>Wed, 09 May 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Today we are joined by Jesse Berrett, author of Pigskin Nation: How the NFL Remade American Politics (University of Illinois Press, 2018). Berrett is a high school history teacher at University High School in San Francisco.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Today we are joined by Jesse Berrett, author of Pigskin Nation: How the NFL Remade American Politics (University of Illinois Press, 2018). Berrett is a high school history teacher at University High School in San Francisco. He earned a PhD in History at the University of California, Berkeley, and has...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Today we are joined by Jesse Berrett, author of Pigskin Nation: How the NFL Remade American Politics (University of Illinois Press, 2018). Berrett is a high school history teacher at University High School in San Francisco. He earned a PhD in History at the University of California, Berkeley, and has...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3244</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=73406]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2818955944.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jeanine Kraybill, “Unconventional, Partisan, and Polarizing Rhetoric: How the 2016 Election Shaped the Way Candidates Strategize, Engage, and Communicate” (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017)</title>
      <description>In Unconventional, Partisan, and Polarizing Rhetoric: How the 2016 Election Shaped the Way Candidates Strategize, Engage, and Communicate (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), Jeanine Kraybill, assistant professor of political science at Cal State University, Bakersfield, has edited a timely book on the 2016 election. From all accounts, the 2016 election was unusual, and the role of political communication was no different.
Using a variety of methods, the chapter authors examine how rhetoric and political communication shaped the tone of campaigns and ultimate outcomes of the election. They study how candidates primed voters for an anti-establishment candidate. They also examine how political communication influenced key campaign issues such as climate change, immigration, national security, religion, and gender.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Apr 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In Unconventional, Partisan, and Polarizing Rhetoric: How the 2016 Election Shaped the Way Candidates Strategize, Engage, and Communicate (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), Jeanine Kraybill, assistant professor of political science at Cal State University...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In Unconventional, Partisan, and Polarizing Rhetoric: How the 2016 Election Shaped the Way Candidates Strategize, Engage, and Communicate (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), Jeanine Kraybill, assistant professor of political science at Cal State University, Bakersfield, has edited a timely book on the 2016 election. From all accounts, the 2016 election was unusual, and the role of political communication was no different.
Using a variety of methods, the chapter authors examine how rhetoric and political communication shaped the tone of campaigns and ultimate outcomes of the election. They study how candidates primed voters for an anti-establishment candidate. They also examine how political communication influenced key campaign issues such as climate change, immigration, national security, religion, and gender.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qo3W7Xpk_I1Uc5JbfQ6Pj38AAAFifSOcdgEAAAFKAQjQBiw/http://www.amazon.com/dp/149855413X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=149855413X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=EF5bslVMpRKTUHcu57hR9Q&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Unconventional, Partisan, and Polarizing Rhetoric: How the 2016 Election Shaped the Way Candidates Strategize, Engage, and Communicate </a>(Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), <a href="https://jeaninekraybillphd.com/">Jeanine Kraybill</a>, assistant professor of political science at Cal State University, Bakersfield, has edited a timely book on the 2016 election. From all accounts, the 2016 election was unusual, and the role of political communication was no different.</p><p>Using a variety of methods, the chapter authors examine how rhetoric and political communication shaped the tone of campaigns and ultimate outcomes of the election. They study how candidates primed voters for an anti-establishment candidate. They also examine how political communication influenced key campaign issues such as climate change, immigration, national security, religion, and gender.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1324</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=72391]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3661388717.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jesse Rhodes, “Ballot Blocked: The Political Erosion of the Voting Rights Act” (Stanford UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>Voting rights are always in the news in American politics, and recent court decisions and an upcoming election in 2018 make this especially true today. Most discussions come back to the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and whether it will continue to provide the voting rights protections it has in the past.
In Ballot Blocked: The Political Erosion of the Voting Rights Act (Stanford University Press, 2017), Jesse Rhodes, associate professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, places the VRA into a political context. He aims to figure out the political puzzle of the VRA: Why, for fifty years, have both Democrats and Republicans in Congress consistently voted to expand the protections offered by the VRA, yet the act remains vulnerable? Why have Republicans consistently adopted administrative and judicial decisions that undermine legislation they repeatedly back?
Rhodes argues that conservatives have pursued a paradoxical strategy which takes advantage of high and low salience. The conservative strategy, according to Rhodes, is to accept expansive voting rights protections in highly visible votes in Congress while simultaneously narrowing the scope of federal enforcement in low visibility administrative and judicial maneuvers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Mar 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Voting rights are always in the news in American politics, and recent court decisions and an upcoming election in 2018 make this especially true today. Most discussions come back to the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and whether it will continue to provide th...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Voting rights are always in the news in American politics, and recent court decisions and an upcoming election in 2018 make this especially true today. Most discussions come back to the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and whether it will continue to provide the voting rights protections it has in the past.
In Ballot Blocked: The Political Erosion of the Voting Rights Act (Stanford University Press, 2017), Jesse Rhodes, associate professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, places the VRA into a political context. He aims to figure out the political puzzle of the VRA: Why, for fifty years, have both Democrats and Republicans in Congress consistently voted to expand the protections offered by the VRA, yet the act remains vulnerable? Why have Republicans consistently adopted administrative and judicial decisions that undermine legislation they repeatedly back?
Rhodes argues that conservatives have pursued a paradoxical strategy which takes advantage of high and low salience. The conservative strategy, according to Rhodes, is to accept expansive voting rights protections in highly visible votes in Congress while simultaneously narrowing the scope of federal enforcement in low visibility administrative and judicial maneuvers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Voting rights are always in the news in American politics, and recent court decisions and an upcoming election in 2018 make this especially true today. Most discussions come back to the Voting Rights Act (VRA) and whether it will continue to provide the voting rights protections it has in the past.</p><p>In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qiubaj_8lRxaJCeWkT9Nl50AAAFiEJi39gEAAAFKAbrdYHg/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1503603512/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1503603512&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=uJHcmREqkI3K4I2hWVrA-g&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Ballot Blocked: The Political Erosion of the Voting Rights Act </a>(Stanford University Press, 2017), <a href="https://polsci.umass.edu/people/jesse-rhodes">Jesse Rhodes</a>, associate professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, places the VRA into a political context. He aims to figure out the political puzzle of the VRA: Why, for fifty years, have both Democrats and Republicans in Congress consistently voted to expand the protections offered by the VRA, yet the act remains vulnerable? Why have Republicans consistently adopted administrative and judicial decisions that undermine legislation they repeatedly back?</p><p>Rhodes argues that conservatives have pursued a paradoxical strategy which takes advantage of high and low salience. The conservative strategy, according to Rhodes, is to accept expansive voting rights protections in highly visible votes in Congress while simultaneously narrowing the scope of federal enforcement in low visibility administrative and judicial maneuvers.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1573</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=71679]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8889620871.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matt K. Lewis, “Too Dumb to Fail: How the GOP Went from the Party of Reagan to the Party of Trump” (Hachette, 2016)</title>
      <description>Political commentator Matt K. Lewis warns his fellow conservatives that their movement is going off the rails in Too Dumb to Fail: How the GOP Went from the Party of Reagan to the Party of Trump (Hachette, 2016). Lewis chafes at the populist, protectionist and nativist elements that have come...
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      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Mar 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Political commentator Matt K. Lewis warns his fellow conservatives that their movement is going off the rails in Too Dumb to Fail: How the GOP Went from the Party of Reagan to the Party of Trump (Hachette, 2016). Lewis chafes at the populist,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Political commentator Matt K. Lewis warns his fellow conservatives that their movement is going off the rails in Too Dumb to Fail: How the GOP Went from the Party of Reagan to the Party of Trump (Hachette, 2016). Lewis chafes at the populist, protectionist and nativist elements that have come...
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Political commentator Matt K. Lewis warns his fellow conservatives that their movement is going off the rails in Too Dumb to Fail: How the GOP Went from the Party of Reagan to the Party of Trump (Hachette, 2016). Lewis chafes at the populist, protectionist and nativist elements that have come...</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2577</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=71817]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4620097935.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Arlie Russell Hochschild, “Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right” (New Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Since it was published in 2016, Arlie Russell Hochschild‘s Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right (The New Press, 2016) has been many times heralded as necessary reading for our current political moment. For her perceptive and dramatic account of a Berkeley sociologist’s exploration of Tea Party enthusiasm in coastal Louisiana, Dr. Hochschild received honors and awards from many directions, including a spot as a finalist for the national book award. Now released in paperback in January 2018, Dr. Hochschild’s book includes a new afterword, and continues to stand as both a moving narrative portrait of a political community and a strong example of scholarly work at the crossroads of academic research and public discourse.
Using environmental policy as her keyhole issue, Dr. Hochschild articulates the logic that structures a “great paradox”: states which receive the highest levels of financial support from the federal government are also home to the deepest wells of resentment against government intervention in private life. Dr. Hochschild’s work discloses an emotional “deep story” that shapes the political imagination of her Tea Party interlocutors, the feeling that deserving Americans are pushed to the back of the line for the American Dream.
Tracing the open rhetoric and the social silences that reveal the shape of a community’s political imagination, Dr. Hochschild’s research speaks to the roles of race and religion in forming the foundation of American politics. Her interviewees were mostly white, and mostly Christian. In exploring the ways in which the Tea Party deep story manifests a resentment against government work to curb irresponsible private power and provide public support for disadvantaged Americans, Strangers in Their Own Land chronicles Dr. Hochschild’s attempts to climb the “empathy walls” that surround and isolate communities sharply defined by ideological allegiance and disavowed histories of misused power.
Along the way, Strangers in Their Own Land recounts the intellectual, political, and economic history that lies behind the great paradox of our current political crisis, and profiles figures who may offer us a way out of the bind.
For this interview, I asked Dr. Hochschild to speak to the process of writing a book for multiple audiences in a partisan climate. When researching and writing this book in the years leading up to the 2016 election, who did she imagine as her readers and what did she hope they would take away from her project? Our conversation covers the place of this book in the trajectory of her career, the difficulty of turning off the ethical “alarm system” while conducting interviews, structuring an academic book to capture the drama of a research question, and the principles that Dr. Hochschild believes activists can use to build momentum in the coming months.

Carl Nellis is an academic editor and writing instructor who researches contemporary American community formation around appropriations of medieval European culture. You can learn more about Carl’s work and request an editorial consultation at carlnellis.wordpress.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Mar 2018 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Since it was published in 2016, Arlie Russell Hochschild‘s Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right (The New Press, 2016) has been many times heralded as necessary reading for our current political moment.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Since it was published in 2016, Arlie Russell Hochschild‘s Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right (The New Press, 2016) has been many times heralded as necessary reading for our current political moment. For her perceptive and dramatic account of a Berkeley sociologist’s exploration of Tea Party enthusiasm in coastal Louisiana, Dr. Hochschild received honors and awards from many directions, including a spot as a finalist for the national book award. Now released in paperback in January 2018, Dr. Hochschild’s book includes a new afterword, and continues to stand as both a moving narrative portrait of a political community and a strong example of scholarly work at the crossroads of academic research and public discourse.
Using environmental policy as her keyhole issue, Dr. Hochschild articulates the logic that structures a “great paradox”: states which receive the highest levels of financial support from the federal government are also home to the deepest wells of resentment against government intervention in private life. Dr. Hochschild’s work discloses an emotional “deep story” that shapes the political imagination of her Tea Party interlocutors, the feeling that deserving Americans are pushed to the back of the line for the American Dream.
Tracing the open rhetoric and the social silences that reveal the shape of a community’s political imagination, Dr. Hochschild’s research speaks to the roles of race and religion in forming the foundation of American politics. Her interviewees were mostly white, and mostly Christian. In exploring the ways in which the Tea Party deep story manifests a resentment against government work to curb irresponsible private power and provide public support for disadvantaged Americans, Strangers in Their Own Land chronicles Dr. Hochschild’s attempts to climb the “empathy walls” that surround and isolate communities sharply defined by ideological allegiance and disavowed histories of misused power.
Along the way, Strangers in Their Own Land recounts the intellectual, political, and economic history that lies behind the great paradox of our current political crisis, and profiles figures who may offer us a way out of the bind.
For this interview, I asked Dr. Hochschild to speak to the process of writing a book for multiple audiences in a partisan climate. When researching and writing this book in the years leading up to the 2016 election, who did she imagine as her readers and what did she hope they would take away from her project? Our conversation covers the place of this book in the trajectory of her career, the difficulty of turning off the ethical “alarm system” while conducting interviews, structuring an academic book to capture the drama of a research question, and the principles that Dr. Hochschild believes activists can use to build momentum in the coming months.

Carl Nellis is an academic editor and writing instructor who researches contemporary American community formation around appropriations of medieval European culture. You can learn more about Carl’s work and request an editorial consultation at carlnellis.wordpress.com.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Since it was published in 2016, <a href="http://sociology.berkeley.edu/professor-emeritus/arlie-r-hochschild">Arlie Russell Hochschild</a>‘s <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QvISxWuZcSUFHEjoo8KiRRUAAAFiJIIbTwEAAAFKAWGSb54/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1620973499/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1620973499&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=bTQh8ldyOeEXknEifnTEGA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right</a> (The New Press, 2016) has been many times heralded as necessary reading for our current political moment. For her perceptive and dramatic account of a Berkeley sociologist’s exploration of Tea Party enthusiasm in coastal Louisiana, Dr. Hochschild received honors and awards from many directions, including a spot as a finalist for the national book award. Now released in paperback in January 2018, Dr. Hochschild’s book includes a new afterword, and continues to stand as both a moving narrative portrait of a political community and a strong example of scholarly work at the crossroads of academic research and public discourse.</p><p>Using environmental policy as her keyhole issue, Dr. Hochschild articulates the logic that structures a “great paradox”: states which receive the highest levels of financial support from the federal government are also home to the deepest wells of resentment against government intervention in private life. Dr. Hochschild’s work discloses an emotional “deep story” that shapes the political imagination of her Tea Party interlocutors, the feeling that deserving Americans are pushed to the back of the line for the American Dream.</p><p>Tracing the open rhetoric and the social silences that reveal the shape of a community’s political imagination, Dr. Hochschild’s research speaks to the roles of race and religion in forming the foundation of American politics. Her interviewees were mostly white, and mostly Christian. In exploring the ways in which the Tea Party deep story manifests a resentment against government work to curb irresponsible private power and provide public support for disadvantaged Americans, Strangers in Their Own Land chronicles Dr. Hochschild’s attempts to climb the “empathy walls” that surround and isolate communities sharply defined by ideological allegiance and disavowed histories of misused power.</p><p>Along the way, Strangers in Their Own Land recounts the intellectual, political, and economic history that lies behind the great paradox of our current political crisis, and profiles figures who may offer us a way out of the bind.</p><p>For this interview, I asked Dr. Hochschild to speak to the process of writing a book for multiple audiences in a partisan climate. When researching and writing this book in the years leading up to the 2016 election, who did she imagine as her readers and what did she hope they would take away from her project? Our conversation covers the place of this book in the trajectory of her career, the difficulty of turning off the ethical “alarm system” while conducting interviews, structuring an academic book to capture the drama of a research question, and the principles that Dr. Hochschild believes activists can use to build momentum in the coming months.</p><p><br></p><p>Carl Nellis is an academic editor and writing instructor who researches contemporary American community formation around appropriations of medieval European culture. You can learn more about Carl’s work and request an editorial consultation at <a href="https://carlnellis.wordpress.com/">carlnellis.wordpress.com</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1571</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=71796]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5891109109.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Hans Hassell, “The Party’s Primary: Control of Congressional Nominations” (Cambridge UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>When first enacted at the start of the twentieth century, primaries were to decrease the power of party bosses to dominate the choice of who ran for office. Primaries were a feature of the progressive agenda to limit political corruption and democratize party politics. One hundred years later, party organizations remain powerful arbiters of candidate selection. Candidates who aren’t backed by the party rarely fare well.
In his new book, The Party’s Primary: Control of Congressional Nominations (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Hans Hassell shows the way that parties use their resources to influence primary elections. Through money, staffing, and information, parties retain control over who runs, both in the House and Senate and for Republicans and Democrats. He uses extensive interviews with party leaders and analysis of over 3,000 nomination contests for the House and senate.
Hassell is assistant professor of American politics at Cornell College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Mar 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>When first enacted at the start of the twentieth century, primaries were to decrease the power of party bosses to dominate the choice of who ran for office. Primaries were a feature of the progressive agenda to limit political corruption and democratiz...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>When first enacted at the start of the twentieth century, primaries were to decrease the power of party bosses to dominate the choice of who ran for office. Primaries were a feature of the progressive agenda to limit political corruption and democratize party politics. One hundred years later, party organizations remain powerful arbiters of candidate selection. Candidates who aren’t backed by the party rarely fare well.
In his new book, The Party’s Primary: Control of Congressional Nominations (Cambridge University Press, 2018), Hans Hassell shows the way that parties use their resources to influence primary elections. Through money, staffing, and information, parties retain control over who runs, both in the House and Senate and for Republicans and Democrats. He uses extensive interviews with party leaders and analysis of over 3,000 nomination contests for the House and senate.
Hassell is assistant professor of American politics at Cornell College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>When first enacted at the start of the twentieth century, primaries were to decrease the power of party bosses to dominate the choice of who ran for office. Primaries were a feature of the progressive agenda to limit political corruption and democratize party politics. One hundred years later, party organizations remain powerful arbiters of candidate selection. Candidates who aren’t backed by the party rarely fare well.</p><p>In his new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QnsMFCm1TfwoG0YahlfxNHUAAAFhruJyEAEAAAFKAc5_fLw/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108413102/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108413102&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=WGKVIo4SpAyr8VQBvtpDBA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Party’s Primary: Control of Congressional Nominations</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2018), <a href="https://www.cornellcollege.edu/academics/our-faculty/faculty-profile/index.php/show/hhassell">Hans Hassell</a> shows the way that parties use their resources to influence primary elections. Through money, staffing, and information, parties retain control over who runs, both in the House and Senate and for Republicans and Democrats. He uses extensive interviews with party leaders and analysis of over 3,000 nomination contests for the House and senate.</p><p>Hassell is assistant professor of American politics at Cornell College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1459</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=71001]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5483811438.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Saladin Ambar, “American Cicero: Mario Cuomo and the Defense of American Liberalism” (Oxford UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>American Cicero: Mario Cuomo and the Defense of American Liberalism (Oxford University Press, 2017) is a compelling exploration of the political life of Governor Mario Cuomo as well as the concepts of American liberalism, presidential politics, our understandings of governors in the United States, and the geographic and political shifts that transpired during the latter half of the twentieth century. While Saladin Ambar‘s book focuses specifically on Cuomo’s life, his engagement with Democratic politics, his speeches, it is much broader in scope and in importance as an analysis of the changing dynamics in American politics as the sun set on the New Deal and, in its place, we observed the rise of the Reagan Revolution and the Conservative movement. Ambar examines Cuomo not just as a politician and elected official, but also as theorist about the role of government in the lives of modern Americans. This is why he is dubbed the American version of the Cicero.
Ambar’s book would be of interest to those who study American political development and American history, American Political Thought, and, in particular, the connection between political parties, electoral politics, governors.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Feb 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>American Cicero: Mario Cuomo and the Defense of American Liberalism (Oxford University Press, 2017) is a compelling exploration of the political life of Governor Mario Cuomo as well as the concepts of American liberalism, presidential politics,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>American Cicero: Mario Cuomo and the Defense of American Liberalism (Oxford University Press, 2017) is a compelling exploration of the political life of Governor Mario Cuomo as well as the concepts of American liberalism, presidential politics, our understandings of governors in the United States, and the geographic and political shifts that transpired during the latter half of the twentieth century. While Saladin Ambar‘s book focuses specifically on Cuomo’s life, his engagement with Democratic politics, his speeches, it is much broader in scope and in importance as an analysis of the changing dynamics in American politics as the sun set on the New Deal and, in its place, we observed the rise of the Reagan Revolution and the Conservative movement. Ambar examines Cuomo not just as a politician and elected official, but also as theorist about the role of government in the lives of modern Americans. This is why he is dubbed the American version of the Cicero.
Ambar’s book would be of interest to those who study American political development and American history, American Political Thought, and, in particular, the connection between political parties, electoral politics, governors.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qji8Ry1f4bTBf5knp9oOzSkAAAFhrrWeewEAAAFKAfLahxY/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190658940/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190658940&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=ZJtVLMSIycfXt-iTBncCjQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">American Cicero: Mario Cuomo and the Defense of American Liberalism</a> (Oxford University Press, 2017) is a compelling exploration of the political life of Governor Mario Cuomo as well as the concepts of American liberalism, presidential politics, our understandings of governors in the United States, and the geographic and political shifts that transpired during the latter half of the twentieth century. While <a href="http://polisci.rutgers.edu/cb-profile/saladina">Saladin Ambar</a>‘s book focuses specifically on Cuomo’s life, his engagement with Democratic politics, his speeches, it is much broader in scope and in importance as an analysis of the changing dynamics in American politics as the sun set on the New Deal and, in its place, we observed the rise of the Reagan Revolution and the Conservative movement. Ambar examines Cuomo not just as a politician and elected official, but also as theorist about the role of government in the lives of modern Americans. This is why he is dubbed the American version of the Cicero.</p><p>Ambar’s book would be of interest to those who study American political development and American history, American Political Thought, and, in particular, the connection between political parties, electoral politics, governors.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2673</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=70994]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9478432440.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Douglas Kriner and Eric Schickler, “Investigating the President: Congressional Checks on Presidential Power” (Princeton UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Investigating the President: Congressional Checks on Presidential Power (Princeton University Press, 2016) is an important analysis of both congressional and presidential power, and how these two branches interact, especially within polarized political periods. Reflecting the way this book examines both of these branches of government and the exercise of their respective powers, Investigating the President garnered two impressive book awards, from the Presidents and Executive Politics Section (Richard E. Neustadt Book Award) and from the Legislative Studies Section (Richard F. Fenno Book Award) of the American Political Science Association. Douglas Kriner and Eric Schickler explore the precedent for congressional investigations into the conduct of and within the Executive branch, while they also amassed over 100 years of data surrounding congressional investigations to discern the impact of these kinds of investigations, even when they do not result, necessarily, in articles of impeachment or indictments of presidential appointees. Investigating the President notes the patterns of impact, from curbing presidential military engagement abroad to shifting the media focus and grabbing the narrative away from the president. The fascinating conclusion points to this under-researched area of congressional power and oversight that may have a more significant impact on presidential conduct and power than has generally been anticipated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 21 Feb 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Investigating the President: Congressional Checks on Presidential Power (Princeton University Press, 2016) is an important analysis of both congressional and presidential power, and how these two branches interact,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Investigating the President: Congressional Checks on Presidential Power (Princeton University Press, 2016) is an important analysis of both congressional and presidential power, and how these two branches interact, especially within polarized political periods. Reflecting the way this book examines both of these branches of government and the exercise of their respective powers, Investigating the President garnered two impressive book awards, from the Presidents and Executive Politics Section (Richard E. Neustadt Book Award) and from the Legislative Studies Section (Richard F. Fenno Book Award) of the American Political Science Association. Douglas Kriner and Eric Schickler explore the precedent for congressional investigations into the conduct of and within the Executive branch, while they also amassed over 100 years of data surrounding congressional investigations to discern the impact of these kinds of investigations, even when they do not result, necessarily, in articles of impeachment or indictments of presidential appointees. Investigating the President notes the patterns of impact, from curbing presidential military engagement abroad to shifting the media focus and grabbing the narrative away from the president. The fascinating conclusion points to this under-researched area of congressional power and oversight that may have a more significant impact on presidential conduct and power than has generally been anticipated.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10878.html">Investigating the President: Congressional Checks on Presidential Power</a> (Princeton University Press, 2016) is an important analysis of both congressional and presidential power, and how these two branches interact, especially within polarized political periods. Reflecting the way this book examines both of these branches of government and the exercise of their respective powers, Investigating the President garnered two impressive book awards, from the Presidents and Executive Politics Section (Richard E. Neustadt Book Award) and from the Legislative Studies Section (Richard F. Fenno Book Award) of the American Political Science Association. <a href="http://polisci.la.psu.edu/people/dlk96">Douglas Kriner</a> and <a href="http://polisci.berkeley.edu/people/person/eric-schickler">Eric Schickler</a> explore the precedent for congressional investigations into the conduct of and within the Executive branch, while they also amassed over 100 years of data surrounding congressional investigations to discern the impact of these kinds of investigations, even when they do not result, necessarily, in articles of impeachment or indictments of presidential appointees. Investigating the President notes the patterns of impact, from curbing presidential military engagement abroad to shifting the media focus and grabbing the narrative away from the president. The fascinating conclusion points to this under-researched area of congressional power and oversight that may have a more significant impact on presidential conduct and power than has generally been anticipated.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2304</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=70942]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9639920318.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marie Griffith, “Moral Combat: How Sex Divided American Christians and Fractured American Politics” (Basic Books, 2017)</title>
      <description>Marie Griffith‘s new book Moral Combat: How Sex Divided American Christians and Fractured American Politics (Basic Books, 2017) offers a portrait of how religious views regarding sexuality became entangled with multiple political debates including those over feminism, gay rights, sex education and in charges of communism and secular humanism. Beginning with the controversies over birth control in the 1920s, she takes us through the twentieth century to the most recent battles over same-sex marriage dividing American Christians both politically and religiously. Moral Combat features pivotal figures including, birth control advocate Margaret Sanger, the fundamentalist radio preacher Billy James Hargis and the first gay Episcopal Bishop Gene Robinson. She demonstrates how pro and con positions were not always clearly defined and adherents could change sides in a matter of a decade, finding surprising allies. In the new millennium two distinct religious visions for society and human sexuality had taken root unraveling any hope of consensus.
Marie Griffith is the John C. Danforth Distinguished Professor at Washington University in St. Louis where she directs the Danforth Center on Religion and Politics.
This episode of New Books in Gender Studies was produced in cooperation with the Society for U.S. Intellectual History.

Lilian Calles Barger is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in 2018 from Oxford University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 20 Feb 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Marie Griffith‘s new book Moral Combat: How Sex Divided American Christians and Fractured American Politics (Basic Books, 2017) offers a portrait of how religious views regarding sexuality became entangled with multiple political debates including thos...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Marie Griffith‘s new book Moral Combat: How Sex Divided American Christians and Fractured American Politics (Basic Books, 2017) offers a portrait of how religious views regarding sexuality became entangled with multiple political debates including those over feminism, gay rights, sex education and in charges of communism and secular humanism. Beginning with the controversies over birth control in the 1920s, she takes us through the twentieth century to the most recent battles over same-sex marriage dividing American Christians both politically and religiously. Moral Combat features pivotal figures including, birth control advocate Margaret Sanger, the fundamentalist radio preacher Billy James Hargis and the first gay Episcopal Bishop Gene Robinson. She demonstrates how pro and con positions were not always clearly defined and adherents could change sides in a matter of a decade, finding surprising allies. In the new millennium two distinct religious visions for society and human sexuality had taken root unraveling any hope of consensus.
Marie Griffith is the John C. Danforth Distinguished Professor at Washington University in St. Louis where she directs the Danforth Center on Religion and Politics.
This episode of New Books in Gender Studies was produced in cooperation with the Society for U.S. Intellectual History.

Lilian Calles Barger is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in 2018 from Oxford University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://religiousstudies.artsci.wustl.edu/marie_griffith">Marie Griffith</a>‘s new book <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qq4GEYmei08nDJligGpBt94AAAFhpctiEQEAAAFKAWjJ5Ew/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0465094759/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0465094759&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=sP7bMg-gP-jcAvLhUNxirA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Moral Combat: How Sex Divided American Christians and Fractured American Politics</a> (Basic Books, 2017) offers a portrait of how religious views regarding sexuality became entangled with multiple political debates including those over feminism, gay rights, sex education and in charges of communism and secular humanism. Beginning with the controversies over birth control in the 1920s, she takes us through the twentieth century to the most recent battles over same-sex marriage dividing American Christians both politically and religiously. Moral Combat features pivotal figures including, birth control advocate Margaret Sanger, the fundamentalist radio preacher Billy James Hargis and the first gay Episcopal Bishop Gene Robinson. She demonstrates how pro and con positions were not always clearly defined and adherents could change sides in a matter of a decade, finding surprising allies. In the new millennium two distinct religious visions for society and human sexuality had taken root unraveling any hope of consensus.</p><p>Marie Griffith is the John C. Danforth Distinguished Professor at Washington University in St. Louis where she directs the Danforth Center on Religion and Politics.</p><p>This episode of New Books in Gender Studies was produced in cooperation with the <a href="https://s-usih.org%22&gt;https://s-usih.org">Society for U.S. Intellectual History</a>.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com">Lilian Calles Barger</a> is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: An Intellectual History of Liberation Theology, forthcoming in 2018 from Oxford University Press.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3441</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=70889]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9106961424.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David A. Hopkins, “Red Fighting Blue: How Geography and Electoral Rules Polarize American Politics” (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>Do we live in a country of red and blue states or something more purple-ish? The red state/blue state meme of 2000 has really never gone away, and scholarly debate, as well as frequent media attention, has argued for its merits and demerits. Are we a sharply divided and polarized nation or simply one divided by electoral rules that exacerbate relatively small partisan differences?
In David A. Hopkins‘ Red Fighting Blue: How Geography and Electoral Rules Polarize American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2017), he sets out to reconcile many aspects of this debate. He argues for the importance of geography in the context of constitutionally-established electoral procedures, especially the Electoral College. He shows the ways that changes in party coalitions and the rising importance of ideology and issues for the two parties, relate to the electoral map.
Hopkins is associate professor of Political Science at Boston College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Feb 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Do we live in a country of red and blue states or something more purple-ish? The red state/blue state meme of 2000 has really never gone away, and scholarly debate, as well as frequent media attention, has argued for its merits and demerits.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Do we live in a country of red and blue states or something more purple-ish? The red state/blue state meme of 2000 has really never gone away, and scholarly debate, as well as frequent media attention, has argued for its merits and demerits. Are we a sharply divided and polarized nation or simply one divided by electoral rules that exacerbate relatively small partisan differences?
In David A. Hopkins‘ Red Fighting Blue: How Geography and Electoral Rules Polarize American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2017), he sets out to reconcile many aspects of this debate. He argues for the importance of geography in the context of constitutionally-established electoral procedures, especially the Electoral College. He shows the ways that changes in party coalitions and the rising importance of ideology and issues for the two parties, relate to the electoral map.
Hopkins is associate professor of Political Science at Boston College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Do we live in a country of red and blue states or something more purple-ish? The red state/blue state meme of 2000 has really never gone away, and scholarly debate, as well as frequent media attention, has argued for its merits and demerits. Are we a sharply divided and polarized nation or simply one divided by electoral rules that exacerbate relatively small partisan differences?</p><p>In <a href="https://www.bc.edu/bc-web/schools/mcas/departments/political-science/people/faculty-directory/david--hopkins.html">David A. Hopkins</a>‘ <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QncnyHRGYp3vhI86SHZbdo0AAAFg2-9ATgEAAAFKARux3lY/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1316642143/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1316642143&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=.D3j86myZ57o6dxbdIqlQQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Red Fighting Blue: How Geography and Electoral Rules Polarize American Politics</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2017), he sets out to reconcile many aspects of this debate. He argues for the importance of geography in the context of constitutionally-established electoral procedures, especially the Electoral College. He shows the ways that changes in party coalitions and the rising importance of ideology and issues for the two parties, relate to the electoral map.</p><p>Hopkins is associate professor of Political Science at Boston College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1292</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69642]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Sam Rosenfeld, “The Polarizers: Postwar Architects of Our Partisan Era” (U Chicago Press, 2018)</title>
      <description>In our hyper polarized world, it is easy to assume that this is a natural state of being, the result of natural shifts in politics. In Sam Rosenfeld‘s new book, The Polarizers: Postwar Architects of Our Partisan Era (University of Chicago Press, 2018), he argues otherwise. Rosenfeld takes us back to the 1940s when another crisis of polarization dominated the headlines. Instead of too much, scholars worried about too little. No less than E. E. Schattschneider championed a debate on whether a move to more clearly identifiable parties would improve democracy through so-called “responsible parties.” Over time, informed by the ideas of political scientists, the two parties did in fact shift, taking on much clearer ideological agendas and issue positions. Unlike the 1940s, it is much clearer to voters what it means to vote for one party or the other.
Rosenfeld tracks the people—the Architects in his subtitle—who initiated changes in party rules and institutions that facilitated the development of the parties. The book is rich in historical details and meaning for our current political moment.
Rosenfeld is an assistant professor of political science at Colgate University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 Feb 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In our hyper polarized world, it is easy to assume that this is a natural state of being, the result of natural shifts in politics. In Sam Rosenfeld‘s new book, The Polarizers: Postwar Architects of Our Partisan Era (University of Chicago Press,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In our hyper polarized world, it is easy to assume that this is a natural state of being, the result of natural shifts in politics. In Sam Rosenfeld‘s new book, The Polarizers: Postwar Architects of Our Partisan Era (University of Chicago Press, 2018), he argues otherwise. Rosenfeld takes us back to the 1940s when another crisis of polarization dominated the headlines. Instead of too much, scholars worried about too little. No less than E. E. Schattschneider championed a debate on whether a move to more clearly identifiable parties would improve democracy through so-called “responsible parties.” Over time, informed by the ideas of political scientists, the two parties did in fact shift, taking on much clearer ideological agendas and issue positions. Unlike the 1940s, it is much clearer to voters what it means to vote for one party or the other.
Rosenfeld tracks the people—the Architects in his subtitle—who initiated changes in party rules and institutions that facilitated the development of the parties. The book is rich in historical details and meaning for our current political moment.
Rosenfeld is an assistant professor of political science at Colgate University.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In our hyper polarized world, it is easy to assume that this is a natural state of being, the result of natural shifts in politics. In <a href="https://www.samhrosenfeld.com/">Sam Rosenfeld</a>‘s new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QpLTkhn3FvOsvogBDEmmm2cAAAFg3AUfkwEAAAFKAbuDbYY/http://www.amazon.com/dp/022640725X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=022640725X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=mFyGHkU47hgYhXzkbPK6YA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Polarizers: Postwar Architects of Our Partisan Era</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2018), he argues otherwise. Rosenfeld takes us back to the 1940s when another crisis of polarization dominated the headlines. Instead of too much, scholars worried about too little. No less than E. E. Schattschneider championed a debate on whether a move to more clearly identifiable parties would improve democracy through so-called “responsible parties.” Over time, informed by the ideas of political scientists, the two parties did in fact shift, taking on much clearer ideological agendas and issue positions. Unlike the 1940s, it is much clearer to voters what it means to vote for one party or the other.</p><p>Rosenfeld tracks the people—the Architects in his subtitle—who initiated changes in party rules and institutions that facilitated the development of the parties. The book is rich in historical details and meaning for our current political moment.</p><p>Rosenfeld is an assistant professor of political science at Colgate University.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1347</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69649]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5521757109.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Chris Zepeda-Millan, “Latino Mass Mobilization: Immigration, Racialization, and Activism” (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>Prior to the wave of protests in 2017 supporting immigrants in the US, there were the protests of 2006. That spring, millions of Latinos and other immigrants across the country opposed Congressional action hostile to immigrants. These protesters participated in one of the largest movements to defend immigrant and civil rights in US history. In Latino Mass Mobilization: Immigration, Racialization, and Activism (Cambridge University Press, 2017), Chris Zepeda-Millan surveys the strategies and impacts of this unprecedented wave of protests, focusing on the unique local, national, and demographic dynamics, as well as the role of the ethnic media. Latino Mass Mobilization is an important addition to contemporary debates regarding immigration policy, social movements, and immigrant rights activism in the US and elsewhere.
Zepeda-Millan is assistant professor of comparative ethnic studies and Chicano/Latino Studies at UC Berkeley.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jan 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Prior to the wave of protests in 2017 supporting immigrants in the US, there were the protests of 2006. That spring, millions of Latinos and other immigrants across the country opposed Congressional action hostile to immigrants.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Prior to the wave of protests in 2017 supporting immigrants in the US, there were the protests of 2006. That spring, millions of Latinos and other immigrants across the country opposed Congressional action hostile to immigrants. These protesters participated in one of the largest movements to defend immigrant and civil rights in US history. In Latino Mass Mobilization: Immigration, Racialization, and Activism (Cambridge University Press, 2017), Chris Zepeda-Millan surveys the strategies and impacts of this unprecedented wave of protests, focusing on the unique local, national, and demographic dynamics, as well as the role of the ethnic media. Latino Mass Mobilization is an important addition to contemporary debates regarding immigration policy, social movements, and immigrant rights activism in the US and elsewhere.
Zepeda-Millan is assistant professor of comparative ethnic studies and Chicano/Latino Studies at UC Berkeley.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Prior to the wave of protests in 2017 supporting immigrants in the US, there were the protests of 2006. That spring, millions of Latinos and other immigrants across the country opposed Congressional action hostile to immigrants. These protesters participated in one of the largest movements to defend immigrant and civil rights in US history. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QkH0MhgHtd7p5efvHxsRHk4AAAFg0jBGHgEAAAFKAb20K54/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107434122/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1107434122&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=oLbXMFXbZX8S2mvVyy93fQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Latino Mass Mobilization: Immigration, Racialization, and Activism</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2017), <a href="http://ethnicstudies.berkeley.edu/people/faculty-profile/chris-zepeda-millan">Chris Zepeda-Millan</a> surveys the strategies and impacts of this unprecedented wave of protests, focusing on the unique local, national, and demographic dynamics, as well as the role of the ethnic media. Latino Mass Mobilization is an important addition to contemporary debates regarding immigration policy, social movements, and immigrant rights activism in the US and elsewhere.</p><p>Zepeda-Millan is assistant professor of comparative ethnic studies and Chicano/Latino Studies at UC Berkeley.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1568</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69589]]></guid>
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      <title>Gregory Laski, “Untimely Democracy: The Politics of Progress after Slavery” (Oxford UP, 2018)</title>
      <description>Gregory Laski approaches the concept of democracy in his text, Untimely Democracy: The Politics of Progress after Slavery (Oxford University Press, 2018) from a variety of dimensions and perspectives, integrating the concept of temporality to considerations of liberty and justice within an analysis of American political thought and history, especially in the period following the Civil War. Laski’s complex and sophisticated text will have great appeal to political theorists and political philosophers as well as scholars of American political development and American letters and literature. Laski explores the idea of temporality in context of American democracy, and democracy generally, and the concept of progress as we often consider it in relation to post-slavery America. Untimely Democracy highlights an often-under-explored area of American politics, in the post-bellum writers and their discourse that examines a period of stasis as Reconstruction comes to an end and African-American liberty does not, in fact, expand. Laski approaches these theoretical considerations through post-Civil war writers like Stephen Crane, Pauline Hopkins, Callie House, W.E.B Dubois, Charles W. Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass and others. The thrust of this exploration is to reposition, in a sense, the concept of racial progress and the quest for liberty—providing a counter-discourse to the expected linear arc generally associated with racial progress. Laski’s examination is multilayered and examines these written and rhetorical works, especially within an analysis that explores our understanding of time, memory, recollection, and progress as an only-forward moving trajectory. This book takes the reader on a journey through concepts of temporal distinctions or horizons within a democratic quest, examining what Laski titles “untimely democracy”—neither clear progress, nor a forgetting of the past, but a consideration of democracy and the concept of expanded liberty from within a context that is bracketed in time and that explores this tension within time.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Jan 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Gregory Laski approaches the concept of democracy in his text, Untimely Democracy: The Politics of Progress after Slavery (Oxford University Press, 2018) from a variety of dimensions and perspectives, integrating the concept of temporality to considera...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Gregory Laski approaches the concept of democracy in his text, Untimely Democracy: The Politics of Progress after Slavery (Oxford University Press, 2018) from a variety of dimensions and perspectives, integrating the concept of temporality to considerations of liberty and justice within an analysis of American political thought and history, especially in the period following the Civil War. Laski’s complex and sophisticated text will have great appeal to political theorists and political philosophers as well as scholars of American political development and American letters and literature. Laski explores the idea of temporality in context of American democracy, and democracy generally, and the concept of progress as we often consider it in relation to post-slavery America. Untimely Democracy highlights an often-under-explored area of American politics, in the post-bellum writers and their discourse that examines a period of stasis as Reconstruction comes to an end and African-American liberty does not, in fact, expand. Laski approaches these theoretical considerations through post-Civil war writers like Stephen Crane, Pauline Hopkins, Callie House, W.E.B Dubois, Charles W. Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass and others. The thrust of this exploration is to reposition, in a sense, the concept of racial progress and the quest for liberty—providing a counter-discourse to the expected linear arc generally associated with racial progress. Laski’s examination is multilayered and examines these written and rhetorical works, especially within an analysis that explores our understanding of time, memory, recollection, and progress as an only-forward moving trajectory. This book takes the reader on a journey through concepts of temporal distinctions or horizons within a democratic quest, examining what Laski titles “untimely democracy”—neither clear progress, nor a forgetting of the past, but a consideration of democracy and the concept of expanded liberty from within a context that is bracketed in time and that explores this tension within time.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://gregorylaski.com/">Gregory Laski</a> approaches the concept of democracy in his text, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qphy7s0rrgrTanrBNxdv-dEAAAFg7HpLTgEAAAFKAUWUobA/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190642793/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190642793&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=7LPaaA0x66Bqmek0npEg-Q&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Untimely Democracy: The Politics of Progress after Slavery </a>(Oxford University Press, 2018) from a variety of dimensions and perspectives, integrating the concept of temporality to considerations of liberty and justice within an analysis of American political thought and history, especially in the period following the Civil War. Laski’s complex and sophisticated text will have great appeal to political theorists and political philosophers as well as scholars of American political development and American letters and literature. Laski explores the idea of temporality in context of American democracy, and democracy generally, and the concept of progress as we often consider it in relation to post-slavery America. Untimely Democracy highlights an often-under-explored area of American politics, in the post-bellum writers and their discourse that examines a period of stasis as Reconstruction comes to an end and African-American liberty does not, in fact, expand. Laski approaches these theoretical considerations through post-Civil war writers like Stephen Crane, Pauline Hopkins, Callie House, W.E.B Dubois, Charles W. Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass and others. The thrust of this exploration is to reposition, in a sense, the concept of racial progress and the quest for liberty—providing a counter-discourse to the expected linear arc generally associated with racial progress. Laski’s examination is multilayered and examines these written and rhetorical works, especially within an analysis that explores our understanding of time, memory, recollection, and progress as an only-forward moving trajectory. This book takes the reader on a journey through concepts of temporal distinctions or horizons within a democratic quest, examining what Laski titles “untimely democracy”—neither clear progress, nor a forgetting of the past, but a consideration of democracy and the concept of expanded liberty from within a context that is bracketed in time and that explores this tension within time.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2994</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69769]]></guid>
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      <title>Mark Rozell and Clyde Wilcox, “God at the Grassroots 2016: The Christian Right in American Politics (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017)</title>
      <description>In the wake of the Alabama Senate election in December, 2017, attention has been drawn to the intersection of religion and politics. This is the subject of God at the Grassroots 2016: The Christian Right in American Politics (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), co-edited by Mark Rozell and Clyde Wilcox. Rozell is the dean of the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. Wilcox is professor of government at Georgetown University.
For decades, Rozell and Wilcox have connected the study of religion and politics to elections. The latest iteration of this series, God at the Grassroots 2016, again brings together a distinguished group of political scientists to examine the 2016 elections.
The chapter authors focus on changes in the religious right movement since the 1980s. They begin with the national context, then turn to state-specific chapters. They conclude with lessons learned from the studies of the religious right in the elections from 1994 through 2016 and address directions for continued research on the subject.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 07 Jan 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the wake of the Alabama Senate election in December, 2017, attention has been drawn to the intersection of religion and politics. This is the subject of God at the Grassroots 2016: The Christian Right in American Politics (Rowman and Littlefield,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the wake of the Alabama Senate election in December, 2017, attention has been drawn to the intersection of religion and politics. This is the subject of God at the Grassroots 2016: The Christian Right in American Politics (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), co-edited by Mark Rozell and Clyde Wilcox. Rozell is the dean of the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. Wilcox is professor of government at Georgetown University.
For decades, Rozell and Wilcox have connected the study of religion and politics to elections. The latest iteration of this series, God at the Grassroots 2016, again brings together a distinguished group of political scientists to examine the 2016 elections.
The chapter authors focus on changes in the religious right movement since the 1980s. They begin with the national context, then turn to state-specific chapters. They conclude with lessons learned from the studies of the religious right in the elections from 1994 through 2016 and address directions for continued research on the subject.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the wake of the Alabama Senate election in December, 2017, attention has been drawn to the intersection of religion and politics. This is the subject of <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qn8FR1idwafMtJ2KSzT7cmIAAAFgj3sA9wEAAAFKAVuShNw/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1538108925/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1538108925&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=5QkxDbGYyq3yRhVsARJ73Q&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">God at the Grassroots 2016: The Christian Right in American Politics</a> (Rowman and Littlefield, 2017), co-edited by <a href="http://markrozell.gmu.edu/">Mark Rozell</a> and <a href="http://faculty.georgetown.edu/wilcoxc/">Clyde Wilcox</a>. Rozell is the dean of the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University. Wilcox is professor of government at Georgetown University.</p><p>For decades, Rozell and Wilcox have connected the study of religion and politics to elections. The latest iteration of this series, God at the Grassroots 2016, again brings together a distinguished group of political scientists to examine the 2016 elections.</p><p>The chapter authors focus on changes in the religious right movement since the 1980s. They begin with the national context, then turn to state-specific chapters. They conclude with lessons learned from the studies of the religious right in the elections from 1994 through 2016 and address directions for continued research on the subject.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1186</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69337]]></guid>
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      <title>Elizabeth McRae, “Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy” (Oxford UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>Much attention has been drawn to the role of white women in the recent Alabama senate election and the earlier election of Donald J. Trump as president. Today’s racial and gender politics have long historic roots, according to Elizabeth McRae, the author of Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (Oxford University Press, 2018). Gillespie McRae is an associate professor of history and director of the graduate social science education programs at Western Carolina University.
Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, Mothers of Massive Resistance explores the local workers who promoted the system of racial segregation and Jim Crow. In rural communities and cities, white women performed various duties that upheld segregation and racism: rejecting marriage certificates, deciding on the racial identity of neighbors, canvassing communities for votes, and lobbying elected officials. And the work of white women was not restricted to the South. McRae also shows how this politics of Massive Resistance to de-segregation and civil rights plays out in cities in the North.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 01 Jan 2018 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Much attention has been drawn to the role of white women in the recent Alabama senate election and the earlier election of Donald J. Trump as president. Today’s racial and gender politics have long historic roots, according to Elizabeth McRae,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Much attention has been drawn to the role of white women in the recent Alabama senate election and the earlier election of Donald J. Trump as president. Today’s racial and gender politics have long historic roots, according to Elizabeth McRae, the author of Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy (Oxford University Press, 2018). Gillespie McRae is an associate professor of history and director of the graduate social science education programs at Western Carolina University.
Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, Mothers of Massive Resistance explores the local workers who promoted the system of racial segregation and Jim Crow. In rural communities and cities, white women performed various duties that upheld segregation and racism: rejecting marriage certificates, deciding on the racial identity of neighbors, canvassing communities for votes, and lobbying elected officials. And the work of white women was not restricted to the South. McRae also shows how this politics of Massive Resistance to de-segregation and civil rights plays out in cities in the North.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Much attention has been drawn to the role of white women in the recent Alabama senate election and the earlier election of Donald J. Trump as president. Today’s racial and gender politics have long historic roots, according to <a href="https://www.wcu.edu/learn/departments-schools-colleges/cas/humanities/history/history-faculty-and-staff/elizabeth-mcrae.aspx">Elizabeth McRae</a>, the author of <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QrMvKys4teTs8RhcRrWlt4QAAAFgZnf8HQEAAAFKAXT3KDM/http://www.amazon.com/dp/019027171X/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=019027171X&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=dl0xxjXm2OIy7YqWkx7jSg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Mothers of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy</a> (Oxford University Press, 2018). Gillespie McRae is an associate professor of history and director of the graduate social science education programs at Western Carolina University.</p><p>Examining racial segregation from 1920s to the 1970s, Mothers of Massive Resistance explores the local workers who promoted the system of racial segregation and Jim Crow. In rural communities and cities, white women performed various duties that upheld segregation and racism: rejecting marriage certificates, deciding on the racial identity of neighbors, canvassing communities for votes, and lobbying elected officials. And the work of white women was not restricted to the South. McRae also shows how this politics of Massive Resistance to de-segregation and civil rights plays out in cities in the North.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1482</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69163]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2863056275.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Corey D. Fields, “Black Elephants in the Room: The Unexpected Politics of African American Republicans” (UC Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>What is it about Black Republicans that makes them fodder for comedy? How do Black Republicans view their participation in their political group? Corey D. Fields answers these questions and more in his new book, Black Elephants in the Room: The Unexpected Politics of African American Republicans (University of California Press, 2016). Using interviews and ethnographic data, Fields investigates how identity, race, and politics work together and influence each other. He finds two different lenses through which respondents see their Republican values: color-blind or race-conscious. Those who have a color-blind approach to their politics try not to emphasize race at all. In contrast, the race-conscious approach brings race to the forefront of any political argument. This book presents a fascinating case study. In addition to his interviews, Fields also presents historical background on the participation of African Americans in the Republican party across time and current day Black Republican organizations. Fields encourages the reader to move past seeing Black Republicans as a monolith, and instead appreciate the ways in which they are a heterogeneous group. Fields also encourages the reader to understand the ways in which politics may influence racial identity and vice versa.
This book will be of interest to sociologists, political scientists, and race scholars. Given the concepts used and the ideas raised in the book, it would be especially useful in a sociology of race class or political sociology course.

Sarah E. Patterson is a postdoc at the University of Western Ontario. You can tweet her at @spattersearch.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 24 Dec 2017 15:52:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>What is it about Black Republicans that makes them fodder for comedy? How do Black Republicans view their participation in their political group? Corey D. Fields answers these questions and more in his new book,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What is it about Black Republicans that makes them fodder for comedy? How do Black Republicans view their participation in their political group? Corey D. Fields answers these questions and more in his new book, Black Elephants in the Room: The Unexpected Politics of African American Republicans (University of California Press, 2016). Using interviews and ethnographic data, Fields investigates how identity, race, and politics work together and influence each other. He finds two different lenses through which respondents see their Republican values: color-blind or race-conscious. Those who have a color-blind approach to their politics try not to emphasize race at all. In contrast, the race-conscious approach brings race to the forefront of any political argument. This book presents a fascinating case study. In addition to his interviews, Fields also presents historical background on the participation of African Americans in the Republican party across time and current day Black Republican organizations. Fields encourages the reader to move past seeing Black Republicans as a monolith, and instead appreciate the ways in which they are a heterogeneous group. Fields also encourages the reader to understand the ways in which politics may influence racial identity and vice versa.
This book will be of interest to sociologists, political scientists, and race scholars. Given the concepts used and the ideas raised in the book, it would be especially useful in a sociology of race class or political sociology course.

Sarah E. Patterson is a postdoc at the University of Western Ontario. You can tweet her at @spattersearch.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What is it about Black Republicans that makes them fodder for comedy? How do Black Republicans view their participation in their political group? <a href="https://gufaculty360.georgetown.edu/s/contact/00336000019GdITAA0/corey-fields#_ga=2.245973700.1169943182.1513817492-2024196405.1513817492">Corey D. Fields</a> answers these questions and more in his new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QjcOfV_r0f7R28vd8aexCtcAAAFgiSS2MgEAAAFKAUmS26Q/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0520291905/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0520291905&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=GMzjszoCGMNeznfraGmuXg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Black Elephants in the Room: The Unexpected Politics of African American Republicans </a>(University of California Press, 2016). Using interviews and ethnographic data, Fields investigates how identity, race, and politics work together and influence each other. He finds two different lenses through which respondents see their Republican values: color-blind or race-conscious. Those who have a color-blind approach to their politics try not to emphasize race at all. In contrast, the race-conscious approach brings race to the forefront of any political argument. This book presents a fascinating case study. In addition to his interviews, Fields also presents historical background on the participation of African Americans in the Republican party across time and current day Black Republican organizations. Fields encourages the reader to move past seeing Black Republicans as a monolith, and instead appreciate the ways in which they are a heterogeneous group. Fields also encourages the reader to understand the ways in which politics may influence racial identity and vice versa.</p><p>This book will be of interest to sociologists, political scientists, and race scholars. Given the concepts used and the ideas raised in the book, it would be especially useful in a sociology of race class or political sociology course.</p><p><br></p><p>Sarah E. Patterson is a postdoc at the University of Western Ontario. You can tweet her at @spattersearch.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3235</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69292]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4289481478.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Frank Baumgartner, et al., “Deadly Justice: A Statistical Portrait of the Death Penalty” (Oxford UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>In 1976, the US Supreme Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that the death penalty was constitutional if it complied with certain provisions designed to ensure that it was reserved for the ‘worst of the worst.’ The 1976 decision ushered in the ‘modern’ period of the US death penalty, resulting in the execution of over 1,400 inmates, with over 8,000 individuals currently sentenced to die. Each chapter of Frank Baumgartner‘s, Marty Davidson’s, Kaneesha Johnson’s, Arvind Krishnamurthy’s, and Colin Wilson’s Deadly Justice : A Statistical Portrait of the Death Penalty (Oxford University Press, 2017) addresses a specific factual question and provides statistical evidence about how the modern death penalty has functioned.
Baumgartner is Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina. Davidson, Johnson, Krishnamurthy, and Wilson were all students at North Carolina during the research for the book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Dec 2017 19:57:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In 1976, the US Supreme Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that the death penalty was constitutional if it complied with certain provisions designed to ensure that it was reserved for the ‘worst of the worst.’ The 1976 decision ushered in the ‘modern’ per...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In 1976, the US Supreme Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that the death penalty was constitutional if it complied with certain provisions designed to ensure that it was reserved for the ‘worst of the worst.’ The 1976 decision ushered in the ‘modern’ period of the US death penalty, resulting in the execution of over 1,400 inmates, with over 8,000 individuals currently sentenced to die. Each chapter of Frank Baumgartner‘s, Marty Davidson’s, Kaneesha Johnson’s, Arvind Krishnamurthy’s, and Colin Wilson’s Deadly Justice : A Statistical Portrait of the Death Penalty (Oxford University Press, 2017) addresses a specific factual question and provides statistical evidence about how the modern death penalty has functioned.
Baumgartner is Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina. Davidson, Johnson, Krishnamurthy, and Wilson were all students at North Carolina during the research for the book.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In 1976, the US Supreme Court ruled in Gregg v. Georgia that the death penalty was constitutional if it complied with certain provisions designed to ensure that it was reserved for the ‘worst of the worst.’ The 1976 decision ushered in the ‘modern’ period of the US death penalty, resulting in the execution of over 1,400 inmates, with over 8,000 individuals currently sentenced to die. Each chapter of <a href="http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/">Frank Baumgartner</a>‘s, Marty Davidson’s, Kaneesha Johnson’s, Arvind Krishnamurthy’s, and Colin Wilson’s <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QtVxre1UQ00edeQ6AwvWNV0AAAFgf8zvuwEAAAFKAYU8nCA/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0190841540/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0190841540&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=07YYLtHaJQfeXMTpeRo9gQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Deadly Justice : A Statistical Portrait of the Death Penalty</a> (Oxford University Press, 2017) addresses a specific factual question and provides statistical evidence about how the modern death penalty has functioned.</p><p>Baumgartner is Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina. Davidson, Johnson, Krishnamurthy, and Wilson were all students at North Carolina during the research for the book.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1189</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69253]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5780830842.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Scott Kaufman, “Ambition, Pragmatism, and Party: A Political Biography of Gerald R. Ford” (University Press of Kansas, 2017)</title>
      <description>Catapulted into the Oval Office by an unusual set of circumstances, Gerald Ford remains a unique figure in American presidential history. In Ambition, Pragmatism, and Party: A Political Biography of Gerald R. Ford (University Press of Kansas, 2017), Scott Kaufman recounts the life and career of this often misunderstood leader. He sees the roots of Ford’s political ideology in his Michigan youth, where his stepfather and namesake stressed the importance of hard work and individual achievement. After working as a lawyer and serving in the navy during World War II Ford won election to Congress, where he set his sights on becoming Speaker of the House of Representatives. Frustrated in his aspirations, Ford was in the seeming twilight of his career when he was nominated to replace Spiro Agnew as vice president after Agnew’s resignation in 1973. Within eight months Richard Nixon’s resignation brought Ford to the presidency itself, where he grappled with the consequences of numerous shifts taking place both nationally and throughout the world. Though Ford aspired to election in his own right, his decision to pardon Nixon defined him to an increasingly cynical populace in ways that ultimately proved too difficult to overcome, contributing to his defeat in the 1976 presidential election.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 22 Dec 2017 19:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/22c0fb2c-c00a-11ec-991d-eba18549c0a0/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Catapulted into the Oval Office by an unusual set of circumstances, Gerald Ford remains a unique figure in American presidential history. In Ambition, Pragmatism, and Party: A Political Biography of Gerald R. Ford (University Press of Kansas, 2017),</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Catapulted into the Oval Office by an unusual set of circumstances, Gerald Ford remains a unique figure in American presidential history. In Ambition, Pragmatism, and Party: A Political Biography of Gerald R. Ford (University Press of Kansas, 2017), Scott Kaufman recounts the life and career of this often misunderstood leader. He sees the roots of Ford’s political ideology in his Michigan youth, where his stepfather and namesake stressed the importance of hard work and individual achievement. After working as a lawyer and serving in the navy during World War II Ford won election to Congress, where he set his sights on becoming Speaker of the House of Representatives. Frustrated in his aspirations, Ford was in the seeming twilight of his career when he was nominated to replace Spiro Agnew as vice president after Agnew’s resignation in 1973. Within eight months Richard Nixon’s resignation brought Ford to the presidency itself, where he grappled with the consequences of numerous shifts taking place both nationally and throughout the world. Though Ford aspired to election in his own right, his decision to pardon Nixon defined him to an increasingly cynical populace in ways that ultimately proved too difficult to overcome, contributing to his defeat in the 1976 presidential election.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Catapulted into the Oval Office by an unusual set of circumstances, Gerald Ford remains a unique figure in American presidential history. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QqxYjXVcgMevWTDNMQPAhgEAAAFgf4AhpQEAAAFKAf4VDPM/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700625003/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0700625003&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=DfpSc8hp0hQcTPRMAlUh8w&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">Ambition, Pragmatism, and Party: A Political Biography of Gerald R. Ford</a> (University Press of Kansas, 2017), <a href="http://www.fmarion.edu/directory/kaufman-scott/">Scott Kaufman</a> recounts the life and career of this often misunderstood leader. He sees the roots of Ford’s political ideology in his Michigan youth, where his stepfather and namesake stressed the importance of hard work and individual achievement. After working as a lawyer and serving in the navy during World War II Ford won election to Congress, where he set his sights on becoming Speaker of the House of Representatives. Frustrated in his aspirations, Ford was in the seeming twilight of his career when he was nominated to replace Spiro Agnew as vice president after Agnew’s resignation in 1973. Within eight months Richard Nixon’s resignation brought Ford to the presidency itself, where he grappled with the consequences of numerous shifts taking place both nationally and throughout the world. Though Ford aspired to election in his own right, his decision to pardon Nixon defined him to an increasingly cynical populace in ways that ultimately proved too difficult to overcome, contributing to his defeat in the 1976 presidential election.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3828</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69246]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7948335405.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Forrest Nabors, “From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction” (U. Missouri Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>In From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction (University of Missouri Press, 2017) , Forrest Nabors sets out to show that congressional Republicans regarded the work of Reconstruction in the same way they regarded the work of the Founders: as regime change, from monarchy in the one case and from oligarchy in the other, to republicanism. Nabors examines the writings and speeches of Republicans in the Thirty-Eighth, Thirty-Ninth, and Fortieth Congress (1863-1869), recovering their political analysis of the antebellum South. While Reconstruction scholars have typically emphasized black citizenship as the central concern of congressional Republicans, Nabors demonstrates that they identified Southern oligarchy (tightly linked to slavery) as the problem of the age.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Dec 2017 13:24:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction (University of Missouri Press, 2017) , Forrest Nabors sets out to show that congressional Republicans regarded the work of Reconstruction in the same way they regarded the work of the...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction (University of Missouri Press, 2017) , Forrest Nabors sets out to show that congressional Republicans regarded the work of Reconstruction in the same way they regarded the work of the Founders: as regime change, from monarchy in the one case and from oligarchy in the other, to republicanism. Nabors examines the writings and speeches of Republicans in the Thirty-Eighth, Thirty-Ninth, and Fortieth Congress (1863-1869), recovering their political analysis of the antebellum South. While Reconstruction scholars have typically emphasized black citizenship as the central concern of congressional Republicans, Nabors demonstrates that they identified Southern oligarchy (tightly linked to slavery) as the problem of the age.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QokNq73oeHIT2Ohhtsn4cWcAAAFgTE8M9wEAAAFKAZhgJa4/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0826221351/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0826221351&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=FBphv9AniDYs.MDwr2usbw&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">From Oligarchy to Republicanism: The Great Task of Reconstruction </a>(<a href="https://upress.missouri.edu/9780826273918/from-oligarchy-to-republicanism/">University of Missouri Press,</a> 2017) , <a href="https://www.uaa.alaska.edu/academics/college-of-arts-and-sciences/departments/political-science/faculty/nabors.cshtml">Forrest Nabors</a> sets out to show that congressional Republicans regarded the work of Reconstruction in the same way they regarded the work of the Founders: as regime change, from monarchy in the one case and from oligarchy in the other, to republicanism. Nabors examines the writings and speeches of Republicans in the Thirty-Eighth, Thirty-Ninth, and Fortieth Congress (1863-1869), recovering their political analysis of the antebellum South. While Reconstruction scholars have typically emphasized black citizenship as the central concern of congressional Republicans, Nabors demonstrates that they identified Southern oligarchy (tightly linked to slavery) as the problem of the age.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2031</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=69050]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6368451453.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew R. Lewis, “The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars” (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>Andrew R. Lewis is the author of the new book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Lewis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati and is the book review editor at the journal of Politics &amp; Religion. Following up on recent podcasts with Daniel Bennett and Christopher Baylor, The Rights Turn demonstrates a transformation of American politics with the waning of Christian America. As opposed to conservatives focusing on morality and liberals on rights, both sides now emphasize rights-based arguments to win policy battles and build support. Based on historical and quantitative data, Lewis analyzes evangelical advocacy and public opinion related to abortion, free speech, and the death penalty. He shows how rights claims have been used to protect evangelicals, whose cultural positions are increasingly in the minority.

Heath Brown, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on iTunes and share it on social media.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Nov 2017 15:05:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Andrew R. Lewis is the author of the new book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Lewis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Cinc...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Andrew R. Lewis is the author of the new book, The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Lewis is assistant professor of political science at the University of Cincinnati and is the book review editor at the journal of Politics &amp; Religion. Following up on recent podcasts with Daniel Bennett and Christopher Baylor, The Rights Turn demonstrates a transformation of American politics with the waning of Christian America. As opposed to conservatives focusing on morality and liberals on rights, both sides now emphasize rights-based arguments to win policy battles and build support. Based on historical and quantitative data, Lewis analyzes evangelical advocacy and public opinion related to abortion, free speech, and the death penalty. He shows how rights claims have been used to protect evangelicals, whose cultural positions are increasingly in the minority.

Heath Brown, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on iTunes and share it on social media.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.andrewrlewis.com/about-2/">Andrew R. Lewis</a> is the author of the new book, <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QmUdNpIjHTmbxztOzxs_WZwAAAFffdkTLgEAAAFKAZXGJ7Q/http://www.amazon.com/dp/1108417701/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=1108417701&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=QwUGPcCjHTYx3cvErde3PQ&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Rights Turn in Conservative Christian Politics: How Abortion Transformed the Culture Wars</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Lewis is assistant <a href="http://www.artsci.uc.edu/departments/interdisciplinary-studies/international_affairs/fac-staff.html?eid=lewis2a5">professor of political science</a> at the University of Cincinnati and is the book review editor at the journal of Politics &amp; Religion. Following up on recent podcasts with <a href="http://newbooksnetwork.com/daniel-bennett-defending-faith-the-politics-of-the-christian-conservative-legal-movement-u-press-of-kansas-2017/">Daniel Bennett</a> and <a href="http://newbooksnetwork.com/christopher-baylor-first-to-the-party-the-group-origins-of-political-transformations-penn-press-2017/">Christopher Baylor</a>, The Rights Turn demonstrates a transformation of American politics with the waning of Christian America. As opposed to conservatives focusing on morality and liberals on rights, both sides now emphasize rights-based arguments to win policy battles and build support. Based on historical and quantitative data, Lewis analyzes evangelical advocacy and public opinion related to abortion, free speech, and the death penalty. He shows how rights claims have been used to protect evangelicals, whose cultural positions are increasingly in the minority.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on <a href="https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/new-books-in-political-science/id425414426?mt=2">iTunes</a> and share it on social media.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1702</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=68119]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1649854686.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Christopher Baylor, “First to the Party: The Group Origins of Political Transformations” (Penn Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>Christopher Baylor is the author of First to the Party: The Group Origins of Political Transformations (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). Baylor is an American Political Science Association Congressional Fellow. Based on substantial archival research, Baylor’s book positions interest groups at the center of what makes parties change. Using the case of civil rights organizations and the Democratic Party in the 1940s and cultural conservative organizations and the Republican Party in the 1980s and 90s, First to the Party shows how groups gain influence within existing political parties and foment transformation. He argues that parties respond less to public opinion and voters than to powerful groups, especially during the nomination process. Baylor deepens what we know about political parties, interest groups, and their interactions.

Heath Brown, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on iTunes and share it on social media.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Oct 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Christopher Baylor is the author of First to the Party: The Group Origins of Political Transformations (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). Baylor is an American Political Science Association Congressional Fellow.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christopher Baylor is the author of First to the Party: The Group Origins of Political Transformations (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017). Baylor is an American Political Science Association Congressional Fellow. Based on substantial archival research, Baylor’s book positions interest groups at the center of what makes parties change. Using the case of civil rights organizations and the Democratic Party in the 1940s and cultural conservative organizations and the Republican Party in the 1980s and 90s, First to the Party shows how groups gain influence within existing political parties and foment transformation. He argues that parties respond less to public opinion and voters than to powerful groups, especially during the nomination process. Baylor deepens what we know about political parties, interest groups, and their interactions.

Heath Brown, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on iTunes and share it on social media.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.professorbaylor.com/">Christopher Baylor</a> is the author of <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/QnWcvwSL7UQ-S4KKIBkFar4AAAFfWuVhsQEAAAFKAUJWrTs/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0812249631/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0812249631&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=-XSoLKoaesoQu6rSRx6rCA&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">First to the Party: The Group Origins of Political Transformations</a> (<a href="http://www.upenn.edu/pennpress/book/15729.html">University of Pennsylvania Press</a>, 2017). Baylor is an American Political Science Association Congressional Fellow. Based on substantial archival research, Baylor’s book positions interest groups at the center of what makes parties change. Using the case of civil rights organizations and the Democratic Party in the 1940s and cultural conservative organizations and the Republican Party in the 1980s and 90s, First to the Party shows how groups gain influence within existing political parties and foment transformation. He argues that parties respond less to public opinion and voters than to powerful groups, especially during the nomination process. Baylor deepens what we know about political parties, interest groups, and their interactions.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="https://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, associate professor, City University of New York, John Jay College and CUNY Grad Center, hosted this podcast. Please rate the podcast on <a href="https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/new-books-in-political-science/id425414426?mt=2">iTunes</a> and share it on social media.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1361</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=67944]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1057259759.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>William J. Cooper, “The Lost Founding Father: John Quincy Adams and the Transformation of American Politics” (Liveright, 2017)</title>
      <description>Over the course of a public career that stretched from the Washington administration to the Mexican-American War, John Quincy Adams became a living link to America’s revolutionary generation. In The Lost Founding Father: John Quincy Adams and the Transformation of American Politics (Liveright, 2017), William J. Cooper describes how Adams held fast to the values of that generation during a time of dramatic political change. Though aspiring to a career in politics from an early age, Adams sought to win office mainly through merit. Thanks to his ability and experience he served in a series of diplomatic and political postings, culminating in his selection by President James Monroe as Secretary of State in 1817. While Adams succeeded Monroe as president in 1825, the controversy surrounding his election thwarted his ambitious agenda and crystalized the development of a new party alignment that contributed to his defeat four years later. Yet Adams’s return to public office with his election to the House gave him an opportunity to play a continuing role on the national scene, particularly as the country’s leaders grappled with the increasingly problematic issues of slavery and territorial expansion.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 24 Oct 2017 21:21:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/4ebff80e-c00a-11ec-aa64-4bfa6a0934cf/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Over the course of a public career that stretched from the Washington administration to the Mexican-American War, John Quincy Adams became a living link to America’s revolutionary generation. In The Lost Founding Father: John Quincy Adams and the Trans...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Over the course of a public career that stretched from the Washington administration to the Mexican-American War, John Quincy Adams became a living link to America’s revolutionary generation. In The Lost Founding Father: John Quincy Adams and the Transformation of American Politics (Liveright, 2017), William J. Cooper describes how Adams held fast to the values of that generation during a time of dramatic political change. Though aspiring to a career in politics from an early age, Adams sought to win office mainly through merit. Thanks to his ability and experience he served in a series of diplomatic and political postings, culminating in his selection by President James Monroe as Secretary of State in 1817. While Adams succeeded Monroe as president in 1825, the controversy surrounding his election thwarted his ambitious agenda and crystalized the development of a new party alignment that contributed to his defeat four years later. Yet Adams’s return to public office with his election to the House gave him an opportunity to play a continuing role on the national scene, particularly as the country’s leaders grappled with the increasingly problematic issues of slavery and territorial expansion.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Over the course of a public career that stretched from the Washington administration to the Mexican-American War, John Quincy Adams became a living link to America’s revolutionary generation. In <a href="http://aax-us-east.amazon-adsystem.com/x/c/Qmsd6BPhaPpGaTVu6KCn3t0AAAFfUBio4gEAAAFKAWXznBI/http://www.amazon.com/dp/0871404354/ref=as_at?creativeASIN=0871404354&amp;linkCode=w61&amp;imprToken=9TNCC28QcXpcwK.NZVkUtg&amp;slotNum=0&amp;tag=newbooinhis-20">The Lost Founding Father: John Quincy Adams and the Transformation of American Politics</a> (Liveright, 2017), <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/authors/5680/william-j-cooper">William J. Cooper</a> describes how Adams held fast to the values of that generation during a time of dramatic political change. Though aspiring to a career in politics from an early age, Adams sought to win office mainly through merit. Thanks to his ability and experience he served in a series of diplomatic and political postings, culminating in his selection by President James Monroe as Secretary of State in 1817. While Adams succeeded Monroe as president in 1825, the controversy surrounding his election thwarted his ambitious agenda and crystalized the development of a new party alignment that contributed to his defeat four years later. Yet Adams’s return to public office with his election to the House gave him an opportunity to play a continuing role on the national scene, particularly as the country’s leaders grappled with the increasingly problematic issues of slavery and territorial expansion.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3728</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=67849]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3160857671.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Bennett, “Defending Faith: The Politics of the Christian Conservative Legal Movement” (U. Press of Kansas, 2017)</title>
      <description>This week on the podcast, Daniel Bennet joins us to talk about his new book, Defending Faith: The Politics of the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (University Press of Kansas, 2017). Bennett is assistant professor of political science at John Brown University. From Hobby Lobby to Obergefell v. Hodges, the Supreme Court has ruled on controversial social policy issues. At the center of many of these cases are a set of legal organizations, what Bennett calls Christian Conservative Legal Organizations or CCLOs, including the American Center for Law and Justice and Alliance Defending Freedom. In his book, he explains how CCLOs advocate for issues central to Christian conservatives, highlights the influence of religious liberty on the CLM’s broader agenda, and reveals how the Christian Right has become accustomed to the courts as a field of battle in today’s culture wars. Bennett studies these groups as a type of interest group and legal advocacy the primary strategy to fulfill their interests.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Aug 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week on the podcast, Daniel Bennet joins us to talk about his new book, Defending Faith: The Politics of the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (University Press of Kansas, 2017). Bennett is assistant professor of political science at John Brow...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on the podcast, Daniel Bennet joins us to talk about his new book, Defending Faith: The Politics of the Christian Conservative Legal Movement (University Press of Kansas, 2017). Bennett is assistant professor of political science at John Brown University. From Hobby Lobby to Obergefell v. Hodges, the Supreme Court has ruled on controversial social policy issues. At the center of many of these cases are a set of legal organizations, what Bennett calls Christian Conservative Legal Organizations or CCLOs, including the American Center for Law and Justice and Alliance Defending Freedom. In his book, he explains how CCLOs advocate for issues central to Christian conservatives, highlights the influence of religious liberty on the CLM’s broader agenda, and reveals how the Christian Right has become accustomed to the courts as a field of battle in today’s culture wars. Bennett studies these groups as a type of interest group and legal advocacy the primary strategy to fulfill their interests.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on the podcast, <a href="https://www.jbu.edu/majors/political_science/faculty/?id=22260">Daniel Bennet</a> joins us to talk about his new book,<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700624600/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> Defending Faith: The Politics of the Christian Conservative Legal Movement </a>(<a href="https://kansaspress.ku.edu/978-0-7006-2460-7.html">University Press of Kansas</a>, 2017). Bennett is assistant professor of political science at John Brown University. From Hobby Lobby to Obergefell v. Hodges, the Supreme Court has ruled on controversial social policy issues. At the center of many of these cases are a set of legal organizations, what Bennett calls Christian Conservative Legal Organizations or CCLOs, including the American Center for Law and Justice and Alliance Defending Freedom. In his book, he explains how CCLOs advocate for issues central to Christian conservatives, highlights the influence of religious liberty on the CLM’s broader agenda, and reveals how the Christian Right has become accustomed to the courts as a field of battle in today’s culture wars. Bennett studies these groups as a type of interest group and legal advocacy the primary strategy to fulfill their interests.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1278</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=66843]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7131982650.mp3?updated=1543612897" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Timothy LaPira, “Revolving Door Lobbying: Public Service, Private Influence, and the Unequal Representation of Interests” (U Press of Kansas, 2017)</title>
      <description>Timothy LaPira and Herschel Thomas are the authors of Revolving Door Lobbying: Public Service, Private Influence, and the Unequal Representation of Interests (University Press of Kansas, 2017). LaPira is associate professor of political science at James Madison University; Thomas is assistant professor of political science at University of Texas, Arlington.
What is the consequence of the rapid spin of the revolving door in Washington? Once a rarity, today nearly half of members of Congress join a lobbying firm after their time on the Hill ends. In Revolving Door Lobbying, the authors show that they are not alone. Former aides join the ranks of lobbyists and generate massive amounts of revenue for lobbying and law firms. These patterns have changed the political economy of Washington politics. LaPira and Thomas mine a decade of new Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) data to show the way the rise of revolving door lobbying has made representation less equal and enhanced private influence.

The host of this week’s podcast is Heath Brown, associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and the CUNY Graduate Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Aug 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Timothy LaPira and Herschel Thomas are the authors of Revolving Door Lobbying: Public Service, Private Influence, and the Unequal Representation of Interests (University Press of Kansas, 2017). LaPira is associate professor of political science at Jame...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Timothy LaPira and Herschel Thomas are the authors of Revolving Door Lobbying: Public Service, Private Influence, and the Unequal Representation of Interests (University Press of Kansas, 2017). LaPira is associate professor of political science at James Madison University; Thomas is assistant professor of political science at University of Texas, Arlington.
What is the consequence of the rapid spin of the revolving door in Washington? Once a rarity, today nearly half of members of Congress join a lobbying firm after their time on the Hill ends. In Revolving Door Lobbying, the authors show that they are not alone. Former aides join the ranks of lobbyists and generate massive amounts of revenue for lobbying and law firms. These patterns have changed the political economy of Washington politics. LaPira and Thomas mine a decade of new Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) data to show the way the rise of revolving door lobbying has made representation less equal and enhanced private influence.

The host of this week’s podcast is Heath Brown, associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and the CUNY Graduate Center.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.jmu.edu/polisci/people/faculty-lapira.shtml">Timothy LaPira</a> and <a href="http://herschelfthomas.com/">Herschel Thomas</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700624503/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Revolving Door Lobbying: Public Service, Private Influence, and the Unequal Representation of Interests</a> (University Press of Kansas, 2017). LaPira is associate professor of political science at James Madison University; Thomas is assistant professor of political science at University of Texas, Arlington.</p><p>What is the consequence of the rapid spin of the revolving door in Washington? Once a rarity, today nearly half of members of Congress join a lobbying firm after their time on the Hill ends. In Revolving Door Lobbying, the authors show that they are not alone. Former aides join the ranks of lobbyists and generate massive amounts of revenue for lobbying and law firms. These patterns have changed the political economy of Washington politics. LaPira and Thomas mine a decade of new Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) data to show the way the rise of revolving door lobbying has made representation less equal and enhanced private influence.</p><p><br></p><p>The host of this week’s podcast is <a href="http://www.jjay.cuny.edu/faculty/heath-brown">Heath Brown</a>, associate professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and the CUNY Graduate Center.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1927</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=66668]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2675447245.mp3?updated=1543612959" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Heather Silber Mohamed, “The New Americans? Immigration, Protest, and The Politics of Latino Identity” (U Press of Kansas, 2017)</title>
      <description>The New Americans? Immigration, Protest, and The Politics of Latino Identity (University Press of Kansas, 2017) by Heather Silber Mohamed weaves together a number of different strands within the discipline of Political Science in context of the diverse Latino community in the United States. Silber Mohamed integrates analysis of social identity and citizenship, social movements and protest politics, immigration policy, and the multiplicity of communities within the Latino-American population in the U.S. The research for The New Americans? is broad and complex, but the centerpiece of the book are the protests and demonstrations in 2006 in regard to the immigration reform bill that the George W. Bush Administration advocated, and that was debated in the House and the Senate. This piece of legislation and the national conversation that it engendered is the unique case study that Silber Mohamed delves into to expose and analyze the relationship between social movements and understandings of identity and identity-framing, especially within the contemporary Latino-American communities. Silber Mohamed integrated the results from the Latino National Survey in her analysis of political attitudes and shifts of attitudes during this public debate. She traces the history and experiences of distinct groups within the broad umbrella of the American Latino community, explaining the different approaches each group has towards immigration policy and their understanding of citizenship and political advocacy. Given the more recent high profile and polarizing discussion of immigration in the United States, Silber Mohamed’s book is important contribution to this complex policy arena and our understanding of the many dimensions and political actors within the immigration debate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 31 Jul 2017 11:36:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The New Americans? Immigration, Protest, and The Politics of Latino Identity (University Press of Kansas, 2017) by Heather Silber Mohamed weaves together a number of different strands within the discipline of Political Science in context of the diverse...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The New Americans? Immigration, Protest, and The Politics of Latino Identity (University Press of Kansas, 2017) by Heather Silber Mohamed weaves together a number of different strands within the discipline of Political Science in context of the diverse Latino community in the United States. Silber Mohamed integrates analysis of social identity and citizenship, social movements and protest politics, immigration policy, and the multiplicity of communities within the Latino-American population in the U.S. The research for The New Americans? is broad and complex, but the centerpiece of the book are the protests and demonstrations in 2006 in regard to the immigration reform bill that the George W. Bush Administration advocated, and that was debated in the House and the Senate. This piece of legislation and the national conversation that it engendered is the unique case study that Silber Mohamed delves into to expose and analyze the relationship between social movements and understandings of identity and identity-framing, especially within the contemporary Latino-American communities. Silber Mohamed integrated the results from the Latino National Survey in her analysis of political attitudes and shifts of attitudes during this public debate. She traces the history and experiences of distinct groups within the broad umbrella of the American Latino community, explaining the different approaches each group has towards immigration policy and their understanding of citizenship and political advocacy. Given the more recent high profile and polarizing discussion of immigration in the United States, Silber Mohamed’s book is important contribution to this complex policy arena and our understanding of the many dimensions and political actors within the immigration debate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/B06XPW5LHV/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The New Americans? Immigration, Protest, and The Politics of Latino Identity</a> (University Press of Kansas, 2017) by <a href="https://www2.clarku.edu/departments/politicalscience/facultybio.cfm?id=967&amp;progid=16&amp;">Heather Silber Mohamed</a> weaves together a number of different strands within the discipline of Political Science in context of the diverse Latino community in the United States. Silber Mohamed integrates analysis of social identity and citizenship, social movements and protest politics, immigration policy, and the multiplicity of communities within the Latino-American population in the U.S. The research for The New Americans? is broad and complex, but the centerpiece of the book are the protests and demonstrations in 2006 in regard to the immigration reform bill that the George W. Bush Administration advocated, and that was debated in the House and the Senate. This piece of legislation and the national conversation that it engendered is the unique case study that Silber Mohamed delves into to expose and analyze the relationship between social movements and understandings of identity and identity-framing, especially within the contemporary Latino-American communities. Silber Mohamed integrated the results from the Latino National Survey in her analysis of political attitudes and shifts of attitudes during this public debate. She traces the history and experiences of distinct groups within the broad umbrella of the American Latino community, explaining the different approaches each group has towards immigration policy and their understanding of citizenship and political advocacy. Given the more recent high profile and polarizing discussion of immigration in the United States, Silber Mohamed’s book is important contribution to this complex policy arena and our understanding of the many dimensions and political actors within the immigration debate.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2951</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=66482]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1231640435.mp3?updated=1543613057" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Riki Wilchins, “TRANS/gressive: How Transgender Activists Took on Gay Rights, Feminism, the Media, and Congress…and Won!” (Riverdale Avenue Books, 2017)</title>
      <description>Before Transgender actors entered popular culture, and before the “T” was included in LGBT, Transgender activism was a small and marginalized movement. However, though courage and perseverance, Transgender rights began to enter the public consciousness. Drawing on her own life story, Riki Wilchin’s newest book TRANS/gressive: How Transgender Activists took on Gay Rights, Feminism, the Media &amp; Congress…and Won! (Riverdale Avenue Books, 2017) traces the origins of the Transgender movement. From the backwoods of rural Michigan to the nation’s capital, the movement challenged not only conservative politicians and worldviews but also challenged the boundaries of gender, sex, and sexuality within more progressive movements. How do Trans issues and concerns intersect with notions of masculinity and femininity? What was the relationship between the Trans movement and the Gay movement? How do movements transcend the local and become national? Wilchins offers answers to these (and many more) questions within the pages of TRANS/gressive.
In addition to TRANS/gressive, Wilchins is also author to three other books on topics of gender and sexuality: Read My Lips: Sexual Subversion &amp; the End of Gender, Queer Theory/Gender Theory: An Instant Primer, and Voice from Beyond the Sexual Binary. Wilchins’ works has been featured in many periodicals, and Riki has held many trainings on gender norms and nonconformity for audiences that include the White House, Centers for Disease Control, and the office on Women’s Health. Continuing her activism as well as her authorship, Wilchins expects another forthcoming book in the near future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 26 Jul 2017 21:52:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Before Transgender actors entered popular culture, and before the “T” was included in LGBT, Transgender activism was a small and marginalized movement. However, though courage and perseverance, Transgender rights began to enter the public consciousness...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Before Transgender actors entered popular culture, and before the “T” was included in LGBT, Transgender activism was a small and marginalized movement. However, though courage and perseverance, Transgender rights began to enter the public consciousness. Drawing on her own life story, Riki Wilchin’s newest book TRANS/gressive: How Transgender Activists took on Gay Rights, Feminism, the Media &amp; Congress…and Won! (Riverdale Avenue Books, 2017) traces the origins of the Transgender movement. From the backwoods of rural Michigan to the nation’s capital, the movement challenged not only conservative politicians and worldviews but also challenged the boundaries of gender, sex, and sexuality within more progressive movements. How do Trans issues and concerns intersect with notions of masculinity and femininity? What was the relationship between the Trans movement and the Gay movement? How do movements transcend the local and become national? Wilchins offers answers to these (and many more) questions within the pages of TRANS/gressive.
In addition to TRANS/gressive, Wilchins is also author to three other books on topics of gender and sexuality: Read My Lips: Sexual Subversion &amp; the End of Gender, Queer Theory/Gender Theory: An Instant Primer, and Voice from Beyond the Sexual Binary. Wilchins’ works has been featured in many periodicals, and Riki has held many trainings on gender norms and nonconformity for audiences that include the White House, Centers for Disease Control, and the office on Women’s Health. Continuing her activism as well as her authorship, Wilchins expects another forthcoming book in the near future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Before Transgender actors entered popular culture, and before the “T” was included in LGBT, Transgender activism was a small and marginalized movement. However, though courage and perseverance, Transgender rights began to enter the public consciousness. Drawing on her own life story, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Riki_Wilchins">Riki Wilchin’s</a> newest book<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1626013683/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> TRANS/gressive: How Transgender Activists took on Gay Rights, Feminism, the Media &amp; Congress…and Won!</a> (Riverdale Avenue Books, 2017) traces the origins of the Transgender movement. From the backwoods of rural Michigan to the nation’s capital, the movement challenged not only conservative politicians and worldviews but also challenged the boundaries of gender, sex, and sexuality within more progressive movements. How do Trans issues and concerns intersect with notions of masculinity and femininity? What was the relationship between the Trans movement and the Gay movement? How do movements transcend the local and become national? Wilchins offers answers to these (and many more) questions within the pages of TRANS/gressive.</p><p>In addition to TRANS/gressive, Wilchins is also author to three other books on topics of gender and sexuality: Read My Lips: Sexual Subversion &amp; the End of Gender, Queer Theory/Gender Theory: An Instant Primer, and Voice from Beyond the Sexual Binary. Wilchins’ works has been featured in many periodicals, and Riki has held many trainings on gender norms and nonconformity for audiences that include the White House, Centers for Disease Control, and the office on Women’s Health. Continuing her activism as well as her authorship, Wilchins expects another forthcoming book in the near future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3316</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=66365]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9423812769.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nathan Kalmoe and David Kinder, “Neither Liberal or Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public (U. Chicago Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>Nathan Kalmoe and Donald Kinder are the authors of Neither Liberal or Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public (University of Chicago Press, 2017). Kalmoe is an assistant professor of political communication at Louisiana State University and Kinder is the Philip E. Converse Distinguished University Professor at the University of Michigan. Neither Liberal or Conservative looks straightly at what we have known in the past about ideology and the formation of ideology.
Kalmoe and Kinder take up the seminal research of Phillip Converse on “ideological innocence.” What they find largely supports this historic finding that Americans are not that ideological. Several decades later, most of the country remains innocent of ideology. With the exception of some highly engaged and informed individuals, partisanship remains the central organizing feature of political life and identification for most Americans.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Jul 2017 13:42:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Nathan Kalmoe and Donald Kinder are the authors of Neither Liberal or Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public (University of Chicago Press, 2017). Kalmoe is an assistant professor of political communication at Louisiana State Univers...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nathan Kalmoe and Donald Kinder are the authors of Neither Liberal or Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public (University of Chicago Press, 2017). Kalmoe is an assistant professor of political communication at Louisiana State University and Kinder is the Philip E. Converse Distinguished University Professor at the University of Michigan. Neither Liberal or Conservative looks straightly at what we have known in the past about ideology and the formation of ideology.
Kalmoe and Kinder take up the seminal research of Phillip Converse on “ideological innocence.” What they find largely supports this historic finding that Americans are not that ideological. Several decades later, most of the country remains innocent of ideology. With the exception of some highly engaged and informed individuals, partisanship remains the central organizing feature of political life and identification for most Americans.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Nathan Kalmoe and Donald Kinder are the authors of<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022645245X/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> Neither Liberal or Conservative: Ideological Innocence in the American Public</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2017). <a href="https://nkalmoe.wordpress.com/">Kalmoe</a> is an assistant professor of political communication at Louisiana State University and <a href="https://www.isr.umich.edu/cps/people_faculty_drkinder.html">Kinder</a> is the Philip E. Converse Distinguished University Professor at the University of Michigan. Neither Liberal or Conservative looks straightly at what we have known in the past about ideology and the formation of ideology.</p><p>Kalmoe and Kinder take up the seminal research of Phillip Converse on “ideological innocence.” What they find largely supports this historic finding that Americans are not that ideological. Several decades later, most of the country remains innocent of ideology. With the exception of some highly engaged and informed individuals, partisanship remains the central organizing feature of political life and identification for most Americans.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1129</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=66277]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8527734148.mp3?updated=1543613023" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William Davenport Mercer, “Diminishing the Bill of Rights: Barron v. Baltimore and the Foundations of American Liberty” (U. Oklahoma Press, 2017)</title>
      <description>William Davenport Mercer‘s Diminishing the Bill of Rights: Barron v. Baltimore and the Foundations of American Liberty (University of Oklahoma Press, 2017) argues that if we want to understand how Americans in the early Republic viewed the sources of their rights, we need look no further than the mud at the bottom of Baltimore harbor. In the early nineteenth century, two men, John Barron, Jr. and John Craig, decided to buy a Baltimore wharf on credit. They were hoping to capitalize on rapidly-expanding commercial growth in city in the wake of the War of 1812. Instead, the city diverted water into the harbor, leaving Barron and Craig’s wharf silted up and the pair with a pile of debt. The men sued, and eventually their case was argued before the Supreme Court. The decision in Barron v. Baltimore, as William Davenport Mercer shows, marked a key development in the history of American constitutionalism. In arguing that the Bill of Rights (and thus, the Fifth Amendment) applied only at the Federal level, the court rejected a multi-sourced view of liberties. The contentious politics of the era, Dr. Mercer argues, precipitated our modern turn toward locating the sources of rights exclusively in documents. Dr. Mercer teaches history and law at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 06 Jul 2017 22:38:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>William Davenport Mercer‘s Diminishing the Bill of Rights: Barron v. Baltimore and the Foundations of American Liberty (University of Oklahoma Press, 2017) argues that if we want to understand how Americans in the early Republic viewed the sources of t...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>William Davenport Mercer‘s Diminishing the Bill of Rights: Barron v. Baltimore and the Foundations of American Liberty (University of Oklahoma Press, 2017) argues that if we want to understand how Americans in the early Republic viewed the sources of their rights, we need look no further than the mud at the bottom of Baltimore harbor. In the early nineteenth century, two men, John Barron, Jr. and John Craig, decided to buy a Baltimore wharf on credit. They were hoping to capitalize on rapidly-expanding commercial growth in city in the wake of the War of 1812. Instead, the city diverted water into the harbor, leaving Barron and Craig’s wharf silted up and the pair with a pile of debt. The men sued, and eventually their case was argued before the Supreme Court. The decision in Barron v. Baltimore, as William Davenport Mercer shows, marked a key development in the history of American constitutionalism. In arguing that the Bill of Rights (and thus, the Fifth Amendment) applied only at the Federal level, the court rejected a multi-sourced view of liberties. The contentious politics of the era, Dr. Mercer argues, precipitated our modern turn toward locating the sources of rights exclusively in documents. Dr. Mercer teaches history and law at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://history.utk.edu/people/william-mercer/">William Davenport Mercer</a>‘s <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0806156023/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Diminishing the Bill of Rights: Barron v. Baltimore and the Foundations of American Liberty</a> (University of Oklahoma Press, 2017) argues that if we want to understand how Americans in the early Republic viewed the sources of their rights, we need look no further than the mud at the bottom of Baltimore harbor. In the early nineteenth century, two men, John Barron, Jr. and John Craig, decided to buy a Baltimore wharf on credit. They were hoping to capitalize on rapidly-expanding commercial growth in city in the wake of the War of 1812. Instead, the city diverted water into the harbor, leaving Barron and Craig’s wharf silted up and the pair with a pile of debt. The men sued, and eventually their case was argued before the Supreme Court. The decision in Barron v. Baltimore, as William Davenport Mercer shows, marked a key development in the history of American constitutionalism. In arguing that the Bill of Rights (and thus, the Fifth Amendment) applied only at the Federal level, the court rejected a multi-sourced view of liberties. The contentious politics of the era, Dr. Mercer argues, precipitated our modern turn toward locating the sources of rights exclusively in documents. Dr. Mercer teaches history and law at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2594</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=65975]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1357895448.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David R. Mayhew, “The Imprint of Congress” (Yale UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>This week on the podcast we have a true political science legend. David R. Mayhew is the author of such political science greats as Congress: The Electoral Connection, Divided We Govern, and Partisan Balance. He is the Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus at Yale University.
In his recent book, Mayhew examines the job America’s most routinely disparaged branch of government has actually done? The Imprint of Congress (Yale University Press, 2017) gives a deep historical analysis of the U.S. Congress’s performance since the late eighteenth century. He tracks major policy challenges addressed by Congress. In the end, Mayhew argues that Congress has actually accomplished a lot and, in doing so, balanced the presidency in a surprising variety of ways. In the podcast, Mayhew also discusses our current debate on polarization and the early Trump administration.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Jul 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week on the podcast we have a true political science legend. David R. Mayhew is the author of such political science greats as Congress: The Electoral Connection, Divided We Govern, and Partisan Balance.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on the podcast we have a true political science legend. David R. Mayhew is the author of such political science greats as Congress: The Electoral Connection, Divided We Govern, and Partisan Balance. He is the Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus at Yale University.
In his recent book, Mayhew examines the job America’s most routinely disparaged branch of government has actually done? The Imprint of Congress (Yale University Press, 2017) gives a deep historical analysis of the U.S. Congress’s performance since the late eighteenth century. He tracks major policy challenges addressed by Congress. In the end, Mayhew argues that Congress has actually accomplished a lot and, in doing so, balanced the presidency in a surprising variety of ways. In the podcast, Mayhew also discusses our current debate on polarization and the early Trump administration.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on the podcast we have a true political science legend. <a href="http://politicalscience.yale.edu/people/david-mayhew">David R. Mayhew</a> is the author of such political science greats as Congress: The Electoral Connection, Divided We Govern, and Partisan Balance. He is the Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus at Yale University.</p><p>In his recent book, Mayhew examines the job America’s most routinely disparaged branch of government has actually done? <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300215703/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Imprint of Congress</a> (Yale University Press, 2017) gives a deep historical analysis of the U.S. Congress’s performance since the late eighteenth century. He tracks major policy challenges addressed by Congress. In the end, Mayhew argues that Congress has actually accomplished a lot and, in doing so, balanced the presidency in a surprising variety of ways. In the podcast, Mayhew also discusses our current debate on polarization and the early Trump administration.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>982</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=65424]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2381476025.mp3?updated=1543613046" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Josh Chafetz, “Congress’s Constitution: Legislative Authority and the Separation of Powers” (Yale UP, 2017).</title>
      <description>Josh Chafetz‘s new book, Congress’s Constitution: Legislative Authority and the Separation of Powers  (Yale University Press, 2017), examines Congress as a branch and the powers of the legislature within the constitutional system. This book approaches the Legislative branch historically, constitutionally, politically, and structurally through the separation of powers. Chafetz situates Congress as one of three political branches of government, each deriving power from the public, the constitution, formal responsibilities (like the Senate’s role in confirmation, or Congress’s power of the purse), and also informal capacities. In analyzing Congress, Chafetz makes use of the schematic framework of hard and soft power, often used by scholars to analyze international relations, contextualizing the kinds of powers that Congress has and how those powers have been used over the history of the branch and continue to be used. Chafetz explains his thesis in regard to the separation of powers theories as a “multiplicity based” understanding of the claims made to authority not only by Congress, but also by the Executive and Judicial branches, noting that there are multiple and overlapping claims to authority.
The book will be of interest to a range of scholars and readers, since Chafetz integrates American political development, constitutional history, contemporary American politics, and the complexity of the development of British legislative authority that preceded and contributed to the American constitutional system. This is an accessible, complex, and fascinating book about American politics, the constitutional system, and, especially legislative authority within the system.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Jun 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Josh Chafetz‘s new book, Congress’s Constitution: Legislative Authority and the Separation of Powers (Yale University Press, 2017), examines Congress as a branch and the powers of the legislature within the constitutional system.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Josh Chafetz‘s new book, Congress’s Constitution: Legislative Authority and the Separation of Powers  (Yale University Press, 2017), examines Congress as a branch and the powers of the legislature within the constitutional system. This book approaches the Legislative branch historically, constitutionally, politically, and structurally through the separation of powers. Chafetz situates Congress as one of three political branches of government, each deriving power from the public, the constitution, formal responsibilities (like the Senate’s role in confirmation, or Congress’s power of the purse), and also informal capacities. In analyzing Congress, Chafetz makes use of the schematic framework of hard and soft power, often used by scholars to analyze international relations, contextualizing the kinds of powers that Congress has and how those powers have been used over the history of the branch and continue to be used. Chafetz explains his thesis in regard to the separation of powers theories as a “multiplicity based” understanding of the claims made to authority not only by Congress, but also by the Executive and Judicial branches, noting that there are multiple and overlapping claims to authority.
The book will be of interest to a range of scholars and readers, since Chafetz integrates American political development, constitutional history, contemporary American politics, and the complexity of the development of British legislative authority that preceded and contributed to the American constitutional system. This is an accessible, complex, and fascinating book about American politics, the constitutional system, and, especially legislative authority within the system.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.lawschool.cornell.edu/faculty/bio_josh_chafetz.cfm">Josh Chafetz</a>‘s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300197101/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Congress’s Constitution: Legislative Authority and the Separation of Powers </a> (Yale University Press, 2017), examines Congress as a branch and the powers of the legislature within the constitutional system. This book approaches the Legislative branch historically, constitutionally, politically, and structurally through the separation of powers. Chafetz situates Congress as one of three political branches of government, each deriving power from the public, the constitution, formal responsibilities (like the Senate’s role in confirmation, or Congress’s power of the purse), and also informal capacities. In analyzing Congress, Chafetz makes use of the schematic framework of hard and soft power, often used by scholars to analyze international relations, contextualizing the kinds of powers that Congress has and how those powers have been used over the history of the branch and continue to be used. Chafetz explains his thesis in regard to the separation of powers theories as a “multiplicity based” understanding of the claims made to authority not only by Congress, but also by the Executive and Judicial branches, noting that there are multiple and overlapping claims to authority.</p><p>The book will be of interest to a range of scholars and readers, since Chafetz integrates American political development, constitutional history, contemporary American politics, and the complexity of the development of British legislative authority that preceded and contributed to the American constitutional system. This is an accessible, complex, and fascinating book about American politics, the constitutional system, and, especially legislative authority within the system.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2959</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=65200]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3896768449.mp3?updated=1543613820" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Mary E. Adkins, “Making Modern Florida: How the Spirit of Reform Shaped a New State Constitution” (University Press of Florida, 2016)</title>
      <description>Mary E. Adkins has written Making Modern Florida: How the Spirit of Reform Shaped a New State Constitution (University Press of Florida, 2016), an account of the reformation of the Florida state constitution in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the history of the state’s constitutions since it was first incorporated into the United States in the 1840s. Yet, she concentrates on the reform efforts begun during World War II and culminating in a new constitution in 1968. Adkins reviews the political interests that pushed for a new constitution, from the League of Women Voters to the new residents in the emergent southern coasts of Florida in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the process of reforming a constitution that was rooted in the traditional rotten borough politics of 19th-century Florida. She analyzes the impact of U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the early 1960s that forced states to reapportion their legislatures, contending that Florida’s districts were so malapportioned that without the Court’s decisions there might not have been any constitutional revision. Adkins also discusses today’s constitutional revision process, which is ongoing every 20 years and is occurring in 2017.
Florida’s political context has always been an amalgam of traditional Southern politics and the emergent commercial and tourism-based economy of a coastal state. Adkin’s book illuminates how these conditions produced political conflict and constitutional change.

Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 31 May 2017 19:19:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/c1e4defe-c013-11ec-b2ed-4b5693b79f65/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Mary E. Adkins has written Making Modern Florida: How the Spirit of Reform Shaped a New State Constitution (University Press of Florida, 2016), an account of the reformation of the Florida state constitution in the 1960s.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mary E. Adkins has written Making Modern Florida: How the Spirit of Reform Shaped a New State Constitution (University Press of Florida, 2016), an account of the reformation of the Florida state constitution in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the history of the state’s constitutions since it was first incorporated into the United States in the 1840s. Yet, she concentrates on the reform efforts begun during World War II and culminating in a new constitution in 1968. Adkins reviews the political interests that pushed for a new constitution, from the League of Women Voters to the new residents in the emergent southern coasts of Florida in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the process of reforming a constitution that was rooted in the traditional rotten borough politics of 19th-century Florida. She analyzes the impact of U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the early 1960s that forced states to reapportion their legislatures, contending that Florida’s districts were so malapportioned that without the Court’s decisions there might not have been any constitutional revision. Adkins also discusses today’s constitutional revision process, which is ongoing every 20 years and is occurring in 2017.
Florida’s political context has always been an amalgam of traditional Southern politics and the emergent commercial and tourism-based economy of a coastal state. Adkin’s book illuminates how these conditions produced political conflict and constitutional change.

Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.law.ufl.edu/faculty/mary-adkins">Mary E. Adkins</a> has written<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813062853/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> Making Modern Florida: How the Spirit of Reform Shaped a New State Constitution</a> (University Press of Florida, 2016), an account of the reformation of the Florida state constitution in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the history of the state’s constitutions since it was first incorporated into the United States in the 1840s. Yet, she concentrates on the reform efforts begun during World War II and culminating in a new constitution in 1968. Adkins reviews the political interests that pushed for a new constitution, from the League of Women Voters to the new residents in the emergent southern coasts of Florida in the 1960s. Adkins reviews the process of reforming a constitution that was rooted in the traditional rotten borough politics of 19th-century Florida. She analyzes the impact of U.S. Supreme Court decisions in the early 1960s that forced states to reapportion their legislatures, contending that Florida’s districts were so malapportioned that without the Court’s decisions there might not have been any constitutional revision. Adkins also discusses today’s constitutional revision process, which is ongoing every 20 years and is occurring in 2017.</p><p>Florida’s political context has always been an amalgam of traditional Southern politics and the emergent commercial and tourism-based economy of a coastal state. Adkin’s book illuminates how these conditions produced political conflict and constitutional change.</p><p><br></p><p>Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3654</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=64869]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2547813996.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>John Bohrer, “The Revolution of Robert Kennedy: From Power to Protest after JFK” (Bloomsbury, 2017)</title>
      <description>From the moment he entered politics as the manager of John F. Kennedy’s 1952 Senate campaign, Robert Kennedy’s political career was subsumed into that of his older brother. With President Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 his grief-stricken younger brother suddenly found himself unmoored politically. In The Revolution of Robert Kennedy: From Power to Protest after JFK (Bloomsbury Press, 2017), John Bohrer describes how Robert Kennedy came into his own in the years that followed. Now bearing the weight of a nation’s expectations, Robert faced both the pressure to uphold his brother’s legacy and the hostility of the new president. With Lyndon Johnson forestalling any effort to make Robert his running mate in 1964, Kennedy focused his aspirations instead on the United States Senate, winning a seat in New York against a popular incumbent. As Bohrer demonstrates, once in the Senate Kennedy quickly emerged as a political leader in his own right, as he used his outsized prominence to address the issues that mattered most to him.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 25 May 2017 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d3469d22-c009-11ec-87da-33516c359216/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>From the moment he entered politics as the manager of John F. Kennedy’s 1952 Senate campaign, Robert Kennedy’s political career was subsumed into that of his older brother. With President Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 his grief-stricken youn...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>From the moment he entered politics as the manager of John F. Kennedy’s 1952 Senate campaign, Robert Kennedy’s political career was subsumed into that of his older brother. With President Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 his grief-stricken younger brother suddenly found himself unmoored politically. In The Revolution of Robert Kennedy: From Power to Protest after JFK (Bloomsbury Press, 2017), John Bohrer describes how Robert Kennedy came into his own in the years that followed. Now bearing the weight of a nation’s expectations, Robert faced both the pressure to uphold his brother’s legacy and the hostility of the new president. With Lyndon Johnson forestalling any effort to make Robert his running mate in 1964, Kennedy focused his aspirations instead on the United States Senate, winning a seat in New York against a popular incumbent. As Bohrer demonstrates, once in the Senate Kennedy quickly emerged as a political leader in his own right, as he used his outsized prominence to address the issues that mattered most to him.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>From the moment he entered politics as the manager of John F. Kennedy’s 1952 Senate campaign, Robert Kennedy’s political career was subsumed into that of his older brother. With President Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963 his grief-stricken younger brother suddenly found himself unmoored politically. In<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1608199649/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> The Revolution of Robert Kennedy: From Power to Protest after JFK</a> (<a href="http://www.bloomsbury.com/us/the-revolution-of-robert-kennedy-9781608199648/">Bloomsbury Press</a>, 2017), <a href="https://www.johnrbohrer.com/">John Bohrer</a> describes how Robert Kennedy came into his own in the years that followed. Now bearing the weight of a nation’s expectations, Robert faced both the pressure to uphold his brother’s legacy and the hostility of the new president. With Lyndon Johnson forestalling any effort to make Robert his running mate in 1964, Kennedy focused his aspirations instead on the United States Senate, winning a seat in New York against a popular incumbent. As Bohrer demonstrates, once in the Senate Kennedy quickly emerged as a political leader in his own right, as he used his outsized prominence to address the issues that mattered most to him.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3768</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=64756]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2563511264.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Dean Kotlowski, “Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR” (Indiana UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>One of the rising stars in American politics during the 1930s was Paul Vories McNutt. As governor of Indiana, McNutt refashioned the state government to address its citizens needs during the Great Depression, and was seen by many of his contemporaries as a future president of the United States. Yet McNutt never attained this goal, and his political career ended barely a decade and a half after it began. In Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR (Indiana University Press, 2015), Dean Kotlowski recounts McNutt’s life and career, explaining both his many achievements and how his ultimate ambitions were frustrated. The son of a small-town Indiana lawyer, as a young man McNutt distinguished himself academically and socially, and after serving in the army during World War I he assumed leadership positions at both Indiana University and in the American Legion. As a Democrat, he won the governorship in the 1932 election, and over the course of his term he won plaudits for his effectiveness in the office. Yet afterward his ascent stalled, as his potential rivals steered him towards service as high commissioner in the Philippines in order to sideline him. McNutt returned in time to pursue the Democratic Party’s 1940 presidential nomination, but Franklin Roosevelt’s decision to run for a third term ended both McNutt’s hopes for it and what proved his best chance to become president. Though McNutt continued to serve in key offices throughout World War II, these lower-profile posts led to his eclipse politically and his abandonment of politics soon after.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 02 Apr 2017 19:39:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/95f0c66e-c009-11ec-b50c-af1798c5aa5b/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>One of the rising stars in American politics during the 1930s was Paul Vories McNutt. As governor of Indiana, McNutt refashioned the state government to address its citizens needs during the Great Depression,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>One of the rising stars in American politics during the 1930s was Paul Vories McNutt. As governor of Indiana, McNutt refashioned the state government to address its citizens needs during the Great Depression, and was seen by many of his contemporaries as a future president of the United States. Yet McNutt never attained this goal, and his political career ended barely a decade and a half after it began. In Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR (Indiana University Press, 2015), Dean Kotlowski recounts McNutt’s life and career, explaining both his many achievements and how his ultimate ambitions were frustrated. The son of a small-town Indiana lawyer, as a young man McNutt distinguished himself academically and socially, and after serving in the army during World War I he assumed leadership positions at both Indiana University and in the American Legion. As a Democrat, he won the governorship in the 1932 election, and over the course of his term he won plaudits for his effectiveness in the office. Yet afterward his ascent stalled, as his potential rivals steered him towards service as high commissioner in the Philippines in order to sideline him. McNutt returned in time to pursue the Democratic Party’s 1940 presidential nomination, but Franklin Roosevelt’s decision to run for a third term ended both McNutt’s hopes for it and what proved his best chance to become president. Though McNutt continued to serve in key offices throughout World War II, these lower-profile posts led to his eclipse politically and his abandonment of politics soon after.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>One of the rising stars in American politics during the 1930s was Paul Vories McNutt. As governor of Indiana, McNutt refashioned the state government to address its citizens needs during the Great Depression, and was seen by many of his contemporaries as a future president of the United States. Yet McNutt never attained this goal, and his political career ended barely a decade and a half after it began. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0253014689/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Paul V. McNutt and the Age of FDR</a> (Indiana University Press, 2015), <a href="http://www.salisbury.edu/history/faculty.html">Dean Kotlowski</a> recounts McNutt’s life and career, explaining both his many achievements and how his ultimate ambitions were frustrated. The son of a small-town Indiana lawyer, as a young man McNutt distinguished himself academically and socially, and after serving in the army during World War I he assumed leadership positions at both Indiana University and in the American Legion. As a Democrat, he won the governorship in the 1932 election, and over the course of his term he won plaudits for his effectiveness in the office. Yet afterward his ascent stalled, as his potential rivals steered him towards service as high commissioner in the Philippines in order to sideline him. McNutt returned in time to pursue the Democratic Party’s 1940 presidential nomination, but Franklin Roosevelt’s decision to run for a third term ended both McNutt’s hopes for it and what proved his best chance to become president. Though McNutt continued to serve in key offices throughout World War II, these lower-profile posts led to his eclipse politically and his abandonment of politics soon after.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3022</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=63715]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9036517286.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Garrison Nelson, “John William McCormack: A Political Biography” (Bloomsbury Academic, 2017)</title>
      <description>John William McCormack served as Speaker of the House of Representatives throughout most of the 1960s, during which time he shepherded the legislation of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program through the chamber. As Garrison Nelson demonstrates in John William McCormack: A Political Biography (Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), this was the culmination of a long political career that stretched back over a half-century to the impoverished South Boston neighborhood where McCormack was raised. There, in an environment where ethnic and class identities defined ones political prospects, McCormack covered up his father’s Scots Canadian heritage to establish his Irish Catholic bona fides. First elected to the House of Representatives in 1928, he was well positioned to benefit from the dramatic transformation in the fortunes of the Democratic Party during the Great Depression, becoming the House Majority Leader. As Nelson demonstrates, it was McCormack’s personal relationships which shaped his career, most notably those with Sam Rayburn, the legendary Speaker alongside whom McCormack would serve in the House leadership for over two decades, and John F. Kennedy, the scion of two Boston political families and a man who often found himself at odds with the longtime Congressman.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 16 Mar 2017 21:39:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/b5f1adca-c009-11ec-942a-d7ff5a099bc9/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>John William McCormack served as Speaker of the House of Representatives throughout most of the 1960s, during which time he shepherded the legislation of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program through the chamber.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>John William McCormack served as Speaker of the House of Representatives throughout most of the 1960s, during which time he shepherded the legislation of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program through the chamber. As Garrison Nelson demonstrates in John William McCormack: A Political Biography (Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), this was the culmination of a long political career that stretched back over a half-century to the impoverished South Boston neighborhood where McCormack was raised. There, in an environment where ethnic and class identities defined ones political prospects, McCormack covered up his father’s Scots Canadian heritage to establish his Irish Catholic bona fides. First elected to the House of Representatives in 1928, he was well positioned to benefit from the dramatic transformation in the fortunes of the Democratic Party during the Great Depression, becoming the House Majority Leader. As Nelson demonstrates, it was McCormack’s personal relationships which shaped his career, most notably those with Sam Rayburn, the legendary Speaker alongside whom McCormack would serve in the House leadership for over two decades, and John F. Kennedy, the scion of two Boston political families and a man who often found himself at odds with the longtime Congressman.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>John William McCormack served as Speaker of the House of Representatives throughout most of the 1960s, during which time he shepherded the legislation of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society program through the chamber. As <a href="https://www.uvm.edu/~polisci/?Page=GarrisonNelson.php">Garrison Nelson</a> demonstrates in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1628925167/?tag=newbooinhis-20">John William McCormack: A Political Biography </a>(Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), this was the culmination of a long political career that stretched back over a half-century to the impoverished South Boston neighborhood where McCormack was raised. There, in an environment where ethnic and class identities defined ones political prospects, McCormack covered up his father’s Scots Canadian heritage to establish his Irish Catholic bona fides. First elected to the House of Representatives in 1928, he was well positioned to benefit from the dramatic transformation in the fortunes of the Democratic Party during the Great Depression, becoming the House Majority Leader. As Nelson demonstrates, it was McCormack’s personal relationships which shaped his career, most notably those with Sam Rayburn, the legendary Speaker alongside whom McCormack would serve in the House leadership for over two decades, and John F. Kennedy, the scion of two Boston political families and a man who often found himself at odds with the longtime Congressman.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4438</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=63289]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1837293617.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kathleen Dolan, “When Does Gender Matter? Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections” (Oxford UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>Does sex play a determinative role in political contests? Recognising the dual political realities of voters holding gender stereotypes and female candidates achieving electoral success, Kathleen Dolan’s innovative book When Does Gender Matter? Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections (Oxford University Press, 2014) is crucial for understanding the gendered dynamics of America’s political climate. As part of the Presidential Gender Watch 2016 Syllabus, Professor Dolan’s two-wave survey methodology delves into the gendered psyche of elections by analysing the public attitudes and voter choice of over 3000 individuals. Finding that gender stereotypes in voter consciousness are present but not determinative, Dolan rewrites the conventional wisdom that stereotyped attitudes are detrimental to a woman’s electability. However, in forcing the reader to acknowledge the nexus between voter and candidate, Dolan’s data analysis extends to campaign strategy.
Based on the 2010 races for Congress and Governor, When Does Gender Matter? builds on the work of other political scientists that have found evidence of candidate emergence being gendered (Lawless and Fox 2010), and analyses every televised campaign ad of the candidates for whom the 3000 survey participants voted. In the gendered terrain between attitude and action, for both voter and candidate, Dolan’s scholarship provides a roadmap for its multi-disciplinary readership into the gendered psyche of American elections.

Taylor Fox-Smith is teaching gender studies at Macquarie University and researching the gender gap in political behaviour and psychology at the United States Studies Centre in Sydney, Australia. Having received a Bachelor of International and Global Studies with first class Honours in American Studies at the University of Sydney, Taylor was awarded the American Studies Best Thesis Award for her work titled The Lemonade Nexus. The thesis uses the theme of marital infidelity in Beyonc’s 2016 visual album Lemonade as a popular cultural narrative of institutional betrayal, and parallels it with police brutality in Baltimore city. It argues that the album provides an alternative model of political formation which can help to understand redemption in the wake of an urban uprising. Rewriting the traditional protest to politics narrative with an iterative nexus named after the album, Taylor’s research continues to straddle political science, gender studies and popular culture.
Find her on twitter @TaylorFoxSmith3.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 21 Feb 2017 18:16:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Does sex play a determinative role in political contests? Recognising the dual political realities of voters holding gender stereotypes and female candidates achieving electoral success, Kathleen Dolan’s innovative book When Does Gender Matter?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Does sex play a determinative role in political contests? Recognising the dual political realities of voters holding gender stereotypes and female candidates achieving electoral success, Kathleen Dolan’s innovative book When Does Gender Matter? Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections (Oxford University Press, 2014) is crucial for understanding the gendered dynamics of America’s political climate. As part of the Presidential Gender Watch 2016 Syllabus, Professor Dolan’s two-wave survey methodology delves into the gendered psyche of elections by analysing the public attitudes and voter choice of over 3000 individuals. Finding that gender stereotypes in voter consciousness are present but not determinative, Dolan rewrites the conventional wisdom that stereotyped attitudes are detrimental to a woman’s electability. However, in forcing the reader to acknowledge the nexus between voter and candidate, Dolan’s data analysis extends to campaign strategy.
Based on the 2010 races for Congress and Governor, When Does Gender Matter? builds on the work of other political scientists that have found evidence of candidate emergence being gendered (Lawless and Fox 2010), and analyses every televised campaign ad of the candidates for whom the 3000 survey participants voted. In the gendered terrain between attitude and action, for both voter and candidate, Dolan’s scholarship provides a roadmap for its multi-disciplinary readership into the gendered psyche of American elections.

Taylor Fox-Smith is teaching gender studies at Macquarie University and researching the gender gap in political behaviour and psychology at the United States Studies Centre in Sydney, Australia. Having received a Bachelor of International and Global Studies with first class Honours in American Studies at the University of Sydney, Taylor was awarded the American Studies Best Thesis Award for her work titled The Lemonade Nexus. The thesis uses the theme of marital infidelity in Beyonc’s 2016 visual album Lemonade as a popular cultural narrative of institutional betrayal, and parallels it with police brutality in Baltimore city. It argues that the album provides an alternative model of political formation which can help to understand redemption in the wake of an urban uprising. Rewriting the traditional protest to politics narrative with an iterative nexus named after the album, Taylor’s research continues to straddle political science, gender studies and popular culture.
Find her on twitter @TaylorFoxSmith3.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Does sex play a determinative role in political contests? Recognising the dual political realities of voters holding gender stereotypes and female candidates achieving electoral success, Kathleen Dolan’s innovative book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199968284/?tag=newbooinhis-20">When Does Gender Matter? Women Candidates and Gender Stereotypes in American Elections </a>(Oxford University Press, 2014) is crucial for understanding the gendered dynamics of America’s political climate. As part of the Presidential Gender Watch 2016 Syllabus, <a href="https://uwm.edu/political-science/people/dolan-kathleen/">Professor Dolan’s</a> two-wave survey methodology delves into the gendered psyche of elections by analysing the public attitudes and voter choice of over 3000 individuals. Finding that gender stereotypes in voter consciousness are present but not determinative, Dolan rewrites the conventional wisdom that stereotyped attitudes are detrimental to a woman’s electability. However, in forcing the reader to acknowledge the nexus between voter and candidate, Dolan’s data analysis extends to campaign strategy.</p><p>Based on the 2010 races for Congress and Governor, When Does Gender Matter? builds on the work of other political scientists that have found evidence of candidate emergence being gendered (<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Still-Takes-Candidate-Women-Office/dp/0521179246/ref=mt_paperback?_encoding=UTF8&amp;me=">Lawless and Fox 2010</a>), and analyses every televised campaign ad of the candidates for whom the 3000 survey participants voted. In the gendered terrain between attitude and action, for both voter and candidate, Dolan’s scholarship provides a roadmap for its multi-disciplinary readership into the gendered psyche of American elections.</p><p><br></p><p>Taylor Fox-Smith is teaching gender studies at Macquarie University and researching the gender gap in political behaviour and psychology at the United States Studies Centre in Sydney, Australia. Having received a Bachelor of International and Global Studies with first class Honours in American Studies at the University of Sydney, Taylor was awarded the American Studies Best Thesis Award for her work titled The Lemonade Nexus. The thesis uses the theme of marital infidelity in Beyonc’s 2016 visual album Lemonade as a popular cultural narrative of institutional betrayal, and parallels it with police brutality in Baltimore city. It argues that the album provides an alternative model of political formation which can help to understand redemption in the wake of an urban uprising. Rewriting the traditional protest to politics narrative with an iterative nexus named after the album, Taylor’s research continues to straddle political science, gender studies and popular culture.</p><p>Find her on twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/TaylorFoxSmith3">@TaylorFoxSmith3</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2722</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=62803]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5115483013.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Anna Law, “The Immigration Battle in American Courts” (Cambridge UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>With public debate about immigration law and policy at a peak, Anna Law is on the podcast this week to discuss her book The Immigration Battle in American Courts (Cambridge University Press, 2014) which came out in paperback in 2014. Law is the Associate Professor and Herb Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights Political Science at Brooklyn College, CUNY.
In the book, Law assesses the role of the federal courts in immigration going back to the late 18th century. She follows the institutional evolution of the Supreme Court and the US Courts of Appeals through the early 2000s as new waves of immigrants arrive in the country. What she discovers is that by the turn of the 20th century, a division of labor developed between the two courts as the Courts of Appeals retained its original function as error-correction courts, and the Supreme Court was reserved for the most important policy and political questions. We ended our conversation about the book by reflecting on how the courts may treat the Trump administration executive order on immigration.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 Feb 2017 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With public debate about immigration law and policy at a peak, Anna Law is on the podcast this week to discuss her book The Immigration Battle in American Courts (Cambridge University Press, 2014) which came out in paperback in 2014.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With public debate about immigration law and policy at a peak, Anna Law is on the podcast this week to discuss her book The Immigration Battle in American Courts (Cambridge University Press, 2014) which came out in paperback in 2014. Law is the Associate Professor and Herb Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights Political Science at Brooklyn College, CUNY.
In the book, Law assesses the role of the federal courts in immigration going back to the late 18th century. She follows the institutional evolution of the Supreme Court and the US Courts of Appeals through the early 2000s as new waves of immigrants arrive in the country. What she discovers is that by the turn of the 20th century, a division of labor developed between the two courts as the Courts of Appeals retained its original function as error-correction courts, and the Supreme Court was reserved for the most important policy and political questions. We ended our conversation about the book by reflecting on how the courts may treat the Trump administration executive order on immigration.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With public debate about immigration law and policy at a peak, <a href="http://www.brooklyn.cuny.edu/web/academics/faculty/faculty_profile.jsp?faculty=1114">Anna Law</a> is on the podcast this week to discuss her book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107617936/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Immigration Battle in American Courts</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2014) which came out in paperback in 2014. Law is the Associate Professor and Herb Kurz Chair in Constitutional Rights Political Science at Brooklyn College, CUNY.</p><p>In the book, Law assesses the role of the federal courts in immigration going back to the late 18th century. She follows the institutional evolution of the Supreme Court and the US Courts of Appeals through the early 2000s as new waves of immigrants arrive in the country. What she discovers is that by the turn of the 20th century, a division of labor developed between the two courts as the Courts of Appeals retained its original function as error-correction courts, and the Supreme Court was reserved for the most important policy and political questions. We ended our conversation about the book by reflecting on how the courts may treat the Trump administration executive order on immigration.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1133</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=62637]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7640977556.mp3?updated=1543613767" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Carol Hardy-Fanta and Dianne Pinderhughes, “Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America” (Cambridge UP, 2017)</title>
      <description>This week on the podcast, I speak with Carol Hardy-Fanta and Dianne Pinderhughes, the co-authors (along with Pei-te Lien and Christine Marie Sierra) of Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Hardy-Fanta is Senior Fellow at the John W. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston; Pinderhughes is University of Notre Dame Presidential Faculty Fellow as well as Professor in the Departments of Political Science and Africana Studies, and chair of the department of Africana Studies.
Based on comprehensive data from the Gender and Multicultural Leadership (GMCL) National Database and Survey, Contested Transformations provides a baseline portrait of Black, Latino, Asian American, and American Indian elected officials at national, state, and local levels of government. The book presents a complex picture of office holders across race and gender groups and the various backgrounds, paths to public office, leadership roles, and policy positions. The authors argue that the advances in political leadership by people of color are transforming American politics, but these gains have been hard fought and struggles for equality continue.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Feb 2017 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week on the podcast, I speak with Carol Hardy-Fanta and Dianne Pinderhughes, the co-authors (along with Pei-te Lien and Christine Marie Sierra) of Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America (Cambridge ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on the podcast, I speak with Carol Hardy-Fanta and Dianne Pinderhughes, the co-authors (along with Pei-te Lien and Christine Marie Sierra) of Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Hardy-Fanta is Senior Fellow at the John W. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston; Pinderhughes is University of Notre Dame Presidential Faculty Fellow as well as Professor in the Departments of Political Science and Africana Studies, and chair of the department of Africana Studies.
Based on comprehensive data from the Gender and Multicultural Leadership (GMCL) National Database and Survey, Contested Transformations provides a baseline portrait of Black, Latino, Asian American, and American Indian elected officials at national, state, and local levels of government. The book presents a complex picture of office holders across race and gender groups and the various backgrounds, paths to public office, leadership roles, and policy positions. The authors argue that the advances in political leadership by people of color are transforming American politics, but these gains have been hard fought and struggles for equality continue.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on the podcast, I speak with Carol Hardy-Fanta and Dianne Pinderhughes, the co-authors (along with Pei-te Lien and Christine Marie Sierra) of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/052114454X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Contested Transformation: Race, Gender, and Political Leadership in 21st Century America</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2017). <a href="https://www.umb.edu/academics/mgs/faculty/carol_hardy_fanta">Hardy-Fanta</a> is Senior Fellow at the John W. McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston; <a href="http://politicalscience.nd.edu/faculty/faculty-list/dianne-pinderhughes/">Pinderhughes</a> is University of Notre Dame Presidential Faculty Fellow as well as Professor in the Departments of Political Science and Africana Studies, and chair of the department of Africana Studies.</p><p>Based on comprehensive data from the Gender and Multicultural Leadership (GMCL) National Database and Survey, Contested Transformations provides a baseline portrait of Black, Latino, Asian American, and American Indian elected officials at national, state, and local levels of government. The book presents a complex picture of office holders across race and gender groups and the various backgrounds, paths to public office, leadership roles, and policy positions. The authors argue that the advances in political leadership by people of color are transforming American politics, but these gains have been hard fought and struggles for equality continue.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1692</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=62591]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4791058525.mp3?updated=1543613766" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Paul Pedisich, “Congress Buys a Navy: Politics, Economics, and the Rise of American Naval Power, 1881-1921” (Naval Institute Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>In the forty years between 1881 and 1921, the United States Navy went from a small force focused on coastal defense to one of the world’s largest fleets. In Congress Buys a Navy: Politics, Economics, and the Rise of American Naval Power, 1881-1921 (Naval Institute Press, 2016), Paul Pedisich describes the role that the legislative branch played in making this happen. At the start of the period, the Navy possessed a more decentralized organization than today, with the bureau chiefs who ran it more responsive to Congress than the executive branch. The legislators who played critical roles in shaping policy during this period were often driven more by local concerns than any overarching vision of what the Navy should become. Starting in the 1880s, however, successive presidential administrations gradually persuaded Congress to provide more funding to build modern ships. Over time, America’s growing engagement in global affairs led to the expansion of the navy, as the acquisition of an overseas empire brought the United States into competition with European powers, which required a naval force that could defend the increasing number of American interests abroad.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 30 Jan 2017 20:50:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/bbccc578-c017-11ec-86d6-4b09bcf4204e/image/militaryhistory1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In the forty years between 1881 and 1921, the United States Navy went from a small force focused on coastal defense to one of the world’s largest fleets. In Congress Buys a Navy: Politics, Economics, and the Rise of American Naval Power,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In the forty years between 1881 and 1921, the United States Navy went from a small force focused on coastal defense to one of the world’s largest fleets. In Congress Buys a Navy: Politics, Economics, and the Rise of American Naval Power, 1881-1921 (Naval Institute Press, 2016), Paul Pedisich describes the role that the legislative branch played in making this happen. At the start of the period, the Navy possessed a more decentralized organization than today, with the bureau chiefs who ran it more responsive to Congress than the executive branch. The legislators who played critical roles in shaping policy during this period were often driven more by local concerns than any overarching vision of what the Navy should become. Starting in the 1880s, however, successive presidential administrations gradually persuaded Congress to provide more funding to build modern ships. Over time, America’s growing engagement in global affairs led to the expansion of the navy, as the acquisition of an overseas empire brought the United States into competition with European powers, which required a naval force that could defend the increasing number of American interests abroad.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the forty years between 1881 and 1921, the United States Navy went from a small force focused on coastal defense to one of the world’s largest fleets. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1682470776/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Congress Buys a Navy: Politics, Economics, and the Rise of American Naval Power, 1881-1921</a> (Naval Institute Press, 2016), <a href="http://www.usni.org/author/paul-e-pedisich">Paul Pedisich</a> describes the role that the legislative branch played in making this happen. At the start of the period, the Navy possessed a more decentralized organization than today, with the bureau chiefs who ran it more responsive to Congress than the executive branch. The legislators who played critical roles in shaping policy during this period were often driven more by local concerns than any overarching vision of what the Navy should become. Starting in the 1880s, however, successive presidential administrations gradually persuaded Congress to provide more funding to build modern ships. Over time, America’s growing engagement in global affairs led to the expansion of the navy, as the acquisition of an overseas empire brought the United States into competition with European powers, which required a naval force that could defend the increasing number of American interests abroad.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4225</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>yes</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=62482]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5494975212.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert Lacey, “Pragmatic Conservatism: Edmund Burke and His American Heirs” (Palgrave MacMillan, 2016)</title>
      <description>With Republicans in control of Washington, many suspect that conservatism is on the ascent. Others are wondering what conservatism even means in 2016. In which version of conservatism does President-Elect Donald J. Trump believe? How would Trump answer the question that David Brooks posed to Barack Obama about Edmund Burke before he became president?
Robert Lacey’s new book, Pragmatic Conservatism: Edmund Burke and His American Heirs (Palgrave MacMillan, 2016), offers the start of an answer. Lacey is associate professor of political science at Iona College. He has previous written American Pragmatism and Democratic Faith. His new book argues for Burke as a pragmatist and more closely aligned with the current philosophy of many liberals than movement conservatives. In order to make this case, Lacey compares Burke to Walter Lippmann, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Peter Viereck, the American heirs.
As Donald Trump ascends to the presidency, Lacey’s book should be read to understand whether business pragmatism of the new president resembles the conservative pragmatism of Burke or something altogether different.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Dec 2016 11:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With Republicans in control of Washington, many suspect that conservatism is on the ascent. Others are wondering what conservatism even means in 2016. In which version of conservatism does President-Elect Donald J. Trump believe?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With Republicans in control of Washington, many suspect that conservatism is on the ascent. Others are wondering what conservatism even means in 2016. In which version of conservatism does President-Elect Donald J. Trump believe? How would Trump answer the question that David Brooks posed to Barack Obama about Edmund Burke before he became president?
Robert Lacey’s new book, Pragmatic Conservatism: Edmund Burke and His American Heirs (Palgrave MacMillan, 2016), offers the start of an answer. Lacey is associate professor of political science at Iona College. He has previous written American Pragmatism and Democratic Faith. His new book argues for Burke as a pragmatist and more closely aligned with the current philosophy of many liberals than movement conservatives. In order to make this case, Lacey compares Burke to Walter Lippmann, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Peter Viereck, the American heirs.
As Donald Trump ascends to the presidency, Lacey’s book should be read to understand whether business pragmatism of the new president resembles the conservative pragmatism of Burke or something altogether different.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With Republicans in control of Washington, many suspect that conservatism is on the ascent. Others are wondering what conservatism even means in 2016. In which version of conservatism does President-Elect Donald J. Trump believe? How would Trump answer the question that David Brooks posed to Barack Obama about Edmund Burke before he became president?</p><p>Robert Lacey’s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1349949035/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Pragmatic Conservatism: Edmund Burke and His American Heirs</a> (Palgrave MacMillan, 2016), offers the start of an answer. <a href="https://sites.google.com/site/robertjameslacey/home">Lacey</a> is associate professor of political science at Iona College. He has previous written American Pragmatism and Democratic Faith. His new book argues for Burke as a pragmatist and more closely aligned with the current philosophy of many liberals than movement conservatives. In order to make this case, Lacey compares Burke to Walter Lippmann, Reinhold Niebuhr, and Peter Viereck, the American heirs.</p><p>As Donald Trump ascends to the presidency, Lacey’s book should be read to understand whether business pragmatism of the new president resembles the conservative pragmatism of Burke or something altogether different.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1299</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=61739]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3067734152.mp3?updated=1543613762" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher Faricy, “Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States” (Cambridge UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Nov 2016 16:46:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.maxwell.syr.edu/psc/Faricy,_Christopher/">Christopher Faricy</a> makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107498406/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/">Stephen Pimpare</a> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3301</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=61300]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher Faricy, “Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States” (Cambridge UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 12 Nov 2016 16:46:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christopher Faricy makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.

Stephen Pimpare is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.maxwell.syr.edu/psc/Faricy,_Christopher/">Christopher Faricy</a> makes a return visit to New Books Network for Part II of a conversation about <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107498406/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Welfare for the Wealthy: Parties, Social Spending, and Inequality in the United States</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2016) and the ways in which the U.S. welfare state is configured to obscure its real beneficiaries. We’ll also talk with Prof. Faricy about what a Trump Presidency and unified Republican control of Congress might mean for tax policy, social spending, and inequality.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.stephenpimpare.com/">Stephen Pimpare</a> is Senior Lecturer in the Politics &amp; Society Program and Faculty Fellow at the Carsey School of Public Policy at the University of New Hampshire. He is the author of The New Victorians (New Press, 2004), A People’s History of Poverty in America (New Press, 2008), winner of the Michael Harrington Award, and Ghettos, Tramps and Welfare Queens: Down and Out on the Silver Screen (Oxford, 2017).</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3171</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=61300]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>J. Kevin Corder and Christina Wolbrecht, “Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal” (Cambridge UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>On the eve of the 2016 election, it is worth reflecting on the history of women’s voting. Up to this weighty task is a new book by J. Kevin Corder and Christina Wolbrecht. They are the authors of Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Corder is professor of political science at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo and Wolbrecht is associate professor of political science and director of the Rooney Center for the Study of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame. Textbooks have long given scant details of how the first women voters turned out at the polls. Corder and Wolbrecht compile new data and methods to provide nuance and detail to this issue. What they find is that women’s voting patterns varied greatly by political context. Where women lived, the parties they supported, and the competitiveness of elections related to strongly to turn out. Because context mattered so much, women intensified partisan differences in some parts of the country, while they introduced dramatic new dynamics in others.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Nov 2016 11:05:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>On the eve of the 2016 election, it is worth reflecting on the history of women’s voting. Up to this weighty task is a new book by J. Kevin Corder and Christina Wolbrecht. They are the authors of Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage th...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>On the eve of the 2016 election, it is worth reflecting on the history of women’s voting. Up to this weighty task is a new book by J. Kevin Corder and Christina Wolbrecht. They are the authors of Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Deal (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Corder is professor of political science at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo and Wolbrecht is associate professor of political science and director of the Rooney Center for the Study of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame. Textbooks have long given scant details of how the first women voters turned out at the polls. Corder and Wolbrecht compile new data and methods to provide nuance and detail to this issue. What they find is that women’s voting patterns varied greatly by political context. Where women lived, the parties they supported, and the competitiveness of elections related to strongly to turn out. Because context mattered so much, women intensified partisan differences in some parts of the country, while they introduced dramatic new dynamics in others.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>On the eve of the 2016 election, it is worth reflecting on the history of women’s voting. Up to this weighty task is a new book by <a href="http://homepages.wmich.edu/~corder/">J. Kevin Corder</a> and <a href="http://politicalscience.nd.edu/faculty/faculty-list/christina-wolbrecht/">Christina Wolbrecht</a>. They are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1316505871/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Counting Women’s Ballots: Female Voters from Suffrage through the New Dea</a>l (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Corder is professor of political science at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo and Wolbrecht is associate professor of political science and director of the Rooney Center for the Study of American Democracy at the University of Notre Dame. Textbooks have long given scant details of how the first women voters turned out at the polls. Corder and Wolbrecht compile new data and methods to provide nuance and detail to this issue. What they find is that women’s voting patterns varied greatly by political context. Where women lived, the parties they supported, and the competitiveness of elections related to strongly to turn out. Because context mattered so much, women intensified partisan differences in some parts of the country, while they introduced dramatic new dynamics in others.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1535</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=61207]]></guid>
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      <title>Alison N. Novak, “Media, Millennials, and Politics: The Coming of Age of the Next Political Generation” (Lexington Books, 2016)</title>
      <description>The millennial generation (those born from 1980 through the beginning of the 21st century) now comprises the largest voting bloc in the American electorate. In Media, Millennials, and Politics: The Coming of Age of the Next Political Generation (Lexington Books, 2016), Alison N. Novak argues that these 50 million young citizens are misunderstood, marginalized and sometimes overtly insulted by the news media. Writers, newscasters and pundits label them “apathetic, uninvolved and entitled,” while ignoring clear evidence that many millennials are deeply concerned about the course of the nation. Novak examines coverage of millennials in cable television and online news, finding that journalists often substitute stereotypes and rhetorical shortcuts for rigorous examination of how members of this generation think and act. She concludes by calling the media to task and demanding that it present a fuller, more nuanced picture of a group that will soon inherit the reins of power in the United States.

James Kates is an Associate Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.
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      <pubDate>Sun, 06 Nov 2016 22:06:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The millennial generation (those born from 1980 through the beginning of the 21st century) now comprises the largest voting bloc in the American electorate. In Media, Millennials, and Politics: The Coming of Age of the Next Political Generation (Lexing...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The millennial generation (those born from 1980 through the beginning of the 21st century) now comprises the largest voting bloc in the American electorate. In Media, Millennials, and Politics: The Coming of Age of the Next Political Generation (Lexington Books, 2016), Alison N. Novak argues that these 50 million young citizens are misunderstood, marginalized and sometimes overtly insulted by the news media. Writers, newscasters and pundits label them “apathetic, uninvolved and entitled,” while ignoring clear evidence that many millennials are deeply concerned about the course of the nation. Novak examines coverage of millennials in cable television and online news, finding that journalists often substitute stereotypes and rhetorical shortcuts for rigorous examination of how members of this generation think and act. She concludes by calling the media to task and demanding that it present a fuller, more nuanced picture of a group that will soon inherit the reins of power in the United States.

James Kates is an Associate Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The millennial generation (those born from 1980 through the beginning of the 21st century) now comprises the largest voting bloc in the American electorate. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1498522440/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Media, Millennials, and Politics: The Coming of Age of the Next Political Generation </a>(Lexington Books, 2016), <a href="https://alisontheprofessor.com/">Alison N. Novak</a> argues that these 50 million young citizens are misunderstood, marginalized and sometimes overtly insulted by the news media. Writers, newscasters and pundits label them “apathetic, uninvolved and entitled,” while ignoring clear evidence that many millennials are deeply concerned about the course of the nation. Novak examines coverage of millennials in cable television and online news, finding that journalists often substitute stereotypes and rhetorical shortcuts for rigorous examination of how members of this generation think and act. She concludes by calling the media to task and demanding that it present a fuller, more nuanced picture of a group that will soon inherit the reins of power in the United States.</p><p><br></p><p><a href="http://www.uww.edu/cac/directory/profile?id=katesj&amp;dept=N231200&amp;menu=">James Kates</a> is an Associate Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. He has worked as an editor at The Philadelphia Inquirer, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and other publications.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1781</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=61196]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7810334126.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Matthew MacWilliams, “The Rise of Trump: America’s Authoritarian Spring” (Amherst College Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>NB: Because Amherst College Press is open-access, this book is available free for download here.
Just when I thought I had a pretty good handle on the ways and means of American politics, Donald Trump “happened.” I watched with amazement as he insulted just about every establishment figure in the US–including the untouchable war-hero and senator John McCain!–and alienated large swathes of the American electorate–hispanics, women, people who think it’s important to be polite. And yet he rose; millions of right-thinking Americans continued to vote for him through the primaries and support him after he won them. Every time I said, “Well, that’s it, his run is over,” he trundled on, accompanied by a devoted, Trump-loving “base.”
I don’t think I’m alone in my confusion about the Trump phenomenon, and I don’t think I’m alone in wanting to know how Trump did what he did. Happily, the political scientist Matthew MacWilliams provides some answers in his excellent, short book The Rise of Trump: America’s Authoritarian Spring (Amherst College Press, 2016). What’s especially nice about MacWilliam’s work is that it’s based on evidence and logic, not partisanship and vitriol. What MacWilliams discovered is, well, surprising: there are, he shows, a goodly number of Americans who possess values that can only really be be called “Authoritarian,” and those Americans who have these values overwhelming support Trump. What’s most interesting is that these values were, in a sense, always there; they were, however, largely unrepresented among Americans’ political choices. Trump was, if not exactly the first (remember Pat Buchanan?), then the most expert at presenting them and “activating” the Authoritarian impulse in this reasonably large cohort of Americans. Trump uncovered or exposed Americans’ latent Authoritarianism. What the political parties will do with it now that it’s there for the taking is anybody’s guess.
 
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      <pubDate>Sat, 22 Oct 2016 10:47:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>NB: Because Amherst College Press is open-access, this book is available free for download here. Just when I thought I had a pretty good handle on the ways and means of American politics, Donald Trump “happened.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>NB: Because Amherst College Press is open-access, this book is available free for download here.
Just when I thought I had a pretty good handle on the ways and means of American politics, Donald Trump “happened.” I watched with amazement as he insulted just about every establishment figure in the US–including the untouchable war-hero and senator John McCain!–and alienated large swathes of the American electorate–hispanics, women, people who think it’s important to be polite. And yet he rose; millions of right-thinking Americans continued to vote for him through the primaries and support him after he won them. Every time I said, “Well, that’s it, his run is over,” he trundled on, accompanied by a devoted, Trump-loving “base.”
I don’t think I’m alone in my confusion about the Trump phenomenon, and I don’t think I’m alone in wanting to know how Trump did what he did. Happily, the political scientist Matthew MacWilliams provides some answers in his excellent, short book The Rise of Trump: America’s Authoritarian Spring (Amherst College Press, 2016). What’s especially nice about MacWilliam’s work is that it’s based on evidence and logic, not partisanship and vitriol. What MacWilliams discovered is, well, surprising: there are, he shows, a goodly number of Americans who possess values that can only really be be called “Authoritarian,” and those Americans who have these values overwhelming support Trump. What’s most interesting is that these values were, in a sense, always there; they were, however, largely unrepresented among Americans’ political choices. Trump was, if not exactly the first (remember Pat Buchanan?), then the most expert at presenting them and “activating” the Authoritarian impulse in this reasonably large cohort of Americans. Trump uncovered or exposed Americans’ latent Authoritarianism. What the political parties will do with it now that it’s there for the taking is anybody’s guess.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>NB: Because Amherst College Press is open-access, this book is available free for download <a href="https://acpress.amherst.edu/the-rise-of-trump/">here</a>.</p><p>Just when I thought I had a pretty good handle on the ways and means of American politics, Donald Trump “happened.” I watched with amazement as he insulted just about every establishment figure in the US–including the untouchable war-hero and senator John McCain!–and alienated large swathes of the American electorate–hispanics, women, people who think it’s important to be polite. And yet he rose; millions of right-thinking Americans continued to vote for him through the primaries and support him after he won them. Every time I said, “Well, that’s it, his run is over,” he trundled on, accompanied by a devoted, Trump-loving “base.”</p><p>I don’t think I’m alone in my confusion about the Trump phenomenon, and I don’t think I’m alone in wanting to know how Trump did what he did. Happily, the political scientist <a href="https://polsci.umass.edu/people/matthew-c-macwilliams">Matthew MacWilliams</a> provides some answers in his excellent, short book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1943208026/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Rise of Trump: America’s Authoritarian Spring</a> (Amherst College Press, 2016). What’s especially nice about MacWilliam’s work is that it’s based on evidence and logic, not partisanship and vitriol. What MacWilliams discovered is, well, surprising: there are, he shows, a goodly number of Americans who possess values that can only really be be called “Authoritarian,” and those Americans who have these values overwhelming support Trump. What’s most interesting is that these values were, in a sense, always there; they were, however, largely unrepresented among Americans’ political choices. Trump was, if not exactly the first (remember Pat Buchanan?), then the most expert at presenting them and “activating” the Authoritarian impulse in this reasonably large cohort of Americans. Trump uncovered or exposed Americans’ latent Authoritarianism. What the political parties will do with it now that it’s there for the taking is anybody’s guess.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3011</itunes:duration>
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      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60956]]></guid>
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      <title>Frances Lee, “Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign” (U. of Chicago Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Frances Lee is the author of Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign (University of Chicago Press, 2016). Lee is professor in the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland. For much of the 20th century, Democrats were in the majority. Republicans had little chance to win back control, and Democrats had little fear of losing it. By the 1980s, things began to shift, and ever since, majority control has been on the line. The consequence of this changing political landscape is the subject of Lee’s new book. She shows how this new competition for control drives both parties to focus on undercutting the opposition. Rather than a strategy of bipartisan cooperation to win policy victories, Insecure Majorities reveals the rise of party messaging and strategic communications as the way of Congress.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 10 Oct 2016 20:39:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Frances Lee is the author of Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign (University of Chicago Press, 2016). Lee is professor in the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland. For much of the 20th century,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Frances Lee is the author of Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign (University of Chicago Press, 2016). Lee is professor in the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland. For much of the 20th century, Democrats were in the majority. Republicans had little chance to win back control, and Democrats had little fear of losing it. By the 1980s, things began to shift, and ever since, majority control has been on the line. The consequence of this changing political landscape is the subject of Lee’s new book. She shows how this new competition for control drives both parties to focus on undercutting the opposition. Rather than a strategy of bipartisan cooperation to win policy victories, Insecure Majorities reveals the rise of party messaging and strategic communications as the way of Congress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://gvpt.umd.edu/facultyprofile/Lee/Frances">Frances Lee</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022640904X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Insecure Majorities: Congress and the Perpetual Campaign</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2016). Lee is professor in the Department of Government and Politics at the University of Maryland. For much of the 20th century, Democrats were in the majority. Republicans had little chance to win back control, and Democrats had little fear of losing it. By the 1980s, things began to shift, and ever since, majority control has been on the line. The consequence of this changing political landscape is the subject of Lee’s new book. She shows how this new competition for control drives both parties to focus on undercutting the opposition. Rather than a strategy of bipartisan cooperation to win policy victories, Insecure Majorities reveals the rise of party messaging and strategic communications as the way of Congress.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1295</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60742]]></guid>
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      <title>Terri Diane Halperin, “The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution” (Johns Hopkins UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>In The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), Terri Diane Halperin has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.
Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.

Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Sep 2016 18:19:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/655c0a46-c017-11ec-81c7-cb3d05dc4058/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), Terri Diane Halperin has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in A...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), Terri Diane Halperin has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.
Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.

Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1421419696/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798: Testing the Constitution </a>(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2016), <a href="http://dailyhistory.org/The_Alien_and_Sedition_Acts_of_1798:_Interview_with_Terri_Halperin">Terri Diane Halperin</a> has provided a political history of the 1790s and explained the origins of one of the most contentious free speech events in American history. The Alien and Seditions Acts, which were actually four laws enacted in 1798, dramatically tested the principles of free speech in the young republic. Halperin explains the political origins of the controversy, which began in the earliest days the George Washington’s administration. Although the Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, George Washington, and John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans (or Jeffersonians), led by Jefferson and James Madison, had already established their differences on the national stage regarding the Constitution, foreign affairs would create further cleavages between these groups. Halperin investigates and analyzes how the French Revolution was celebrated and feared in America. When France descended into civil war and instigated European wars, the United States feared being drawn into the conflicts. The Federalists developed an affinity for Britain’s rejection of the Terror and resistance to France, while the Democratic-Republicans celebrated the promise of the French Revolution, even though most deplored the violence of the Terror. French and Irish immigrants were welcomed by the Jeffersonians and feared by the Federalists.</p><p>Halperin demonstrates how dissent against American foreign policy, usually through the many newspapers published in America, was viewed as subversive and threatening to America’s reputation and national security. The Federalists, who dominated the national government during the 1790s, conceived of federal criminal laws to quash dissent. Halperin explains how both sides had their dearly held beliefs: the Federalists thought Jeffersonian newspaper editors would encourage rebellions against federal power or foreign powers efforts to acquire land in the New World; the Jeffersonians claimed that dissent was legitimate and pointed to the First Amendment’s free speech clause as a right that allowed criticism of government. My conversation with Halperin covers all of these events and reveals the importance of the debate over free speech in the early Republic.</p><p><br></p><p>Ian J. Drake is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Law at Montclair State University. His scholarly interests include American legal and constitutional history and political theory.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3496</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60464]]></guid>
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      <title>James E. Campbell, “Polarized: Making Sense of a Divided America” (Princeton UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>James E. Campbell has written Polarized: Making Sense of a Divided America (PrincetonUniversity Press, 2016). Campbell is UB Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Buffalo, State University of New York. Are we a polarized nation or polarizing? Are voters moving to the extremes or is this just party elites growing further from each other? Campbell takes on these very timely questions in his book. He argues that polarization is real, but explaining its causes is a little more difficult. In Polarized, Campbell argues that there has been staggered partisan realignment, first by Democrats and later by Republicans. This historical pattern makes it tricky to observe polarization as it has not occurred in a neat and linear fashion.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Sep 2016 12:56:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>James E. Campbell has written Polarized: Making Sense of a Divided America (PrincetonUniversity Press, 2016). Campbell is UB Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Buffalo, State University of New York.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>James E. Campbell has written Polarized: Making Sense of a Divided America (PrincetonUniversity Press, 2016). Campbell is UB Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Buffalo, State University of New York. Are we a polarized nation or polarizing? Are voters moving to the extremes or is this just party elites growing further from each other? Campbell takes on these very timely questions in his book. He argues that polarization is real, but explaining its causes is a little more difficult. In Polarized, Campbell argues that there has been staggered partisan realignment, first by Democrats and later by Republicans. This historical pattern makes it tricky to observe polarization as it has not occurred in a neat and linear fashion.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://polsci.buffalo.edu/facultystaff/campbell/">James E. Campbell</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691172161/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Polarized: Making Sense of a Divided America</a> (PrincetonUniversity Press, 2016). Campbell is UB Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Buffalo, State University of New York. Are we a polarized nation or polarizing? Are voters moving to the extremes or is this just party elites growing further from each other? Campbell takes on these very timely questions in his book. He argues that polarization is real, but explaining its causes is a little more difficult. In Polarized, Campbell argues that there has been staggered partisan realignment, first by Democrats and later by Republicans. This historical pattern makes it tricky to observe polarization as it has not occurred in a neat and linear fashion.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1376</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60470]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4494387217.mp3?updated=1543613905" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Donald Kettl, “Escaping Jurassic Government: How to Recover America’s Lost Competence” (Brookings Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Donald Kettl is the author of Escaping Jurassic Government: How to Recover America’s Lost Competence (Brookings Press, 2016). Kettl is professor of public policy in the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland and a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution. With trust in government at all-time lows, what is there to do? Kettl’s book places our current moment into a longer history of bi-partisan commitment to effective government. In Escaping Jurassic Government, he argues that we have lost our commitment to competency, and thus have pulled from the Right and the Left for more or less government, rather than better government. Kettl suggests that there are at least four ways forward; the most optimistic direction focused on a renewed commitment to people and effective government management.
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      <pubDate>Mon, 12 Sep 2016 10:06:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Donald Kettl is the author of Escaping Jurassic Government: How to Recover America’s Lost Competence (Brookings Press, 2016). Kettl is professor of public policy in the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland and a nonresident fellow at t...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Donald Kettl is the author of Escaping Jurassic Government: How to Recover America’s Lost Competence (Brookings Press, 2016). Kettl is professor of public policy in the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland and a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution. With trust in government at all-time lows, what is there to do? Kettl’s book places our current moment into a longer history of bi-partisan commitment to effective government. In Escaping Jurassic Government, he argues that we have lost our commitment to competency, and thus have pulled from the Right and the Left for more or less government, rather than better government. Kettl suggests that there are at least four ways forward; the most optimistic direction focused on a renewed commitment to people and effective government management.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.publicpolicy.umd.edu/faculty/donald-kettl">Donald Kettl</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0815728018/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Escaping Jurassic Government: How to Recover America’s Lost Competence</a> (Brookings Press, 2016). Kettl is professor of public policy in the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland and a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution. With trust in government at all-time lows, what is there to do? Kettl’s book places our current moment into a longer history of bi-partisan commitment to effective government. In Escaping Jurassic Government, he argues that we have lost our commitment to competency, and thus have pulled from the Right and the Left for more or less government, rather than better government. Kettl suggests that there are at least four ways forward; the most optimistic direction focused on a renewed commitment to people and effective government management.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1229</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=60155]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8056094950.mp3?updated=1543613993" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Ellen Fitzpatrick, “The Highest Glass Ceiling: Women’s Quest for the American Presidency” (Harvard UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Ellen Fitzpatrick is professor of history at the University of New Hampshire. Her book The Highest Glass Ceiling: Women’s Quest for the American Presidency (Harvard University Press, 2016) provides the story of three women, out of over two hundred women, who pursued the presidency. In the nineteenth century, when women were denied the vote, the self-made Victoria Woodhull, a political and religious outsider, ran on a platform of change and reform. In the 1940s, the pragmatic Republican Margaret Chase Smith entered politics as the result of the “widow’s mandate.” She stayed in Congress for over two decades and ran for president in 1964. The Democrat Shirley Chisholm took on the double jeopardy of running as the first black woman to seek the presidency in 1972. Her grassroots base included black community activists and feminists. All three women faced structural obstacles rather than lack of grit. Hillary Clinton’s presidential run in 2008 would again challenge the American resistance to breaking the highest glass ceiling and demonstrated how much and how little the prospects for a woman president had changed.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 02 Sep 2016 20:43:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Ellen Fitzpatrick is professor of history at the University of New Hampshire. Her book The Highest Glass Ceiling: Women’s Quest for the American Presidency (Harvard University Press, 2016) provides the story of three women,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Ellen Fitzpatrick is professor of history at the University of New Hampshire. Her book The Highest Glass Ceiling: Women’s Quest for the American Presidency (Harvard University Press, 2016) provides the story of three women, out of over two hundred women, who pursued the presidency. In the nineteenth century, when women were denied the vote, the self-made Victoria Woodhull, a political and religious outsider, ran on a platform of change and reform. In the 1940s, the pragmatic Republican Margaret Chase Smith entered politics as the result of the “widow’s mandate.” She stayed in Congress for over two decades and ran for president in 1964. The Democrat Shirley Chisholm took on the double jeopardy of running as the first black woman to seek the presidency in 1972. Her grassroots base included black community activists and feminists. All three women faced structural obstacles rather than lack of grit. Hillary Clinton’s presidential run in 2008 would again challenge the American resistance to breaking the highest glass ceiling and demonstrated how much and how little the prospects for a woman president had changed.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.ellenfitzpatrick.net/bio/">Ellen Fitzpatrick</a> is professor of history at the University of New Hampshire. Her book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/067408893X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Highest Glass Ceiling: Women’s Quest for the American Presidency</a> (Harvard University Press, 2016) provides the story of three women, out of over two hundred women, who pursued the presidency. In the nineteenth century, when women were denied the vote, the self-made Victoria Woodhull, a political and religious outsider, ran on a platform of change and reform. In the 1940s, the pragmatic Republican Margaret Chase Smith entered politics as the result of the “widow’s mandate.” She stayed in Congress for over two decades and ran for president in 1964. The Democrat Shirley Chisholm took on the double jeopardy of running as the first black woman to seek the presidency in 1972. Her grassroots base included black community activists and feminists. All three women faced structural obstacles rather than lack of grit. Hillary Clinton’s presidential run in 2008 would again challenge the American resistance to breaking the highest glass ceiling and demonstrated how much and how little the prospects for a woman president had changed.</p><p><br></p><p>Lilian Calles Barger, <a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com">www.lilianbarger.com</a>, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3420</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=59843]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6119964345.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Daniel Kreiss, “Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive Campaigning and the Data of Democracy” (Oxford UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Daniel Kreiss is back on the podcast with his new book Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive Campaigning and the Data of Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2016). Kreiss is associate professor in the School of Media and Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and an affiliated fellow of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School.
Why did it take more than 20 people to write a tweet for the Romney campaign? Why did dozens of new companies emerge from recent Democratic campaigns? Prototype Politics argues that each party has adopted digital technologies in some very different ways and that these differences have had major consequences. Democrats and Republicans have had varied approaches to investing in technology and in technology expertise. Once the technology leaders, Republicans have lagged behind Democrats in recent cycles, investing smaller amounts of money overall and placing much less organization emphasis on digital strategy. It remains to be seen how these differences will shape the 2016 election, but Prototype Politics offers a fascinating account of the changing role of technology has moved to the center of campaign politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Aug 2016 10:01:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Kreiss is back on the podcast with his new book Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive Campaigning and the Data of Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2016). Kreiss is associate professor in the School of Media and Journalism at the University...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Kreiss is back on the podcast with his new book Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive Campaigning and the Data of Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2016). Kreiss is associate professor in the School of Media and Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and an affiliated fellow of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School.
Why did it take more than 20 people to write a tweet for the Romney campaign? Why did dozens of new companies emerge from recent Democratic campaigns? Prototype Politics argues that each party has adopted digital technologies in some very different ways and that these differences have had major consequences. Democrats and Republicans have had varied approaches to investing in technology and in technology expertise. Once the technology leaders, Republicans have lagged behind Democrats in recent cycles, investing smaller amounts of money overall and placing much less organization emphasis on digital strategy. It remains to be seen how these differences will shape the 2016 election, but Prototype Politics offers a fascinating account of the changing role of technology has moved to the center of campaign politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://danielkreiss.com/">Daniel Kreiss</a> is back on the podcast with his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199350256/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Prototype Politics: Technology-Intensive Campaigning and the Data of Democracy</a> (Oxford University Press, 2016). Kreiss is associate professor in the School of Media and Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and an affiliated fellow of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School.</p><p>Why did it take more than 20 people to write a tweet for the Romney campaign? Why did dozens of new companies emerge from recent Democratic campaigns? Prototype Politics argues that each party has adopted digital technologies in some very different ways and that these differences have had major consequences. Democrats and Republicans have had varied approaches to investing in technology and in technology expertise. Once the technology leaders, Republicans have lagged behind Democrats in recent cycles, investing smaller amounts of money overall and placing much less organization emphasis on digital strategy. It remains to be seen how these differences will shape the 2016 election, but Prototype Politics offers a fascinating account of the changing role of technology has moved to the center of campaign politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2033</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=59863]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4141809690.mp3?updated=1543614218" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Joel K. Goldstein, “The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden” (U. of Kansas Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Joel K. Goldstein has written The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden (University Press of Kansas, 2016). Goldstein is the Vincent C. Immel Professor of Law, Saint Louis University School of Law. Since the vice presidential choices have been made, it is time for a big book about the vice presidency. Goldstein has written that big, tracing 40 years of the evolution of this position. He focuses much of his attention on the innovative vice presidency of Walter Mondale. With the consent of President Carter, Mondale moved the office for the first time to the center of the White House, taking on a role in appointment decisions, policy, and on-going work of the president. Ever since, vice presidents have been following the Mondale model, growing the office in significance and potentially increasing the importance of who is nominated to how voters evaluate the ticket.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Aug 2016 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Joel K. Goldstein has written The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden (University Press of Kansas, 2016). Goldstein is the Vincent C. Immel Professor of Law, Saint Louis University School of Law.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Joel K. Goldstein has written The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden (University Press of Kansas, 2016). Goldstein is the Vincent C. Immel Professor of Law, Saint Louis University School of Law. Since the vice presidential choices have been made, it is time for a big book about the vice presidency. Goldstein has written that big, tracing 40 years of the evolution of this position. He focuses much of his attention on the innovative vice presidency of Walter Mondale. With the consent of President Carter, Mondale moved the office for the first time to the center of the White House, taking on a role in appointment decisions, policy, and on-going work of the president. Ever since, vice presidents have been following the Mondale model, growing the office in significance and potentially increasing the importance of who is nominated to how voters evaluate the ticket.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://law.slu.edu/people/joel-k-goldstein">Joel K. Goldstein</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700622020/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The White House Vice Presidency: The Path to Significance, Mondale to Biden</a> (University Press of Kansas, 2016). Goldstein is the Vincent C. Immel Professor of Law, Saint Louis University School of Law. Since the vice presidential choices have been made, it is time for a big book about the vice presidency. Goldstein has written that big, tracing 40 years of the evolution of this position. He focuses much of his attention on the innovative vice presidency of Walter Mondale. With the consent of President Carter, Mondale moved the office for the first time to the center of the White House, taking on a role in appointment decisions, policy, and on-going work of the president. Ever since, vice presidents have been following the Mondale model, growing the office in significance and potentially increasing the importance of who is nominated to how voters evaluate the ticket.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1240</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=59673]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8509368025.mp3?updated=1543614190" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William S. Belko, “Philip Pendleton Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court” (U. of Alabama Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Though not a household name today, Philip Pendleton Barbour was a leading political and judicial figure in antebellum America. In Philip Pendleton Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court (U. of Alabama Press, 2016), William S. Belko uses his career as an example of the political transformations of the second generation of American politicians. Born the year that America attained its independence, Barbour entered politics as a Jeffersonian Republican, championing the principles articulated by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Though out of step with the economic nationalism that predominated in the aftermath of the War of 1812, Barbour found an ally for his cause of a limited federal government in Andrew Jackson, and by the end of the 1820s he became a leader in the fight against the Bank of the United States. Though Jackson sought twice to appoint him as his attorney general, Barbour preferred a position on the federal bench, and was ultimately nominated to the Supreme Court in 1835. As Belko shows, Barbour’s service on the Court contributed to the advancement of the Jacksonian economic vision in American jurisprudence, though his premature death in 1841 came before he would have had to face as a justice the increasingly contentious issue of slavery that would shortly dominate the national discourse.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 18 Aug 2016 15:37:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/5c889c66-c00a-11ec-b0b4-4763e83bc0a3/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Though not a household name today, Philip Pendleton Barbour was a leading political and judicial figure in antebellum America. In Philip Pendleton Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court (U. of Alabama Press, 2016),</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Though not a household name today, Philip Pendleton Barbour was a leading political and judicial figure in antebellum America. In Philip Pendleton Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court (U. of Alabama Press, 2016), William S. Belko uses his career as an example of the political transformations of the second generation of American politicians. Born the year that America attained its independence, Barbour entered politics as a Jeffersonian Republican, championing the principles articulated by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Though out of step with the economic nationalism that predominated in the aftermath of the War of 1812, Barbour found an ally for his cause of a limited federal government in Andrew Jackson, and by the end of the 1820s he became a leader in the fight against the Bank of the United States. Though Jackson sought twice to appoint him as his attorney general, Barbour preferred a position on the federal bench, and was ultimately nominated to the Supreme Court in 1835. As Belko shows, Barbour’s service on the Court contributed to the advancement of the Jacksonian economic vision in American jurisprudence, though his premature death in 1841 came before he would have had to face as a justice the increasingly contentious issue of slavery that would shortly dominate the national discourse.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Though not a household name today, Philip Pendleton Barbour was a leading political and judicial figure in antebellum America. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0817319069/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Philip Pendleton Barbour in Jacksonian America: An Old Republican in King Andrew’s Court</a> (U. of Alabama Press, 2016), <a href="http://uwf.edu/cassh/departments/history/our-faculty/faculty--staff/dr-william-belko/">William S. Belko</a> uses his career as an example of the political transformations of the second generation of American politicians. Born the year that America attained its independence, Barbour entered politics as a Jeffersonian Republican, championing the principles articulated by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. Though out of step with the economic nationalism that predominated in the aftermath of the War of 1812, Barbour found an ally for his cause of a limited federal government in Andrew Jackson, and by the end of the 1820s he became a leader in the fight against the Bank of the United States. Though Jackson sought twice to appoint him as his attorney general, Barbour preferred a position on the federal bench, and was ultimately nominated to the Supreme Court in 1835. As Belko shows, Barbour’s service on the Court contributed to the advancement of the Jacksonian economic vision in American jurisprudence, though his premature death in 1841 came before he would have had to face as a justice the increasingly contentious issue of slavery that would shortly dominate the national discourse.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2808</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=59665]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1854920188.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Zachary Roth, “The Great Suppression: Voting Rights, Corporate Cash, and the Conservative Assault on Democracy” (Crown, 2016)</title>
      <description>This week we feature two new books on the podcast, both about corporate power. First, Zachary Roth has written The Great Suppression: Voting Rights, Corporate Cash, and the Conservative Assault on Democracy (Crown, 2016). Roth is a national reporter for MSNBC. Next, Ciara Torres-Spelliscy is the author of Corporate Citizen? An Argument for the Separation of Corporation and State (Carolina Academic Press, 2016). She is an associate professor of law at Stetson University College of Law and a Fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law. The two books look at the state of the democracy, Roth from the perspective of a reporter covering voting rights issues in state and local government, and Torres-Spelliscy from the perspective of the constitution. Together, these two books address whether corporate power has grown too strong and whether reforms can shift the balance of power in U.S. politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 10 Aug 2016 14:39:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week we feature two new books on the podcast, both about corporate power. First, Zachary Roth has written The Great Suppression: Voting Rights, Corporate Cash, and the Conservative Assault on Democracy (Crown, 2016).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week we feature two new books on the podcast, both about corporate power. First, Zachary Roth has written The Great Suppression: Voting Rights, Corporate Cash, and the Conservative Assault on Democracy (Crown, 2016). Roth is a national reporter for MSNBC. Next, Ciara Torres-Spelliscy is the author of Corporate Citizen? An Argument for the Separation of Corporation and State (Carolina Academic Press, 2016). She is an associate professor of law at Stetson University College of Law and a Fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law. The two books look at the state of the democracy, Roth from the perspective of a reporter covering voting rights issues in state and local government, and Torres-Spelliscy from the perspective of the constitution. Together, these two books address whether corporate power has grown too strong and whether reforms can shift the balance of power in U.S. politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week we feature two new books on the podcast, both about corporate power. First, <a href="http://zachary-roth.people.msnbc.com/">Zachary Roth</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/110190576X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Great Suppression: Voting Rights, Corporate Cash, and the Conservative Assault on Democracy</a> (Crown, 2016). Roth is a national reporter for MSNBC. Next, <a href="http://www.stetson.edu/law/faculty/torres-spelliscy-ciara/">Ciara Torres-Spelliscy</a> is the author of<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Corporate-Citizen-Argument-Separation-Corporation/dp/1632847264"> Corporate Citizen? An Argument for the Separation of Corporation and State</a> (Carolina Academic Press, 2016). She is an associate professor of law at Stetson University College of Law and a Fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law. The two books look at the state of the democracy, Roth from the perspective of a reporter covering voting rights issues in state and local government, and Torres-Spelliscy from the perspective of the constitution. Together, these two books address whether corporate power has grown too strong and whether reforms can shift the balance of power in U.S. politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2530</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=58538]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6109335152.mp3?updated=1543614314" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James K. Libbey, “Alben Barkley: A Life in Politics” (U. Press of Kentucky, 2016)</title>
      <description>Known as the Iron Man of politics, Alben Barkley enjoyed a career that took him from rural Kentucky to the vice-presidency of the United States of America. In his book Alben Barkley: A Life in Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2016), James K. Libbey draws upon his many years studying Barkley to provide readers with insight into this dynamic and popular figure. Growing up in poverty, Barkley nonetheless acquired an education and began a legal career before his first run for county office. From there he won election to Congress, first as a member of the House of Representatives, then in 1926 as a senator. Once in the Senate he soon emerged as a leader of the Democratic caucus and was elected Majority Leader in 1937, from which position he shepherded through some of the most important legislation of the century. Selected as Harry Truman’s running mate at the 1948 Democratic National Convention, as vice president he was a nationally popular figure and the first one known by the affectionate moniker “Veep.” Though frustrated in his efforts to become the Democratic presidential nominee in 1952, he capped his career by returning to the Senate two years later, providing a fitting coda to his lifetime of public service.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 13 Jul 2016 20:25:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/c415a64a-c009-11ec-aadb-3f159e944211/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Known as the Iron Man of politics, Alben Barkley enjoyed a career that took him from rural Kentucky to the vice-presidency of the United States of America. In his book Alben Barkley: A Life in Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2016), James K.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Known as the Iron Man of politics, Alben Barkley enjoyed a career that took him from rural Kentucky to the vice-presidency of the United States of America. In his book Alben Barkley: A Life in Politics (University Press of Kentucky, 2016), James K. Libbey draws upon his many years studying Barkley to provide readers with insight into this dynamic and popular figure. Growing up in poverty, Barkley nonetheless acquired an education and began a legal career before his first run for county office. From there he won election to Congress, first as a member of the House of Representatives, then in 1926 as a senator. Once in the Senate he soon emerged as a leader of the Democratic caucus and was elected Majority Leader in 1937, from which position he shepherded through some of the most important legislation of the century. Selected as Harry Truman’s running mate at the 1948 Democratic National Convention, as vice president he was a nationally popular figure and the first one known by the affectionate moniker “Veep.” Though frustrated in his efforts to become the Democratic presidential nominee in 1952, he capped his career by returning to the Senate two years later, providing a fitting coda to his lifetime of public service.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Known as the Iron Man of politics, Alben Barkley enjoyed a career that took him from rural Kentucky to the vice-presidency of the United States of America. In his book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813167132/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Alben Barkley: A Life in Politics</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2016), James K. Libbey draws upon his many years studying Barkley to provide readers with insight into this dynamic and popular figure. Growing up in poverty, Barkley nonetheless acquired an education and began a legal career before his first run for county office. From there he won election to Congress, first as a member of the House of Representatives, then in 1926 as a senator. Once in the Senate he soon emerged as a leader of the Democratic caucus and was elected Majority Leader in 1937, from which position he shepherded through some of the most important legislation of the century. Selected as Harry Truman’s running mate at the 1948 Democratic National Convention, as vice president he was a nationally popular figure and the first one known by the affectionate moniker “Veep.” Though frustrated in his efforts to become the Democratic presidential nominee in 1952, he capped his career by returning to the Senate two years later, providing a fitting coda to his lifetime of public service.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3337</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=58076]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1048573342.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Robert Boatright, ed. “The Deregulatory Moment? A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws” (U. of Michigan Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>Robert Boatright, associate professor of political science at Clark University, is the editor of The Deregulatory Moment? A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws (University of Michigan Press, 2015). Campaign finance reform has been a salient topic during this year’s presidential campaign. Everyone from Donald Trump to Bernie Sanders to Hillary Clinton has offered opinions on how the money in political campaigns might be better regulated. This attention can be tracked to the most recent unraveling of existing federal regulations by the Supreme Court in a series of decisions, most famously Citizens United. But how does this U.S. story fit into a larger comparative policy environment? Boatright has edited a collection of perspectives drawn from a variety of national contexts, including Canada, Germany, and Australia. The volume shows the extent to which outside of the U.S., we are living through a deregulatory moment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 11 Jul 2016 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Robert Boatright, associate professor of political science at Clark University, is the editor of The Deregulatory Moment? A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws (University of Michigan Press, 2015).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Robert Boatright, associate professor of political science at Clark University, is the editor of The Deregulatory Moment? A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws (University of Michigan Press, 2015). Campaign finance reform has been a salient topic during this year’s presidential campaign. Everyone from Donald Trump to Bernie Sanders to Hillary Clinton has offered opinions on how the money in political campaigns might be better regulated. This attention can be tracked to the most recent unraveling of existing federal regulations by the Supreme Court in a series of decisions, most famously Citizens United. But how does this U.S. story fit into a larger comparative policy environment? Boatright has edited a collection of perspectives drawn from a variety of national contexts, including Canada, Germany, and Australia. The volume shows the extent to which outside of the U.S., we are living through a deregulatory moment.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www2.clarku.edu/faculty/facultybio.cfm?id=467">Robert Boatright</a>, associate professor of political science at Clark University, is the editor of <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/8083157/deregulatory_moment">The Deregulatory Moment? A Comparative Perspective on Changing Campaign Finance Laws</a> (University of Michigan Press, 2015). Campaign finance reform has been a salient topic during this year’s presidential campaign. Everyone from Donald Trump to Bernie Sanders to Hillary Clinton has offered opinions on how the money in political campaigns might be better regulated. This attention can be tracked to the most recent unraveling of existing federal regulations by the Supreme Court in a series of decisions, most famously Citizens United. But how does this U.S. story fit into a larger comparative policy environment? Boatright has edited a collection of perspectives drawn from a variety of national contexts, including Canada, Germany, and Australia. The volume shows the extent to which outside of the U.S., we are living through a deregulatory moment.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1187</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=57966]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1203928116.mp3?updated=1543614357" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Marlene Trestman, “Fair Labor Lawyer: The Remarkable Life of New Deal Attorney and Supreme Court Advocate Bessie Margolin” (Louisiana State UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>As a trailblazing attorney, Bessie Margolin lived a life of exceptional achievement. At a time when the legal profession consisted almost entirely of men, she earned the esteem of her colleagues and rose to become one of the most successful Supreme Court advocates of her era. Doing so, as Marlene Trestman demonstrates in Fair Labor Lawyer: The Remarkable Life of New Deal Attorney and Supreme Court Advocate Bessie Margolin (Louisiana State University Press, 2016), required overcoming not just the ingrained assumptions that men had towards professional women during that time but also the poverty of her early childhood and the loss of her mother when Margolin was only three years old. As Trestman reveals, Margolin exploited to the full the opportunities she was given as a ward of the Jewish Orphans Home in New Orleans, which provided her with a comfortable upbringing and a good education. From Newcomb College and Tulane University, Margolin went on to a fellowship at Yale University and a career in the federal government, which she began by participating in the defense of some of the most important laws to come out of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal program and concluded by championing measures mandating equal pay and opposing age discrimination. And yet Trestman shows that for all of the sacrifices she made to establish a career for herself, Margolin did so on her own terms and in a way that many Americans can relate to today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 26 Jun 2016 20:34:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/e1a58cc0-c009-11ec-b3d6-0fae58d50d0b/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>As a trailblazing attorney, Bessie Margolin lived a life of exceptional achievement. At a time when the legal profession consisted almost entirely of men, she earned the esteem of her colleagues and rose to become one of the most successful Supreme Cou...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As a trailblazing attorney, Bessie Margolin lived a life of exceptional achievement. At a time when the legal profession consisted almost entirely of men, she earned the esteem of her colleagues and rose to become one of the most successful Supreme Court advocates of her era. Doing so, as Marlene Trestman demonstrates in Fair Labor Lawyer: The Remarkable Life of New Deal Attorney and Supreme Court Advocate Bessie Margolin (Louisiana State University Press, 2016), required overcoming not just the ingrained assumptions that men had towards professional women during that time but also the poverty of her early childhood and the loss of her mother when Margolin was only three years old. As Trestman reveals, Margolin exploited to the full the opportunities she was given as a ward of the Jewish Orphans Home in New Orleans, which provided her with a comfortable upbringing and a good education. From Newcomb College and Tulane University, Margolin went on to a fellowship at Yale University and a career in the federal government, which she began by participating in the defense of some of the most important laws to come out of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal program and concluded by championing measures mandating equal pay and opposing age discrimination. And yet Trestman shows that for all of the sacrifices she made to establish a career for herself, Margolin did so on her own terms and in a way that many Americans can relate to today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As a trailblazing attorney, Bessie Margolin lived a life of exceptional achievement. At a time when the legal profession consisted almost entirely of men, she earned the esteem of her colleagues and rose to become one of the most successful Supreme Court advocates of her era. Doing so, as <a href="http://www.marlenetrestman.com/">Marlene Trestman</a> demonstrates in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0807162086/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Fair Labor Lawyer: The Remarkable Life of New Deal Attorney and Supreme Court Advocate Bessie Margolin</a> (Louisiana State University Press, 2016), required overcoming not just the ingrained assumptions that men had towards professional women during that time but also the poverty of her early childhood and the loss of her mother when Margolin was only three years old. As Trestman reveals, Margolin exploited to the full the opportunities she was given as a ward of the Jewish Orphans Home in New Orleans, which provided her with a comfortable upbringing and a good education. From Newcomb College and Tulane University, Margolin went on to a fellowship at Yale University and a career in the federal government, which she began by participating in the defense of some of the most important laws to come out of President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal program and concluded by championing measures mandating equal pay and opposing age discrimination. And yet Trestman shows that for all of the sacrifices she made to establish a career for herself, Margolin did so on her own terms and in a way that many Americans can relate to today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4865</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=57775]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2213222636.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Scott Meinke, “Leadership Organizations in the House of Representatives: Party Participation and Partisan Politics” (U of Michigan Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Scott Meinke has just published Leadership Organizations in the House of Representatives: Party Participation and Partisan Politics (University of Michigan Press, 2016). He is associate professor of political science at Bucknell University. How have Congressional organizations changed over time? How have House leaders used policy organizations and committees over time? Meinke has answered these questions in his new book. Through extensive archival and quantitative research, he shows the way these organizations have changed since the 1970s. Increasingly, House leaders use party organizations to advance the party’s policy agenda and to exchange information with supporters outside of Congress. As such, Meinke’s book fits into the ongoing exploration of the Congressional polarization and points in the direction of possible Congressional reforms.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Jun 2016 10:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Scott Meinke has just published Leadership Organizations in the House of Representatives: Party Participation and Partisan Politics (University of Michigan Press, 2016). He is associate professor of political science at Bucknell University.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scott Meinke has just published Leadership Organizations in the House of Representatives: Party Participation and Partisan Politics (University of Michigan Press, 2016). He is associate professor of political science at Bucknell University. How have Congressional organizations changed over time? How have House leaders used policy organizations and committees over time? Meinke has answered these questions in his new book. Through extensive archival and quantitative research, he shows the way these organizations have changed since the 1970s. Increasingly, House leaders use party organizations to advance the party’s policy agenda and to exchange information with supporters outside of Congress. As such, Meinke’s book fits into the ongoing exploration of the Congressional polarization and points in the direction of possible Congressional reforms.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.bucknell.edu/academics/majors-and-minors/political-science/faculty-and-staff/scott-meinke.html">Scott Meinke</a> has just published <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/8402206/leadership_organizations_in_the_house_of_representatives">Leadership Organizations in the House of Representatives: Party Participation and Partisan Politics</a> (University of Michigan Press, 2016). He is associate professor of political science at Bucknell University. How have Congressional organizations changed over time? How have House leaders used policy organizations and committees over time? Meinke has answered these questions in his new book. Through extensive archival and quantitative research, he shows the way these organizations have changed since the 1970s. Increasingly, House leaders use party organizations to advance the party’s policy agenda and to exchange information with supporters outside of Congress. As such, Meinke’s book fits into the ongoing exploration of the Congressional polarization and points in the direction of possible Congressional reforms.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1371</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=57718]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6446324237.mp3?updated=1543614613" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas Knock, “Rise of a Prairie Statesman: The Life and Times of George McGovern” (Princeton UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>George McGovern is largely remembered today for his dramatic loss to Richard Nixon in the 1972 presidential campaign, yet he enjoyed a long career characterized by many remarkable achievements. In Rise of a Prairie Statesman: The Life and Times of George McGovern (Princeton UP, 2016), the first in a projected two-volume biography of the senator and Democratic Party presidential nominee, Thomas Knock chronicles McGovern’s life and career from his Depression-era upbringing in South Dakota to his 1968 reelection campaign and emergence as a presidential contender. Knock describes McGovern’s transformation from a shy young boy into a confident debater who, after America went to war in 1941, volunteered for service in the Army Air Corps as a B-24 bomber pilot and flew 35 combat missions over Germany and Austria. Upon returning home, he embarked on a path that took him from the ministry to a Ph.D. in history and then the college classroom before he settled upon a career in politics. After serving two terms in the House of Representatives and as Director of Food for Peace in the Kennedy administration, in 1962 McGovern won a seat in the United States Senate, where he emerged as a prescient critic of America’s descent into the Vietnam War. In detailing his opposition to that expanding conflict, Knock not only shows how McGovern emerged as a national leader, but also demonstrates the relevance of his vision to the challenges our nation faces today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 19 Jun 2016 13:30:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/3e9a747c-c00a-11ec-b85a-c3457a665a69/image/biography1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>George McGovern is largely remembered today for his dramatic loss to Richard Nixon in the 1972 presidential campaign, yet he enjoyed a long career characterized by many remarkable achievements. In Rise of a Prairie Statesman: The Life and Times of Geor...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>George McGovern is largely remembered today for his dramatic loss to Richard Nixon in the 1972 presidential campaign, yet he enjoyed a long career characterized by many remarkable achievements. In Rise of a Prairie Statesman: The Life and Times of George McGovern (Princeton UP, 2016), the first in a projected two-volume biography of the senator and Democratic Party presidential nominee, Thomas Knock chronicles McGovern’s life and career from his Depression-era upbringing in South Dakota to his 1968 reelection campaign and emergence as a presidential contender. Knock describes McGovern’s transformation from a shy young boy into a confident debater who, after America went to war in 1941, volunteered for service in the Army Air Corps as a B-24 bomber pilot and flew 35 combat missions over Germany and Austria. Upon returning home, he embarked on a path that took him from the ministry to a Ph.D. in history and then the college classroom before he settled upon a career in politics. After serving two terms in the House of Representatives and as Director of Food for Peace in the Kennedy administration, in 1962 McGovern won a seat in the United States Senate, where he emerged as a prescient critic of America’s descent into the Vietnam War. In detailing his opposition to that expanding conflict, Knock not only shows how McGovern emerged as a national leader, but also demonstrates the relevance of his vision to the challenges our nation faces today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>George McGovern is largely remembered today for his dramatic loss to Richard Nixon in the 1972 presidential campaign, yet he enjoyed a long career characterized by many remarkable achievements. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691142998/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Rise of a Prairie Statesman: The Life and Times of George McGovern </a>(Princeton UP, 2016), the first in a projected two-volume biography of the senator and Democratic Party presidential nominee, <a href="http://www.smu.edu/Dedman/Academics/Departments/History/People/FacultyStaff/ThomasKnock">Thomas Knock</a> chronicles McGovern’s life and career from his Depression-era upbringing in South Dakota to his 1968 reelection campaign and emergence as a presidential contender. Knock describes McGovern’s transformation from a shy young boy into a confident debater who, after America went to war in 1941, volunteered for service in the Army Air Corps as a B-24 bomber pilot and flew 35 combat missions over Germany and Austria. Upon returning home, he embarked on a path that took him from the ministry to a Ph.D. in history and then the college classroom before he settled upon a career in politics. After serving two terms in the House of Representatives and as Director of Food for Peace in the Kennedy administration, in 1962 McGovern won a seat in the United States Senate, where he emerged as a prescient critic of America’s descent into the Vietnam War. In detailing his opposition to that expanding conflict, Knock not only shows how McGovern emerged as a national leader, but also demonstrates the relevance of his vision to the challenges our nation faces today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4541</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=57703]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1647723558.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Lester K. Spence, “Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics” (Punctum Books, 2016)</title>
      <description>Lester K. Spence is the author of Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics (Punctum Books, 2016). Spence is associate professor of political science and Africana Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
In Knocking the Hustle, Spence links the rising prominence of neoliberal ideas to the transformation of African American communities. The book, a combination of political history and policy analysis, argues that the Nixon and Reagan administrations advanced the neoliberal policy-making agenda and contributed to the associated rise in economic inequality, especially for African Americans. At the same time, African American communities and institutions are transformed by this neoliberal turn and its underlying, and surprising compatibility, with hustle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 May 2016 14:21:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Lester K. Spence is the author of Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics (Punctum Books, 2016). Spence is associate professor of political science and Africana Studies at Johns Hopkins University. In Knocking the Hustle,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lester K. Spence is the author of Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics (Punctum Books, 2016). Spence is associate professor of political science and Africana Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
In Knocking the Hustle, Spence links the rising prominence of neoliberal ideas to the transformation of African American communities. The book, a combination of political history and policy analysis, argues that the Nixon and Reagan administrations advanced the neoliberal policy-making agenda and contributed to the associated rise in economic inequality, especially for African Americans. At the same time, African American communities and institutions are transformed by this neoliberal turn and its underlying, and surprising compatibility, with hustle.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://politicalscience.jhu.edu/directory/lester-spence/">Lester K. Spence</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0692540792/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics</a> (Punctum Books, 2016). Spence is associate professor of political science and Africana Studies at Johns Hopkins University.</p><p>In Knocking the Hustle, Spence links the rising prominence of neoliberal ideas to the transformation of African American communities. The book, a combination of political history and policy analysis, argues that the Nixon and Reagan administrations advanced the neoliberal policy-making agenda and contributed to the associated rise in economic inequality, especially for African Americans. At the same time, African American communities and institutions are transformed by this neoliberal turn and its underlying, and surprising compatibility, with hustle.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1268</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=55729]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7227539135.mp3?updated=1543614601" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mary Ziegler, “After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate” (Harvard UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>In this podcast I talk with Mary Ziegler, Stearns Weaver Miller Professor of Law at Florida State University College of Law about her book, After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate (Harvard University Press, 2016).
Ziegler’s work revolves around Roe v. Wade and uses this landmark American abortion rights case to explore broad questions such as litigation as a vessel for social change and the role the court plays in democracy. To explore these questions, in addition to archival research Ziegler also did over one hundred oral histories. This method has allowed her to go beyond caricatures of people in the pro-life and anti-abortion camps and to delve deeply into their motivations and look at the angles they approached the abortion issue with great precision.
Roe is often seen as a cautionary tale for judicial intervention as described for example by both right leaning Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and left leaning Justice Ruth Bader Ginzburg. Her research reveals, however, that much of the polarization that we’ve blamed on the Supreme Court had little to do with what the court said in Roe. She discusses how the bright line divide between the pro-life and pro-choice movements had not yet coalesced in the 1970s.
Some other topics we discuss are:
–Whether Roe prematurely ended debate about the meaning or scope of abortion rights
–The forces that brought together the political right and the pro-life movement
–Roe as a canvas onto which activists could project different strategic aims
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 10 May 2016 18:27:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/d0d9b812-c013-11ec-9fa6-1f48c03c997f/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>In this podcast I talk with Mary Ziegler, Stearns Weaver Miller Professor of Law at Florida State University College of Law about her book, After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate (Harvard University Press, 2016).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In this podcast I talk with Mary Ziegler, Stearns Weaver Miller Professor of Law at Florida State University College of Law about her book, After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate (Harvard University Press, 2016).
Ziegler’s work revolves around Roe v. Wade and uses this landmark American abortion rights case to explore broad questions such as litigation as a vessel for social change and the role the court plays in democracy. To explore these questions, in addition to archival research Ziegler also did over one hundred oral histories. This method has allowed her to go beyond caricatures of people in the pro-life and anti-abortion camps and to delve deeply into their motivations and look at the angles they approached the abortion issue with great precision.
Roe is often seen as a cautionary tale for judicial intervention as described for example by both right leaning Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and left leaning Justice Ruth Bader Ginzburg. Her research reveals, however, that much of the polarization that we’ve blamed on the Supreme Court had little to do with what the court said in Roe. She discusses how the bright line divide between the pro-life and pro-choice movements had not yet coalesced in the 1970s.
Some other topics we discuss are:
–Whether Roe prematurely ended debate about the meaning or scope of abortion rights
–The forces that brought together the political right and the pro-life movement
–Roe as a canvas onto which activists could project different strategic aims
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In this podcast I talk with <a href="http://www.law.fsu.edu/our-faculty/profiles/ziegler">Mary Ziegler</a>, Stearns Weaver Miller Professor of Law at Florida State University College of Law about her book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/067473677X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">After Roe: The Lost History of the Abortion Debate</a> (Harvard University Press, 2016).</p><p>Ziegler’s work revolves around Roe v. Wade and uses this landmark American abortion rights case to explore broad questions such as litigation as a vessel for social change and the role the court plays in democracy. To explore these questions, in addition to archival research Ziegler also did over one hundred oral histories. This method has allowed her to go beyond caricatures of people in the pro-life and anti-abortion camps and to delve deeply into their motivations and look at the angles they approached the abortion issue with great precision.</p><p>Roe is often seen as a cautionary tale for judicial intervention as described for example by both right leaning Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and left leaning Justice Ruth Bader Ginzburg. Her research reveals, however, that much of the polarization that we’ve blamed on the Supreme Court had little to do with what the court said in Roe. She discusses how the bright line divide between the pro-life and pro-choice movements had not yet coalesced in the 1970s.</p><p>Some other topics we discuss are:</p><p>–Whether Roe prematurely ended debate about the meaning or scope of abortion rights</p><p>–The forces that brought together the political right and the pro-life movement</p><p>–Roe as a canvas onto which activists could project different strategic aims</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3019</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=55502]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7632281074.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jefferson Cowie, “The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics” (Princeton UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Jefferson Cowie is the James G. Stahlman professor of history at Vanderbilt University. His book The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (Princeton University Press, 2016) interprets the New Deal as a massive but unstable experiment from the main of American political culture. Against arguments that the New Deal was the product of the American penchant for reform, Cowie asserts that it was a remarkable historical detour. The Great Depression and WWII were specific historical circumstances that wrought a short-lived effort for central government intervention in securing collective economic rights. Unions flourished, industrial workers gained job security and good wages, and the country enjoyed a relative amount of political cohesion. Multiple legislative measures and the growth of unions offered a countervailing power against corporate wealth accumulation and promised a bright economic future. Several enduring fissures in political culture would all but undo the New Deal after the 1970s. The long tensions over immigration, religious and racial hostility, the frailty of unions, and the ideology of Jeffersonian individualism remained and assured that the new interventionist role for the state would not last. By examining the birth of New Deal and its decline, Cowie locates a legacy of individual rights that stood against its long-term viability. As the central government has continued to expand under free market ideology, collective initiatives are being led at the local and state level by a cross-class neo-progressivism organizing labor and advocating for immigrants and other minorities. While the New Deal gave way to free market ideology, the future may lie in a new imaginary rising from below.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 18 Apr 2016 17:42:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Jefferson Cowie is the James G. Stahlman professor of history at Vanderbilt University. His book The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (Princeton University Press, 2016) interprets the New Deal as a massive but unstable ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jefferson Cowie is the James G. Stahlman professor of history at Vanderbilt University. His book The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics (Princeton University Press, 2016) interprets the New Deal as a massive but unstable experiment from the main of American political culture. Against arguments that the New Deal was the product of the American penchant for reform, Cowie asserts that it was a remarkable historical detour. The Great Depression and WWII were specific historical circumstances that wrought a short-lived effort for central government intervention in securing collective economic rights. Unions flourished, industrial workers gained job security and good wages, and the country enjoyed a relative amount of political cohesion. Multiple legislative measures and the growth of unions offered a countervailing power against corporate wealth accumulation and promised a bright economic future. Several enduring fissures in political culture would all but undo the New Deal after the 1970s. The long tensions over immigration, religious and racial hostility, the frailty of unions, and the ideology of Jeffersonian individualism remained and assured that the new interventionist role for the state would not last. By examining the birth of New Deal and its decline, Cowie locates a legacy of individual rights that stood against its long-term viability. As the central government has continued to expand under free market ideology, collective initiatives are being led at the local and state level by a cross-class neo-progressivism organizing labor and advocating for immigrants and other minorities. While the New Deal gave way to free market ideology, the future may lie in a new imaginary rising from below.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
 
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/jefferson-cowie">Jefferson Cowie</a> is the James G. Stahlman professor of history at Vanderbilt University. His book <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10583.html">The Great Exception: The New Deal and the Limits of American Politics</a> (Princeton University Press, 2016) interprets the New Deal as a massive but unstable experiment from the main of American political culture. Against arguments that the New Deal was the product of the American penchant for reform, Cowie asserts that it was a remarkable historical detour. The Great Depression and WWII were specific historical circumstances that wrought a short-lived effort for central government intervention in securing collective economic rights. Unions flourished, industrial workers gained job security and good wages, and the country enjoyed a relative amount of political cohesion. Multiple legislative measures and the growth of unions offered a countervailing power against corporate wealth accumulation and promised a bright economic future. Several enduring fissures in political culture would all but undo the New Deal after the 1970s. The long tensions over immigration, religious and racial hostility, the frailty of unions, and the ideology of Jeffersonian individualism remained and assured that the new interventionist role for the state would not last. By examining the birth of New Deal and its decline, Cowie locates a legacy of individual rights that stood against its long-term viability. As the central government has continued to expand under free market ideology, collective initiatives are being led at the local and state level by a cross-class neo-progressivism organizing labor and advocating for immigrants and other minorities. While the New Deal gave way to free market ideology, the future may lie in a new imaginary rising from below.</p><p><br></p><p>Lilian Calles Barger, <a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com">www.lilianbarger.com</a>, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3434</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=55002]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2850698042.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel K. Williams, “Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v. Wade” (Oxford UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Daniel K. Williams is an associate professor of history at the University of West Georgia. His book, Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v. Wade (Oxford University Press, 2016) offers the origins of the pro-life movement not as reactionary and anti-feminist, but rather as a New Deal-inspired crusade for human rights and part of a progressive Catholic social agenda. Pro-lifers saw themselves as crusaders for the “right to life” appealing to natural law and the constitution of the United States. In the 1930s they stood against the utilitarian views of abortion liberalization promoted by secular doctors. After World War II Catholic doctors and lawyers were equating abortion with the holocaust and arguing for the fetus as protected by the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. In the early 1960s, the debate over abortion moved to legislative and constitutional battles. Restrictive state laws began to crumble and post-Vatican Catholic opposition to abortion continued to erode among the laity. The decade ended with a restructuring of the movement as it gained allies among young progressives, anti-war activists, Protestants and evangelicals. Pro-life women, expressing a feminism of difference, became visible in the leadership ranks in what had been a virtually an all-male public campaign. The pro-life movement’s legislative victories were short term. Roe v. Wade and change in public opinion interrupted the ascendancy of the pro-life movement and its bipartisan identity to become part of a larger cultural battle. Williams offers an important contribution by highlighting the progressive origins of the pro-life movement before it became a conservative evangelical cause and an issue that continues to divide the nation.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Apr 2016 10:38:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel K. Williams is an associate professor of history at the University of West Georgia. His book, Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v. Wade (Oxford University Press, 2016) offers the origins of the pro-life movement not as re...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel K. Williams is an associate professor of history at the University of West Georgia. His book, Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v. Wade (Oxford University Press, 2016) offers the origins of the pro-life movement not as reactionary and anti-feminist, but rather as a New Deal-inspired crusade for human rights and part of a progressive Catholic social agenda. Pro-lifers saw themselves as crusaders for the “right to life” appealing to natural law and the constitution of the United States. In the 1930s they stood against the utilitarian views of abortion liberalization promoted by secular doctors. After World War II Catholic doctors and lawyers were equating abortion with the holocaust and arguing for the fetus as protected by the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. In the early 1960s, the debate over abortion moved to legislative and constitutional battles. Restrictive state laws began to crumble and post-Vatican Catholic opposition to abortion continued to erode among the laity. The decade ended with a restructuring of the movement as it gained allies among young progressives, anti-war activists, Protestants and evangelicals. Pro-life women, expressing a feminism of difference, became visible in the leadership ranks in what had been a virtually an all-male public campaign. The pro-life movement’s legislative victories were short term. Roe v. Wade and change in public opinion interrupted the ascendancy of the pro-life movement and its bipartisan identity to become part of a larger cultural battle. Williams offers an important contribution by highlighting the progressive origins of the pro-life movement before it became a conservative evangelical cause and an issue that continues to divide the nation.

Lilian Calles Barger, www.lilianbarger.com, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.westga.edu/~dkwillia/">Daniel K. Williams</a> is an associate professor of history at the University of West Georgia. His book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199391645/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Defenders of the Unborn: The Pro-Life Movement Before Roe v. Wade</a> (Oxford University Press, 2016) offers the origins of the pro-life movement not as reactionary and anti-feminist, but rather as a New Deal-inspired crusade for human rights and part of a progressive Catholic social agenda. Pro-lifers saw themselves as crusaders for the “right to life” appealing to natural law and the constitution of the United States. In the 1930s they stood against the utilitarian views of abortion liberalization promoted by secular doctors. After World War II Catholic doctors and lawyers were equating abortion with the holocaust and arguing for the fetus as protected by the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. In the early 1960s, the debate over abortion moved to legislative and constitutional battles. Restrictive state laws began to crumble and post-Vatican Catholic opposition to abortion continued to erode among the laity. The decade ended with a restructuring of the movement as it gained allies among young progressives, anti-war activists, Protestants and evangelicals. Pro-life women, expressing a feminism of difference, became visible in the leadership ranks in what had been a virtually an all-male public campaign. The pro-life movement’s legislative victories were short term. Roe v. Wade and change in public opinion interrupted the ascendancy of the pro-life movement and its bipartisan identity to become part of a larger cultural battle. Williams offers an important contribution by highlighting the progressive origins of the pro-life movement before it became a conservative evangelical cause and an issue that continues to divide the nation.</p><p><br></p><p>Lilian Calles Barger, <a href="http://www.lilianbarger.com">www.lilianbarger.com</a>, is a cultural, intellectual and gender historian. Her current book project is entitled The World Come of Age: Religion, Intellectuals and the Challenge of Human Liberation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3874</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=54664]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7089935949.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Steve Phillips, “Brown is the New White: How the Demographic Revolution Has Created a New American Majority” (The New Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Steve Phillips is the author of Brown is the New White: How the Demographic Revolution Has Created a New American Majority (The New Press, 2016). Phillips is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.
Several weeks ago, Matt Lewis came on the podcast to assess the state-of-affairs for conservatives. This week, Steve Phillips offers his new book on how progressives might reposition their electoral coalition in the future. Drawing on demographic data and the changing electoral map, Phillips argues for a shift from focusing on white swing voters to a new coalition of African American, Latino, and progressive white voters.

The podcast is hosted by Heath Brown, assistant professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 21 Mar 2016 10:53:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Steve Phillips is the author of Brown is the New White: How the Demographic Revolution Has Created a New American Majority (The New Press, 2016). Phillips is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress. Several weeks ago,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Steve Phillips is the author of Brown is the New White: How the Demographic Revolution Has Created a New American Majority (The New Press, 2016). Phillips is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.
Several weeks ago, Matt Lewis came on the podcast to assess the state-of-affairs for conservatives. This week, Steve Phillips offers his new book on how progressives might reposition their electoral coalition in the future. Drawing on demographic data and the changing electoral map, Phillips argues for a shift from focusing on white swing voters to a new coalition of African American, Latino, and progressive white voters.

The podcast is hosted by Heath Brown, assistant professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.brownisthenewwhite.com/">Steve Phillips</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1620971151/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Brown is the New White: How the Demographic Revolution Has Created a New American Majority </a>(The New Press, 2016). Phillips is a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress.</p><p>Several weeks ago, Matt Lewis came on the podcast to assess the state-of-affairs for conservatives. This week, Steve Phillips offers his new book on how progressives might reposition their electoral coalition in the future. Drawing on demographic data and the changing electoral map, Phillips argues for a shift from focusing on white swing voters to a new coalition of African American, Latino, and progressive white voters.</p><p><br></p><p>The podcast is hosted by Heath Brown, assistant professor of public policy at the City University of New York, John Jay College and The Graduate Center. You can follow him on Twitter @heathbrown</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1175</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=54308]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5685418701.mp3?updated=1543614677" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Fowler, Franz, and Ridout, “Political Advertising in the United States” (Westview Press, 2016)</title>
      <description>Erika Franklin Fowler, Michael M. Franz, and Travis N. Ridout are the co-authors of Political Advertising in the United States (Westview Press 2016). Fowler is assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, Franz is associate professor of government and legal studies at Bowdoin College, and Ridout is Thomas S. Foley Distinguished Professor of Government and Public Policy in the School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public Affairs at Washington State University.
The authors, co-directors of the Wesleyan Media Project, draw from the latest data to analyze how campaign finance laws have affected the sponsorship and content of political advertising and how the Internet has changed the distribution of ads. With detailed analysis of presidential and congressional campaign ads and discussion questions in each chapter, Political Advertising provides an ideal explainer for students, scholars and practitioners who want to understand the ins and outs of political advertising.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Mar 2016 12:51:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Erika Franklin Fowler, Michael M. Franz, and Travis N. Ridout are the co-authors of Political Advertising in the United States (Westview Press 2016). Fowler is assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Erika Franklin Fowler, Michael M. Franz, and Travis N. Ridout are the co-authors of Political Advertising in the United States (Westview Press 2016). Fowler is assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, Franz is associate professor of government and legal studies at Bowdoin College, and Ridout is Thomas S. Foley Distinguished Professor of Government and Public Policy in the School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public Affairs at Washington State University.
The authors, co-directors of the Wesleyan Media Project, draw from the latest data to analyze how campaign finance laws have affected the sponsorship and content of political advertising and how the Internet has changed the distribution of ads. With detailed analysis of presidential and congressional campaign ads and discussion questions in each chapter, Political Advertising provides an ideal explainer for students, scholars and practitioners who want to understand the ins and outs of political advertising.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://efowler.faculty.wesleyan.edu/">Erika Franklin Fowler</a>, <a href="https://www.bowdoin.edu/faculty/m/mfranz/">Michael M. Franz</a>, and <a href="http://public.wsu.edu/~tnridout/">Travis N. Ridout</a> are the co-authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813349753/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Political Advertising in the United States</a> (Westview Press 2016). Fowler is assistant professor of government at Wesleyan University, Franz is associate professor of government and legal studies at Bowdoin College, and Ridout is Thomas S. Foley Distinguished Professor of Government and Public Policy in the School of Politics, Philosophy, and Public Affairs at Washington State University.</p><p>The authors, co-directors of the Wesleyan Media Project, draw from the latest data to analyze how campaign finance laws have affected the sponsorship and content of political advertising and how the Internet has changed the distribution of ads. With detailed analysis of presidential and congressional campaign ads and discussion questions in each chapter, Political Advertising provides an ideal explainer for students, scholars and practitioners who want to understand the ins and outs of political advertising.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1481</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=53820]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5401109891.mp3?updated=1543614662" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Samara Klar and Yanna Krupnikov, “Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction” (Cambridge UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Samara Klar and Yanna Krupnikov are the authors of Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Klar is assistant professor of political science at the University of Arizona; Krupnikov is assistant professor of political science at Stony Brook University.
Independents voters number up into 40% range in some elections, but are largely misunderstood. Are they apathetic? Centrist? Or undecided voters? Klar and Krupnikov suggest something quite different. They argue that many independent voters are partisans in disguise, hiding partisan-leanings because of a perceived social stigma. Through a series of experiments and related studies, they show that the social desirability of independence prevents many from declaring a party affiliation, but also diminishes other forms of political participation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Mar 2016 13:49:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Samara Klar and Yanna Krupnikov are the authors of Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Klar is assistant professor of political science at the University of Arizona; Kru...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Samara Klar and Yanna Krupnikov are the authors of Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Klar is assistant professor of political science at the University of Arizona; Krupnikov is assistant professor of political science at Stony Brook University.
Independents voters number up into 40% range in some elections, but are largely misunderstood. Are they apathetic? Centrist? Or undecided voters? Klar and Krupnikov suggest something quite different. They argue that many independent voters are partisans in disguise, hiding partisan-leanings because of a perceived social stigma. Through a series of experiments and related studies, they show that the social desirability of independence prevents many from declaring a party affiliation, but also diminishes other forms of political participation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://sgpp.arizona.edu/user/samara-klar">Samara Klar</a> and <a href="http://yannakrupnikov.com/index.html">Yanna Krupnikov</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107134463/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Independent Politics: How American Disdain for Parties Leads to Political Inaction</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2016). Klar is assistant professor of political science at the University of Arizona; Krupnikov is assistant professor of political science at Stony Brook University.</p><p>Independents voters number up into 40% range in some elections, but are largely misunderstood. Are they apathetic? Centrist? Or undecided voters? Klar and Krupnikov suggest something quite different. They argue that many independent voters are partisans in disguise, hiding partisan-leanings because of a perceived social stigma. Through a series of experiments and related studies, they show that the social desirability of independence prevents many from declaring a party affiliation, but also diminishes other forms of political participation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1235</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=53393]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7520788143.mp3?updated=1543614684" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Adam Seth Levine, “American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction” (Princeton UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Adam Seth Levine has written American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction (Princeton University Press, 2015). Levine teaches in the Department of Government at Cornell University.
If we have learned anything about American politics over the last several months, it is that there are a lot of people who are angry about the present and fearful about the future. American Insecurity demonstrates why it is difficult to channel these sentiments into political action. Using a series of lab and field experiments, we learn in American Insecurity that those who feel economically insecure may be de-mobilized if reminded about their insecurity. There are numerous implications of Levine’s findings for how we understand the psychology of insecurity and the ways interest groups might hone mobilization strategies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 24 Feb 2016 16:54:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Adam Seth Levine has written American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction (Princeton University Press, 2015). Levine teaches in the Department of Government at Cornell University. If we have learned anything about American pol...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Adam Seth Levine has written American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction (Princeton University Press, 2015). Levine teaches in the Department of Government at Cornell University.
If we have learned anything about American politics over the last several months, it is that there are a lot of people who are angry about the present and fearful about the future. American Insecurity demonstrates why it is difficult to channel these sentiments into political action. Using a series of lab and field experiments, we learn in American Insecurity that those who feel economically insecure may be de-mobilized if reminded about their insecurity. There are numerous implications of Levine’s findings for how we understand the psychology of insecurity and the ways interest groups might hone mobilization strategies.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://falcon.arts.cornell.edu/asl22/Home.html">Adam Seth Levine</a> has written <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10329.html">American Insecurity: Why Our Economic Fears Lead to Political Inaction </a>(Princeton University Press, 2015). Levine teaches in the Department of Government at Cornell University.</p><p>If we have learned anything about American politics over the last several months, it is that there are a lot of people who are angry about the present and fearful about the future. American Insecurity demonstrates why it is difficult to channel these sentiments into political action. Using a series of lab and field experiments, we learn in American Insecurity that those who feel economically insecure may be de-mobilized if reminded about their insecurity. There are numerous implications of Levine’s findings for how we understand the psychology of insecurity and the ways interest groups might hone mobilization strategies.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1278</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=53173]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4309763936.mp3?updated=1543614699" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Richard L. Hasen, “Plutocrats United: Campaign Money, the Supreme Court, and the Distortion of American Elections” (Yale UP, 2016)</title>
      <description>Richard L. Hasen has written Plutocrats United: Campaign Money, the Supreme Court, and the Distortion of American Elections (Yale University Press, 2016). Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.
In the midst of the most expensive presidential contest in U.S. history, is money buying access and influence? Are super PACs corrupting the democratic process? Or are eager supporter simply exercising their First Amendment rights? In Plutocrats United, Hasen argues that these may be the wrong questions and the long-standing debate between corruption and free speech – so long a part of constitutional discussions of the issues – is in need of an overhaul. Instead, he suggests that a renewed focus on political equality could reshape the way the country and the Supreme Court considered the role of money in politics. Hasen makes specific policy recommendations for what a new campaign finance regime might look like, and why this new approach would advance the democracy as well as the principle of political equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Feb 2016 18:48:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Richard L. Hasen has written Plutocrats United: Campaign Money, the Supreme Court, and the Distortion of American Elections (Yale University Press, 2016). Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Richard L. Hasen has written Plutocrats United: Campaign Money, the Supreme Court, and the Distortion of American Elections (Yale University Press, 2016). Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.
In the midst of the most expensive presidential contest in U.S. history, is money buying access and influence? Are super PACs corrupting the democratic process? Or are eager supporter simply exercising their First Amendment rights? In Plutocrats United, Hasen argues that these may be the wrong questions and the long-standing debate between corruption and free speech – so long a part of constitutional discussions of the issues – is in need of an overhaul. Instead, he suggests that a renewed focus on political equality could reshape the way the country and the Supreme Court considered the role of money in politics. Hasen makes specific policy recommendations for what a new campaign finance regime might look like, and why this new approach would advance the democracy as well as the principle of political equality.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.law.uci.edu/faculty/full-time/hasen/">Richard L. Hasen</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300212453/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Plutocrats United: Campaign Money, the Supreme Court, and the Distortion of American Elections</a> (Yale University Press, 2016). Hasen is Chancellor’s Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine.</p><p>In the midst of the most expensive presidential contest in U.S. history, is money buying access and influence? Are super PACs corrupting the democratic process? Or are eager supporter simply exercising their First Amendment rights? In Plutocrats United, Hasen argues that these may be the wrong questions and the long-standing debate between corruption and free speech – so long a part of constitutional discussions of the issues – is in need of an overhaul. Instead, he suggests that a renewed focus on political equality could reshape the way the country and the Supreme Court considered the role of money in politics. Hasen makes specific policy recommendations for what a new campaign finance regime might look like, and why this new approach would advance the democracy as well as the principle of political equality.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1369</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=52977]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9306587220.mp3?updated=1543614685" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Patrick Hagopian, “American Immunity: War Crime and the Limits of International Law” (U of Massachusetts Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>After World War II, the newly formed United Nations and what might be called a global community of nations that included the United States, worked to create a more extensive code of international law. The urge stemmed from the events of World War II, including the atrocities of the war that resulted in war crimes trials and tribunals afterward. The new effort included a move to implement new enforcement mechanisms and insure that the agreed upon international standards were upheld and violators punished. During this same period, the United States military significantly expanded its global presence. Throughout the Cold War and after, U.S. troops were stationed at bases in more countries than ever before, which each required Status of Forces Agreements laying out, among other things, jurisdiction over U.S. troops. This increased global presence also meant more American soldiers, and in some cases civilians accompanying the military for various reasons, were in the position to violate these international standards. Yet, despite a prominent role in spreading universal standards of international law, U.S. policymakers strongly resisted any compromise to U.S sovereignty in upholding these laws.
Patrick Hagopian, senior lecturer in History and American Studies at Lancaster University, has a new book, American Immunity: War Crime and the Limits of International Law (University of Massachusetts Press, 2013) that looks at the relationship between the United States and war crimes jurisdictional questions. He discusses how not only did U.S. policymakers refuse to allow Americans to be prosecuted by international tribunals, but also U.S. courts failed to uphold international standards of justice. Policymakers felt that territorial and practical limitations placed acts committed abroad beyond the jurisdiction of civilian courts, while the Supreme Court decided veterans and civilians could not be court-martialed. This left a jurisdictional gap that existed for much of the postwar period. Though the My Lai massacre brought the gap into particular focus, Congress still failed to close it. This new book explains jurisdictional issues and the failure of American policymakers to adequately remedy. In this episode, we discuss the legal problem, the book’s insights as to their cause, and some of the (often failed) attempts to close the gap.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 26 Jan 2016 08:57:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>After World War II, the newly formed United Nations and what might be called a global community of nations that included the United States, worked to create a more extensive code of international law. The urge stemmed from the events of World War II,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>After World War II, the newly formed United Nations and what might be called a global community of nations that included the United States, worked to create a more extensive code of international law. The urge stemmed from the events of World War II, including the atrocities of the war that resulted in war crimes trials and tribunals afterward. The new effort included a move to implement new enforcement mechanisms and insure that the agreed upon international standards were upheld and violators punished. During this same period, the United States military significantly expanded its global presence. Throughout the Cold War and after, U.S. troops were stationed at bases in more countries than ever before, which each required Status of Forces Agreements laying out, among other things, jurisdiction over U.S. troops. This increased global presence also meant more American soldiers, and in some cases civilians accompanying the military for various reasons, were in the position to violate these international standards. Yet, despite a prominent role in spreading universal standards of international law, U.S. policymakers strongly resisted any compromise to U.S sovereignty in upholding these laws.
Patrick Hagopian, senior lecturer in History and American Studies at Lancaster University, has a new book, American Immunity: War Crime and the Limits of International Law (University of Massachusetts Press, 2013) that looks at the relationship between the United States and war crimes jurisdictional questions. He discusses how not only did U.S. policymakers refuse to allow Americans to be prosecuted by international tribunals, but also U.S. courts failed to uphold international standards of justice. Policymakers felt that territorial and practical limitations placed acts committed abroad beyond the jurisdiction of civilian courts, while the Supreme Court decided veterans and civilians could not be court-martialed. This left a jurisdictional gap that existed for much of the postwar period. Though the My Lai massacre brought the gap into particular focus, Congress still failed to close it. This new book explains jurisdictional issues and the failure of American policymakers to adequately remedy. In this episode, we discuss the legal problem, the book’s insights as to their cause, and some of the (often failed) attempts to close the gap.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>After World War II, the newly formed United Nations and what might be called a global community of nations that included the United States, worked to create a more extensive code of international law. The urge stemmed from the events of World War II, including the atrocities of the war that resulted in war crimes trials and tribunals afterward. The new effort included a move to implement new enforcement mechanisms and insure that the agreed upon international standards were upheld and violators punished. During this same period, the United States military significantly expanded its global presence. Throughout the Cold War and after, U.S. troops were stationed at bases in more countries than ever before, which each required Status of Forces Agreements laying out, among other things, jurisdiction over U.S. troops. This increased global presence also meant more American soldiers, and in some cases civilians accompanying the military for various reasons, were in the position to violate these international standards. Yet, despite a prominent role in spreading universal standards of international law, U.S. policymakers strongly resisted any compromise to U.S sovereignty in upholding these laws.</p><p><a href="http://www.lancaster.ac.uk/history/about-us/people/patrick-hagopian">Patrick Hagopian</a>, senior lecturer in History and American Studies at Lancaster University, has a new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1625340478/?tag=newbooinhis-20">American Immunity: War Crime and the Limits of International Law</a> (University of Massachusetts Press, 2013) that looks at the relationship between the United States and war crimes jurisdictional questions. He discusses how not only did U.S. policymakers refuse to allow Americans to be prosecuted by international tribunals, but also U.S. courts failed to uphold international standards of justice. Policymakers felt that territorial and practical limitations placed acts committed abroad beyond the jurisdiction of civilian courts, while the Supreme Court decided veterans and civilians could not be court-martialed. This left a jurisdictional gap that existed for much of the postwar period. Though the My Lai massacre brought the gap into particular focus, Congress still failed to close it. This new book explains jurisdictional issues and the failure of American policymakers to adequately remedy. In this episode, we discuss the legal problem, the book’s insights as to their cause, and some of the (often failed) attempts to close the gap.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3900</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/?p=52798]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3444493612.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mark A. Smith, “Secular Faith: How Culture Has Trumped Religion in American Politics” (University of Chicago Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>Mark A. Smith is the author of Secular Faith: Culture Has Trumped Religion in American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Smith is professor of political science at the University of Washington.
The provocative central thesis of this book is that religion is not the unchanging institution of tradition we might sometimes think. Smith argues that religion in the U.S., especially the Christian church, responds to changing political and cultural values rather than shaping them. Smith makes his case by charting five contentious issues in America’s history: slavery, divorce, homosexuality, abortion, and women’s rights. For each, he shows how the political views of even the most conservative Christians evolved in the same direction as the rest of society–perhaps not as swiftly, but always on the same arc. During periods of cultural transition, Christian leaders may resist prevailing values and behaviors, yet those same leaders eventually change–often by reinterpreting the Bible–if their positions become no longer tenable. Secular ideas and influences thereby shape the ways Christians read and interpret their scriptures.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 07 Dec 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Mark A. Smith is the author of Secular Faith: Culture Has Trumped Religion in American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Smith is professor of political science at the University of Washington. The provocative central thesis of this book is...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mark A. Smith is the author of Secular Faith: Culture Has Trumped Religion in American Politics (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Smith is professor of political science at the University of Washington.
The provocative central thesis of this book is that religion is not the unchanging institution of tradition we might sometimes think. Smith argues that religion in the U.S., especially the Christian church, responds to changing political and cultural values rather than shaping them. Smith makes his case by charting five contentious issues in America’s history: slavery, divorce, homosexuality, abortion, and women’s rights. For each, he shows how the political views of even the most conservative Christians evolved in the same direction as the rest of society–perhaps not as swiftly, but always on the same arc. During periods of cultural transition, Christian leaders may resist prevailing values and behaviors, yet those same leaders eventually change–often by reinterpreting the Bible–if their positions become no longer tenable. Secular ideas and influences thereby shape the ways Christians read and interpret their scriptures.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.polisci.washington.edu/people/mark-smith">Mark A. Smith</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022627506X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Secular Faith: Culture Has Trumped Religion in American Politics </a>(University of Chicago Press, 2015). Smith is professor of political science at the University of Washington.</p><p>The provocative central thesis of this book is that religion is not the unchanging institution of tradition we might sometimes think. Smith argues that religion in the U.S., especially the Christian church, responds to changing political and cultural values rather than shaping them. Smith makes his case by charting five contentious issues in America’s history: slavery, divorce, homosexuality, abortion, and women’s rights. For each, he shows how the political views of even the most conservative Christians evolved in the same direction as the rest of society–perhaps not as swiftly, but always on the same arc. During periods of cultural transition, Christian leaders may resist prevailing values and behaviors, yet those same leaders eventually change–often by reinterpreting the Bible–if their positions become no longer tenable. Secular ideas and influences thereby shape the ways Christians read and interpret their scriptures.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1243</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/12/07/mark-a-smith-how-culture-has-trumped-religion-in-american-politics-university-of-chicago-press-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2364632795.mp3?updated=1543615246" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph, “Why Washington Won’t Work” (U of Chicago Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph have written the alliteratively titled Why Washington Won’t Work: Polarization, Political Trust, and the Governing Crisis (University of Chicago Press, 2015) is professor of political science at Vanderbilt University; Rudolph is professor of political science at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.
Who do you trust? According to Why Washington Won’t Work, you definitely do not trust the government, especially if you are a Republican. Today, more than in the past, political trust divides the country. Hetherington and Rudolph argue that a profound, and historically high, lack of trust among the public reduces the likelihood of compromise in Congress. In an increasingly polarized political environment that is already pre-disposed to gridlock, this finding on public trust helps to further explain the inability of Washington to govern, effectively legislate, and work.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph have written the alliteratively titled Why Washington Won’t Work: Polarization, Political Trust, and the Governing Crisis (University of Chicago Press, 2015) is professor of political science at Vanderbilt Uni...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph have written the alliteratively titled Why Washington Won’t Work: Polarization, Political Trust, and the Governing Crisis (University of Chicago Press, 2015) is professor of political science at Vanderbilt University; Rudolph is professor of political science at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.
Who do you trust? According to Why Washington Won’t Work, you definitely do not trust the government, especially if you are a Republican. Today, more than in the past, political trust divides the country. Hetherington and Rudolph argue that a profound, and historically high, lack of trust among the public reduces the likelihood of compromise in Congress. In an increasingly polarized political environment that is already pre-disposed to gridlock, this finding on public trust helps to further explain the inability of Washington to govern, effectively legislate, and work.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.vanderbilt.edu/political-science/bio/marc-hetherington">Marc J. Hetherington</a> and <a href="http://www.pol.illinois.edu/people/rudolph">Thomas J. Rudolph</a> have written the alliteratively titled <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022629921X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Why Washington Won’t Work: Polarization, Political Trust, and the Governing Crisis </a>(University of Chicago Press, 2015) is professor of political science at Vanderbilt University; Rudolph is professor of political science at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign.</p><p>Who do you trust? According to Why Washington Won’t Work, you definitely do not trust the government, especially if you are a Republican. Today, more than in the past, political trust divides the country. Hetherington and Rudolph argue that a profound, and historically high, lack of trust among the public reduces the likelihood of compromise in Congress. In an increasingly polarized political environment that is already pre-disposed to gridlock, this finding on public trust helps to further explain the inability of Washington to govern, effectively legislate, and work.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1449</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=2022]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6283096665.mp3?updated=1543615469" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Eitan Hersh, “Hacking the Electorate: How Campaigns Perceive Voters” (Cambridge UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Eitan Hersh is the author of Hacking the Electorate: How Campaigns Perceive Voters (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Hersh is an assistant professor of political science at Yale University.
We’ve come to think of political campaigns as highly sophisticated data-processing machines, capable of precisely targeting voters based on the last item they bought on Amazon. Hacking the Electorate suggests something very different about how campaigns actually target voters. Hersh argues that political campaigns vary greatly in how detailed their data actually are, at the whim of whether the state collects detailed or more general information about voters. Campaigns typically use the best available public data to design targeting strategies. As a result, strategies vary across the country based on how campaigns perceive voters in different information environments.
If you just haven’t had enough podcasting for the day, click over to my good friends at the Scholar Strategy Network and their new podcast, No Jargon. Listen to their first podcast featuring my new book, Tea Party Divided (Praeger, 2015) and learn about how the Tea Party is shaping the contentious politics of Congress and on the presidential campaign trail.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 03 Nov 2015 13:24:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Eitan Hersh is the author of Hacking the Electorate: How Campaigns Perceive Voters (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Hersh is an assistant professor of political science at Yale University. We’ve come to think of political campaigns as highly sophist...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Eitan Hersh is the author of Hacking the Electorate: How Campaigns Perceive Voters (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Hersh is an assistant professor of political science at Yale University.
We’ve come to think of political campaigns as highly sophisticated data-processing machines, capable of precisely targeting voters based on the last item they bought on Amazon. Hacking the Electorate suggests something very different about how campaigns actually target voters. Hersh argues that political campaigns vary greatly in how detailed their data actually are, at the whim of whether the state collects detailed or more general information about voters. Campaigns typically use the best available public data to design targeting strategies. As a result, strategies vary across the country based on how campaigns perceive voters in different information environments.
If you just haven’t had enough podcasting for the day, click over to my good friends at the Scholar Strategy Network and their new podcast, No Jargon. Listen to their first podcast featuring my new book, Tea Party Divided (Praeger, 2015) and learn about how the Tea Party is shaping the contentious politics of Congress and on the presidential campaign trail.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.eitanhersh.com/">Eitan Hersh</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107501164/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Hacking the Electorate: How Campaigns Perceive Voters</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Hersh is an assistant professor of political science at Yale University.</p><p>We’ve come to think of political campaigns as highly sophisticated data-processing machines, capable of precisely targeting voters based on the last item they bought on Amazon. Hacking the Electorate suggests something very different about how campaigns actually target voters. Hersh argues that political campaigns vary greatly in how detailed their data actually are, at the whim of whether the state collects detailed or more general information about voters. Campaigns typically use the best available public data to design targeting strategies. As a result, strategies vary across the country based on how campaigns perceive voters in different information environments.</p><p>If you just haven’t had enough podcasting for the day, click over to my good friends at the Scholar Strategy Network and their new podcast, <a href="www.scholarsstrategynetwork.org/nojargon">No Jargon</a>. Listen to their first podcast featuring my new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/The-Tea-Party-Divided-Diversity/dp/1440836442">Tea Party Divided</a> (Praeger, 2015) and learn about how the Tea Party is shaping the contentious politics of Congress and on the presidential campaign trail.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1156</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/11/03/eitan-hersh-hacking-the-electorate-how-campaigns-perceive-voters-cambridge-up-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1230119969.mp3?updated=1543615468" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel Schlozman, “When Movements Anchor Parties: Electoral Alignments in American History” (Princeton University Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>Daniel Schlozman is the author of When Movements Anchor Parties: Electoral Alignments in American History (Princeton University Press, 2015). Schlozman is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University.
With disarray in the Republican Party, Schlozman’s new book traces some of the movements that have shaped the current GOP. The book shows why certain social movements, such as organized labor and Christian Conservatives, became central to the Democrats and Republicans, whereas as others, such as the anti-war movement and populist movement, never gained traction in the two parties.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 27 Oct 2015 13:14:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Schlozman is the author of When Movements Anchor Parties: Electoral Alignments in American History (Princeton University Press, 2015). Schlozman is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Schlozman is the author of When Movements Anchor Parties: Electoral Alignments in American History (Princeton University Press, 2015). Schlozman is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University.
With disarray in the Republican Party, Schlozman’s new book traces some of the movements that have shaped the current GOP. The book shows why certain social movements, such as organized labor and Christian Conservatives, became central to the Democrats and Republicans, whereas as others, such as the anti-war movement and populist movement, never gained traction in the two parties.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.danielschlozman.net/">Daniel Schlozman</a> is the author of <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10086.html">When Movements Anchor Parties: Electoral Alignments in American History</a> (Princeton University Press, 2015). Schlozman is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University.</p><p>With disarray in the Republican Party, Schlozman’s new book traces some of the movements that have shaped the current GOP. The book shows why certain social movements, such as organized labor and Christian Conservatives, became central to the Democrats and Republicans, whereas as others, such as the anti-war movement and populist movement, never gained traction in the two parties.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1195</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/10/27/daniel-schlozman-when-movements-anchor-parties-electoral-alignments-in-american-history-princeton-university-press-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9007351193.mp3?updated=1543615486" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>James Curry,  “Legislating in the Dark: Information and Power in the House of Representatives” (U of Chicago Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>James Curry has written Legislating in the Dark: Information and Power in the House of Representatives (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Curry is assistant professor of political science at the University of Utah.
With Congress in the news, a new book about the House arrives in timely fashion. Not only is Curry’s book timely, it also helps explain part of what’s been going on in Washington. Curry argues that House leaders use special procedural tactics to restrict information about bills from rank-and-file members. By limiting information, leaders can efficiently push ahead an agenda with much less opposition. This is an effect strategy, but can lead to resentment and distrust, two of the factors that may have created the environment for the search for a new speaker.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 13 Oct 2015 14:44:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>James Curry has written Legislating in the Dark: Information and Power in the House of Representatives (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Curry is assistant professor of political science at the University of Utah. With Congress in the news,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>James Curry has written Legislating in the Dark: Information and Power in the House of Representatives (University of Chicago Press, 2015). Curry is assistant professor of political science at the University of Utah.
With Congress in the news, a new book about the House arrives in timely fashion. Not only is Curry’s book timely, it also helps explain part of what’s been going on in Washington. Curry argues that House leaders use special procedural tactics to restrict information about bills from rank-and-file members. By limiting information, leaders can efficiently push ahead an agenda with much less opposition. This is an effect strategy, but can lead to resentment and distrust, two of the factors that may have created the environment for the search for a new speaker.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://faculty.utah.edu/u0844867-James_M_Curry/biography/index.hml">James Curry</a> has written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022628171X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Legislating in the Dark: Information and Power in the House of Representatives </a>(University of Chicago Press, 2015). Curry is assistant professor of political science at the University of Utah.</p><p>With Congress in the news, a new book about the House arrives in timely fashion. Not only is Curry’s book timely, it also helps explain part of what’s been going on in Washington. Curry argues that House leaders use special procedural tactics to restrict information about bills from rank-and-file members. By limiting information, leaders can efficiently push ahead an agenda with much less opposition. This is an effect strategy, but can lead to resentment and distrust, two of the factors that may have created the environment for the search for a new speaker.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1145</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/10/13/james-curry-legislating-in-the-dark-information-and-power-in-the-house-of-representatives-u-of-chicago-press-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3484109494.mp3?updated=1543615471" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Sehat, “The Jefferson Rule: How the Founding Fathers Became Infallible and the Our Politics Inflexible” (Simon and Schuster, 2015)</title>
      <description>David Sehat is an associate professor of history at Georgia State University. His book The Jefferson Rule: How the Founding Fathers Became Infallible and the Our Politics Inflexible (Simon and Schuster, 2015) is part narrative history, part political analysis. Beginning with George Washington’s administration to the 2012 Congressional budgetary crisis, Sehat provides a long sweep of the continual conflicts over the meaning of the U.S. constitution and the intent of the founders. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton represented two different interpretations and set the course for subsequent debates over first principles that by Lincoln’s time escalated into civil war. The differences revolved largely on the role of the federal government, states rights and the limits of economic freedom. After the Civil War and as America faced becoming a modern nation the founders as a standard of ideals went into eclipse. The oppositional rhetoric of the American Liberty League to Roosevelt’s New Deal, and constitutional reinterpretation, once again turned to the founders. Modern political rivals have continued to call on the legacy of the founders to support their arguments and making them a test of political orthodoxy. Martin Luther King’s civil rights campaign, the Reagan Revolution, and the Tea Party movement drew from the founders with radically different understandings of the past and the future. Liberals pointed to changing nature of constitutional governance arguing for context and adaptation. Conservatives held to a static and binding view of the constitution asserting original intent. Arguments that found their way to the Supreme Court. Sehat argues that conflict over the intent of the founders, and the meaning of the constitution, has kept the nation paralyzed in dealing with the present. By asking what the founder’s would do, we foreclose productive debate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 26 Sep 2015 20:51:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>David Sehat is an associate professor of history at Georgia State University. His book The Jefferson Rule: How the Founding Fathers Became Infallible and the Our Politics Inflexible (Simon and Schuster, 2015) is part narrative history,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>David Sehat is an associate professor of history at Georgia State University. His book The Jefferson Rule: How the Founding Fathers Became Infallible and the Our Politics Inflexible (Simon and Schuster, 2015) is part narrative history, part political analysis. Beginning with George Washington’s administration to the 2012 Congressional budgetary crisis, Sehat provides a long sweep of the continual conflicts over the meaning of the U.S. constitution and the intent of the founders. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton represented two different interpretations and set the course for subsequent debates over first principles that by Lincoln’s time escalated into civil war. The differences revolved largely on the role of the federal government, states rights and the limits of economic freedom. After the Civil War and as America faced becoming a modern nation the founders as a standard of ideals went into eclipse. The oppositional rhetoric of the American Liberty League to Roosevelt’s New Deal, and constitutional reinterpretation, once again turned to the founders. Modern political rivals have continued to call on the legacy of the founders to support their arguments and making them a test of political orthodoxy. Martin Luther King’s civil rights campaign, the Reagan Revolution, and the Tea Party movement drew from the founders with radically different understandings of the past and the future. Liberals pointed to changing nature of constitutional governance arguing for context and adaptation. Conservatives held to a static and binding view of the constitution asserting original intent. Arguments that found their way to the Supreme Court. Sehat argues that conflict over the intent of the founders, and the meaning of the constitution, has kept the nation paralyzed in dealing with the present. By asking what the founder’s would do, we foreclose productive debate.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://history.gsu.edu/profile/david-sehat-3/">David Sehat</a> is an associate professor of history at Georgia State University. His book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1476779775/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Jefferson Rule: How the Founding Fathers Became Infallible and the Our Politics Inflexible</a> (Simon and Schuster, 2015) is part narrative history, part political analysis. Beginning with George Washington’s administration to the 2012 Congressional budgetary crisis, Sehat provides a long sweep of the continual conflicts over the meaning of the U.S. constitution and the intent of the founders. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton represented two different interpretations and set the course for subsequent debates over first principles that by Lincoln’s time escalated into civil war. The differences revolved largely on the role of the federal government, states rights and the limits of economic freedom. After the Civil War and as America faced becoming a modern nation the founders as a standard of ideals went into eclipse. The oppositional rhetoric of the American Liberty League to Roosevelt’s New Deal, and constitutional reinterpretation, once again turned to the founders. Modern political rivals have continued to call on the legacy of the founders to support their arguments and making them a test of political orthodoxy. Martin Luther King’s civil rights campaign, the Reagan Revolution, and the Tea Party movement drew from the founders with radically different understandings of the past and the future. Liberals pointed to changing nature of constitutional governance arguing for context and adaptation. Conservatives held to a static and binding view of the constitution asserting original intent. Arguments that found their way to the Supreme Court. Sehat argues that conflict over the intent of the founders, and the meaning of the constitution, has kept the nation paralyzed in dealing with the present. By asking what the founder’s would do, we foreclose productive debate.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3710</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/americanstudies/?p=1162]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4117593193.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>George H. Nash, ed., “The Crusade Years, 1933-1955: Herbert Hoover’s Lost Memoir of the New Deal Era and Its Aftermath” (Hoover Institution Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>George H. Nash is an independent scholar, historian, and lecturer. As a scholar of American conservative thought and biographer of Herbert Hoover, Nash edited The Crusade Years, 1933-1955: Herbert Hoover’s Lost Memoir of the New Deal Era and its Aftermath (Hoover Institution Press, 2013). Hoover, the 31st president of the United States, lost his bid for re-election in 1932 reaching the lowest point of a long productive life. Rather than retreat to a quiet private life, he spent the next three decades writing and speaking, promoting humanitarian projects, addressing the problem of government efficiency, and as a vocal critic of American intervention abroad. He left a voluminous and detailed memoir, which remained unpublished until recently. The Hoover Institution published the first volume Freedom Betrayed, also edited by Nash, in 2011. Nash has provided a thorough introduction of Hoover’s life. The second volume of the memoir, The Crusade Years, covers some of Hoover’s private life and lays out his views on the threat of collectivism. Hoover was a relentless crusader against Roosevelt’s New Deal policies and a champion of a classic liberal philosophy of “properly regulated individualism”. He resisted the erosion of American liberty by an encroaching state. His political philosophy was not rooted in an unfettered laissez-faire but in his firm belief in American exceptionalism, ordered liberty, and the possibility of social progress. In contemporary American politics, as noted by Nash, Hoover is both too liberal for conservatives and too conservative for liberals bringing out the American tension in striking a balance between free markets and government regulation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Sep 2015 18:11:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>George H. Nash is an independent scholar, historian, and lecturer. As a scholar of American conservative thought and biographer of Herbert Hoover, Nash edited The Crusade Years, 1933-1955: Herbert Hoover’s Lost Memoir of the New Deal Era and its Afterm...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>George H. Nash is an independent scholar, historian, and lecturer. As a scholar of American conservative thought and biographer of Herbert Hoover, Nash edited The Crusade Years, 1933-1955: Herbert Hoover’s Lost Memoir of the New Deal Era and its Aftermath (Hoover Institution Press, 2013). Hoover, the 31st president of the United States, lost his bid for re-election in 1932 reaching the lowest point of a long productive life. Rather than retreat to a quiet private life, he spent the next three decades writing and speaking, promoting humanitarian projects, addressing the problem of government efficiency, and as a vocal critic of American intervention abroad. He left a voluminous and detailed memoir, which remained unpublished until recently. The Hoover Institution published the first volume Freedom Betrayed, also edited by Nash, in 2011. Nash has provided a thorough introduction of Hoover’s life. The second volume of the memoir, The Crusade Years, covers some of Hoover’s private life and lays out his views on the threat of collectivism. Hoover was a relentless crusader against Roosevelt’s New Deal policies and a champion of a classic liberal philosophy of “properly regulated individualism”. He resisted the erosion of American liberty by an encroaching state. His political philosophy was not rooted in an unfettered laissez-faire but in his firm belief in American exceptionalism, ordered liberty, and the possibility of social progress. In contemporary American politics, as noted by Nash, Hoover is both too liberal for conservatives and too conservative for liberals bringing out the American tension in striking a balance between free markets and government regulation.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_H._Nash">George H. Nash</a> is an independent scholar, historian, and lecturer. As a scholar of American conservative thought and biographer of Herbert Hoover, Nash edited <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0817916741/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Crusade Years, 1933-1955: Herbert Hoover’s Lost Memoir of the New Deal Era and its Aftermath</a> (Hoover Institution Press, 2013). Hoover, the 31st president of the United States, lost his bid for re-election in 1932 reaching the lowest point of a long productive life. Rather than retreat to a quiet private life, he spent the next three decades writing and speaking, promoting humanitarian projects, addressing the problem of government efficiency, and as a vocal critic of American intervention abroad. He left a voluminous and detailed memoir, which remained unpublished until recently. The Hoover Institution published the first volume Freedom Betrayed, also edited by Nash, in 2011. Nash has provided a thorough introduction of Hoover’s life. The second volume of the memoir, The Crusade Years, covers some of Hoover’s private life and lays out his views on the threat of collectivism. Hoover was a relentless crusader against Roosevelt’s New Deal policies and a champion of a classic liberal philosophy of “properly regulated individualism”. He resisted the erosion of American liberty by an encroaching state. His political philosophy was not rooted in an unfettered laissez-faire but in his firm belief in American exceptionalism, ordered liberty, and the possibility of social progress. In contemporary American politics, as noted by Nash, Hoover is both too liberal for conservatives and too conservative for liberals bringing out the American tension in striking a balance between free markets and government regulation.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3709</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/americanstudies/?p=1134]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3005052236.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Natalia Molina, “How Race is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts” (University of California Press, 2014)</title>
      <description>“America is a nation of immigrants.” Either this common refrain, or its cousin the “melting pot” metaphor is repeated daily in conversations at various levels of U.S. society. Be it in the private or public realm, these notions promote a compelling image of national inclusivity that appears not to be limited to particular notions of race, religious affiliation, gender, or national origin. Indeed, generations of American writers–like J. Hector St. John Crevecoeur, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Israel Zangwill, Emma Lazarus, and Oscar Handlin–have embedded America’s immigrant past into the collective psyche of its people and the epic telling of its history. Yet, as scholars of U.S. immigration history have asserted over the past few decades, the “nation of immigrants” narrative is blinded by both its singular focus on trans-Atlantic European migration and the presumption of immigrant assimilation and incorporation to Anglo American institutions and cultural norms. In her fascinating new study How Race is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts (University of California Press, 2014) Professor of History and Urban Studies at UC San Diego Natalia Molina advances the study of U.S. immigration history and race relations by connecting the themes of race and citizenship in the construction of American racial categories. Using archival records held by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the U.S. Congress, local governments, and immigrant rights groups, Dr. Molina examines the period of Mexican immigration to the U.S. from 1924-1965. Employing a relational lens to her study, Professor Molina advances the theory of racial scripts to describe how ideas about Mexicans and Mexican immigration have been fashioned out of preexisting racial projects that sought to exclude African Americans and Asian immigrants from acquiring the full benefits of American citizenship.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 02 Sep 2015 17:34:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/059cfc40-c013-11ec-81d3-5b9a4a60e197/image/latinostudies1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>“America is a nation of immigrants.” Either this common refrain, or its cousin the “melting pot” metaphor is repeated daily in conversations at various levels of U.S. society. Be it in the private or public realm,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“America is a nation of immigrants.” Either this common refrain, or its cousin the “melting pot” metaphor is repeated daily in conversations at various levels of U.S. society. Be it in the private or public realm, these notions promote a compelling image of national inclusivity that appears not to be limited to particular notions of race, religious affiliation, gender, or national origin. Indeed, generations of American writers–like J. Hector St. John Crevecoeur, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Israel Zangwill, Emma Lazarus, and Oscar Handlin–have embedded America’s immigrant past into the collective psyche of its people and the epic telling of its history. Yet, as scholars of U.S. immigration history have asserted over the past few decades, the “nation of immigrants” narrative is blinded by both its singular focus on trans-Atlantic European migration and the presumption of immigrant assimilation and incorporation to Anglo American institutions and cultural norms. In her fascinating new study How Race is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts (University of California Press, 2014) Professor of History and Urban Studies at UC San Diego Natalia Molina advances the study of U.S. immigration history and race relations by connecting the themes of race and citizenship in the construction of American racial categories. Using archival records held by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the U.S. Congress, local governments, and immigrant rights groups, Dr. Molina examines the period of Mexican immigration to the U.S. from 1924-1965. Employing a relational lens to her study, Professor Molina advances the theory of racial scripts to describe how ideas about Mexicans and Mexican immigration have been fashioned out of preexisting racial projects that sought to exclude African Americans and Asian immigrants from acquiring the full benefits of American citizenship.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“America is a nation of immigrants.” Either this common refrain, or its cousin the “melting pot” metaphor is repeated daily in conversations at various levels of U.S. society. Be it in the private or public realm, these notions promote a compelling image of national inclusivity that appears not to be limited to particular notions of race, religious affiliation, gender, or national origin. Indeed, generations of American writers–like J. Hector St. John Crevecoeur, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Israel Zangwill, Emma Lazarus, and Oscar Handlin–have embedded America’s immigrant past into the collective psyche of its people and the epic telling of its history. Yet, as scholars of U.S. immigration history have asserted over the past few decades, the “nation of immigrants” narrative is blinded by both its singular focus on trans-Atlantic European migration and the presumption of immigrant assimilation and incorporation to Anglo American institutions and cultural norms. In her fascinating new study <a href="http://www.amazon.com/How-Race-Made-America-Immigration/dp/0520280083/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1441130536&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=how+race+is+made+in+america">How Race is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts</a> (University of California Press, 2014) Professor of History and Urban Studies at UC San Diego <a href="https://history.ucsd.edu/people/faculty/molina.html">Natalia Molina</a> advances the study of U.S. immigration history and race relations by connecting the themes of race and citizenship in the construction of American racial categories. Using archival records held by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), the U.S. Congress, local governments, and immigrant rights groups, Dr. Molina examines the period of Mexican immigration to the U.S. from 1924-1965. Employing a relational lens to her study, Professor Molina advances the theory of racial scripts to describe how ideas about Mexicans and Mexican immigration have been fashioned out of preexisting racial projects that sought to exclude African Americans and Asian immigrants from acquiring the full benefits of American citizenship.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4126</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinasianamericanstudies.com/2015/09/02/natalia-molina-how-race-is-made-in-america-immigration-citizenship-and-the-historical-power-of-racial-scripts-university-of-california-press-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9224171797.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Leah Wright Rigueur, “The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power” (Princeton UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Leah Wright Rigueur is an assistant professor of public policy at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. Her book The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power (Princeton University Press, 2015) examines how the Grand Old Party of Lincoln lost its position as the home of the African American vote. Covering more than four decades beginning in Roosevelt’s New Deal to Ronald Reagan’s presidential election, Rigueur examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians to build and remain within the Party’s shrinking tent. Marginalized within their own communities and party, black Republicans fought political battles on two fronts. They continually sought to include black needs and interest in the changing formulation of conservatism. Their stories reveal an alternative approach to economic and civil rights within a party increasingly hostile to racially progressive ideas as it wooed the white vote. Rigueur introduces us to republican views of many including the Senator Edward Brooks, Robert J. Brown, Jackie Robinson and black organizations such as National Black Republican Council and the National Negro Republican Assembly. Black republicans dealt with numerous issues including ensuring black political participation, individual rights, economic opportunity, and racial equality. Rigueur has given us a thought-provoking examination on the failure of the Republican Party to live up the legacy of Lincoln, and to respond to its black members who remained committed to the conservative ideals of free enterprise, individual initiative, and limited government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 16 Aug 2015 22:20:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Leah Wright Rigueur is an assistant professor of public policy at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. Her book The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power (Princeton University Press,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Leah Wright Rigueur is an assistant professor of public policy at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. Her book The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power (Princeton University Press, 2015) examines how the Grand Old Party of Lincoln lost its position as the home of the African American vote. Covering more than four decades beginning in Roosevelt’s New Deal to Ronald Reagan’s presidential election, Rigueur examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians to build and remain within the Party’s shrinking tent. Marginalized within their own communities and party, black Republicans fought political battles on two fronts. They continually sought to include black needs and interest in the changing formulation of conservatism. Their stories reveal an alternative approach to economic and civil rights within a party increasingly hostile to racially progressive ideas as it wooed the white vote. Rigueur introduces us to republican views of many including the Senator Edward Brooks, Robert J. Brown, Jackie Robinson and black organizations such as National Black Republican Council and the National Negro Republican Assembly. Black republicans dealt with numerous issues including ensuring black political participation, individual rights, economic opportunity, and racial equality. Rigueur has given us a thought-provoking examination on the failure of the Republican Party to live up the legacy of Lincoln, and to respond to its black members who remained committed to the conservative ideals of free enterprise, individual initiative, and limited government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.hks.harvard.edu/about/faculty-staff-directory/leah-wright-rigueur">Leah Wright Rigueur</a> is an assistant professor of public policy at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government. Her book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691159017/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Loneliness of the Black Republican: Pragmatic Politics and the Pursuit of Power</a> (Princeton University Press, 2015) examines how the Grand Old Party of Lincoln lost its position as the home of the African American vote. Covering more than four decades beginning in Roosevelt’s New Deal to Ronald Reagan’s presidential election, Rigueur examines the ideas and actions of black Republican activists, officials, and politicians to build and remain within the Party’s shrinking tent. Marginalized within their own communities and party, black Republicans fought political battles on two fronts. They continually sought to include black needs and interest in the changing formulation of conservatism. Their stories reveal an alternative approach to economic and civil rights within a party increasingly hostile to racially progressive ideas as it wooed the white vote. Rigueur introduces us to republican views of many including the Senator Edward Brooks, Robert J. Brown, Jackie Robinson and black organizations such as National Black Republican Council and the National Negro Republican Assembly. Black republicans dealt with numerous issues including ensuring black political participation, individual rights, economic opportunity, and racial equality. Rigueur has given us a thought-provoking examination on the failure of the Republican Party to live up the legacy of Lincoln, and to respond to its black members who remained committed to the conservative ideals of free enterprise, individual initiative, and limited government.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4024</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/americanstudies/?p=1116]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8929638516.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kristin Soltis Anderson, “The Selfie Vote: Where Millennials Are Leading America (And How Republicans Can Keep Up)” (Broadside, 2015)</title>
      <description>With over a dozen Republican candidates in the summer news, what will it take for one to emerge from the pack? Kristen Soltis Anderson‘s new book, The Selfie Vote: Where Millennials Are Leading America (And How Republicans Can Keep Up) (Broadside Books, 2015), has an answer. Anderson is the co-founder of Echelon Insights, a public opinion and data analytics firm that helps campaigns and companies design their messages and strategies. Anderson’s book draws on this experience as a campaign and polling expert to suggest that Republicans need to understand the changing values and behaviors of Millennials. She argues that successful candidates will move digital to the center of their campaigns and reach out to younger voters in new ways. Failing to do so, Anderson predicts, will lead to generations of new voters turned off to the GOP.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 04 Aug 2015 13:02:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With over a dozen Republican candidates in the summer news, what will it take for one to emerge from the pack? Kristen Soltis Anderson‘s new book, The Selfie Vote: Where Millennials Are Leading America (And How Republicans Can Keep Up) (Broadside Books...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With over a dozen Republican candidates in the summer news, what will it take for one to emerge from the pack? Kristen Soltis Anderson‘s new book, The Selfie Vote: Where Millennials Are Leading America (And How Republicans Can Keep Up) (Broadside Books, 2015), has an answer. Anderson is the co-founder of Echelon Insights, a public opinion and data analytics firm that helps campaigns and companies design their messages and strategies. Anderson’s book draws on this experience as a campaign and polling expert to suggest that Republicans need to understand the changing values and behaviors of Millennials. She argues that successful candidates will move digital to the center of their campaigns and reach out to younger voters in new ways. Failing to do so, Anderson predicts, will lead to generations of new voters turned off to the GOP.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With over a dozen Republican candidates in the summer news, what will it take for one to emerge from the pack? <a href="http://kristensoltisanderson.com/about/">Kristen Soltis Anderson</a>‘s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0062343106/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Selfie Vote: Where Millennials Are Leading America (And How Republicans Can Keep Up)</a> (Broadside Books, 2015), has an answer. Anderson is the co-founder of Echelon Insights, a public opinion and data analytics firm that helps campaigns and companies design their messages and strategies. Anderson’s book draws on this experience as a campaign and polling expert to suggest that Republicans need to understand the changing values and behaviors of Millennials. She argues that successful candidates will move digital to the center of their campaigns and reach out to younger voters in new ways. Failing to do so, Anderson predicts, will lead to generations of new voters turned off to the GOP.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1310</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/08/04/kristin-soltis-anderson-the-selfie-vote-where-millennials-are-leading-america-and-how-republicans-can-keep-up-broadside-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6710767490.mp3?updated=1543616205" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David George Surdham, “The Big Leagues Go to Washington: Congress and Sports Antitrust, 1951-1989” (U of Illinois Press, 2015)</title>
      <description>David George Surdham is the author of The Big Leagues Go to Washington: Congress and Sports Antitrust, 1951-1989 (University of Illinois Press, 2015). Surdham is Associate Professor of Economics at Northern Iowa University.
Just back from the Major League Baseball All-Star break, Surdham has written a book for sports lovers. Why do major league sports receive such preferential treatment from Congress? And what does this have to do with labor and economic development policy? Surdham examines Congressional hearings held over decades to figure out how Washington’s role in professional sports has changed over since the 1950s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Jul 2015 19:20:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>David George Surdham is the author of The Big Leagues Go to Washington: Congress and Sports Antitrust, 1951-1989 (University of Illinois Press, 2015). Surdham is Associate Professor of Economics at Northern Iowa University.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>David George Surdham is the author of The Big Leagues Go to Washington: Congress and Sports Antitrust, 1951-1989 (University of Illinois Press, 2015). Surdham is Associate Professor of Economics at Northern Iowa University.
Just back from the Major League Baseball All-Star break, Surdham has written a book for sports lovers. Why do major league sports receive such preferential treatment from Congress? And what does this have to do with labor and economic development policy? Surdham examines Congressional hearings held over decades to figure out how Washington’s role in professional sports has changed over since the 1950s.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://business.uni.edu/web/pages/departments/facultystaff-directory-detail.cfm?facultyid=158">David George Surdham</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0252039149/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Big Leagues Go to Washington: Congress and Sports Antitrust, 1951-1989</a> (University of Illinois Press, 2015). Surdham is Associate Professor of Economics at Northern Iowa University.</p><p>Just back from the Major League Baseball All-Star break, Surdham has written a book for sports lovers. Why do major league sports receive such preferential treatment from Congress? And what does this have to do with labor and economic development policy? Surdham examines Congressional hearings held over decades to figure out how Washington’s role in professional sports has changed over since the 1950s.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1100</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/07/24/david-george-surdham-the-big-leagues-go-to-washington-congress-and-sports-antitrust-1951-1989-u-of-illinois-press-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2429668839.mp3?updated=1543616203" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Julian E. Zelizer, “The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society” (Penguin, 2015)</title>
      <description>Julian E. Zelizer is the author of The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015). Zelizer is the Malcom Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University and a fellow at New America.
In the Fierce Urgency of Now, Zelizer focuses on the heated period of 1963-1966, and President Lyndon Johnson’s effort to pass a civil rights bill. Johnson has been credited as the chief architect of the passage of the ultimate bill, but Zelizer shifts focus to Congress and the variety of interest groups lobbying for and against the bill. In doing so, Zelizer argues that credit for the civil rights acts must be more widely shared.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 06 Jul 2015 12:09:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Julian E. Zelizer is the author of The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015). Zelizer is the Malcom Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princet...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Julian E. Zelizer is the author of The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society (Penguin Press, 2015). Zelizer is the Malcom Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University and a fellow at New America.
In the Fierce Urgency of Now, Zelizer focuses on the heated period of 1963-1966, and President Lyndon Johnson’s effort to pass a civil rights bill. Johnson has been credited as the chief architect of the passage of the ultimate bill, but Zelizer shifts focus to Congress and the variety of interest groups lobbying for and against the bill. In doing so, Zelizer argues that credit for the civil rights acts must be more widely shared.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.princeton.edu/~jzelizer/">Julian E. Zelizer</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1594204349/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Fierce Urgency of Now: Lyndon Johnson, Congress, and the Battle for the Great Society</a> (Penguin Press, 2015). Zelizer is the Malcom Stevenson Forbes, Class of 1941 Professor of History and Public Affairs at Princeton University and a fellow at New America.</p><p>In the Fierce Urgency of Now, Zelizer focuses on the heated period of 1963-1966, and President Lyndon Johnson’s effort to pass a civil rights bill. Johnson has been credited as the chief architect of the passage of the ultimate bill, but Zelizer shifts focus to Congress and the variety of interest groups lobbying for and against the bill. In doing so, Zelizer argues that credit for the civil rights acts must be more widely shared.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1185</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/07/06/julian-e-zelizer-the-fierce-urgency-of-now-lyndon-johnson-congress-and-the-battle-for-the-great-society-penguin-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9596316669.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox, “Running from Office: Why Young Americans Are Turned off to Politics” (Oxford UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox are the authors of Running from Office: Why Young Americans Are Turned off to Politics (Oxford UP,2015). Lawless is a Professor of Government and the Director of the Women &amp; Politics Institute at American University. Fox is a Professor of Political Science at Loyola Marymount University.
The two conducted surveys of over 4,000 younger Americans. What they find is that their young Americans rarely think, talk or consider politics. While many seem to care about the world, this infrequently translates to running for office or aspirations to work in politics. They find: Just 11 percent of respondents said that they had thought about running office “many times” while 61 percent said they “never” considered it. Asked if various jobs paid the same, they find just 13 percent of respondents said they would want to be a member of Congress, versus 37 percent who chose business executive and 27 percent school principal; only 19 percent indicated that a future goal was to become a political leader. And less than 10% of respondents said that their parents would want them to pursue a job as a member of Congress, compared to around 50 percent for owning a business.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 28 Jun 2015 13:34:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox are the authors of Running from Office: Why Young Americans Are Turned off to Politics (Oxford UP,2015). Lawless is a Professor of Government and the Director of the Women &amp; Politics Institute at American Universi...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Jennifer L. Lawless and Richard L. Fox are the authors of Running from Office: Why Young Americans Are Turned off to Politics (Oxford UP,2015). Lawless is a Professor of Government and the Director of the Women &amp; Politics Institute at American University. Fox is a Professor of Political Science at Loyola Marymount University.
The two conducted surveys of over 4,000 younger Americans. What they find is that their young Americans rarely think, talk or consider politics. While many seem to care about the world, this infrequently translates to running for office or aspirations to work in politics. They find: Just 11 percent of respondents said that they had thought about running office “many times” while 61 percent said they “never” considered it. Asked if various jobs paid the same, they find just 13 percent of respondents said they would want to be a member of Congress, versus 37 percent who chose business executive and 27 percent school principal; only 19 percent indicated that a future goal was to become a political leader. And less than 10% of respondents said that their parents would want them to pursue a job as a member of Congress, compared to around 50 percent for owning a business.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.american.edu/spa/faculty/lawless.cfm">Jennifer L. Lawless</a> and <a href="http://works.bepress.com/richard_fox/">Richard L. Fox</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199397651/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Running from Office: Why Young Americans Are Turned off to Politics</a> (Oxford UP,2015). Lawless is a Professor of Government and the Director of the Women &amp; Politics Institute at American University. Fox is a Professor of Political Science at Loyola Marymount University.</p><p>The two conducted surveys of over 4,000 younger Americans. What they find is that their young Americans rarely think, talk or consider politics. While many seem to care about the world, this infrequently translates to running for office or aspirations to work in politics. They find: Just 11 percent of respondents said that they had thought about running office “many times” while 61 percent said they “never” considered it. Asked if various jobs paid the same, they find just 13 percent of respondents said they would want to be a member of Congress, versus 37 percent who chose business executive and 27 percent school principal; only 19 percent indicated that a future goal was to become a political leader. And less than 10% of respondents said that their parents would want them to pursue a job as a member of Congress, compared to around 50 percent for owning a business.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1022</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/06/28/jennifer-l-lawless-and-richard-l-fox-running-from-office-why-young-americans-are-turned-off-to-politics-oxford-up-2015/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5011991661.mp3?updated=1543616214" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Kyle Mattes and David Redlawsk, “The Positive Case for Negative Campaigning” (U of Chicago Press 2014)</title>
      <description>Kyle Mattes and David Redlawsk are the authors of The Positive Case for Negative Campaigning (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Mattes is assistant professor of political science at Florida International University; Redlawsk is professor of political science at the Eagleton Institute’s Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University.
Each campaign season, a near public consensus is reached that everybody hates negative campaign ads. But do we all agree with what actually constitutes a negative ad and does that matter? Mattes and Redlawsk investigate the paradox of nearly universal hatred of negative ads yet persistent use by candidates. How can these two be? In the book, Mattes and Redlawsk designed a series of experiments to figure out what is it about negativity that voters truly dislike. In doing so, they separate ads that merely refer to a campaign opponent from those that criticize family and personal characteristics. What they discover will help anyone interested in politics better understand the way campaign communications actually works.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 14 Jun 2015 18:36:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Kyle Mattes and David Redlawsk are the authors of The Positive Case for Negative Campaigning (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Mattes is assistant professor of political science at Florida International University; Redlawsk is professor of political...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kyle Mattes and David Redlawsk are the authors of The Positive Case for Negative Campaigning (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Mattes is assistant professor of political science at Florida International University; Redlawsk is professor of political science at the Eagleton Institute’s Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University.
Each campaign season, a near public consensus is reached that everybody hates negative campaign ads. But do we all agree with what actually constitutes a negative ad and does that matter? Mattes and Redlawsk investigate the paradox of nearly universal hatred of negative ads yet persistent use by candidates. How can these two be? In the book, Mattes and Redlawsk designed a series of experiments to figure out what is it about negativity that voters truly dislike. In doing so, they separate ads that merely refer to a campaign opponent from those that criticize family and personal characteristics. What they discover will help anyone interested in politics better understand the way campaign communications actually works.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://clas.uiowa.edu/polisci/people/kyle-mattes">Kyle Mattes</a> and <a href="http://www.rci.rutgers.edu/~redlawsk/">David Redlawsk</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022620216X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Positive Case for Negative Campaigning</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Mattes is assistant professor of political science at Florida International University; Redlawsk is professor of political science at the Eagleton Institute’s Center for Public Interest Polling at Rutgers University.</p><p>Each campaign season, a near public consensus is reached that everybody hates negative campaign ads. But do we all agree with what actually constitutes a negative ad and does that matter? Mattes and Redlawsk investigate the paradox of nearly universal hatred of negative ads yet persistent use by candidates. How can these two be? In the book, Mattes and Redlawsk designed a series of experiments to figure out what is it about negativity that voters truly dislike. In doing so, they separate ads that merely refer to a campaign opponent from those that criticize family and personal characteristics. What they discover will help anyone interested in politics better understand the way campaign communications actually works.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1055</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1875]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9142539385.mp3?updated=1543616226" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael G. Miller, “Subsidizing Democracy: How Public Funding Changes Elections and How it Can Work in the Future” (Cornell UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>With a 2016 presidential election likely to cost several billions dollars, is there any way to prevent money from completely overwhelming US politics? Public financing of campaigns has offered one solution and is the focus of Michael G. Miller‘s new book, Subsidizing Democracy: How Public Funding Changes Elections and How it Can Work in the Future (Cornell UP, 2014).
In several states – Arizona, Connecticut, and Maine – implemented full public funding plans in the early 2000s. These state-level efforts allow Miller to test several assumptions about public funding, including an argument that they could increase the quality of candidates in competitive races, free candidates to meet more registered voters, and possible increase turnout. The empirical findings from Miller’s research provide convincing evidence that many of these goals have been met.
Miller is assistant professor of political science at Barnard College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 09 Jun 2015 11:47:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>With a 2016 presidential election likely to cost several billions dollars, is there any way to prevent money from completely overwhelming US politics? Public financing of campaigns has offered one solution and is the focus of Michael G.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>With a 2016 presidential election likely to cost several billions dollars, is there any way to prevent money from completely overwhelming US politics? Public financing of campaigns has offered one solution and is the focus of Michael G. Miller‘s new book, Subsidizing Democracy: How Public Funding Changes Elections and How it Can Work in the Future (Cornell UP, 2014).
In several states – Arizona, Connecticut, and Maine – implemented full public funding plans in the early 2000s. These state-level efforts allow Miller to test several assumptions about public funding, including an argument that they could increase the quality of candidates in competitive races, free candidates to meet more registered voters, and possible increase turnout. The empirical findings from Miller’s research provide convincing evidence that many of these goals have been met.
Miller is assistant professor of political science at Barnard College.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>With a 2016 presidential election likely to cost several billions dollars, is there any way to prevent money from completely overwhelming US politics? Public financing of campaigns has offered one solution and is the focus of <a href="https://www.sites.google.com/site/millerpolsci/">Michael G. Miller</a>‘s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0801452279/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Subsidizing Democracy: How Public Funding Changes Elections and How it Can Work in the Future</a> (Cornell UP, 2014).</p><p>In several states – Arizona, Connecticut, and Maine – implemented full public funding plans in the early 2000s. These state-level efforts allow Miller to test several assumptions about public funding, including an argument that they could increase the quality of candidates in competitive races, free candidates to meet more registered voters, and possible increase turnout. The empirical findings from Miller’s research provide convincing evidence that many of these goals have been met.</p><p>Miller is assistant professor of political science at Barnard College.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1309</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/06/09/michael-g-miller-subsidizing-democracy-how-public-funding-changes-elections-and-how-it-can-work-in-the-future-cornell-up-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3804608231.mp3?updated=1543616233" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Sophia Z. Lee, “The Workplace Constitution from the New Deal to the New Right” (Cambridge UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>Americans believe they have a number of protections on the job, which are common in other democracies (free speech and privacy, defense against capricious firing, etc.). They are wrong. And in her fascinating new book The Workplace Constitution from the New Deal to the New Right (Cambridge University Press, 2014), the legal historian Sophia Z. Lee wants to understand why.
She explores two major campaigns, stretching roughly from the 1920’s to the 1980’s, to establish constitutional safeguards in the workplace, uncovers their remarkable successes, and ultimate failures. It is a story of unlikely bedfellows: black, pro-union labor activists like C.W. Rice and Charles Houston fighting if not quite alongside then at least parallel to anti-union, right-to-work corporate leaders like Cecil B. DeMille and William T. Harrison for a similar goal to contrary ends.
Lee finds that, contrary to what many think, civil rights groups like the NAACP were actively pursuing employment safeguards in the postwar era, using the “exclusive representation” granted by the New Deal to unions to make creative arguments for “state action” on the basis of the “duty of fair representation.” At the same time, conservatives sought to roll back the dramatic expansion of organized labor during the late 1930’s and especially World War II (to a third of the non-agricultural workforce) by arguing that “closed shop” rules forced men to join unions and to pay for such things as lobbying.
Initially, the courts rejected these latter petitions, during a time when corporations suffered from its Great Depression reputation. But in the late 1950’s, as Congress uncovered corruption in select unions and the civil rights movement steadily grew, businessmen and liberal Republicans had far more success allying themselves with discrimination cases. The Supreme Court, for its part, was caught between not wanting to uphold segregation in labor, or to establish safeguards that would force integration on the entire private sector. Free marketers had nightmares about the racial and economic implications of a workplace Constitution, and unions did, too, for different reasons. With this deadlock, administrative agencies like the National Labor Relations Board and the Federal Communications Commission became fertile arenas for legal expansions.
The result is a tale of absorbing complexity–thankfully, lucidly and beautifully written.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 03 Jun 2015 13:06:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Americans believe they have a number of protections on the job, which are common in other democracies (free speech and privacy, defense against capricious firing, etc.). They are wrong. And in her fascinating new book The Workplace Constitution from th...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans believe they have a number of protections on the job, which are common in other democracies (free speech and privacy, defense against capricious firing, etc.). They are wrong. And in her fascinating new book The Workplace Constitution from the New Deal to the New Right (Cambridge University Press, 2014), the legal historian Sophia Z. Lee wants to understand why.
She explores two major campaigns, stretching roughly from the 1920’s to the 1980’s, to establish constitutional safeguards in the workplace, uncovers their remarkable successes, and ultimate failures. It is a story of unlikely bedfellows: black, pro-union labor activists like C.W. Rice and Charles Houston fighting if not quite alongside then at least parallel to anti-union, right-to-work corporate leaders like Cecil B. DeMille and William T. Harrison for a similar goal to contrary ends.
Lee finds that, contrary to what many think, civil rights groups like the NAACP were actively pursuing employment safeguards in the postwar era, using the “exclusive representation” granted by the New Deal to unions to make creative arguments for “state action” on the basis of the “duty of fair representation.” At the same time, conservatives sought to roll back the dramatic expansion of organized labor during the late 1930’s and especially World War II (to a third of the non-agricultural workforce) by arguing that “closed shop” rules forced men to join unions and to pay for such things as lobbying.
Initially, the courts rejected these latter petitions, during a time when corporations suffered from its Great Depression reputation. But in the late 1950’s, as Congress uncovered corruption in select unions and the civil rights movement steadily grew, businessmen and liberal Republicans had far more success allying themselves with discrimination cases. The Supreme Court, for its part, was caught between not wanting to uphold segregation in labor, or to establish safeguards that would force integration on the entire private sector. Free marketers had nightmares about the racial and economic implications of a workplace Constitution, and unions did, too, for different reasons. With this deadlock, administrative agencies like the National Labor Relations Board and the Federal Communications Commission became fertile arenas for legal expansions.
The result is a tale of absorbing complexity–thankfully, lucidly and beautifully written.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans believe they have a number of protections on the job, which are common in other democracies (free speech and privacy, defense against capricious firing, etc.). They are wrong. And in her fascinating new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107613213/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Workplace Constitution from the New Deal to the New Right</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2014), the legal historian <a href="https://www.law.upenn.edu/cf/faculty/leesophi/">Sophia Z. Lee</a> wants to understand why.</p><p>She explores two major campaigns, stretching roughly from the 1920’s to the 1980’s, to establish constitutional safeguards in the workplace, uncovers their remarkable successes, and ultimate failures. It is a story of unlikely bedfellows: black, pro-union labor activists like C.W. Rice and Charles Houston fighting if not quite alongside then at least parallel to anti-union, right-to-work corporate leaders like Cecil B. DeMille and William T. Harrison for a similar goal to contrary ends.</p><p>Lee finds that, contrary to what many think, civil rights groups like the NAACP were actively pursuing employment safeguards in the postwar era, using the “exclusive representation” granted by the New Deal to unions to make creative arguments for “state action” on the basis of the “duty of fair representation.” At the same time, conservatives sought to roll back the dramatic expansion of organized labor during the late 1930’s and especially World War II (to a third of the non-agricultural workforce) by arguing that “closed shop” rules forced men to join unions and to pay for such things as lobbying.</p><p>Initially, the courts rejected these latter petitions, during a time when corporations suffered from its Great Depression reputation. But in the late 1950’s, as Congress uncovered corruption in select unions and the civil rights movement steadily grew, businessmen and liberal Republicans had far more success allying themselves with discrimination cases. The Supreme Court, for its part, was caught between not wanting to uphold segregation in labor, or to establish safeguards that would force integration on the entire private sector. Free marketers had nightmares about the racial and economic implications of a workplace Constitution, and unions did, too, for different reasons. With this deadlock, administrative agencies like the National Labor Relations Board and the Federal Communications Commission became fertile arenas for legal expansions.</p><p>The result is a tale of absorbing complexity–thankfully, lucidly and beautifully written.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4616</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinamericanstudies.com/2015/06/03/sophia-z-lee-the-workplace-constitution-from-the-new-deal-to-the-new-right-cambridge-up-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5842963504.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Peter Hanson, “Too Weak to Govern: Majority Party Power and Appropriations in the U.S. Senate” (Cambridge University Press, 2014)</title>
      <description>Just a few weeks ago, we heard Matthew Green discuss the minority in the House. Green explained that the minority party may not be as powerless as we typically think. In Too Weak to Govern: Majority Party Power and Appropriations in the U.S. Senate (Cambridge University Press, 2014), Peter Hanson offers another side of a similar story. Hanson argues that the majority party in the Senate, more restrained by rule and convention than in the House, has an equally interesting story to tell. Hanson draws on his experience as a staffer for Senator Tom Daschle to explain the evolution of “regular order” and emergence of continuing resolutions as a tool of the majority. Hanson’s analysis may not convince you to love the Senate, but he sheds needed light on what’s behind the maddening procedures of the “world’s greatest deliberative body.”
Hanson is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 05 May 2015 14:06:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Just a few weeks ago, we heard Matthew Green discuss the minority in the House. Green explained that the minority party may not be as powerless as we typically think. In Too Weak to Govern: Majority Party Power and Appropriations in the U.S.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Just a few weeks ago, we heard Matthew Green discuss the minority in the House. Green explained that the minority party may not be as powerless as we typically think. In Too Weak to Govern: Majority Party Power and Appropriations in the U.S. Senate (Cambridge University Press, 2014), Peter Hanson offers another side of a similar story. Hanson argues that the majority party in the Senate, more restrained by rule and convention than in the House, has an equally interesting story to tell. Hanson draws on his experience as a staffer for Senator Tom Daschle to explain the evolution of “regular order” and emergence of continuing resolutions as a tool of the majority. Hanson’s analysis may not convince you to love the Senate, but he sheds needed light on what’s behind the maddening procedures of the “world’s greatest deliberative body.”
Hanson is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Just a few weeks ago, we heard Matthew Green discuss the minority in the House. Green explained that the minority party may not be as powerless as we typically think. In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/110763587X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Too Weak to Govern: Majority Party Power and Appropriations in the U.S. Senate </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2014), <a href="http://www.du.edu/ahss/polisci/facultystaff/hanson_peter.html">Peter Hanson</a> offers another side of a similar story. Hanson argues that the majority party in the Senate, more restrained by rule and convention than in the House, has an equally interesting story to tell. Hanson draws on his experience as a staffer for Senator Tom Daschle to explain the evolution of “regular order” and emergence of continuing resolutions as a tool of the majority. Hanson’s analysis may not convince you to love the Senate, but he sheds needed light on what’s behind the maddening procedures of the “world’s greatest deliberative body.”</p><p>Hanson is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Denver.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1274</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1830]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4816827739.mp3?updated=1543616253" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Joseph E. Uscinski and Joseph M. Parent, “American Conspiracy Theories” (Oxford UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>“Conspiracy theories are neither the vile excrescence of puny minds nor the telltale symptom of a sick society. They are the ineradicable stuff of politics.”That’s a quotation from American Conspiracy Theories (Oxford UP, 2014), by Joseph E. Uscinski and Joseph M. Parent, two professors of political science at the University of Miami.Their study of conspiracy theories concludes that nearly all Americans hold conspiracy beliefs and that “conspiracy theories bring to the surface people’s deepest political anxieties.”The book studies American conspiracy theories over 120 years from 1890 to 2010. It analyzes well-known conspiracy theories such as the many about the assassination of JFK and the events of 9/11 to more obscure ones such as the Congressional plot to kill pet dogs. In this interview with the New Books Network, co-author Joseph Uscinski suggests American conspiracy theories can teach us a lot about everyday politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Apr 2015 15:31:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>“Conspiracy theories are neither the vile excrescence of puny minds nor the telltale symptom of a sick society. They are the ineradicable stuff of politics.”That’s a quotation from American Conspiracy Theories (Oxford UP, 2014), by Joseph E.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>“Conspiracy theories are neither the vile excrescence of puny minds nor the telltale symptom of a sick society. They are the ineradicable stuff of politics.”That’s a quotation from American Conspiracy Theories (Oxford UP, 2014), by Joseph E. Uscinski and Joseph M. Parent, two professors of political science at the University of Miami.Their study of conspiracy theories concludes that nearly all Americans hold conspiracy beliefs and that “conspiracy theories bring to the surface people’s deepest political anxieties.”The book studies American conspiracy theories over 120 years from 1890 to 2010. It analyzes well-known conspiracy theories such as the many about the assassination of JFK and the events of 9/11 to more obscure ones such as the Congressional plot to kill pet dogs. In this interview with the New Books Network, co-author Joseph Uscinski suggests American conspiracy theories can teach us a lot about everyday politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>“Conspiracy theories are neither the vile excrescence of puny minds nor the telltale symptom of a sick society. They are the ineradicable stuff of politics.”That’s a quotation from <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199351813/?tag=newbooinhis-20">American Conspiracy Theories </a>(Oxford UP, 2014), by <a href="http://joeuscinski.com/">Joseph E. Uscinski</a> and <a href="http://www.as.miami.edu/politicalscience/people/tenure/joseph-parent/">Joseph M. Parent</a>, two professors of political science at the University of Miami.Their study of conspiracy theories concludes that nearly all Americans hold conspiracy beliefs and that “conspiracy theories bring to the surface people’s deepest political anxieties.”The book studies American conspiracy theories over 120 years from 1890 to 2010. It analyzes well-known conspiracy theories such as the many about the assassination of JFK and the events of 9/11 to more obscure ones such as the Congressional plot to kill pet dogs. In this interview with the New Books Network, co-author Joseph Uscinski suggests American conspiracy theories can teach us a lot about everyday politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2463</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/04/27/joseph-e-uscinski-and-joseph-m-parent-american-conspiracy-theories-oxford-up-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9306288276.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Jennifer Delton, “Rethinking the 1950s: How Anticommunism and the Cold War Made America Liberal” (Cambridge UP, 2014</title>
      <description>Conventional wisdom among historians and the public says anticommunism and the Cold War were barriers to reform during their height in the 1950s. In this view, the strong hand of a conservative anticommunism and Cold War priorities thwarted liberal and leftist reforms, political dissent and dreams of social democracy. Jennifer Delton is a professor of history at Skidmore College, and her new book, Rethinking the 1950s: How Anticommunism and the Cold War Made America Liberal (Cambridge University Press, 2013) encourages us–as the title suggests–to rethink that conventional view. She argues that in fact the Cold War and anticommunism promoted and justified many liberal goals rather than stifling them. Her book demonstrates that supposed conservatives championed many liberal causes while many liberals genuinely supported the Cold War and anticommunism. For example, she discusses the liberal beliefs and actions of business leaders and politicians like Dwight Eisenhower, who are often thought of as conservative figures, to show the dominance of liberal political ideas during this period. On the other side, she also argues that liberals, such as many labor activists, were themselves strongly anticommunist because they saw communism as truly damaging to their cause, not simply because they aimed to avoid the taint of a communist label. These sentiments had important effects on policy as well. From high taxes to regulation, civil rights and the continuance of New Deal programs, liberal ideas held sway. They had a powerful effect on policy, not in spite of, but because of the larger Cold War context. In the interview, Delton discusses her book and its importance in reforming both historians’ views of the period and our broader thinking about partisan politics and nationalism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2015 14:49:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Conventional wisdom among historians and the public says anticommunism and the Cold War were barriers to reform during their height in the 1950s. In this view, the strong hand of a conservative anticommunism and Cold War priorities thwarted liberal and...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Conventional wisdom among historians and the public says anticommunism and the Cold War were barriers to reform during their height in the 1950s. In this view, the strong hand of a conservative anticommunism and Cold War priorities thwarted liberal and leftist reforms, political dissent and dreams of social democracy. Jennifer Delton is a professor of history at Skidmore College, and her new book, Rethinking the 1950s: How Anticommunism and the Cold War Made America Liberal (Cambridge University Press, 2013) encourages us–as the title suggests–to rethink that conventional view. She argues that in fact the Cold War and anticommunism promoted and justified many liberal goals rather than stifling them. Her book demonstrates that supposed conservatives championed many liberal causes while many liberals genuinely supported the Cold War and anticommunism. For example, she discusses the liberal beliefs and actions of business leaders and politicians like Dwight Eisenhower, who are often thought of as conservative figures, to show the dominance of liberal political ideas during this period. On the other side, she also argues that liberals, such as many labor activists, were themselves strongly anticommunist because they saw communism as truly damaging to their cause, not simply because they aimed to avoid the taint of a communist label. These sentiments had important effects on policy as well. From high taxes to regulation, civil rights and the continuance of New Deal programs, liberal ideas held sway. They had a powerful effect on policy, not in spite of, but because of the larger Cold War context. In the interview, Delton discusses her book and its importance in reforming both historians’ views of the period and our broader thinking about partisan politics and nationalism.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Conventional wisdom among historians and the public says anticommunism and the Cold War were barriers to reform during their height in the 1950s. In this view, the strong hand of a conservative anticommunism and Cold War priorities thwarted liberal and leftist reforms, political dissent and dreams of social democracy. <a href="https://www.skidmore.edu/history/faculty/delton.php">Jennifer Delton</a> is a professor of history at Skidmore College, and her new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107620570/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Rethinking the 1950s: How Anticommunism and the Cold War Made America Liberal </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2013) encourages us–as the title suggests–to rethink that conventional view. She argues that in fact the Cold War and anticommunism promoted and justified many liberal goals rather than stifling them. Her book demonstrates that supposed conservatives championed many liberal causes while many liberals genuinely supported the Cold War and anticommunism. For example, she discusses the liberal beliefs and actions of business leaders and politicians like Dwight Eisenhower, who are often thought of as conservative figures, to show the dominance of liberal political ideas during this period. On the other side, she also argues that liberals, such as many labor activists, were themselves strongly anticommunist because they saw communism as truly damaging to their cause, not simply because they aimed to avoid the taint of a communist label. These sentiments had important effects on policy as well. From high taxes to regulation, civil rights and the continuance of New Deal programs, liberal ideas held sway. They had a powerful effect on policy, not in spite of, but because of the larger Cold War context. In the interview, Delton discusses her book and its importance in reforming both historians’ views of the period and our broader thinking about partisan politics and nationalism.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3531</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/04/23/jennifer-delton-rethinking-the-1950s-how-anticommunism-and-the-cold-war-made-america-liberal-cambridge-up-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3779308564.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matthew Green, “Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives” (Yale UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Matthew Green has just written Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives (Yale University Press, 2015). Green is associate professor of politics at the Catholic University of America and associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Research and Catholic Studies.
Everyone roots for the underdog, yet nobody seems to like Congress. Green’s book offers to split the difference by offering an investigation about how Congressional underdog, the minority party, actually works. Rather than just a passive group, Green shows how over the last 40 years, the minority party has developed specific and often effective strategies to meet their aims. Green’s research uses extensive elite interviews to demonstrate how campaign and communication innovations in the 1970s and 1980s have shaped the role that the minority has played.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 20 Apr 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Matthew Green has just written Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives (Yale University Press, 2015). Green is associate professor of politics at the Catholic University of America and associate fellow at the Institut...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Matthew Green has just written Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives (Yale University Press, 2015). Green is associate professor of politics at the Catholic University of America and associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Research and Catholic Studies.
Everyone roots for the underdog, yet nobody seems to like Congress. Green’s book offers to split the difference by offering an investigation about how Congressional underdog, the minority party, actually works. Rather than just a passive group, Green shows how over the last 40 years, the minority party has developed specific and often effective strategies to meet their aims. Green’s research uses extensive elite interviews to demonstrate how campaign and communication innovations in the 1970s and 1980s have shaped the role that the minority has played.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://faculty.cua.edu/greenm/">Matthew Green</a> has just written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300181035/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Underdog Politics: The Minority Party in the U.S. House of Representatives</a> (Yale University Press, 2015). Green is associate professor of politics at the Catholic University of America and associate fellow at the Institute for Policy Research and Catholic Studies.</p><p>Everyone roots for the underdog, yet nobody seems to like Congress. Green’s book offers to split the difference by offering an investigation about how Congressional underdog, the minority party, actually works. Rather than just a passive group, Green shows how over the last 40 years, the minority party has developed specific and often effective strategies to meet their aims. Green’s research uses extensive elite interviews to demonstrate how campaign and communication innovations in the 1970s and 1980s have shaped the role that the minority has played.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1402</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1800]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9459130496.mp3?updated=1543616264" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Michelle Nickerson, “Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right” (Princeton UP, 2012)</title>
      <description>Recently, historians have shown that the modern conservative movement is older and more complex than has often been assumed by either liberals or historians. Michelle Nickerson‘s book, Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right (Princeton University Press, 2012) expands that literature even further, demonstrating not only the longer roots of conservative interest in family issues, such as education, but also the important role women played in shaping the early movement. Mothers of Conservatism does this by examining the role of women in the rise of grassroots conservatism during the 1950s. Nickerson explains how women in Southern California became politicized during the height of the Cold War, coming to see communist threats in numerous, mostly local, battles. These women, who were primarily homemakers, argued that they had a special political role as mothers and wives, translating their domestic identities into political activism. Nickerson traces their activism in battles over education and mental health issues among others. She further explains the ideology behind their activism and demonstrates how important these women were to shaping the coming conservative movement and in the long-term, the Republican Party.
Mothers of Conservatism draws on rich archival material as well as on oral history interviews conducted by the author. With these archival sources and interviews, Nickerson brings the activists’ stories, politics, and humanity to life. In this interview, we discuss the ideology, activism, and legacy of the women as well as Nickerson’s experience interviewing her sources.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 18 Mar 2015 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Recently, historians have shown that the modern conservative movement is older and more complex than has often been assumed by either liberals or historians. Michelle Nickerson‘s book, Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right (Princeton Uni...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Recently, historians have shown that the modern conservative movement is older and more complex than has often been assumed by either liberals or historians. Michelle Nickerson‘s book, Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right (Princeton University Press, 2012) expands that literature even further, demonstrating not only the longer roots of conservative interest in family issues, such as education, but also the important role women played in shaping the early movement. Mothers of Conservatism does this by examining the role of women in the rise of grassroots conservatism during the 1950s. Nickerson explains how women in Southern California became politicized during the height of the Cold War, coming to see communist threats in numerous, mostly local, battles. These women, who were primarily homemakers, argued that they had a special political role as mothers and wives, translating their domestic identities into political activism. Nickerson traces their activism in battles over education and mental health issues among others. She further explains the ideology behind their activism and demonstrates how important these women were to shaping the coming conservative movement and in the long-term, the Republican Party.
Mothers of Conservatism draws on rich archival material as well as on oral history interviews conducted by the author. With these archival sources and interviews, Nickerson brings the activists’ stories, politics, and humanity to life. In this interview, we discuss the ideology, activism, and legacy of the women as well as Nickerson’s experience interviewing her sources.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Recently, historians have shown that the modern conservative movement is older and more complex than has often been assumed by either liberals or historians. <a href="http://luc.edu/history/people/facultyandstaffdirectory/michellenickerson.shtml">Michelle Nickerson</a>‘s book, <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/9716.html">Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right</a> (Princeton University Press, 2012) expands that literature even further, demonstrating not only the longer roots of conservative interest in family issues, such as education, but also the important role women played in shaping the early movement. Mothers of Conservatism does this by examining the role of women in the rise of grassroots conservatism during the 1950s. Nickerson explains how women in Southern California became politicized during the height of the Cold War, coming to see communist threats in numerous, mostly local, battles. These women, who were primarily homemakers, argued that they had a special political role as mothers and wives, translating their domestic identities into political activism. Nickerson traces their activism in battles over education and mental health issues among others. She further explains the ideology behind their activism and demonstrates how important these women were to shaping the coming conservative movement and in the long-term, the Republican Party.</p><p>Mothers of Conservatism draws on rich archival material as well as on oral history interviews conducted by the author. With these archival sources and interviews, Nickerson brings the activists’ stories, politics, and humanity to life. In this interview, we discuss the ideology, activism, and legacy of the women as well as Nickerson’s experience interviewing her sources.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3280</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/03/18/michelle-nickerson-mothers-of-conservatism-women-and-the-postwar-right-princeton-up-2012/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5380287622.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos, “Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America” (Oxford UP 2014)</title>
      <description>Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos are the authors of Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America (Oxford University Press, 2014). McAdam is The Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology at Stanford University and the former Director of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. Kloos is a scholar of political sociology and social movements at Stanford University, where she is a PhD candidate.
What has gotten us to this point of high political polarization and high income inequality? McAdam and Kloos offer a novel answer to what divides us as a country that focuses on the role social movements have in pulling parties to the extremes or pushing parties to the middle. They argue that the post-World War II period was unusual for its low levels of social movement activities and the resulting political centrism of the 1950s. The Civil Rights movement that followed – and the related backlash politics of the Southern Democrats – pushed the parties away from the center and toward regional realignment. Along the way, activists re-wrote party voting procedures that reinforced the power of vocal minorities within each party, thereby entrenching political polarization for the decades to come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 15 Mar 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos are the authors of Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America (Oxford University Press, 2014). McAdam is The Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology at Stanford University and the former Directo...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Doug McAdam and Karina Kloos are the authors of Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America (Oxford University Press, 2014). McAdam is The Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology at Stanford University and the former Director of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. Kloos is a scholar of political sociology and social movements at Stanford University, where she is a PhD candidate.
What has gotten us to this point of high political polarization and high income inequality? McAdam and Kloos offer a novel answer to what divides us as a country that focuses on the role social movements have in pulling parties to the extremes or pushing parties to the middle. They argue that the post-World War II period was unusual for its low levels of social movement activities and the resulting political centrism of the 1950s. The Civil Rights movement that followed – and the related backlash politics of the Southern Democrats – pushed the parties away from the center and toward regional realignment. Along the way, activists re-wrote party voting procedures that reinforced the power of vocal minorities within each party, thereby entrenching political polarization for the decades to come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://sociology.stanford.edu/people/douglas-mcadam">Doug McAdam</a> and Karina Kloos are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199937850/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America</a> (Oxford University Press, 2014). McAdam is The Ray Lyman Wilbur Professor of Sociology at Stanford University and the former Director of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. Kloos is a scholar of political sociology and social movements at Stanford University, where she is a PhD candidate.</p><p>What has gotten us to this point of high political polarization and high income inequality? McAdam and Kloos offer a novel answer to what divides us as a country that focuses on the role social movements have in pulling parties to the extremes or pushing parties to the middle. They argue that the post-World War II period was unusual for its low levels of social movement activities and the resulting political centrism of the 1950s. The Civil Rights movement that followed – and the related backlash politics of the Southern Democrats – pushed the parties away from the center and toward regional realignment. Along the way, activists re-wrote party voting procedures that reinforced the power of vocal minorities within each party, thereby entrenching political polarization for the decades to come.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1528</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinafroamstudies.com/2015/03/15/doug-mcadam-and-karina-kloos-deeply-divided-racial-politics-and-social-movements-in-postwar-america-oxford-up-2014/]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6002607852.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>J. Douglas Smith, “On Democracy’s Doorstep” (Hill and Wang, 2014)</title>
      <description>This year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, a legal revolution with far-reaching cultural, political, and economic import. But as J. Douglas Smith argues in On Democracy’s Doorstep: The Inside Story of How the Supreme Court Brought “One Person, One Vote” to the United States (Hill and Wang, 2014),the early 1960s witnessed a comparable sea change in voting law that deserves far more attention. Indeed, when journalists asked Earl Warren what he regarded as the Supreme Court’s most important accomplishment under his tenure, the Chief Justice — who oversaw a series of landmark cases, from Brown to Miranda –– did not hesitate to answer: Baker v. Carr and Reynolds v. Sims. Few Americans today could identify and explain what these rulings did. But as Smith explains, they represented a dramatic break with a long-reigning electoral system that now feels almost unimaginable.
America is exceptional among modern democracies for elevating the idea of unequal representation to a theory of”checks and balances;” the Senate being the most obvious example (California, with more people than the twenty-one least-populous states combined, has as tiny a fraction of the power in Congress). Yet the situation was far worse before the Court’s forgotten revolution, with state legislatures across the country effectively disfranchising voters on a mass scale. Los Angeles County, with more than 6 million residents in 1960, had just one state senator. Three nearby counties, with less than 15,000 voters, each had the same.
Many have argued that these facts have been inconsequential to U.S. political history, a very counterintuitive notion if so. But the early twentieth century politicians who relied on the inflation of rural and small-town districts — some of whom numbered among the most powerful arbiters of legislation and debate in Washington — certainly did not share this view. In reaction to the Court’s decisions, Everett Dirksen, the Republican Minority Leader in the legendary 89th Congress, hired the consulting firm Whitaker and Baxter, widely thought to have pioneered modern campaigning, to repeal or roll back the rulings. Dozens of states lined up, with enormous funding from the nation’s biggest corporations. The group even considered a Constitutional Convention, what would have been the first since 1789. Those efforts failed. But in the wake of this half-realized democratization, legislatures underwent dramatic political change. Notably, they also turned to gerrymandering and increasing reliance on the filibuster.
Dubbed by the Washington Post one of the notable works of the year, Smith’s book is well worth your read.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 20 Feb 2015 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, a legal revolution with far-reaching cultural, political, and economic import. But as J. Douglas Smith argues in On Democracy’s Doorstep: The Inside Story of How the Supreme Cour...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, a legal revolution with far-reaching cultural, political, and economic import. But as J. Douglas Smith argues in On Democracy’s Doorstep: The Inside Story of How the Supreme Court Brought “One Person, One Vote” to the United States (Hill and Wang, 2014),the early 1960s witnessed a comparable sea change in voting law that deserves far more attention. Indeed, when journalists asked Earl Warren what he regarded as the Supreme Court’s most important accomplishment under his tenure, the Chief Justice — who oversaw a series of landmark cases, from Brown to Miranda –– did not hesitate to answer: Baker v. Carr and Reynolds v. Sims. Few Americans today could identify and explain what these rulings did. But as Smith explains, they represented a dramatic break with a long-reigning electoral system that now feels almost unimaginable.
America is exceptional among modern democracies for elevating the idea of unequal representation to a theory of”checks and balances;” the Senate being the most obvious example (California, with more people than the twenty-one least-populous states combined, has as tiny a fraction of the power in Congress). Yet the situation was far worse before the Court’s forgotten revolution, with state legislatures across the country effectively disfranchising voters on a mass scale. Los Angeles County, with more than 6 million residents in 1960, had just one state senator. Three nearby counties, with less than 15,000 voters, each had the same.
Many have argued that these facts have been inconsequential to U.S. political history, a very counterintuitive notion if so. But the early twentieth century politicians who relied on the inflation of rural and small-town districts — some of whom numbered among the most powerful arbiters of legislation and debate in Washington — certainly did not share this view. In reaction to the Court’s decisions, Everett Dirksen, the Republican Minority Leader in the legendary 89th Congress, hired the consulting firm Whitaker and Baxter, widely thought to have pioneered modern campaigning, to repeal or roll back the rulings. Dozens of states lined up, with enormous funding from the nation’s biggest corporations. The group even considered a Constitutional Convention, what would have been the first since 1789. Those efforts failed. But in the wake of this half-realized democratization, legislatures underwent dramatic political change. Notably, they also turned to gerrymandering and increasing reliance on the filibuster.
Dubbed by the Washington Post one of the notable works of the year, Smith’s book is well worth your read.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, a legal revolution with far-reaching cultural, political, and economic import. But as <a href="http://www.colburnschool.edu/cf_directory/dirprofile.cfm?p=1495&amp;id=151">J. Douglas Smith </a>argues in <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0809074230/?tag=newbooinhis-20">On Democracy’s Doorstep: The Inside Story of How the Supreme Court Brought “One Person, One Vote” to the United States </a>(Hill and Wang, 2014),the early 1960s witnessed a comparable sea change in voting law that deserves far more attention. Indeed, when journalists asked Earl Warren what he regarded as the Supreme Court’s most important accomplishment under his tenure, the Chief Justice — who oversaw a series of landmark cases, from Brown to Miranda –– did not hesitate to answer: Baker v. Carr and Reynolds v. Sims. Few Americans today could identify and explain what these rulings did. But as Smith explains, they represented a dramatic break with a long-reigning electoral system that now feels almost unimaginable.</p><p>America is exceptional among modern democracies for elevating the idea of unequal representation to a theory of”checks and balances;” the Senate being the most obvious example (California, with more people than the twenty-one least-populous states combined, has as tiny a fraction of the power in Congress). Yet the situation was far worse before the Court’s forgotten revolution, with state legislatures across the country effectively disfranchising voters on a mass scale. Los Angeles County, with more than 6 million residents in 1960, had just one state senator. Three nearby counties, with less than 15,000 voters, each had the same.</p><p>Many have argued that these facts have been inconsequential to U.S. political history, a very counterintuitive notion if so. But the early twentieth century politicians who relied on the inflation of rural and small-town districts — some of whom numbered among the most powerful arbiters of legislation and debate in Washington — certainly did not share this view. In reaction to the Court’s decisions, Everett Dirksen, the Republican Minority Leader in the legendary 89th Congress, hired the consulting firm Whitaker and Baxter, widely thought to have pioneered modern campaigning, to repeal or roll back the rulings. Dozens of states lined up, with enormous funding from the nation’s biggest corporations. The group even considered a Constitutional Convention, what would have been the first since 1789. Those efforts failed. But in the wake of this half-realized democratization, legislatures underwent dramatic political change. Notably, they also turned to gerrymandering and increasing reliance on the filibuster.</p><p>Dubbed by the Washington Post one of the notable works of the year, Smith’s book is well worth your read.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4099</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8724]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1154516657.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Deana A. Rohlinger, “Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America” (Cambridge UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Deana A. Rohlinger has just written Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Rohlinger is associate professor of sociology at Florida State University.
In the last several weeks, the podcast has featured a variety of political scientists who study interest groups and social movements. This week, Deana Rohlinger brings her perspective as a sociologist to the subject. She examines the way four policy organizations with an interest in abortion policy (National Right to Life Committee, National Organization of Women, Planned Parenthood Federation, and Concerned Women for America) interact with the media. Rohlinger finds quite different strategies for how to court the media, but also in how each organization responds to crises. She uses interviews with organizational leaders to deepen what we know about how social movements and interest groups employ a media strategy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 Feb 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Deana A. Rohlinger has just written Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Rohlinger is associate professor of sociology at Florida State University. In the last several weeks,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Deana A. Rohlinger has just written Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Rohlinger is associate professor of sociology at Florida State University.
In the last several weeks, the podcast has featured a variety of political scientists who study interest groups and social movements. This week, Deana Rohlinger brings her perspective as a sociologist to the subject. She examines the way four policy organizations with an interest in abortion policy (National Right to Life Committee, National Organization of Women, Planned Parenthood Federation, and Concerned Women for America) interact with the media. Rohlinger finds quite different strategies for how to court the media, but also in how each organization responds to crises. She uses interviews with organizational leaders to deepen what we know about how social movements and interest groups employ a media strategy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://coss.fsu.edu/sociology/content/deana-rohlinger">Deana A. Rohlinger</a> has just written <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107069238/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Abortion Politics, Mass Media, and Social Movements in America </a>(Cambridge University Press, 2015). Rohlinger is associate professor of sociology at Florida State University.</p><p>In the last several weeks, the podcast has featured a variety of political scientists who study interest groups and social movements. This week, Deana Rohlinger brings her perspective as a sociologist to the subject. She examines the way four policy organizations with an interest in abortion policy (National Right to Life Committee, National Organization of Women, Planned Parenthood Federation, and Concerned Women for America) interact with the media. Rohlinger finds quite different strategies for how to court the media, but also in how each organization responds to crises. She uses interviews with organizational leaders to deepen what we know about how social movements and interest groups employ a media strategy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1037</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1738]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8702159051.mp3?updated=1543616362" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Don H. Doyle, “The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War” (Basic Books, 2015)</title>
      <description>Many Americans know about the military side of the Civil War, and the private, official diplomacy of the Civil War is also well documented. The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (Basic Books, 2015), though, focuses on public diplomacy — on the battle for public opinion in Europe (primarily) waged by Union and Confederate officials, private citizens, and their European supporters. White northerners were slower to realize what American blacks and European republicans recognized instinctively — that what was at stake in the American Civil War was not the political and territorial integrity of the United States, but the causes of progress and self-government. In The Cause of All Nations, Don H. Doyle has done the impossible — found a hitherto unappreciated feature of the American Civil War that forces us to reevaluate how we understand it.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 16 Feb 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Many Americans know about the military side of the Civil War, and the private, official diplomacy of the Civil War is also well documented. The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (Basic Books, 2015), though,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Many Americans know about the military side of the Civil War, and the private, official diplomacy of the Civil War is also well documented. The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (Basic Books, 2015), though, focuses on public diplomacy — on the battle for public opinion in Europe (primarily) waged by Union and Confederate officials, private citizens, and their European supporters. White northerners were slower to realize what American blacks and European republicans recognized instinctively — that what was at stake in the American Civil War was not the political and territorial integrity of the United States, but the causes of progress and self-government. In The Cause of All Nations, Don H. Doyle has done the impossible — found a hitherto unappreciated feature of the American Civil War that forces us to reevaluate how we understand it.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Many Americans know about the military side of the Civil War, and the private, official diplomacy of the Civil War is also well documented. <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0465029671/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War</a> (Basic Books, 2015), though, focuses on public diplomacy — on the battle for public opinion in Europe (primarily) waged by Union and Confederate officials, private citizens, and their European supporters. White northerners were slower to realize what American blacks and European republicans recognized instinctively — that what was at stake in the American Civil War was not the political and territorial integrity of the United States, but the causes of progress and self-government. In The Cause of All Nations, <a href="http://artsandsciences.sc.edu/hist/don-h-doyle">Don H. Doyle</a> has done the impossible — found a hitherto unappreciated feature of the American Civil War that forces us to reevaluate how we understand it.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3931</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/americanstudies/?p=864]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6155595302.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Thomas F. Schaller, “The Stronghold: How Republicans Captured Congress but Surrendered the White House” (Yale UP, 2015)</title>
      <description>Thomas F. Schaller is the author of The Stronghold: How Republicans Captured Congress but Surrendered the White House (Yale University Press, 2015). Schaller is professor of political science at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.
With a new Congress up and running, Republican control of Capitol Hill is back. But has the Republican Party sacrificed presidential aspirations as it pursues a strategy to control Congress? That’s the subject and thesis of Schaller’s new book. He traces the political history of the GOP from 1989 through the 2000s, as the party develops a new political strategy in Washington. Schaller’s original interviews with key Republican leaders shapes his narrative of retrenchment over the last 25 years, highlighting the two Bush presidencies, the Contract with America, and the emergence of a new cadre of conservative Republican leaders.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Jan 2015 16:13:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Thomas F. Schaller is the author of The Stronghold: How Republicans Captured Congress but Surrendered the White House (Yale University Press, 2015). Schaller is professor of political science at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Thomas F. Schaller is the author of The Stronghold: How Republicans Captured Congress but Surrendered the White House (Yale University Press, 2015). Schaller is professor of political science at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.
With a new Congress up and running, Republican control of Capitol Hill is back. But has the Republican Party sacrificed presidential aspirations as it pursues a strategy to control Congress? That’s the subject and thesis of Schaller’s new book. He traces the political history of the GOP from 1989 through the 2000s, as the party develops a new political strategy in Washington. Schaller’s original interviews with key Republican leaders shapes his narrative of retrenchment over the last 25 years, highlighting the two Bush presidencies, the Contract with America, and the emergence of a new cadre of conservative Republican leaders.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://poli.umbc.edu/faculty-staff/faculty-1/">Thomas F. Schaller</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300172036/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Stronghold: How Republicans Captured Congress but Surrendered the White House </a>(Yale University Press, 2015). Schaller is professor of political science at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.</p><p>With a new Congress up and running, Republican control of Capitol Hill is back. But has the Republican Party sacrificed presidential aspirations as it pursues a strategy to control Congress? That’s the subject and thesis of Schaller’s new book. He traces the political history of the GOP from 1989 through the 2000s, as the party develops a new political strategy in Washington. Schaller’s original interviews with key Republican leaders shapes his narrative of retrenchment over the last 25 years, highlighting the two Bush presidencies, the Contract with America, and the emergence of a new cadre of conservative Republican leaders.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1370</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1705]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3050618467.mp3?updated=1543616406" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones, “The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America ( U Chicago Press, 2014)</title>
      <description>Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones are the authors of The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Baumgartner is the Richard J. Richardson Distinguished Professor of Political Science at The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill and Jones is the J. J. “Jake” Pickle Regents Chair in Congressional Studies and Professor of Government at the University of Texas at Austin.
The Politics of Information picks up where the authors’ last book, The Politics of Attention, leaves off. They explore how information enters into the policy process and how that has evolved over time, focusing on what they call the “paradox of search”. They make extensive use of the publicly available data that they have collected over the last decade called the Policy Agendas Project. They argue that: “Information determines priorities, and priorities determine action” (p. 40). They discover is that the policy process is replete with information – not all high quality – and that different policy problems integrate information in different ways. They also find that the government has “broadened” – addressing an ever growing array of issues – rather than just “thickening” – through growth in the overall size of government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 19 Jan 2015 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones are the authors of The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Baumgartner is the Richard J.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones are the authors of The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Baumgartner is the Richard J. Richardson Distinguished Professor of Political Science at The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill and Jones is the J. J. “Jake” Pickle Regents Chair in Congressional Studies and Professor of Government at the University of Texas at Austin.
The Politics of Information picks up where the authors’ last book, The Politics of Attention, leaves off. They explore how information enters into the policy process and how that has evolved over time, focusing on what they call the “paradox of search”. They make extensive use of the publicly available data that they have collected over the last decade called the Policy Agendas Project. They argue that: “Information determines priorities, and priorities determine action” (p. 40). They discover is that the policy process is replete with information – not all high quality – and that different policy problems integrate information in different ways. They also find that the government has “broadened” – addressing an ever growing array of issues – rather than just “thickening” – through growth in the overall size of government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/">Frank R. Baumgartner</a> and <a href="http://www.utexas.edu/cola/depts/government/faculty/bj3276">Bryan D. Jones</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022619812X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2014). Baumgartner is the Richard J. Richardson Distinguished Professor of Political Science at The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill and Jones is the J. J. “Jake” Pickle Regents Chair in Congressional Studies and Professor of Government at the University of Texas at Austin.</p><p>The Politics of Information picks up where the authors’ last book, The Politics of Attention, leaves off. They explore how information enters into the policy process and how that has evolved over time, focusing on what they call the “paradox of search”. They make extensive use of the publicly available data that they have collected over the last decade called the <a href="http://www.policyagendas.org/">Policy Agendas Project</a>. They argue that: “Information determines priorities, and priorities determine action” (p. 40). They discover is that the policy process is replete with information – not all high quality – and that different policy problems integrate information in different ways. They also find that the government has “broadened” – addressing an ever growing array of issues – rather than just “thickening” – through growth in the overall size of government.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1296</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1691]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8547055941.mp3?updated=1543616409" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Michael Heaney and Fabio Rojas, “Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11” (Cambridge UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>Michael Heaney and Fabio Rojas are the authors of Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11 (Cambridge University Press 2015). Heaney is assistant professor organizational studies and political science at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and Rojas is associate professor of sociology at Indiana University, Bloomington.
Heaney and Rojas take on the interdisciplinary challenge at the heart of studies of political parties and social movements, two related subjects that political scientists and sociologists have tended to examine separately from one another. What results is a needed effort to synthesize the two social science traditions and advance a common interest in studying how people come together to influence policy outcomes. The particular focus of this work is on how the antiwar movement that grew in the mid-2000s interacted with the Democratic Party. They ponder a paradox of activism that just as activists are most successful – in this case supporting a new Democrat controlled House and Senate in 2006 – the energy and dynamism of the movement often fades away. Heaney and Rojas look to the relationship between antiwar activists and the Democratic Party for answers. They find that in a highly polarized partisan environment, party affiliations come first and social movement affiliations second, thereby slowing the momentum movements generate in their ascendency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Jan 2015 12:24:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Michael Heaney and Fabio Rojas are the authors of Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11 (Cambridge University Press 2015). Heaney is assistant professor organizational studies and political science at the Univers...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Michael Heaney and Fabio Rojas are the authors of Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11 (Cambridge University Press 2015). Heaney is assistant professor organizational studies and political science at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and Rojas is associate professor of sociology at Indiana University, Bloomington.
Heaney and Rojas take on the interdisciplinary challenge at the heart of studies of political parties and social movements, two related subjects that political scientists and sociologists have tended to examine separately from one another. What results is a needed effort to synthesize the two social science traditions and advance a common interest in studying how people come together to influence policy outcomes. The particular focus of this work is on how the antiwar movement that grew in the mid-2000s interacted with the Democratic Party. They ponder a paradox of activism that just as activists are most successful – in this case supporting a new Democrat controlled House and Senate in 2006 – the energy and dynamism of the movement often fades away. Heaney and Rojas look to the relationship between antiwar activists and the Democratic Party for answers. They find that in a highly polarized partisan environment, party affiliations come first and social movement affiliations second, thereby slowing the momentum movements generate in their ascendency.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://sites.lsa.umich.edu/mheaney/">Michael Heaney</a> and <a href="http://www.indiana.edu/~soc/zbio_Rojas.html">Fabio Rojas</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107085403/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Party in the Street: The Antiwar Movement and the Democratic Party after 9/11 </a>(Cambridge University Press 2015). Heaney is assistant professor organizational studies and political science at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and Rojas is associate professor of sociology at Indiana University, Bloomington.</p><p>Heaney and Rojas take on the interdisciplinary challenge at the heart of studies of political parties and social movements, two related subjects that political scientists and sociologists have tended to examine separately from one another. What results is a needed effort to synthesize the two social science traditions and advance a common interest in studying how people come together to influence policy outcomes. The particular focus of this work is on how the antiwar movement that grew in the mid-2000s interacted with the Democratic Party. They ponder a paradox of activism that just as activists are most successful – in this case supporting a new Democrat controlled House and Senate in 2006 – the energy and dynamism of the movement often fades away. Heaney and Rojas look to the relationship between antiwar activists and the Democratic Party for answers. They find that in a highly polarized partisan environment, party affiliations come first and social movement affiliations second, thereby slowing the momentum movements generate in their ascendency.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1362</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1679]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2766646926.mp3?updated=1543616409" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel O. Prosterman, “Defining Democracy: Electoral Reform and the Struggle for Power in New York City” (Oxford UP, 2013)</title>
      <description>Daniel Prosterman‘s new book Defining Democracy:Electoral Reform and the Struggle for Power in New York City (Oxford University Press, 2013) investigates a neglected topic in U.S. history: the occasional efforts by reformers over the years to bring proportional representation to America. No democracy in the world today is less representative by the standard of “one person, one vote.” (In 2000, three states with more than a quarter of the population, had just six Senators, for example. The seventeen least populous states, with seven percent of the population, had thirty-four.) This is actually an improvement over the past, when various mal-apportionment schemes essentially disenfranchised huge numbers of voters in virtually every state. Prosterman’s book does not look at the national scene, but takes us instead through New York City’s brief experiment with a quirky form “STV” (single transferable vote), the standard in most democracies. Like so many imported European reforms in the early 1900’s, the American version had a fraught experience. But as Prosterman painstakingly details it also invigorated the electoral system in New York, opening the field to an unusually diverse set of candidates for the time: women, blacks, even Communists. To the horror of even formerly sympathetic reformers, like Al Smith. In the end, an equally strange pack of bedfellows conspired to destroy the practice, which locals had voted for overwhelmingly. Yet, for all its flaws and historical particularities, the experiment stands as a useful reminder that democracy is now just about who votes, but how that vote is counted.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 20 Dec 2014 13:34:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Prosterman‘s new book Defining Democracy:Electoral Reform and the Struggle for Power in New York City (Oxford University Press, 2013) investigates a neglected topic in U.S. history: the occasional efforts by reformers over the years to bring pro...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Prosterman‘s new book Defining Democracy:Electoral Reform and the Struggle for Power in New York City (Oxford University Press, 2013) investigates a neglected topic in U.S. history: the occasional efforts by reformers over the years to bring proportional representation to America. No democracy in the world today is less representative by the standard of “one person, one vote.” (In 2000, three states with more than a quarter of the population, had just six Senators, for example. The seventeen least populous states, with seven percent of the population, had thirty-four.) This is actually an improvement over the past, when various mal-apportionment schemes essentially disenfranchised huge numbers of voters in virtually every state. Prosterman’s book does not look at the national scene, but takes us instead through New York City’s brief experiment with a quirky form “STV” (single transferable vote), the standard in most democracies. Like so many imported European reforms in the early 1900’s, the American version had a fraught experience. But as Prosterman painstakingly details it also invigorated the electoral system in New York, opening the field to an unusually diverse set of candidates for the time: women, blacks, even Communists. To the horror of even formerly sympathetic reformers, like Al Smith. In the end, an equally strange pack of bedfellows conspired to destroy the practice, which locals had voted for overwhelmingly. Yet, for all its flaws and historical particularities, the experiment stands as a useful reminder that democracy is now just about who votes, but how that vote is counted.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.salem.edu/directory/daniel.prosterman">Daniel Prosterman</a>‘s new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0195377737/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Defining Democracy:Electoral Reform and the Struggle for Power in New York City</a> (Oxford University Press, 2013) investigates a neglected topic in U.S. history: the occasional efforts by reformers over the years to bring proportional representation to America. No democracy in the world today is less representative by the standard of “one person, one vote.” (In 2000, three states with more than a quarter of the population, had just six Senators, for example. The seventeen least populous states, with seven percent of the population, had thirty-four.) This is actually an improvement over the past, when various mal-apportionment schemes essentially disenfranchised huge numbers of voters in virtually every state. Prosterman’s book does not look at the national scene, but takes us instead through New York City’s brief experiment with a quirky form “STV” (single transferable vote), the standard in most democracies. Like so many imported European reforms in the early 1900’s, the American version had a fraught experience. But as Prosterman painstakingly details it also invigorated the electoral system in New York, opening the field to an unusually diverse set of candidates for the time: women, blacks, even Communists. To the horror of even formerly sympathetic reformers, like Al Smith. In the end, an equally strange pack of bedfellows conspired to destroy the practice, which locals had voted for overwhelmingly. Yet, for all its flaws and historical particularities, the experiment stands as a useful reminder that democracy is now just about who votes, but how that vote is counted.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3692</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8687]]></guid>
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    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Brian Purnell, “Fighting Jim Crow in the County of Kings” (UP of Kentucky, 2014)</title>
      <description>Scholars interested in the history of the civil rights movement in the North will definitely be interested in Brian Purnell‘s new book, Fighting Jim Crow in the County of Kings:The Congress of Racial Equality in Brooklyn (University Press of Kentucky, 2014). Thiscase study of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) in Brooklyn joins one of the fastest-growing areas of research in the field: the roots and experience of the black freedom struggle above the Mason-Dixon. Challenging many of the nation’s persistent beliefs about the geographic timeline and ideological dynamics of that social movement, this literature has broadened our understanding of the past and given us a far more complicated view of the challenges facing grassroots organizations in the years before, during, and following the “classical period,” stretching from Rosa Parks’s arrest to Martin Luther King’s dream. Purnell looks at one of CORE’s most active, aggressive chapters in the North between 1960 and 1965. An exemplar of social history, the book explores the difficulties facing a small organization trying to upset the racial status quo in a city that prided itself on colorblindness–pioneering much of the legislation adopted by the federal government later–despite the fact that in education, housing, and labor segregation prevailed. Aggravating matters were a number of seismic changes in New York, as elsewhere: the flight of industry and middle class taxpayers to the suburbs and Sunbelt, and the influx of millions of laid-off southern sharecroppers to neighborhoods that, because of “de facto” Jim Crow, became increasingly poor,overcrowded, dilapidated, and ridden with trash, crime, and despair. Purnell gives us the story of a group valiantly attempting to avert and assuage these overwhelming developments. As he notes, their failures speak to the reality many still face today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 25 Nov 2014 15:29:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Scholars interested in the history of the civil rights movement in the North will definitely be interested in Brian Purnell‘s new book, Fighting Jim Crow in the County of Kings:The Congress of Racial Equality in Brooklyn (University Press of Kentucky,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scholars interested in the history of the civil rights movement in the North will definitely be interested in Brian Purnell‘s new book, Fighting Jim Crow in the County of Kings:The Congress of Racial Equality in Brooklyn (University Press of Kentucky, 2014). Thiscase study of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) in Brooklyn joins one of the fastest-growing areas of research in the field: the roots and experience of the black freedom struggle above the Mason-Dixon. Challenging many of the nation’s persistent beliefs about the geographic timeline and ideological dynamics of that social movement, this literature has broadened our understanding of the past and given us a far more complicated view of the challenges facing grassroots organizations in the years before, during, and following the “classical period,” stretching from Rosa Parks’s arrest to Martin Luther King’s dream. Purnell looks at one of CORE’s most active, aggressive chapters in the North between 1960 and 1965. An exemplar of social history, the book explores the difficulties facing a small organization trying to upset the racial status quo in a city that prided itself on colorblindness–pioneering much of the legislation adopted by the federal government later–despite the fact that in education, housing, and labor segregation prevailed. Aggravating matters were a number of seismic changes in New York, as elsewhere: the flight of industry and middle class taxpayers to the suburbs and Sunbelt, and the influx of millions of laid-off southern sharecroppers to neighborhoods that, because of “de facto” Jim Crow, became increasingly poor,overcrowded, dilapidated, and ridden with trash, crime, and despair. Purnell gives us the story of a group valiantly attempting to avert and assuage these overwhelming developments. As he notes, their failures speak to the reality many still face today.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Scholars interested in the history of the civil rights movement in the North will definitely be interested in <a href="http://www.bowdoin.edu/faculty/b/bpurnell/">Brian Purnell</a>‘s new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813141826/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Fighting Jim Crow in the County of Kings:The Congress of Racial Equality in Brooklyn</a> (University Press of Kentucky, 2014). Thiscase study of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) in Brooklyn joins one of the fastest-growing areas of research in the field: the roots and experience of the black freedom struggle above the Mason-Dixon. Challenging many of the nation’s persistent beliefs about the geographic timeline and ideological dynamics of that social movement, this literature has broadened our understanding of the past and given us a far more complicated view of the challenges facing grassroots organizations in the years before, during, and following the “classical period,” stretching from Rosa Parks’s arrest to Martin Luther King’s dream. Purnell looks at one of CORE’s most active, aggressive chapters in the North between 1960 and 1965. An exemplar of social history, the book explores the difficulties facing a small organization trying to upset the racial status quo in a city that prided itself on colorblindness–pioneering much of the legislation adopted by the federal government later–despite the fact that in education, housing, and labor segregation prevailed. Aggravating matters were a number of seismic changes in New York, as elsewhere: the flight of industry and middle class taxpayers to the suburbs and Sunbelt, and the influx of millions of laid-off southern sharecroppers to neighborhoods that, because of “de facto” Jim Crow, became increasingly poor,overcrowded, dilapidated, and ridden with trash, crime, and despair. Purnell gives us the story of a group valiantly attempting to avert and assuage these overwhelming developments. As he notes, their failures speak to the reality many still face today.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3768</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8652]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Steven Conn, “Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century” (Oxford UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>Americans have a paradoxical relationship with cities, Steven Conn argues in his new book,Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century (Oxford University Press, 2014). Nearly three-quarters of the population lives near an urban center, the result of a centuries-old, global trend that reflects not just industrialization but the role cities have played as engines of economic, social, cultural, intellectual, and political life. Yet two-thirds of this “metropolitan” demographic–half the nation–chooses to reside in the suburbs, and over the years a remarkably consistent and low number of people have said they would prefer to live in a city. This may just reflect circumstance, the outcome of policies that, historians know, were not smartly, and often undemocratically, imposed. But as Morton White recounted decades ago, the intellectuals of the past have been just as anti-urban as politicians. Despite the outsized importance of the seaboard port-cities to the War for Independence, the founders left a Constitution that divided power geographically, not numerically, ensuring that cities would be forever underrepresented. Jefferson expressed the feeling of many early republicans that we could only maintain our virtue and freedom by remaining a nation of small yeoman, even while doubling the country’s size and guaranteeing its commercial development. Henry David Thoreau, writing in a more democratic age, told readers to go to “the woods” to find individuality–from a cabin one mile outside Concord.
This anti-urban tradition was briefly interrupted in the late 1800’s, when, as Conn writes, for the first time the problems of the city became the problems of the nation. Many Progressives advocated European-style planning to meet the challenges for which cities were infrastructurally unprepared and often governmentally powerless to resolve. But as Conn writes, many thinkers also continued to see the city itself as the problem, and saw the solution as decentralization: dispersing population and industry. During the interwar period, the car, and electricity, stepped in to meet their needs, and when the Great Depression hit, FDR and the New Dealers fell back on this generation of thought, coming forward with a battery of programs that would unravel the city–and the famous coalition he built.
Indeed, while the anti-urban tradition has often been the vehicle for an illiberal free-market political agenda, Conn shows that it has covered the ideological spectrum. The postwar Right in the Sunbelt helped speed the decline of the industrial belt in the North by advertising its bourgeoning megalopolises as the antithesis of the urban: free of high-rises, zoning, civil rights protestors, unions, and government in general, even while it relied on billions in federal tax dollars, saw high rates in crime, and increasingly had to reverse itself and create basic municipal services. But the anti-urban sentiment cut across the aisle, from the enthusiasm of postwar liberals for “urban renewal” and highways to the hippies’ revival of the back-to-the-land fantasy and the flowering of 1990’s communitarianism.
The nation’s anti-urban policies remain, as does the bipartisan impulse, which makes this book’s subject as relevant as ever. Perhaps, as Conn says, in this era of hip gentrification, when the children of the suburbs are returning to cities, the “new urbanists” will break internationally odd pattern. But they will have to grapple with the multidimensional legacy of the nation’s anti-urban past. And Conn’s intellectual and cultural history, the first of its kind, will be the place to start.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 12 Nov 2014 14:59:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Americans have a paradoxical relationship with cities, Steven Conn argues in his new book,Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century (Oxford University Press, 2014). Nearly three-quarters of the population lives near an urban ce...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Americans have a paradoxical relationship with cities, Steven Conn argues in his new book,Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century (Oxford University Press, 2014). Nearly three-quarters of the population lives near an urban center, the result of a centuries-old, global trend that reflects not just industrialization but the role cities have played as engines of economic, social, cultural, intellectual, and political life. Yet two-thirds of this “metropolitan” demographic–half the nation–chooses to reside in the suburbs, and over the years a remarkably consistent and low number of people have said they would prefer to live in a city. This may just reflect circumstance, the outcome of policies that, historians know, were not smartly, and often undemocratically, imposed. But as Morton White recounted decades ago, the intellectuals of the past have been just as anti-urban as politicians. Despite the outsized importance of the seaboard port-cities to the War for Independence, the founders left a Constitution that divided power geographically, not numerically, ensuring that cities would be forever underrepresented. Jefferson expressed the feeling of many early republicans that we could only maintain our virtue and freedom by remaining a nation of small yeoman, even while doubling the country’s size and guaranteeing its commercial development. Henry David Thoreau, writing in a more democratic age, told readers to go to “the woods” to find individuality–from a cabin one mile outside Concord.
This anti-urban tradition was briefly interrupted in the late 1800’s, when, as Conn writes, for the first time the problems of the city became the problems of the nation. Many Progressives advocated European-style planning to meet the challenges for which cities were infrastructurally unprepared and often governmentally powerless to resolve. But as Conn writes, many thinkers also continued to see the city itself as the problem, and saw the solution as decentralization: dispersing population and industry. During the interwar period, the car, and electricity, stepped in to meet their needs, and when the Great Depression hit, FDR and the New Dealers fell back on this generation of thought, coming forward with a battery of programs that would unravel the city–and the famous coalition he built.
Indeed, while the anti-urban tradition has often been the vehicle for an illiberal free-market political agenda, Conn shows that it has covered the ideological spectrum. The postwar Right in the Sunbelt helped speed the decline of the industrial belt in the North by advertising its bourgeoning megalopolises as the antithesis of the urban: free of high-rises, zoning, civil rights protestors, unions, and government in general, even while it relied on billions in federal tax dollars, saw high rates in crime, and increasingly had to reverse itself and create basic municipal services. But the anti-urban sentiment cut across the aisle, from the enthusiasm of postwar liberals for “urban renewal” and highways to the hippies’ revival of the back-to-the-land fantasy and the flowering of 1990’s communitarianism.
The nation’s anti-urban policies remain, as does the bipartisan impulse, which makes this book’s subject as relevant as ever. Perhaps, as Conn says, in this era of hip gentrification, when the children of the suburbs are returning to cities, the “new urbanists” will break internationally odd pattern. But they will have to grapple with the multidimensional legacy of the nation’s anti-urban past. And Conn’s intellectual and cultural history, the first of its kind, will be the place to start.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Americans have a paradoxical relationship with cities, <a href="http://history.osu.edu/directory/conn23">Steven Conn</a> argues in his new book,<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199973660/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Americans Against the City: Anti-Urbanism in the Twentieth Century </a>(Oxford University Press, 2014). Nearly three-quarters of the population lives near an urban center, the result of a centuries-old, global trend that reflects not just industrialization but the role cities have played as engines of economic, social, cultural, intellectual, and political life. Yet two-thirds of this “metropolitan” demographic–half the nation–chooses to reside in the suburbs, and over the years a remarkably consistent and low number of people have said they would prefer to live in a city. This may just reflect circumstance, the outcome of policies that, historians know, were not smartly, and often undemocratically, imposed. But as Morton White recounted decades ago, the intellectuals of the past have been just as anti-urban as politicians. Despite the outsized importance of the seaboard port-cities to the War for Independence, the founders left a Constitution that divided power geographically, not numerically, ensuring that cities would be forever underrepresented. Jefferson expressed the feeling of many early republicans that we could only maintain our virtue and freedom by remaining a nation of small yeoman, even while doubling the country’s size and guaranteeing its commercial development. Henry David Thoreau, writing in a more democratic age, told readers to go to “the woods” to find individuality–from a cabin one mile outside Concord.</p><p>This anti-urban tradition was briefly interrupted in the late 1800’s, when, as Conn writes, for the first time the problems of the city became the problems of the nation. Many Progressives advocated European-style planning to meet the challenges for which cities were infrastructurally unprepared and often governmentally powerless to resolve. But as Conn writes, many thinkers also continued to see the city itself as the problem, and saw the solution as decentralization: dispersing population and industry. During the interwar period, the car, and electricity, stepped in to meet their needs, and when the Great Depression hit, FDR and the New Dealers fell back on this generation of thought, coming forward with a battery of programs that would unravel the city–and the famous coalition he built.</p><p>Indeed, while the anti-urban tradition has often been the vehicle for an illiberal free-market political agenda, Conn shows that it has covered the ideological spectrum. The postwar Right in the Sunbelt helped speed the decline of the industrial belt in the North by advertising its bourgeoning megalopolises as the antithesis of the urban: free of high-rises, zoning, civil rights protestors, unions, and government in general, even while it relied on billions in federal tax dollars, saw high rates in crime, and increasingly had to reverse itself and create basic municipal services. But the anti-urban sentiment cut across the aisle, from the enthusiasm of postwar liberals for “urban renewal” and highways to the hippies’ revival of the back-to-the-land fantasy and the flowering of 1990’s communitarianism.</p><p>The nation’s anti-urban policies remain, as does the bipartisan impulse, which makes this book’s subject as relevant as ever. Perhaps, as Conn says, in this era of hip gentrification, when the children of the suburbs are returning to cities, the “new urbanists” will break internationally odd pattern. But they will have to grapple with the multidimensional legacy of the nation’s anti-urban past. And Conn’s intellectual and cultural history, the first of its kind, will be the place to start.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3322</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/urbanstudies/?p=44]]></guid>
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      <title>Brian Arbour, “Candidate-Centered Campaigns: Political Messages, Winning Personalities, and Personal Appeals” (Palgrave-MacMillan 2014)</title>
      <description>As campaign season ends, what can we make of all those ads? Brian Arbour is the author of Candidate-Centered Campaigns: Political Messages, Winning Personalities, and Personal Appeals (Palgrave-MacMillan 2014). Arbour is assistant professor of political science at John Jay College, City University of New York.
Why do certain candidates focus on making campaign promises and extolling their legislative record, while others just talk about themselves? Arbour argues that scholars have underplayed the personal narratives that feature so prominently in much campaign advertising. As a result, candidate-centered appeals for votes have been largely ignored or misunderstood. Arbour aims to address this deficit with his new book that examines the way candidates talk about their own background and the background of opponents. He argues that candidate-centered campaigns build trust with voters as one would with neighbors or new co-workers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Nov 2014 13:28:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>As campaign season ends, what can we make of all those ads? Brian Arbour is the author of Candidate-Centered Campaigns: Political Messages, Winning Personalities, and Personal Appeals (Palgrave-MacMillan 2014).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>As campaign season ends, what can we make of all those ads? Brian Arbour is the author of Candidate-Centered Campaigns: Political Messages, Winning Personalities, and Personal Appeals (Palgrave-MacMillan 2014). Arbour is assistant professor of political science at John Jay College, City University of New York.
Why do certain candidates focus on making campaign promises and extolling their legislative record, while others just talk about themselves? Arbour argues that scholars have underplayed the personal narratives that feature so prominently in much campaign advertising. As a result, candidate-centered appeals for votes have been largely ignored or misunderstood. Arbour aims to address this deficit with his new book that examines the way candidates talk about their own background and the background of opponents. He argues that candidate-centered campaigns build trust with voters as one would with neighbors or new co-workers.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>As campaign season ends, what can we make of all those ads? <a href="http://johnjay.jjay.cuny.edu/profiles/political_science.aspx?key=%5Bemail%5D=%27barbour@jjay.cuny.edu%27">Brian Arbour</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1137398604/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Candidate-Centered Campaigns: Political Messages, Winning Personalities, and Personal Appeals</a> (Palgrave-MacMillan 2014). Arbour is assistant professor of political science at John Jay College, City University of New York.</p><p>Why do certain candidates focus on making campaign promises and extolling their legislative record, while others just talk about themselves? Arbour argues that scholars have underplayed the personal narratives that feature so prominently in much campaign advertising. As a result, candidate-centered appeals for votes have been largely ignored or misunderstood. Arbour aims to address this deficit with his new book that examines the way candidates talk about their own background and the background of opponents. He argues that candidate-centered campaigns build trust with voters as one would with neighbors or new co-workers.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1181</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1579]]></guid>
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      <title>Terry Golway, “Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics” (Liveright, 2014)</title>
      <description>For most Americans, Tammany Hall is a symbol of all that was dishonest, corrupt, illiberal, and venal about urban government and the political machines that ran it in the past, a shorthand for larceny on a grand scale. Not so, says Terry Golway. In his new book Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (Liveright, 2014) Golway argues that Tammany, a popular nickname for the Democratic organization of the County of New York (better known as Manhattan), introduced a “new politics” and a “new social contract” to America. Tammany, he shows, encouraged voters in an undemocratic republican era to look to accessible local figures for protection from the devastations of laissez-faire capitalism in a time before the safety net. Arguing that the Irish who escaped the potato famine brought with them lessons about the importance of power and the usefulness of “transactional” relationships between voters and elected officials, Golway believes that Tammany came to represent the modern way of practicing democracy: interest-based politics. While many of its flaws cannot not be denied, he writes, the popular narrative has also been shaped by the reformers of the past, who tended to mix their critiques with class-based fear and moralism, if not outright anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic, anti-urban sentiment. William “Boss” Tweed personifies the organization for most, although his reign lasted just two years. A better representative, Golway thinks, is Charles Murphy, the longest-running leader of the party chapter, and the man who nurtured the careers of two young legendary, nation-changing reformers, and proud Tammany men: Robert Wagner and Al Smith, forerunners and major architects of the New Deal.
Sure to stir a little debate, Golway’s book is revisionism in a good spirit.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 31 Oct 2014 12:04:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>For most Americans, Tammany Hall is a symbol of all that was dishonest, corrupt, illiberal, and venal about urban government and the political machines that ran it in the past, a shorthand for larceny on a grand scale. Not so, says Terry Golway.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>For most Americans, Tammany Hall is a symbol of all that was dishonest, corrupt, illiberal, and venal about urban government and the political machines that ran it in the past, a shorthand for larceny on a grand scale. Not so, says Terry Golway. In his new book Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (Liveright, 2014) Golway argues that Tammany, a popular nickname for the Democratic organization of the County of New York (better known as Manhattan), introduced a “new politics” and a “new social contract” to America. Tammany, he shows, encouraged voters in an undemocratic republican era to look to accessible local figures for protection from the devastations of laissez-faire capitalism in a time before the safety net. Arguing that the Irish who escaped the potato famine brought with them lessons about the importance of power and the usefulness of “transactional” relationships between voters and elected officials, Golway believes that Tammany came to represent the modern way of practicing democracy: interest-based politics. While many of its flaws cannot not be denied, he writes, the popular narrative has also been shaped by the reformers of the past, who tended to mix their critiques with class-based fear and moralism, if not outright anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic, anti-urban sentiment. William “Boss” Tweed personifies the organization for most, although his reign lasted just two years. A better representative, Golway thinks, is Charles Murphy, the longest-running leader of the party chapter, and the man who nurtured the careers of two young legendary, nation-changing reformers, and proud Tammany men: Robert Wagner and Al Smith, forerunners and major architects of the New Deal.
Sure to stir a little debate, Golway’s book is revisionism in a good spirit.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>For most Americans, Tammany Hall is a symbol of all that was dishonest, corrupt, illiberal, and venal about urban government and the political machines that ran it in the past, a shorthand for larceny on a grand scale. Not so, says <a href="http://chpp.kean.edu/users/terry-golway">Terry Golway</a>. In his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0871403757/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics</a> (Liveright, 2014) Golway argues that Tammany, a popular nickname for the Democratic organization of the County of New York (better known as Manhattan), introduced a “new politics” and a “new social contract” to America. Tammany, he shows, encouraged voters in an undemocratic republican era to look to accessible local figures for protection from the devastations of laissez-faire capitalism in a time before the safety net. Arguing that the Irish who escaped the potato famine brought with them lessons about the importance of power and the usefulness of “transactional” relationships between voters and elected officials, Golway believes that Tammany came to represent the modern way of practicing democracy: interest-based politics. While many of its flaws cannot not be denied, he writes, the popular narrative has also been shaped by the reformers of the past, who tended to mix their critiques with class-based fear and moralism, if not outright anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic, anti-urban sentiment. William “Boss” Tweed personifies the organization for most, although his reign lasted just two years. A better representative, Golway thinks, is Charles Murphy, the longest-running leader of the party chapter, and the man who nurtured the careers of two young legendary, nation-changing reformers, and proud Tammany men: Robert Wagner and Al Smith, forerunners and major architects of the New Deal.</p><p>Sure to stir a little debate, Golway’s book is revisionism in a good spirit.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3266</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8640]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4818044605.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Matthew Huber, “Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and the Forces of Capital” (U of Minnesota Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and the Forces of Capital (University of Minnesota Press, 2013) is an incisive look into how oil permeates our lives and helped shape American politics during the twentieth century. Author Matthew Huber shows the crucial role oil and housing policy played in the New Deal and how, in subsequent decades, government policies drove many Americans to the suburbs and increased their dependence on petroleum. Although such policies were central to suburbanization, Americans in these new neighborhoods tended to forget this fact, and instead, saw their success in the suburbs as the outcome of private achievements. Over time, such places became the crucible for the growth of neoliberalism. Lifeblood demonstrates the role oil played not only in suburbanization, but in the rightward shift of American politics over the past four decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Oct 2014 13:09:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and the Forces of Capital (University of Minnesota Press, 2013) is an incisive look into how oil permeates our lives and helped shape American politics during the twentieth century.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and the Forces of Capital (University of Minnesota Press, 2013) is an incisive look into how oil permeates our lives and helped shape American politics during the twentieth century. Author Matthew Huber shows the crucial role oil and housing policy played in the New Deal and how, in subsequent decades, government policies drove many Americans to the suburbs and increased their dependence on petroleum. Although such policies were central to suburbanization, Americans in these new neighborhoods tended to forget this fact, and instead, saw their success in the suburbs as the outcome of private achievements. Over time, such places became the crucible for the growth of neoliberalism. Lifeblood demonstrates the role oil played not only in suburbanization, but in the rightward shift of American politics over the past four decades.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0816677859/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Lifeblood: Oil, Freedom, and the Forces of Capital </a>(University of Minnesota Press, 2013) is an incisive look into how oil permeates our lives and helped shape American politics during the twentieth century. Author <a href="https://www.maxwell.syr.edu/geo/Huber,_Matthew_T_/">Matthew Huber</a> shows the crucial role oil and housing policy played in the New Deal and how, in subsequent decades, government policies drove many Americans to the suburbs and increased their dependence on petroleum. Although such policies were central to suburbanization, Americans in these new neighborhoods tended to forget this fact, and instead, saw their success in the suburbs as the outcome of private achievements. Over time, such places became the crucible for the growth of neoliberalism. Lifeblood demonstrates the role oil played not only in suburbanization, but in the rightward shift of American politics over the past four decades.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2604</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/geography/?p=49]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5578154742.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Marci A. Hamilton, “God vs. the Gavel: Religion and the Rule of Law” (Cambridge UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>The constitution guarantees Americans freedom of religious practice and freedom from government interference in the same same. But what does religious liberty mean in practice? Does it mean that the government must permit any religious practice, even one that’s nominally illegal? Clearly not. You can’t shoot someone even if God tells you to. Does it mean, then, that religious liberty is a sort of fiction and that the government can actually closely circumscribe religious practice? Clearly not. The government can’t ban a putatively religious practice just because it’s expedient to do so.
So where’s the line? In God vs. the Gavel: The Perils of Extreme Religious Liberty (Cambridge University Press, Second Edition, 2014), Marci A. Hamilton argues that it’s shifting rapidly. Traditionally, the government, congress, and courts agreed that though Americans should enjoy extensive religious freedom, that freedom did not include license to do anything the religious might like. A sensible accommodation between church and state had to be made so that both the church and state could do their important work.
According to Hamilton, in recent decades radical religious reformers have mounted a successful campaign to throw the idea of a sensible accommodation out the window. They have expanded the scope of religious liberty and thereby limited the ability of the government to protect citizens generally. In this sense, she says, religion–a force for great social good, in her mind–has been made into an instrument of harm for many Americans. Listen in.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 07 Jun 2014 12:27:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/a346f4dc-c013-11ec-a002-cbec6d69b587/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>The constitution guarantees Americans freedom of religious practice and freedom from government interference in the same same. But what does religious liberty mean in practice? Does it mean that the government must permit any religious practice,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The constitution guarantees Americans freedom of religious practice and freedom from government interference in the same same. But what does religious liberty mean in practice? Does it mean that the government must permit any religious practice, even one that’s nominally illegal? Clearly not. You can’t shoot someone even if God tells you to. Does it mean, then, that religious liberty is a sort of fiction and that the government can actually closely circumscribe religious practice? Clearly not. The government can’t ban a putatively religious practice just because it’s expedient to do so.
So where’s the line? In God vs. the Gavel: The Perils of Extreme Religious Liberty (Cambridge University Press, Second Edition, 2014), Marci A. Hamilton argues that it’s shifting rapidly. Traditionally, the government, congress, and courts agreed that though Americans should enjoy extensive religious freedom, that freedom did not include license to do anything the religious might like. A sensible accommodation between church and state had to be made so that both the church and state could do their important work.
According to Hamilton, in recent decades radical religious reformers have mounted a successful campaign to throw the idea of a sensible accommodation out the window. They have expanded the scope of religious liberty and thereby limited the ability of the government to protect citizens generally. In this sense, she says, religion–a force for great social good, in her mind–has been made into an instrument of harm for many Americans. Listen in.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The constitution guarantees Americans freedom of religious practice and freedom from government interference in the same same. But what does religious liberty mean in practice? Does it mean that the government must permit any religious practice, even one that’s nominally illegal? Clearly not. You can’t shoot someone even if God tells you to. Does it mean, then, that religious liberty is a sort of fiction and that the government can actually closely circumscribe religious practice? Clearly not. The government can’t ban a putatively religious practice just because it’s expedient to do so.</p><p>So where’s the line? In <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/B00K2RBBT0/?tag=newbooinhis-20">God vs. the Gavel: The Perils of Extreme Religious Liberty</a> (Cambridge University Press, Second Edition, 2014), <a href="http://www.cardozo.yu.edu/directory/marci-hamilton">Marci A. Hamilton</a> argues that it’s shifting rapidly. Traditionally, the government, congress, and courts agreed that though Americans should enjoy extensive religious freedom, that freedom did not include license to do anything the religious might like. A sensible accommodation between church and state had to be made so that both the church and state could do their important work.</p><p>According to Hamilton, in recent decades radical religious reformers have mounted a successful campaign to throw the idea of a sensible accommodation out the window. They have expanded the scope of religious liberty and thereby limited the ability of the government to protect citizens generally. In this sense, she says, religion–a force for great social good, in her mind–has been made into an instrument of harm for many Americans. Listen in.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3561</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/law/?p=433]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2206595972.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Dede Feldman, “Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits, and Citizens” (University of New Mexico Press, 2014)</title>
      <description>Dede Feldman is the author of Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits, and Citizens (University of New Mexico Press, 2014). Feldman retired from the New Mexico Senate in 2012 and is a former journalist and now is a political commentator in Albuquerque.
Feldman provides a first-hand account of the state legislative process. Her colorful stories of many legends of New Mexico politics reveal the complexity of a part-time legislature. She ends the book with an array of ideas to reform the institution and limit some of the forces she sees as destructive and harmful. The book would make an excellent addition to an undergraduate course in State and Local Government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 12 May 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Dede Feldman is the author of Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits, and Citizens (University of New Mexico Press, 2014). Feldman retired from the New Mexico Senate in 2012 and is a former journalist and now is a political commentator in Albuquerq...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Dede Feldman is the author of Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits, and Citizens (University of New Mexico Press, 2014). Feldman retired from the New Mexico Senate in 2012 and is a former journalist and now is a political commentator in Albuquerque.
Feldman provides a first-hand account of the state legislative process. Her colorful stories of many legends of New Mexico politics reveal the complexity of a part-time legislature. She ends the book with an array of ideas to reform the institution and limit some of the forces she sees as destructive and harmful. The book would make an excellent addition to an undergraduate course in State and Local Government.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.dedefeldman.com/">Dede Feldman</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0826354386/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Inside the New Mexico Senate: Boots, Suits, and Citizens</a> (University of New Mexico Press, 2014). Feldman retired from the New Mexico Senate in 2012 and is a former journalist and now is a political commentator in Albuquerque.</p><p>Feldman provides a first-hand account of the state legislative process. Her colorful stories of many legends of New Mexico politics reveal the complexity of a part-time legislature. She ends the book with an array of ideas to reform the institution and limit some of the forces she sees as destructive and harmful. The book would make an excellent addition to an undergraduate course in State and Local Government.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1327</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1273]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7794272137.mp3?updated=1543616540" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Jennifer Stromer-Galley, “Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age” (Oxford UP, 2014)</title>
      <description>The Oxford University Press series on digital politics has produced several new books that we have featured on the podcast. Interviews with Dave Karpf, Dan Kreiss, and Muzammil Hussain are available in previous podcasts. One of the latest from the series is Jennifer Stromer-Galley new book Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age (OUP 2014). Stromer-Galley is associate professor in the School of Information Studies at Syracuse University.
This excellent new book is a bit of a walk down memory lane. Do you remember the early search features on Yahoo! and those slow loading webpages of the late 1990s? Stromer-Galley pieces together the use of the internet from 1996 through 2012. We learn about some of the ways the promise of the internet to democratize the presidential campaign process has largely failed. Presidential websites have nearly always sent information out, but rarely invited information back in. And even when they have, that information has never been as central to the campaign as often promised.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 05 May 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>The Oxford University Press series on digital politics has produced several new books that we have featured on the podcast. Interviews with Dave Karpf, Dan Kreiss, and Muzammil Hussain are available in previous podcasts.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>The Oxford University Press series on digital politics has produced several new books that we have featured on the podcast. Interviews with Dave Karpf, Dan Kreiss, and Muzammil Hussain are available in previous podcasts. One of the latest from the series is Jennifer Stromer-Galley new book Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age (OUP 2014). Stromer-Galley is associate professor in the School of Information Studies at Syracuse University.
This excellent new book is a bit of a walk down memory lane. Do you remember the early search features on Yahoo! and those slow loading webpages of the late 1990s? Stromer-Galley pieces together the use of the internet from 1996 through 2012. We learn about some of the ways the promise of the internet to democratize the presidential campaign process has largely failed. Presidential websites have nearly always sent information out, but rarely invited information back in. And even when they have, that information has never been as central to the campaign as often promised.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>The Oxford University Press series on digital politics has produced several new books that we have featured on the podcast. Interviews with Dave Karpf, Dan Kreiss, and Muzammil Hussain are available in previous podcasts. One of the latest from the series is <a href="http://my.ischool.syr.edu/Profiles/Preview/jstromer">Jennifer Stromer-Galley</a> new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199731942/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age </a>(OUP 2014). Stromer-Galley is associate professor in the School of Information Studies at Syracuse University.</p><p>This excellent new book is a bit of a walk down memory lane. Do you remember the early search features on Yahoo! and those slow loading webpages of the late 1990s? Stromer-Galley pieces together the use of the internet from 1996 through 2012. We learn about some of the ways the promise of the internet to democratize the presidential campaign process has largely failed. Presidential websites have nearly always sent information out, but rarely invited information back in. And even when they have, that information has never been as central to the campaign as often promised.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1610</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1263]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7799490477.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Donald T. Critchlow, “When Hollywood Was Right” (Cambridge UP, 2013)</title>
      <description>It seems that everyone in Hollywood is on the political Left. “Seems” is the operative word here, because there are actually Republicans in pictures, at least according to this website. (NB: I have no idea whether the folks who created this list know what they’re talking about, so beware.) Nonetheless, it’s pretty certain that most–the vast majority?– of Hollywood-types are on the Left.
But it wasn’t always so, as Donald T. Critchlow shows in his fascinating book When Hollywood Was Right: How Movie Stars, Studio Moguls, and Big Business Remade American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2013). There was a time–the 1940s and 1950s–when Conservatives were an important and very vocal faction in Hollywood. This group emerged out of opposition to the New Deal and found their issue in anti-Communism. They were, truth be told, never terribly numerous. But they made up for their small numbers by their political savvy and, ultimately, their ability to produce skillful, viable political candidates. One of them, of course, was Ronald Reagan, who proved to be very skillful and very viable indeed. It’s a remarkable and largely forgotten story. Listen in.
This interview is brought to you by Cambridge University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sun, 27 Apr 2014 16:12:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>It seems that everyone in Hollywood is on the political Left. “Seems” is the operative word here, because there are actually Republicans in pictures, at least according to this website. (NB: I have no idea whether the folks who created this list know w...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>It seems that everyone in Hollywood is on the political Left. “Seems” is the operative word here, because there are actually Republicans in pictures, at least according to this website. (NB: I have no idea whether the folks who created this list know what they’re talking about, so beware.) Nonetheless, it’s pretty certain that most–the vast majority?– of Hollywood-types are on the Left.
But it wasn’t always so, as Donald T. Critchlow shows in his fascinating book When Hollywood Was Right: How Movie Stars, Studio Moguls, and Big Business Remade American Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2013). There was a time–the 1940s and 1950s–when Conservatives were an important and very vocal faction in Hollywood. This group emerged out of opposition to the New Deal and found their issue in anti-Communism. They were, truth be told, never terribly numerous. But they made up for their small numbers by their political savvy and, ultimately, their ability to produce skillful, viable political candidates. One of them, of course, was Ronald Reagan, who proved to be very skillful and very viable indeed. It’s a remarkable and largely forgotten story. Listen in.
This interview is brought to you by Cambridge University Press.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>It seems that everyone in Hollywood is on the political Left. “Seems” is the operative word here, because there are actually Republicans in pictures, at least according to this <a href="http://www.hollywoodrepublican.net/who-is-a-republican/">website</a>. (NB: I have no idea whether the folks who created this list know what they’re talking about, so beware.) Nonetheless, it’s pretty certain that most–the vast majority?– of Hollywood-types are on the Left.</p><p>But it wasn’t always so, as <a href="https://shprs.clas.asu.edu/people/donald-critchlow">Donald T. Critchlow</a> shows in his fascinating book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0521199182/?tag=newbooinhis-20">When Hollywood Was Right: How Movie Stars, Studio Moguls, and Big Business Remade American Politics</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2013). There was a time–the 1940s and 1950s–when Conservatives were an important and very vocal faction in Hollywood. This group emerged out of opposition to the New Deal and found their issue in anti-Communism. They were, truth be told, never terribly numerous. But they made up for their small numbers by their political savvy and, ultimately, their ability to produce skillful, viable political candidates. One of them, of course, was Ronald Reagan, who proved to be very skillful and very viable indeed. It’s a remarkable and largely forgotten story. Listen in.</p><p>This interview is brought to you by <a href="http://www.cambridge.org/">Cambridge University Press</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3464</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8283]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9367659895.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Nicholas Carnes, “White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making” (University of Chicago Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>Nicholas Carnes is the author of White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Carnes is an assistant professor of public policy in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University.
There is surprisingly little in the research literature on the link between social class and legislative behavior. For a topic that seems so ripe for investigation, Carnes’ data collection and analysis open new ground and answer pressing questions. He shows that formerly blue collar workers who serve in Congress behave differently than formerly white collar workers. Blue collar workers are in the extreme minority in numbers, meaning their efforts to pass legislation that tilts towards the working class are often stymied. Carnes offers fresh insight into why this matters for representation more generally and several recommendations for how to rectify this in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 31 Mar 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Nicholas Carnes is the author of White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Carnes is an assistant professor of public policy in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke Universit...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Nicholas Carnes is the author of White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Carnes is an assistant professor of public policy in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University.
There is surprisingly little in the research literature on the link between social class and legislative behavior. For a topic that seems so ripe for investigation, Carnes’ data collection and analysis open new ground and answer pressing questions. He shows that formerly blue collar workers who serve in Congress behave differently than formerly white collar workers. Blue collar workers are in the extreme minority in numbers, meaning their efforts to pass legislation that tilts towards the working class are often stymied. Carnes offers fresh insight into why this matters for representation more generally and several recommendations for how to rectify this in the future.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://people.duke.edu/~nwc8/">Nicholas Carnes</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022608714X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">White-Collar Government: The Hidden Role of Class in Economic Policy Making </a>(University of Chicago Press, 2013). Carnes is an assistant professor of public policy in the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University.</p><p>There is surprisingly little in the research literature on the link between social class and legislative behavior. For a topic that seems so ripe for investigation, Carnes’ data collection and analysis open new ground and answer pressing questions. He shows that formerly blue collar workers who serve in Congress behave differently than formerly white collar workers. Blue collar workers are in the extreme minority in numbers, meaning their efforts to pass legislation that tilts towards the working class are often stymied. Carnes offers fresh insight into why this matters for representation more generally and several recommendations for how to rectify this in the future.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1216</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1189]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3532906910.mp3?updated=1543616579" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Sarah Anzia, “Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups” (University of Chicago Press 2013)</title>
      <description>Sarah Anzia is the author of Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Anzia is assistant professor of public policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC-Berkeley.
Why are some elections held in November and others in May, June, or July? Why are some elections timed to correspond with the congressional schedule, but others on odd years? When elections occur has long been known to strongly relate to voter turnout, but little research has pushed beyond this simple conclusion.
Anzia’s book explores the motivations behind moving local elections from “on-cycle” – held to correspond with presidential or congressional elections in November — to “off-cycle”. She explores the history of the issue and the ways Progressive Era reformers saw advantages in holding municipal elections separate from national and state elections. She tracks that history up to today with excellent data on the relationship between when an election is held and certain policy outcomes. She finds that interest groups stand to benefit from off-cycle election. Teacher pay is substantially higher in school districts that hold elections off-cycle, rather than on.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 24 Mar 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Sarah Anzia is the author of Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Anzia is assistant professor of public policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC-Berkeley.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Sarah Anzia is the author of Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Anzia is assistant professor of public policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC-Berkeley.
Why are some elections held in November and others in May, June, or July? Why are some elections timed to correspond with the congressional schedule, but others on odd years? When elections occur has long been known to strongly relate to voter turnout, but little research has pushed beyond this simple conclusion.
Anzia’s book explores the motivations behind moving local elections from “on-cycle” – held to correspond with presidential or congressional elections in November — to “off-cycle”. She explores the history of the issue and the ways Progressive Era reformers saw advantages in holding municipal elections separate from national and state elections. She tracks that history up to today with excellent data on the relationship between when an election is held and certain policy outcomes. She finds that interest groups stand to benefit from off-cycle election. Teacher pay is substantially higher in school districts that hold elections off-cycle, rather than on.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://gspp.berkeley.edu/directories/faculty/sarah-anzia">Sarah Anzia</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022608681X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Timing and Turnout: How Off-Cycle Elections Favor Organized Groups</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Anzia is assistant professor of public policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC-Berkeley.</p><p>Why are some elections held in November and others in May, June, or July? Why are some elections timed to correspond with the congressional schedule, but others on odd years? When elections occur has long been known to strongly relate to voter turnout, but little research has pushed beyond this simple conclusion.</p><p>Anzia’s book explores the motivations behind moving local elections from “on-cycle” – held to correspond with presidential or congressional elections in November — to “off-cycle”. She explores the history of the issue and the ways Progressive Era reformers saw advantages in holding municipal elections separate from national and state elections. She tracks that history up to today with excellent data on the relationship between when an election is held and certain policy outcomes. She finds that interest groups stand to benefit from off-cycle election. Teacher pay is substantially higher in school districts that hold elections off-cycle, rather than on.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2012</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1157]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2822985166.mp3?updated=1543616592" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Lewis, “Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: A Critical Assessment of the Tyranny of the Majority in the American States” (Routledge, 2013)</title>
      <description>Daniel Lewis is the author of Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: A Critical Assessment of the Tyranny of the Majority in the American States (Routledge, 2013). Lewis is an assistant professor of Political Science at Siena College.
The book is primarily about the intersection of various forms direct democracy (ballot initiatives, referendum, etc.) and minority rights. Much of the existing literature has been “agnostic” on the persistent concern among political scientists about the tyranny of the majority. Lewis makes a different argument that there is both a direct and an indirect effect of direct democracy. Using Event History Analysis of several policies to restrict minority rights (prohibitions on same-sex marriage, bans on affirmative action), he finds substantial evidence that states in which voters have strong powers of direct democracy have routinely passed limits on minority rights.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Mar 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Lewis is the author of Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: A Critical Assessment of the Tyranny of the Majority in the American States (Routledge, 2013). Lewis is an assistant professor of Political Science at Siena College.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Lewis is the author of Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: A Critical Assessment of the Tyranny of the Majority in the American States (Routledge, 2013). Lewis is an assistant professor of Political Science at Siena College.
The book is primarily about the intersection of various forms direct democracy (ballot initiatives, referendum, etc.) and minority rights. Much of the existing literature has been “agnostic” on the persistent concern among political scientists about the tyranny of the majority. Lewis makes a different argument that there is both a direct and an indirect effect of direct democracy. Using Event History Analysis of several policies to restrict minority rights (prohibitions on same-sex marriage, bans on affirmative action), he finds substantial evidence that states in which voters have strong powers of direct democracy have routinely passed limits on minority rights.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="https://www.siena.edu/pages/9016.asp">Daniel Lewis</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0415537444/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Direct Democracy and Minority Rights: A Critical Assessment of the Tyranny of the Majority in the American States</a> (Routledge, 2013). Lewis is an assistant professor of Political Science at Siena College.</p><p>The book is primarily about the intersection of various forms direct democracy (ballot initiatives, referendum, etc.) and minority rights. Much of the existing literature has been “agnostic” on the persistent concern among political scientists about the tyranny of the majority. Lewis makes a different argument that there is both a direct and an indirect effect of direct democracy. Using Event History Analysis of several policies to restrict minority rights (prohibitions on same-sex marriage, bans on affirmative action), he finds substantial evidence that states in which voters have strong powers of direct democracy have routinely passed limits on minority rights.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1304</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1134]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4535221694.mp3?updated=1543616638" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Kristin A. Goss, “The Paradox of Gender Equality: How American Women’s Groups Gained and Lost Their Public Voice” (University of Michigan Press 2013)</title>
      <description>Kristin A. Goss is author of The Paradox of Gender Equality: How American Women’s Groups Gained and Lost Their Public Voice (University of Michigan Press 2013). She is associate professor of public policy and political science at Duke University.
Goss challenges the conventional wisdom about women’s group with new congressional hearing data. Rather than ebbing-and-flowing like waves, Goss suggests that the women’s groups have not always diminished in influence following a major policy success. The Paradox of Gender Equality should have a wide audience among interest group, gender studies, and social movement scholars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 27 Jan 2014 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Kristin A. Goss is author of The Paradox of Gender Equality: How American Women’s Groups Gained and Lost Their Public Voice (University of Michigan Press 2013). She is associate professor of public policy and political science at Duke University.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Kristin A. Goss is author of The Paradox of Gender Equality: How American Women’s Groups Gained and Lost Their Public Voice (University of Michigan Press 2013). She is associate professor of public policy and political science at Duke University.
Goss challenges the conventional wisdom about women’s group with new congressional hearing data. Rather than ebbing-and-flowing like waves, Goss suggests that the women’s groups have not always diminished in influence following a major policy success. The Paradox of Gender Equality should have a wide audience among interest group, gender studies, and social movement scholars.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://polisci.duke.edu/people?Gurl=;Uil=4741;subpage=profile">Kristin A. Goss</a> is author of <a href="https://www.press.umich.edu/4844961/paradox_of_gender_equality">The Paradox of Gender Equality: How American Women’s Groups Gained and Lost Their Public Voice</a> (University of Michigan Press 2013). She is associate professor of public policy and political science at Duke University.</p><p>Goss challenges the conventional wisdom about women’s group with new congressional hearing data. Rather than ebbing-and-flowing like waves, Goss suggests that the women’s groups have not always diminished in influence following a major policy success. The Paradox of Gender Equality should have a wide audience among interest group, gender studies, and social movement scholars.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1604</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1069]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3657985988.mp3?updated=1543616641" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Yuval Levin, “The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left” (Basic Books, 2013)</title>
      <description>If you went to college in the United States and took a Western Civ class, you’ve probably read at least a bit of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man (1791). The two are so often paired in history and political science classes that they are sometimes published together. No wonder, really, because Paine’s Rights of Man was written in response to Burke’s Reflections.
It’s easy to understand why these two book are standard fare in college: arguably, Burke’s and Paine’s books are the intellectual well-springs of what we call the republican (with a small “r”) “Right” and the “Left.” Much of what American Republicans think can be traced to Burke; much of what American Democrats think can be traced to Paine. For this reason, Burke and Paine are–with the possible exception of J.S. Mill–the most important political thinkers in the modern Western republican tradition.
And for all these reasons, Yuval Levin‘s wonderful The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left (Basic Books, 2013) is very relevant today. Levin masterfully explains not only why Burke and Paine thought what they thought (that is, he provides the historical context for their ideas), but he also makes clear how their ideas matter today. Listen in and find out why.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 04 Jan 2014 05:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>If you went to college in the United States and took a Western Civ class, you’ve probably read at least a bit of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man (1791).</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>If you went to college in the United States and took a Western Civ class, you’ve probably read at least a bit of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man (1791). The two are so often paired in history and political science classes that they are sometimes published together. No wonder, really, because Paine’s Rights of Man was written in response to Burke’s Reflections.
It’s easy to understand why these two book are standard fare in college: arguably, Burke’s and Paine’s books are the intellectual well-springs of what we call the republican (with a small “r”) “Right” and the “Left.” Much of what American Republicans think can be traced to Burke; much of what American Democrats think can be traced to Paine. For this reason, Burke and Paine are–with the possible exception of J.S. Mill–the most important political thinkers in the modern Western republican tradition.
And for all these reasons, Yuval Levin‘s wonderful The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left (Basic Books, 2013) is very relevant today. Levin masterfully explains not only why Burke and Paine thought what they thought (that is, he provides the historical context for their ideas), but he also makes clear how their ideas matter today. Listen in and find out why.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>If you went to college in the United States and took a Western Civ class, you’ve probably read at least a bit of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) and Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man (1791). The two are so often paired in history and political science classes that they are sometimes published together. No wonder, really, because Paine’s Rights of Man was written in response to Burke’s Reflections.</p><p>It’s easy to understand why these two book are standard fare in college: arguably, Burke’s and Paine’s books are the intellectual well-springs of what we call the republican (with a small “r”) “Right” and the “Left.” Much of what American Republicans think can be traced to Burke; much of what American Democrats think can be traced to Paine. For this reason, Burke and Paine are–with the possible exception of J.S. Mill–the most important political thinkers in the modern Western republican tradition.</p><p>And for all these reasons, <a href="http://www.nationalaffairs.com/authors/detail/yuval-levin">Yuval Levin</a>‘s wonderful <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0465050972/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Right and Left</a> (Basic Books, 2013) is very relevant today. Levin masterfully explains not only why Burke and Paine thought what they thought (that is, he provides the historical context for their ideas), but he also makes clear how their ideas matter today. Listen in and find out why.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3677</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/history/?p=8083]]></guid>
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    <item>
      <title>Stephen Medvic, “In Defense of Politicians: The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy” (Routledge, 2013)</title>
      <description>Stephen Medvic is the author of In Defense of Politicians: The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy (Routledge 2013). He is associate professor of government at Franklin and Marshall University.
Medvic confronts the widespread dissatisfaction with Washington, Congress, and politicians from a new perspective. He argues that much of the antipathy towards politicians is based on faulty expectations, what he calls an “expectations trap”. The public wants often contradictory things from politicians: strongly held beliefs and the willingness to make deals; ambition and wisdom, but not so much of each that they are self-serving. Medvic calls for more realistic expectations of what function politicians play in a democracy to move beyond some of the current public frustrations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 23 Dec 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Stephen Medvic is the author of In Defense of Politicians: The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy (Routledge 2013). He is associate professor of government at Franklin and Marshall University. Medvic confronts the widespread dissatisfaction ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Stephen Medvic is the author of In Defense of Politicians: The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy (Routledge 2013). He is associate professor of government at Franklin and Marshall University.
Medvic confronts the widespread dissatisfaction with Washington, Congress, and politicians from a new perspective. He argues that much of the antipathy towards politicians is based on faulty expectations, what he calls an “expectations trap”. The public wants often contradictory things from politicians: strongly held beliefs and the willingness to make deals; ambition and wisdom, but not so much of each that they are self-serving. Medvic calls for more realistic expectations of what function politicians play in a democracy to move beyond some of the current public frustrations.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.fandm.edu/stephen-medvic">Stephen Medvic</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0415880459/?tag=newbooinhis-20">In Defense of Politicians: The Expectations Trap and Its Threat to Democracy </a>(Routledge 2013). He is associate professor of government at Franklin and Marshall University.</p><p>Medvic confronts the widespread dissatisfaction with Washington, Congress, and politicians from a new perspective. He argues that much of the antipathy towards politicians is based on faulty expectations, what he calls an “expectations trap”. The public wants often contradictory things from politicians: strongly held beliefs and the willingness to make deals; ambition and wisdom, but not so much of each that they are self-serving. Medvic calls for more realistic expectations of what function politicians play in a democracy to move beyond some of the current public frustrations.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1100</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=1006]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8616620487.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William G. Howell et al., “The Wartime President” (University of Chicago Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>William G. Howell, Saul P. Jackman, and Jon C. Rogowski are the authors of The Wartime President: Executive Influence and the Nationalizing Politics of Threat (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Howell is professor of political science at the University of Chicago, Jackman is a fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Rogowski is assistant professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis.
The book is a meaty and complex analysis of the presidency during war. They rely on formal modeling to develop a theory of Policy Priority. In other work, that has bogged down the prose, but here the writing is clear and the case studies presented toward the end of the book enrich their analysis. What we learn is that presidents benefit from war in their domestic agenda. As members of congress shift to focusing on national concerns, rather than local, they more closely adhere to the preferences of the president. This pattern isn’t without exceptions, and Howell et al. show the interesting cases (LBJ with Vietnam and GW Bush in 2005 with social security reform) where the model doesn’t predict outcomes as well.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 09 Dec 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>William G. Howell, Saul P. Jackman, and Jon C. Rogowski are the authors of The Wartime President: Executive Influence and the Nationalizing Politics of Threat (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Howell is professor of political science at the Universi...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>William G. Howell, Saul P. Jackman, and Jon C. Rogowski are the authors of The Wartime President: Executive Influence and the Nationalizing Politics of Threat (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Howell is professor of political science at the University of Chicago, Jackman is a fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Rogowski is assistant professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis.
The book is a meaty and complex analysis of the presidency during war. They rely on formal modeling to develop a theory of Policy Priority. In other work, that has bogged down the prose, but here the writing is clear and the case studies presented toward the end of the book enrich their analysis. What we learn is that presidents benefit from war in their domestic agenda. As members of congress shift to focusing on national concerns, rather than local, they more closely adhere to the preferences of the president. This pattern isn’t without exceptions, and Howell et al. show the interesting cases (LBJ with Vietnam and GW Bush in 2005 with social security reform) where the model doesn’t predict outcomes as well.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://harrisschool.uchicago.edu/directory/faculty/william_howell">William G. Howell</a>, <a href="http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/experts/j/jackmans/cv_jackman_saul.pdf">Saul P. Jackman</a>, and <a href="http://pages.wustl.edu/rogowski">Jon C. Rogowski</a> are the authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/022604839X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Wartime President: Executive Influence and the Nationalizing Politics of Threat</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2013). Howell is professor of political science at the University of Chicago, Jackman is a fellow at the Brookings Institution, and Rogowski is assistant professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis.</p><p>The book is a meaty and complex analysis of the presidency during war. They rely on formal modeling to develop a theory of Policy Priority. In other work, that has bogged down the prose, but here the writing is clear and the case studies presented toward the end of the book enrich their analysis. What we learn is that presidents benefit from war in their domestic agenda. As members of congress shift to focusing on national concerns, rather than local, they more closely adhere to the preferences of the president. This pattern isn’t without exceptions, and Howell et al. show the interesting cases (LBJ with Vietnam and GW Bush in 2005 with social security reform) where the model doesn’t predict outcomes as well.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1226</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=978]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3070608951.mp3?updated=1543616666" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Glenn Feldman, “The Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944” (University of Alabama Press, 2013)</title>
      <description>Glenn Feldman is the author of The Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944 (Alabama UP 2013). He is professor of history at the University of Alabama at Birmingham and the author of eight other books.
Feldman’s book is a deeply provocative analysis of southern politics and political history. He explains the recurring themes in southern politics as an outgrowth of “Reconstruction Syndrome”. Themes of anti-government, anti-taxation, and deep suspicion of outsiders (African Americans, Catholics, Jews, and immigrants), run throughout the history of southern politics, and remain today. Feldman focuses much of his book on showing that the Democratic Party lost the south long before the passage of the civil rights laws in the 1960s. He tracks the shift in political allegiances back to the 1930s and even earlier.
The book challenges conventional notions and is likely to stimulate debate and controversy. It is a worthwhile read for historians of the time period and political scientists, alike.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 25 Nov 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Glenn Feldman is the author of The Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944 (Alabama UP 2013). He is professor of history at the University of Alabama at Birmingham and the author of eight other books.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Glenn Feldman is the author of The Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944 (Alabama UP 2013). He is professor of history at the University of Alabama at Birmingham and the author of eight other books.
Feldman’s book is a deeply provocative analysis of southern politics and political history. He explains the recurring themes in southern politics as an outgrowth of “Reconstruction Syndrome”. Themes of anti-government, anti-taxation, and deep suspicion of outsiders (African Americans, Catholics, Jews, and immigrants), run throughout the history of southern politics, and remain today. Feldman focuses much of his book on showing that the Democratic Party lost the south long before the passage of the civil rights laws in the 1960s. He tracks the shift in political allegiances back to the 1930s and even earlier.
The book challenges conventional notions and is likely to stimulate debate and controversy. It is a worthwhile read for historians of the time period and political scientists, alike.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.uab.edu/history/faculty/766-glen-feldman-phd">Glenn Feldman</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0817317937/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Irony of the Solid South: Democrats, Republicans, and Race, 1865-1944 </a>(Alabama UP 2013). He is professor of history at the University of Alabama at Birmingham and the author of eight other books.</p><p>Feldman’s book is a deeply provocative analysis of southern politics and political history. He explains the recurring themes in southern politics as an outgrowth of “Reconstruction Syndrome”. Themes of anti-government, anti-taxation, and deep suspicion of outsiders (African Americans, Catholics, Jews, and immigrants), run throughout the history of southern politics, and remain today. Feldman focuses much of his book on showing that the Democratic Party lost the south long before the passage of the civil rights laws in the 1960s. He tracks the shift in political allegiances back to the 1930s and even earlier.</p><p>The book challenges conventional notions and is likely to stimulate debate and controversy. It is a worthwhile read for historians of the time period and political scientists, alike.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1716</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=936]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7049558366.mp3?updated=1543616672" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Stella M. Rouse, “Latinos in the Legislative Process: Interests and Influence” (Cambridge UP, 2013)</title>
      <description>Stella M. Rouse is the author of Latinos in the Legislative Process: Interests and Influence (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Rouse is assistant professor of political science at the University of Maryland and a research fellow at the Center for American Politics and Citizenship.
Commentators lauded Latino voters in 2012, but it is Latino elected-officials that increasingly hold power at the national and state-levels. In 2009, 242 Latino served in state legislatures and 27 Latinos were in the House of Representatives. While these numbers are not proportionate to the size of the Latino population, they are record highs. Rouse links together this descriptive representation to the ways those Latino officials make policy and vote on issues important to Latinos, what she labels substantive representation. She finds that education, healthcare, and jobs were the top priorities for Latino legislators – immigration was named by only 8% of respondents. She concludes that “Immigration is important, but it is not at the forefront of priorities for either the Latino public or for Latino elites.”
Rouse extends this analysis to the agenda setting and voting behavior of Latinos. She finds that Latino legislators are more likely to introduce Latino-interest legislation when the percentage of Latinos in the party is smaller. At the roll call stage of the legislative process, though, Latino legislators behave no differently than others.
Overall, Rouse’s new book has a lot to offer scholars of Congress, agenda setting, and ethnic studies. Her analysis is timely and advances what we know about Latinos and politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 14 Oct 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Stella M. Rouse is the author of Latinos in the Legislative Process: Interests and Influence (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Rouse is assistant professor of political science at the University of Maryland and a research fellow at the Center for Ame...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Stella M. Rouse is the author of Latinos in the Legislative Process: Interests and Influence (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Rouse is assistant professor of political science at the University of Maryland and a research fellow at the Center for American Politics and Citizenship.
Commentators lauded Latino voters in 2012, but it is Latino elected-officials that increasingly hold power at the national and state-levels. In 2009, 242 Latino served in state legislatures and 27 Latinos were in the House of Representatives. While these numbers are not proportionate to the size of the Latino population, they are record highs. Rouse links together this descriptive representation to the ways those Latino officials make policy and vote on issues important to Latinos, what she labels substantive representation. She finds that education, healthcare, and jobs were the top priorities for Latino legislators – immigration was named by only 8% of respondents. She concludes that “Immigration is important, but it is not at the forefront of priorities for either the Latino public or for Latino elites.”
Rouse extends this analysis to the agenda setting and voting behavior of Latinos. She finds that Latino legislators are more likely to introduce Latino-interest legislation when the percentage of Latinos in the party is smaller. At the roll call stage of the legislative process, though, Latino legislators behave no differently than others.
Overall, Rouse’s new book has a lot to offer scholars of Congress, agenda setting, and ethnic studies. Her analysis is timely and advances what we know about Latinos and politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.gvpt.umd.edu/srouse/Site/About.html">Stella M. Rouse</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1107032709/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Latinos in the Legislative Process: Interests and Influence</a> (Cambridge University Press, 2013). Rouse is assistant professor of political science at the University of Maryland and a research fellow at the Center for American Politics and Citizenship.</p><p>Commentators lauded Latino voters in 2012, but it is Latino elected-officials that increasingly hold power at the national and state-levels. In 2009, 242 Latino served in state legislatures and 27 Latinos were in the House of Representatives. While these numbers are not proportionate to the size of the Latino population, they are record highs. Rouse links together this descriptive representation to the ways those Latino officials make policy and vote on issues important to Latinos, what she labels substantive representation. She finds that education, healthcare, and jobs were the top priorities for Latino legislators – immigration was named by only 8% of respondents. She concludes that “Immigration is important, but it is not at the forefront of priorities for either the Latino public or for Latino elites.”</p><p>Rouse extends this analysis to the agenda setting and voting behavior of Latinos. She finds that Latino legislators are more likely to introduce Latino-interest legislation when the percentage of Latinos in the party is smaller. At the roll call stage of the legislative process, though, Latino legislators behave no differently than others.</p><p>Overall, Rouse’s new book has a lot to offer scholars of Congress, agenda setting, and ethnic studies. Her analysis is timely and advances what we know about Latinos and politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1537</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=879]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9916456060.mp3?updated=1543616683" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Venessa Williamson and Theda Skocpol, “The Tea Party: Remaking of Republican Conservatism” (Oxford UP, 2012)</title>
      <description>Vanessa Williamson is coauthor (with Theda Skocpol) of The Tea Party: Remaking of Republican Conservatism (Oxford University Press, 2012), a New Yorker magazine “Ten Best Political Books of 2012”). Williamson is a Ph.D. student at Harvard University and Skocpol is professor of government and sociology at Harvard University.
A lot has been written about the Tea Party, much from journalists and commentators. Williamson and Skocpol add a welcome scholarly vantage point, but don’t rest on the distance many academic prefer. They travel the country, interviewing Tea Party advocates, attending Tea Party gatherings in Virginia, Massachusetts, and Arizona. They also mine traditional social science sources of information as well.
What results is a nuanced portrait of a very complex modern political phenomenon. The Tea Party, according to Williamson and Skocpol, is in part the result of grassroots activism, part top-down policy entrepreneurship, and part modern media promotion. This book unearths many of the institutional dimensions of the Tea Party movement that help explain how it grew so quickly – 1,000 Tea Party groups formed in just the initial period – and grew so powerful – millions of dollars coalesced to help fund, train, and mobilize supporters and candidates. The electoral successes in the 2010 elections and subsequent policy victories in state tax, budget, and voting policy are the most obvious legacy to date.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 26 Aug 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Vanessa Williamson is coauthor (with Theda Skocpol) of The Tea Party: Remaking of Republican Conservatism (Oxford University Press, 2012), a New Yorker magazine “Ten Best Political Books of 2012”). Williamson is a Ph.D.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Vanessa Williamson is coauthor (with Theda Skocpol) of The Tea Party: Remaking of Republican Conservatism (Oxford University Press, 2012), a New Yorker magazine “Ten Best Political Books of 2012”). Williamson is a Ph.D. student at Harvard University and Skocpol is professor of government and sociology at Harvard University.
A lot has been written about the Tea Party, much from journalists and commentators. Williamson and Skocpol add a welcome scholarly vantage point, but don’t rest on the distance many academic prefer. They travel the country, interviewing Tea Party advocates, attending Tea Party gatherings in Virginia, Massachusetts, and Arizona. They also mine traditional social science sources of information as well.
What results is a nuanced portrait of a very complex modern political phenomenon. The Tea Party, according to Williamson and Skocpol, is in part the result of grassroots activism, part top-down policy entrepreneurship, and part modern media promotion. This book unearths many of the institutional dimensions of the Tea Party movement that help explain how it grew so quickly – 1,000 Tea Party groups formed in just the initial period – and grew so powerful – millions of dollars coalesced to help fund, train, and mobilize supporters and candidates. The electoral successes in the 2010 elections and subsequent policy victories in state tax, budget, and voting policy are the most obvious legacy to date.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://scholar.harvard.edu/williamson/">Vanessa Williamson</a> is coauthor (with <a href="http://scholar.harvard.edu/thedaskocpol">Theda Skocpol</a>) of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/019997554X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Tea Party: Remaking of Republican Conservatism</a> (Oxford University Press, 2012), a New Yorker magazine “Ten Best Political Books of 2012”). Williamson is a Ph.D. student at Harvard University and Skocpol is professor of government and sociology at Harvard University.</p><p>A lot has been written about the Tea Party, much from journalists and commentators. Williamson and Skocpol add a welcome scholarly vantage point, but don’t rest on the distance many academic prefer. They travel the country, interviewing Tea Party advocates, attending Tea Party gatherings in Virginia, Massachusetts, and Arizona. They also mine traditional social science sources of information as well.</p><p>What results is a nuanced portrait of a very complex modern political phenomenon. The Tea Party, according to Williamson and Skocpol, is in part the result of grassroots activism, part top-down policy entrepreneurship, and part modern media promotion. This book unearths many of the institutional dimensions of the Tea Party movement that help explain how it grew so quickly – 1,000 Tea Party groups formed in just the initial period – and grew so powerful – millions of dollars coalesced to help fund, train, and mobilize supporters and candidates. The electoral successes in the 2010 elections and subsequent policy victories in state tax, budget, and voting policy are the most obvious legacy to date.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1451</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=784]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9537807537.mp3?updated=1543616694" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>William G. Howell (with David Brent), “Thinking about the Presidency: The Primacy of Power” (Princeton UP,  2013)</title>
      <description>William G. Howell (with David Brent) is the author of the new book Thinking about the Presidency: The Primacy of Power (Princeton UP, 2013). Howell is the Sydney Stein Professor in American Politics at the University of Chicago, where he holds a joint appointment in the Harris School of Public Policy.
Howell’s thesis is simple: “Power is every president’s North Star.” He argues in this succinct book that by focusing attention on the expansion of power, we can best understand the presidency and its evolution. Combining historical analysis of key documents and a synthesis of current scholarship, Howell offers a convincing and provocative case for power as the central feature of the presidency. Given the current attention to the Obama presidency’s treatment of secrets, privacy, and security, Howell’s book has much to add to these contemporary debates. The book builds a deep, scholarly argument, but one that could be read and appreciated by undergraduates and the public-at-large.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Jul 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>William G. Howell (with David Brent) is the author of the new book Thinking about the Presidency: The Primacy of Power (Princeton UP, 2013). Howell is the Sydney Stein Professor in American Politics at the University of Chicago,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>William G. Howell (with David Brent) is the author of the new book Thinking about the Presidency: The Primacy of Power (Princeton UP, 2013). Howell is the Sydney Stein Professor in American Politics at the University of Chicago, where he holds a joint appointment in the Harris School of Public Policy.
Howell’s thesis is simple: “Power is every president’s North Star.” He argues in this succinct book that by focusing attention on the expansion of power, we can best understand the presidency and its evolution. Combining historical analysis of key documents and a synthesis of current scholarship, Howell offers a convincing and provocative case for power as the central feature of the presidency. Given the current attention to the Obama presidency’s treatment of secrets, privacy, and security, Howell’s book has much to add to these contemporary debates. The book builds a deep, scholarly argument, but one that could be read and appreciated by undergraduates and the public-at-large.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://harrisschool.uchicago.edu/directory/faculty/william_howell">William G. Howell</a> (with <a href="http://politicalscience.yale.edu/people/david-brent">David Brent</a>) is the author of the new book<a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691155348/?tag=newbooinhis-20"> Thinking about the Presidency: The Primacy of Power</a> (Princeton UP, 2013). Howell is the Sydney Stein Professor in American Politics at the University of Chicago, where he holds a joint appointment in the Harris School of Public Policy.</p><p>Howell’s thesis is simple: “Power is every president’s North Star.” He argues in this succinct book that by focusing attention on the expansion of power, we can best understand the presidency and its evolution. Combining historical analysis of key documents and a synthesis of current scholarship, Howell offers a convincing and provocative case for power as the central feature of the presidency. Given the current attention to the Obama presidency’s treatment of secrets, privacy, and security, Howell’s book has much to add to these contemporary debates. The book builds a deep, scholarly argument, but one that could be read and appreciated by undergraduates and the public-at-large.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1417</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=733]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8968795819.mp3?updated=1543616721" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Barbara Palmer and Dennis Simon, “Women and Congressional Elections: A Century of Change” (Lynne Rienner, 2012)</title>
      <description>Barbara Palmer and Dennis Simon are authors of Women and Congressional Elections: A Century of Change (Lynne Rienner, 2012). Palmer is associate professor of political science at Baldwin Wallace University and Dixon is professor of political science at Southern Methodist University. They have combined to write a deeply informative book about the trajectory of women in congress. The book offers many great anecdotes from the trail blazers: Elizabeth Cady Stanton (the first woman to run for congress), Margaret Chase Smith (the first woman elected to the Senate), and Shirley Chisom (the first African American woman elected to Congress). The authors also put together a new dataset of the universe of women candidates for office. What they find about where women succeed and the challenges they face after winning reveals a lot about what it means for a woman to run for office.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 22 Jul 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Barbara Palmer and Dennis Simon are authors of Women and Congressional Elections: A Century of Change (Lynne Rienner, 2012). Palmer is associate professor of political science at Baldwin Wallace University and Dixon is professor of political science at...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Barbara Palmer and Dennis Simon are authors of Women and Congressional Elections: A Century of Change (Lynne Rienner, 2012). Palmer is associate professor of political science at Baldwin Wallace University and Dixon is professor of political science at Southern Methodist University. They have combined to write a deeply informative book about the trajectory of women in congress. The book offers many great anecdotes from the trail blazers: Elizabeth Cady Stanton (the first woman to run for congress), Margaret Chase Smith (the first woman elected to the Senate), and Shirley Chisom (the first African American woman elected to Congress). The authors also put together a new dataset of the universe of women candidates for office. What they find about where women succeed and the challenges they face after winning reveals a lot about what it means for a woman to run for office.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.bw.edu/academics/pol/faculty/palmer/">Barbara Palmer</a> and <a href="http://www.smu.edu/News/Experts/Dennis-Simon">Dennis Simon</a> are authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1588268403/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Women and Congressional Elections: A Century of Change</a> (Lynne Rienner, 2012). Palmer is associate professor of political science at Baldwin Wallace University and Dixon is professor of political science at Southern Methodist University. They have combined to write a deeply informative book about the trajectory of women in congress. The book offers many great anecdotes from the trail blazers: Elizabeth Cady Stanton (the first woman to run for congress), Margaret Chase Smith (the first woman elected to the Senate), and Shirley Chisom (the first African American woman elected to Congress). The authors also put together a new dataset of the universe of women candidates for office. What they find about where women succeed and the challenges they face after winning reveals a lot about what it means for a woman to run for office.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1752</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=725]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6168804966.mp3?updated=1543616726" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Andrew J. Taylor, “Congress: A Performance Appraisal” (Westview Press 2013)</title>
      <description>Andrew J. Taylor is the author of Congress: A Performance Appraisal (Westview Press, 2013). Taylor is professor of political science in the School of Public and International Affairs at North Carolina State University. His newest book examines the much maligned branch of government and offers some help. He takes the novel approach of establishing a series of benchmarks, as the federal government might about an intransigent agency, and then assesses the extent to which Congress meets those benchmarks. There are 37 benchmarks in total, some that Congress scores highly on – such as many elements of transparency and accessibility – while others – for example, effective policy making – Congress scores poorly. Taylor ends the book with offering recommendations about how to improve Congress through some familiar, but other novel changes. The book would make a great addition to an undergraduate survey of Congress or US political institutions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Jul 2013 06:00:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Andrew J. Taylor is the author of Congress: A Performance Appraisal (Westview Press, 2013). Taylor is professor of political science in the School of Public and International Affairs at North Carolina State University.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Andrew J. Taylor is the author of Congress: A Performance Appraisal (Westview Press, 2013). Taylor is professor of political science in the School of Public and International Affairs at North Carolina State University. His newest book examines the much maligned branch of government and offers some help. He takes the novel approach of establishing a series of benchmarks, as the federal government might about an intransigent agency, and then assesses the extent to which Congress meets those benchmarks. There are 37 benchmarks in total, some that Congress scores highly on – such as many elements of transparency and accessibility – while others – for example, effective policy making – Congress scores poorly. Taylor ends the book with offering recommendations about how to improve Congress through some familiar, but other novel changes. The book would make a great addition to an undergraduate survey of Congress or US political institutions.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://faculty.chass.ncsu.edu/ataylor">Andrew J. Taylor</a> is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813345723/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Congress: A Performance Appraisal</a> (Westview Press, 2013). Taylor is professor of political science in the School of Public and International Affairs at North Carolina State University. His newest book examines the much maligned branch of government and offers some help. He takes the novel approach of establishing a series of benchmarks, as the federal government might about an intransigent agency, and then assesses the extent to which Congress meets those benchmarks. There are 37 benchmarks in total, some that Congress scores highly on – such as many elements of transparency and accessibility – while others – for example, effective policy making – Congress scores poorly. Taylor ends the book with offering recommendations about how to improve Congress through some familiar, but other novel changes. The book would make a great addition to an undergraduate survey of Congress or US political institutions.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1736</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=716]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7166598432.mp3?updated=1543616728" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Drew Maciag, “Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism” (Cornell UP, 2013)</title>
      <description>Drew Maciag, author of Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism (Cornell University Press, 2013) spoke with Ray Haberski about the intellectual challenges Burke raised in a time of democratic revolutions and the legacy he left for thinkers who attempted to leverage tradition in the face of political change. Maciag’s book is well-written and smartly conceived. His subject spans the entire history of the United States, from the Revolution to the present day, and introduces readers to American thinkers who continue deserve our attention. He also does an expert job addressing the conflict between liberalism and conservatism by demonstrating the roles historical contingency and personality play in shaping these complicated terms. Maciag’s book serves a diverse community of readers, from academics looking for smart arguments about political theory to general readers who are interested in origins and development of the poles of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 28 Jun 2013 13:39:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Drew Maciag, author of Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism (Cornell University Press, 2013) spoke with Ray Haberski about the intellectual challenges Burke raised in a time of democratic revolutions and th...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Drew Maciag, author of Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism (Cornell University Press, 2013) spoke with Ray Haberski about the intellectual challenges Burke raised in a time of democratic revolutions and the legacy he left for thinkers who attempted to leverage tradition in the face of political change. Maciag’s book is well-written and smartly conceived. His subject spans the entire history of the United States, from the Revolution to the present day, and introduces readers to American thinkers who continue deserve our attention. He also does an expert job addressing the conflict between liberalism and conservatism by demonstrating the roles historical contingency and personality play in shaping these complicated terms. Maciag’s book serves a diverse community of readers, from academics looking for smart arguments about political theory to general readers who are interested in origins and development of the poles of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/author/?fa=ShowAuthor&amp;Person_ID=4823">Drew Maciag</a>, author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0801448956/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Edmund Burke in America: The Contested Career of the Father of Modern Conservatism </a>(Cornell University Press, 2013) spoke with Ray Haberski about the intellectual challenges Burke raised in a time of democratic revolutions and the legacy he left for thinkers who attempted to leverage tradition in the face of political change. Maciag’s book is well-written and smartly conceived. His subject spans the entire history of the United States, from the Revolution to the present day, and introduces readers to American thinkers who continue deserve our attention. He also does an expert job addressing the conflict between liberalism and conservatism by demonstrating the roles historical contingency and personality play in shaping these complicated terms. Maciag’s book serves a diverse community of readers, from academics looking for smart arguments about political theory to general readers who are interested in origins and development of the poles of American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3513</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/intellectualhistory/?p=34]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7110947177.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Christopher Tienken and Donald Orlich, “The School Reform Landscape: Fraud, Myth, and Lies” (Rowman and Littlefield, 2013)</title>
      <description>Christopher Tienken and Donald Orlich are authors of the provocative new book, The School Reform Landscape: Fraud, Myth, and Lies (Rowman and Littlefield 2013). Dr. Tienken is an assistant professor in the College of Education and Human Services at Seton Hall University, and is also currently the editor of the American Association of School Administrators Journal of Scholarship and Practice and the Kappa Delta Pi Record. Dr. Orlich is professor emeritus of education and science instruction at Washington State University, Pullman. Their new book is an unabashed critique of nearly five decades of school reform and the questionable assertions and arguments made by many advocates for standardization, nationalization, and corporatization of public schools. They refer to the famed “Sputnik” moment of the 1950s as a manufactured crisis that Bon Jovi might call a “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. They call A Nation at Risk, the landmark study of educational performance in US schools, “an intellectually vapid and data challenged piece of propaganda” and the current federal law, No Child Left Behind, “Stalinist-inspired”. Deep down, this book is a critique of the neoliberal theory of government applied to education. Tienken and Orlich argue that standardization, testing, and charter schools have been foisted upon local school in deference to neoliberalism, rather than in service of students. They suggest that better policies can better improve education.
A few highlights from the podcast interview.
On Sputnik and Bon Jovi: “Bon Jovi and Sambora have a song off the album, These Days, and the song is called These Days, and in that song they use phrase “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. And I heard that phrase and it struck me: yes, that really sums up Sputnik in one phrase, Sputnik is the really the genesis of the school bashing and the current school reform movement. Everyone refers to it as if it was a meaningful event in terms of school reform.”
On A Nation at Risk: “When you read A Nation at Risk, we challenge anyone to go ahead and find the actual data to support the claims and conclusions they draw.”
On federal education policy: “Under Obama and the Republicans in terms of the Common Core State Standards and new national testing initiatives, so really for the first time in this country’s history, curriculum is being determined by a small group of elites far away from your kids’ and my kids’ schools. That is problematic culturally but also educationally.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 13 May 2013 17:17:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Christopher Tienken and Donald Orlich are authors of the provocative new book, The School Reform Landscape: Fraud, Myth, and Lies (Rowman and Littlefield 2013). Dr. Tienken is an assistant professor in the College of Education and Human Services at Set...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Christopher Tienken and Donald Orlich are authors of the provocative new book, The School Reform Landscape: Fraud, Myth, and Lies (Rowman and Littlefield 2013). Dr. Tienken is an assistant professor in the College of Education and Human Services at Seton Hall University, and is also currently the editor of the American Association of School Administrators Journal of Scholarship and Practice and the Kappa Delta Pi Record. Dr. Orlich is professor emeritus of education and science instruction at Washington State University, Pullman. Their new book is an unabashed critique of nearly five decades of school reform and the questionable assertions and arguments made by many advocates for standardization, nationalization, and corporatization of public schools. They refer to the famed “Sputnik” moment of the 1950s as a manufactured crisis that Bon Jovi might call a “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. They call A Nation at Risk, the landmark study of educational performance in US schools, “an intellectually vapid and data challenged piece of propaganda” and the current federal law, No Child Left Behind, “Stalinist-inspired”. Deep down, this book is a critique of the neoliberal theory of government applied to education. Tienken and Orlich argue that standardization, testing, and charter schools have been foisted upon local school in deference to neoliberalism, rather than in service of students. They suggest that better policies can better improve education.
A few highlights from the podcast interview.
On Sputnik and Bon Jovi: “Bon Jovi and Sambora have a song off the album, These Days, and the song is called These Days, and in that song they use phrase “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. And I heard that phrase and it struck me: yes, that really sums up Sputnik in one phrase, Sputnik is the really the genesis of the school bashing and the current school reform movement. Everyone refers to it as if it was a meaningful event in terms of school reform.”
On A Nation at Risk: “When you read A Nation at Risk, we challenge anyone to go ahead and find the actual data to support the claims and conclusions they draw.”
On federal education policy: “Under Obama and the Republicans in terms of the Common Core State Standards and new national testing initiatives, so really for the first time in this country’s history, curriculum is being determined by a small group of elites far away from your kids’ and my kids’ schools. That is problematic culturally but also educationally.”
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://christienken.com/">Christopher Tienken</a> and Donald Orlich are authors of the provocative new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1475802587/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The School Reform Landscape: Fraud, Myth, and Lies</a> (Rowman and Littlefield 2013). Dr. Tienken is an assistant professor in the College of Education and Human Services at Seton Hall University, and is also currently the editor of the American Association of School Administrators Journal of Scholarship and Practice and the Kappa Delta Pi Record. Dr. Orlich is professor emeritus of education and science instruction at Washington State University, Pullman. Their new book is an unabashed critique of nearly five decades of school reform and the questionable assertions and arguments made by many advocates for standardization, nationalization, and corporatization of public schools. They refer to the famed “Sputnik” moment of the 1950s as a manufactured crisis that Bon Jovi might call a “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. They call A Nation at Risk, the landmark study of educational performance in US schools, “an intellectually vapid and data challenged piece of propaganda” and the current federal law, No Child Left Behind, “Stalinist-inspired”. Deep down, this book is a critique of the neoliberal theory of government applied to education. Tienken and Orlich argue that standardization, testing, and charter schools have been foisted upon local school in deference to neoliberalism, rather than in service of students. They suggest that better policies can better improve education.</p><p>A few highlights from the podcast interview.</p><p>On Sputnik and Bon Jovi: “Bon Jovi and Sambora have a song off the album, These Days, and the song is called These Days, and in that song they use phrase “vagabond king wearing a Styrofoam crown”. And I heard that phrase and it struck me: yes, that really sums up Sputnik in one phrase, Sputnik is the really the genesis of the school bashing and the current school reform movement. Everyone refers to it as if it was a meaningful event in terms of school reform.”</p><p>On A Nation at Risk: “When you read A Nation at Risk, we challenge anyone to go ahead and find the actual data to support the claims and conclusions they draw.”</p><p>On federal education policy: “Under Obama and the Republicans in terms of the Common Core State Standards and new national testing initiatives, so really for the first time in this country’s history, curriculum is being determined by a small group of elites far away from your kids’ and my kids’ schools. That is problematic culturally but also educationally.”</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1447</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=625]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2006311636.mp3?updated=1543616760" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel McCool, “The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act” (Indiana UP, 2012)</title>
      <description>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.
The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of Shelby County v Holder.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 19:24:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.
The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of Shelby County v Holder.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://faculty.utah.edu/u0029400-DANIEL_CRAIG_MCCOOL/biography/index.hml">Daniel McCool</a>, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.</p><p>The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of <a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/Search.aspx?FileName=/docketfiles/12-96.htm">Shelby County v Holder</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1253</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=444]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN5009157601.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Daniel McCool, “The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act” (Indiana UP, 2012)</title>
      <description>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.
The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of Shelby County v Holder.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 27 Feb 2013 19:24:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/29205680-c013-11ec-8eb1-cffdb4e57306/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel McCool, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.
The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of Shelby County v Holder.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://faculty.utah.edu/u0029400-DANIEL_CRAIG_MCCOOL/biography/index.hml">Daniel McCool</a>, professor of political science at the University of Utah, is the editor of The Most Fundamental Right: Contrasting Perspectives on the Voting Rights Act (Indiana University Press, 2012). The VRA was one of the center pieces of the civil rights legislation passed in the 1960s. The Act aimed to address great inequities in access to and participation in voting, particularly among African Americans. Perhaps most controversially, the law labeled a handful of states that were deemed the most egregious violators of voting rights, and required them to gain pre-clearance from the Department of Justice on any changes in state voting procedures. Nearly fifty years later, is the case for the VRA still so pressing or are modifications or a complete overhaul called for? This timely collection provides deep theoretical and empirical justifications for the VRA, and equally well-developed arguments in opposition. One finished the collection more informed and a little unsure of what is called, both signs of a well-edited volume.</p><p>The timeliness of this book cannot be overstated. On Wednesday February 26, 2013, the Supreme Court hears arguments in the Voting Rights case of <a href="http://www.supremecourt.gov/Search.aspx?FileName=/docketfiles/12-96.htm">Shelby County v Holder</a>.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1358</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=444]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN7420625146.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Scott Farris, “Almost President: The Men Who Lost the Race But Changed the Nation” (Lyons Press, 2011)</title>
      <description>Mitt Romney must feel like Charlie Brown. Always facing an uphill climb against a popular incumbent, Romney truly believed he would kick the veritable football and take the White House. Unfortunately for the GOP, Lucy (Obama) jerked the football away leaving Romney to fall flat and conservatives to wander the political wilderness. Take heart Mitt Romney–Scott Farris has written the book for you.
Scott Farris‘ Almost President: The Men Who Lost the Race But Changed the Nation (Lyons Press, 2011) details how “losers” changed American politics. A journalist who has dabbled in the dark arts of politics, Farris has spent decades writing about state and national politicians. Understanding this rare species enabled him to pen a sprawling work that depicts nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first century losers. This is a fine book and fun read. Listen to the interview, buy the book and tell a friend.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 30 Jan 2013 15:25:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Mitt Romney must feel like Charlie Brown. Always facing an uphill climb against a popular incumbent, Romney truly believed he would kick the veritable football and take the White House. Unfortunately for the GOP,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mitt Romney must feel like Charlie Brown. Always facing an uphill climb against a popular incumbent, Romney truly believed he would kick the veritable football and take the White House. Unfortunately for the GOP, Lucy (Obama) jerked the football away leaving Romney to fall flat and conservatives to wander the political wilderness. Take heart Mitt Romney–Scott Farris has written the book for you.
Scott Farris‘ Almost President: The Men Who Lost the Race But Changed the Nation (Lyons Press, 2011) details how “losers” changed American politics. A journalist who has dabbled in the dark arts of politics, Farris has spent decades writing about state and national politicians. Understanding this rare species enabled him to pen a sprawling work that depicts nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first century losers. This is a fine book and fun read. Listen to the interview, buy the book and tell a friend.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Mitt Romney must feel like Charlie Brown. Always facing an uphill climb against a popular incumbent, Romney truly believed he would kick the veritable football and take the White House. Unfortunately for the GOP, Lucy (Obama) jerked the football away leaving Romney to fall flat and conservatives to wander the political wilderness. Take heart Mitt Romney–Scott Farris has written the book for you.</p><p><a href="http://scottfarrisbooks.com/author-bio/">Scott Farris</a>‘ <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0762763787/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Almost President: The Men Who Lost the Race But Changed the Nation</a> (Lyons Press, 2011) details how “losers” changed American politics. A journalist who has dabbled in the dark arts of politics, Farris has spent decades writing about state and national politicians. Understanding this rare species enabled him to pen a sprawling work that depicts nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first century losers. This is a fine book and fun read. Listen to the interview, buy the book and tell a friend.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3461</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politics/?p=213]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4097652725.mp3?updated=1543617293" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Scott Melzer, “Gun Crusaders: The NRA’s Culture War” (NYU Press, 2012)</title>
      <description>Scott Melzer is the author of Gun Crusaders: The NRA’s Culture War (New York University Press, 2012). Scott earned his Ph.D. from the University of California, Riverside and now is an associate professor of Sociology at Albion College. His book adds to the growing list of scholarship on gun control and gun rights. Scott’s disciplinary background in Sociology contributes to a better understanding of the nature of the NRA’s members, the links between their views towards guns and other issues, and what lies ahead for the organization. Through in-depth interviews with NRA members, we learn more about what it means to be a part of this organization, something few scholars have addressed directly in the past. The book is both a great read about policy, about an influential interest group, but also about the sociology of an organization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 13 Dec 2012 14:38:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Scott Melzer is the author of Gun Crusaders: The NRA’s Culture War (New York University Press, 2012). Scott earned his Ph.D. from the University of California, Riverside and now is an associate professor of Sociology at Albion College.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Scott Melzer is the author of Gun Crusaders: The NRA’s Culture War (New York University Press, 2012). Scott earned his Ph.D. from the University of California, Riverside and now is an associate professor of Sociology at Albion College. His book adds to the growing list of scholarship on gun control and gun rights. Scott’s disciplinary background in Sociology contributes to a better understanding of the nature of the NRA’s members, the links between their views towards guns and other issues, and what lies ahead for the organization. Through in-depth interviews with NRA members, we learn more about what it means to be a part of this organization, something few scholars have addressed directly in the past. The book is both a great read about policy, about an influential interest group, but also about the sociology of an organization.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.albion.edu/anthrosoc/faculty-and-staff">Scott Melzer </a>is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0814795501/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Gun Crusaders: The NRA’s Culture War</a> (New York University Press, 2012). Scott earned his Ph.D. from the University of California, Riverside and now is an associate professor of Sociology at Albion College. His book adds to the growing list of scholarship on gun control and gun rights. Scott’s disciplinary background in Sociology contributes to a better understanding of the nature of the NRA’s members, the links between their views towards guns and other issues, and what lies ahead for the organization. Through in-depth interviews with NRA members, we learn more about what it means to be a part of this organization, something few scholars have addressed directly in the past. The book is both a great read about policy, about an influential interest group, but also about the sociology of an organization.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1502</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=312]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8828725795.mp3?updated=1543617286" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Thomas Holyoke, “Competitive Interests: Competition and Compromise in American Interest Group Politics” (Georgetown University Press, 2011)</title>
      <description>Thomas Holyoke has recently published Competitive Interests: Competition and Compromise in American Interest Group Politics with Georgetown University Press (2011). Tom is an Associate Professor of Political Science at California State University – Fresno. His book advances political science knowledge of the political process through an in-depth analysis of the role of interest groups. The book is based on interviews with nearly 90 lobbyists who have advocated on issues as varied as environmental policy to banking reform. The book contributes a rich empirical analysis supported by statistical models, but also a careful development of theory. Holyoke speaks to both the interest group audience and the wider field of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 28 Nov 2012 20:58:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Thomas Holyoke has recently published Competitive Interests: Competition and Compromise in American Interest Group Politics with Georgetown University Press (2011). Tom is an Associate Professor of Political Science at California State University – Fre...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Thomas Holyoke has recently published Competitive Interests: Competition and Compromise in American Interest Group Politics with Georgetown University Press (2011). Tom is an Associate Professor of Political Science at California State University – Fresno. His book advances political science knowledge of the political process through an in-depth analysis of the role of interest groups. The book is based on interviews with nearly 90 lobbyists who have advocated on issues as varied as environmental policy to banking reform. The book contributes a rich empirical analysis supported by statistical models, but also a careful development of theory. Holyoke speaks to both the interest group audience and the wider field of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.fresnostate.edu/socialsciences/polysci/fac-staff/full-time/holyoke.html">Thomas Holyoke</a> has recently published <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/158901779X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Competitive Interests: Competition and Compromise in American Interest Group Politics</a> with Georgetown University Press (2011). Tom is an Associate Professor of Political Science at California State University – Fresno. His book advances political science knowledge of the political process through an in-depth analysis of the role of interest groups. The book is based on interviews with nearly 90 lobbyists who have advocated on issues as varied as environmental policy to banking reform. The book contributes a rich empirical analysis supported by statistical models, but also a careful development of theory. Holyoke speaks to both the interest group audience and the wider field of American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1740</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=250]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8458893190.mp3?updated=1543617289" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>LIsa Bedolla and Melissa Michelson, “Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-The-Vote Campaigns” (Yale University Press 2012).</title>
      <description>Lisa Garcia Bedolla and Melissa Michelson are the co-authors of Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-The-Vote Campaigns (Yale University Press 2012). Lisa is associate professor of social and cultural studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and Melissa Michelson is professor of political science at Menlo College. Their book takes up the challenge to better understand how effective voter mobilization efforts actually are. Using field experiments across California conducted in partnership with community organizations, they demonstrate what works and what doesn’t work to get ethnoracial voters out to the polls. The book can be read by scholars and practitioners alike who are interested in the civic engagement, political behavior, and democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 15 Oct 2012 22:10:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Lisa Garcia Bedolla and Melissa Michelson are the co-authors of Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-The-Vote Campaigns (Yale University Press 2012). Lisa is associate professor of social and cultural studies at the Univers...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Lisa Garcia Bedolla and Melissa Michelson are the co-authors of Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-The-Vote Campaigns (Yale University Press 2012). Lisa is associate professor of social and cultural studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and Melissa Michelson is professor of political science at Menlo College. Their book takes up the challenge to better understand how effective voter mobilization efforts actually are. Using field experiments across California conducted in partnership with community organizations, they demonstrate what works and what doesn’t work to get ethnoracial voters out to the polls. The book can be read by scholars and practitioners alike who are interested in the civic engagement, political behavior, and democracy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://gse.berkeley.edu/faculty/lgarciabedolla/lgarciabedolla.html">Lisa Garcia Bedolla</a> and <a href="http://class.csueastbay.edu/faculty/mmichelson/">Melissa Michelson</a> are the co-authors of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300166788/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Mobilizing Inclusion: Transforming the Electorate through Get-Out-The-Vote Campaigns</a> (Yale University Press 2012). Lisa is associate professor of social and cultural studies at the University of California, Berkeley, and Melissa Michelson is professor of political science at Menlo College. Their book takes up the challenge to better understand how effective voter mobilization efforts actually are. Using field experiments across California conducted in partnership with community organizations, they demonstrate what works and what doesn’t work to get ethnoracial voters out to the polls. The book can be read by scholars and practitioners alike who are interested in the civic engagement, political behavior, and democracy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>1580</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=295]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9248378142.mp3?updated=1543617320" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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    <item>
      <title>Daniel Kreiss, “Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of Networked Politics from Howard Dean to Barack Obama” (Oxford UP, 2012)</title>
      <description>Daniel Kreiss is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of Networked Politics from Howard Dean to Barack Obama (Oxford University Press, 2012) traces the integration of new media into the presidential campaigns of Howard Dean and then Barack Obama. Kreiss argues that by focusing on innovation, infrastructure, and organization, scholars can better understand how new media has become central to understanding political campaigns in the US. The book draws on dozens of interviews with most of the largely unknown, but integral members of the campaigns of Dean and Obama. The story Kreiss tells reveals much about the nature of modern political campaigns and how the Internet has shaped the last decade of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Sat, 15 Sep 2012 19:36:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Daniel Kreiss is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of Networked Politics from Howard Dean to Barack Obama (Oxford Univ...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Daniel Kreiss is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of Networked Politics from Howard Dean to Barack Obama (Oxford University Press, 2012) traces the integration of new media into the presidential campaigns of Howard Dean and then Barack Obama. Kreiss argues that by focusing on innovation, infrastructure, and organization, scholars can better understand how new media has become central to understanding political campaigns in the US. The book draws on dozens of interviews with most of the largely unknown, but integral members of the campaigns of Dean and Obama. The story Kreiss tells reveals much about the nature of modern political campaigns and how the Internet has shaped the last decade of American politics.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://danielkreiss.com/">Daniel Kreiss</a> is an Assistant Professor in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0199936781/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Taking Our Country Back: The Crafting of Networked Politics from Howard Dean to Barack Obama</a> (Oxford University Press, 2012) traces the integration of new media into the presidential campaigns of Howard Dean and then Barack Obama. Kreiss argues that by focusing on innovation, infrastructure, and organization, scholars can better understand how new media has become central to understanding political campaigns in the US. The book draws on dozens of interviews with most of the largely unknown, but integral members of the campaigns of Dean and Obama. The story Kreiss tells reveals much about the nature of modern political campaigns and how the Internet has shaped the last decade of American politics.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2360</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=223]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9559233032.mp3?updated=1543617337" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Mitchel Sollenberger, “The President’s Czars: Undermining Congress and the Constitution” (University of Kansas Press, 2012)</title>
      <description>Mitchel A. Sollenberger, assistant professor of political science at the University of Michigan-Dearborn, and Mark J. Rozell, professor of public policy at George Mason University, have co-authored the provocative The President’s Czars: Undermining Congress and the Constitution (University of Kansas Press, 2012). The book uses a public law methodology to study the evolving role so-called “czars” play in the presidency. Presidential czars, as they define them, are given policy making authority by the president, but are not confirmed by the Senate. Thus, they operate with little accountability to the legislative branch. Their existence, which increased in numbers and importance over the twentieth century, raises serious questions about their appropriateness and constitutionality. The book concludes with a set of recommendations to address these concerns and rebalance the relationship between the president and Congress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Jun 2012 15:54:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Mitchel A. Sollenberger, assistant professor of political science at the University of Michigan-Dearborn, and Mark J. Rozell, professor of public policy at George Mason University, have co-authored the provocative The President’s Czars: Undermining Con...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Mitchel A. Sollenberger, assistant professor of political science at the University of Michigan-Dearborn, and Mark J. Rozell, professor of public policy at George Mason University, have co-authored the provocative The President’s Czars: Undermining Congress and the Constitution (University of Kansas Press, 2012). The book uses a public law methodology to study the evolving role so-called “czars” play in the presidency. Presidential czars, as they define them, are given policy making authority by the president, but are not confirmed by the Senate. Thus, they operate with little accountability to the legislative branch. Their existence, which increased in numbers and importance over the twentieth century, raises serious questions about their appropriateness and constitutionality. The book concludes with a set of recommendations to address these concerns and rebalance the relationship between the president and Congress.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.casl.umd.umich.edu/msollenberger/">Mitchel A. Sollenberger</a>, assistant professor of political science at the University of Michigan-Dearborn, and <a href="http://markrozell.gmu.edu/">Mark J. Rozell</a>, professor of public policy at George Mason University, have co-authored the provocative <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700618368/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The President’s Czars: Undermining Congress and the Constitution</a> (University of Kansas Press, 2012). The book uses a public law methodology to study the evolving role so-called “czars” play in the presidency. Presidential czars, as they define them, are given policy making authority by the president, but are not confirmed by the Senate. Thus, they operate with little accountability to the legislative branch. Their existence, which increased in numbers and importance over the twentieth century, raises serious questions about their appropriateness and constitutionality. The book concludes with a set of recommendations to address these concerns and rebalance the relationship between the president and Congress.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2065</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=133]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN9399885271.mp3?updated=1543617357" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Enid Logan, “At this Defining Moment: Barack Obama’s Presidential Candidacy and the New Politics of Race” (NYU Press, 2011)</title>
      <description>Enid Logan‘s At this Defining Moment: Barack Obama: Presidential Candidacy and the New Politics of Race (NYU Press, 2011) examines the campaign and politics around the election of Barack Obama from a sociological perspective. Drawing on a rich array of television, newspaper, and blogs, Logan challenges many of the conventional interpretations of the Obama victory. In trying to define the “new politics of race”, the book is a contribution to the field of political science, where scholars have also grappled with putting the first African American president into political, historical, and social context. One of the more compelling chapters of the book deals with the intersection of Hispanic and Asian Americans and the Obama campaign. The length, clear-writing, and salient topic should make this a considered adoption for many courses in American politics, race and politics, and campaigns/elections.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 08 Jun 2012 18:17:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Enid Logan‘s At this Defining Moment: Barack Obama: Presidential Candidacy and the New Politics of Race (NYU Press, 2011) examines the campaign and politics around the election of Barack Obama from a sociological perspective.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Enid Logan‘s At this Defining Moment: Barack Obama: Presidential Candidacy and the New Politics of Race (NYU Press, 2011) examines the campaign and politics around the election of Barack Obama from a sociological perspective. Drawing on a rich array of television, newspaper, and blogs, Logan challenges many of the conventional interpretations of the Obama victory. In trying to define the “new politics of race”, the book is a contribution to the field of political science, where scholars have also grappled with putting the first African American president into political, historical, and social context. One of the more compelling chapters of the book deals with the intersection of Hispanic and Asian Americans and the Obama campaign. The length, clear-writing, and salient topic should make this a considered adoption for many courses in American politics, race and politics, and campaigns/elections.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.soc.umn.edu/people/logan_e.html">Enid Logan</a>‘s <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0814752985/?tag=newbooinhis-20">At this Defining Moment: Barack Obama: Presidential Candidacy and the New Politics of Race </a>(NYU Press, 2011) examines the campaign and politics around the election of Barack Obama from a sociological perspective. Drawing on a rich array of television, newspaper, and blogs, Logan challenges many of the conventional interpretations of the Obama victory. In trying to define the “new politics of race”, the book is a contribution to the field of political science, where scholars have also grappled with putting the first African American president into political, historical, and social context. One of the more compelling chapters of the book deals with the intersection of Hispanic and Asian Americans and the Obama campaign. The length, clear-writing, and salient topic should make this a considered adoption for many courses in American politics, race and politics, and campaigns/elections.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2116</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=123]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN2188586658.mp3?updated=1543617361" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Jay Cost, “Spoiled Rotten: How the Politics of Patronage Corrupted the Once Noble Democratic Party and Now Threatens the American Republic” (Broadside  Books, 2012)</title>
      <description>In his new book Spoiled Rotten: How the Politics of Patronage Corrupted the Once Noble Democratic Party and Now Threatens the American Republic (Broadside Books, 2012), Jay Cost, a political analyst and columnist for The Weekly Standard, traces the history of the Democratic party from its 1828 conception through to the modern day. Costa believes the party has strayed from its once noble goal of standing up for the “little guy” and become a political force ruled by the combined influences of a variety of special interest groups.
In our interview, we talked about why he sees Woodrow Wilson, not FDR, as the founder of the modern Democratic party, the relationship between the Democrats and the press, and how American labor unions have changed over time. Read all about it, and more, in Cost’s tough new book.
Please become a fan of New Books in Public Policy on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 01 Jun 2012 19:34:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In his new book Spoiled Rotten: How the Politics of Patronage Corrupted the Once Noble Democratic Party and Now Threatens the American Republic (Broadside Books, 2012), Jay Cost, a political analyst and columnist for The Weekly Standard,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book Spoiled Rotten: How the Politics of Patronage Corrupted the Once Noble Democratic Party and Now Threatens the American Republic (Broadside Books, 2012), Jay Cost, a political analyst and columnist for The Weekly Standard, traces the history of the Democratic party from its 1828 conception through to the modern day. Costa believes the party has strayed from its once noble goal of standing up for the “little guy” and become a political force ruled by the combined influences of a variety of special interest groups.
In our interview, we talked about why he sees Woodrow Wilson, not FDR, as the founder of the modern Democratic party, the relationship between the Democrats and the press, and how American labor unions have changed over time. Read all about it, and more, in Cost’s tough new book.
Please become a fan of New Books in Public Policy on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0062041150/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Spoiled Rotten: How the Politics of Patronage Corrupted the Once Noble Democratic Party and Now Threatens the American Republic </a>(Broadside Books, 2012), <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Jay-Cost/e/B007VAIV9O/ref=ntt_dp_epwbk_0">Jay Cost</a>, a political analyst and columnist for <a href="http://www.weeklystandard.com/">The Weekly Standard</a>, traces the history of the Democratic party from its 1828 conception through to the modern day. Costa believes the party has strayed from its once noble goal of standing up for the “little guy” and become a political force ruled by the combined influences of a variety of special interest groups.</p><p>In our interview, we talked about why he sees Woodrow Wilson, not FDR, as the founder of the modern Democratic party, the relationship between the Democrats and the press, and how American labor unions have changed over time. Read all about it, and more, in Cost’s tough new book.</p><p>Please become a fan of New Books in Public Policy on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/New-Books-in-Public-Policy/129842677086591?sk=wall">Facebook </a>if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3144</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/publicpolicy/?p=522]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1432899133.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tim Groseclose, “Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the American Mind” (St. Martin’s Press, 2011)</title>
      <description>In his new book, Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the American Mind (St. Martin’s Press, 2011), Tim Groseclose, Marvin Hoffenberg Professor of American Politics at UCLA, discusses his quantitative measurements of political bias in the American news media. Based on years of in-depth studies, he concludes that nearly every mainstream media outlet is skewed to the left of the American electorate, and that this bias has helped push the American electorate to the left of where it would be otherwise. In our interview, we talked about different kinds of media bias, as well as bias in academia, and the effect it has had on Professor Groseclose’s career. Read all about it, and more, in Groseclose’s illuminating new book
Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 22 Dec 2011 13:32:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In his new book, Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the American Mind (St. Martin’s Press, 2011), Tim Groseclose, Marvin Hoffenberg Professor of American Politics at UCLA, discusses his quantitative measurements of political bias in the America...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book, Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the American Mind (St. Martin’s Press, 2011), Tim Groseclose, Marvin Hoffenberg Professor of American Politics at UCLA, discusses his quantitative measurements of political bias in the American news media. Based on years of in-depth studies, he concludes that nearly every mainstream media outlet is skewed to the left of the American electorate, and that this bias has helped push the American electorate to the left of where it would be otherwise. In our interview, we talked about different kinds of media bias, as well as bias in academia, and the effect it has had on Professor Groseclose’s career. Read all about it, and more, in Groseclose’s illuminating new book
Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0312555938/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Left Turn: How Liberal Media Bias Distorts the American Mind</a> (St. Martin’s Press, 2011), <a href="http://www.timgroseclose.com/">Tim Groseclose</a>, Marvin Hoffenberg Professor of American Politics at UCLA, discusses his quantitative measurements of political bias in the American news media. Based on years of in-depth studies, he concludes that nearly every mainstream media outlet is skewed to the left of the American electorate, and that this bias has helped push the American electorate to the left of where it would be otherwise. In our interview, we talked about different kinds of media bias, as well as bias in academia, and the effect it has had on Professor Groseclose’s career. Read all about it, and more, in Groseclose’s illuminating new book</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/pages/New-Books-in-Public-Policy/129842677086591?sk=wall">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2846</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/publicpolicy/?p=413]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3958142238.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Phil Kerpen, “Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America and How to Stop Him” (BenBella Books, 2011)”</title>
      <description>In his new book, Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America – and How to Stop Him (BenBella Books, 2011), Phil Kerpen, vice president for policy at Americans for Prosperity and columnist at FoxNews.com, argues that President Obama’s is trying to bypass Congress with an activist regulatory agenda. In our interview, we talked about the regulatory process, the Obama health care law, and what net neutrality means for the future of the Internet. Read all about it, and more, in Kerpen’s alarming new book.
Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on Facebook  if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 16 Dec 2011 20:16:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In his new book, Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America – and How to Stop Him (BenBella Books, 2011), Phil Kerpen, vice president for policy at Americans for Prosperity and columnist at FoxNews...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book, Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America – and How to Stop Him (BenBella Books, 2011), Phil Kerpen, vice president for policy at Americans for Prosperity and columnist at FoxNews.com, argues that President Obama’s is trying to bypass Congress with an activist regulatory agenda. In our interview, we talked about the regulatory process, the Obama health care law, and what net neutrality means for the future of the Internet. Read all about it, and more, in Kerpen’s alarming new book.
Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on Facebook  if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/1936661322/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Democracy Denied: How Obama is Ignoring You and Bypassing Congress to Radically Transform America – and How to Stop Him </a>(BenBella Books, 2011), <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Phil-Kerpen/e/B004ZNGGA6/ref=ntt_athr_dp_pel_1">Phil Kerpen</a>, vice president for policy at Americans for Prosperity and columnist at FoxNews.com, argues that President Obama’s is trying to bypass Congress with an activist regulatory agenda. In our interview, we talked about the regulatory process, the Obama health care law, and what net neutrality means for the future of the Internet. Read all about it, and more, in Kerpen’s alarming new book.</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in Public Policy” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/pages/New-Books-in-Public-Policy/129842677086591?sk=wall">Facebook </a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2871</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/publicpolicy/?p=409]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6513561683.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Martha Minow, “In Brown’s Wake: Legacies of America’s Educational Landmark” (Oxford UP, 2011)</title>
      <description>What can judges do to change society? Fifty-seven years ago, the Supreme Court resolved to find out: the unanimous ruling they issued in Brown v. Board of Education threw the weight of the Constitution fully behind the aspiration of social equality among the races. The possibilities of law as an engine of social justice seem to be encapsulated in the story of the decision — and in the many decades of resistance to its enforcement.
Today, there are those who argue that the Court failed in its goal, since actual racial mixing in U.S. schools has declined steadily over the last 35 years. But in her new book, In Brown’s Wake: Legacies of America’s Educational Landmark (Oxford UP, 2011), Harvard Law School Dean Martha Minow argues that the legacy of Brown should be viewed in a larger context. Neither a self-executing mandate for racial equality nor a futile rhetorical exercise, the decision was destined to become a lodestar for a wide variety of reformers in all areas of American society — and beyond.
In a series of case studies, Dean Minow’s book reveals how Brown, the milestone in American jurisprudence, took on meanings the judges never envisioned, in the hands of advocates who, in 1954, nobody could have expected. Whatever else it was, the decision was that vital ingredient to be coupled with any kind of action: an idea whose time had come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 07 Sep 2011 02:23:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:image href="https://megaphone.imgix.net/podcasts/b27bdf76-c013-11ec-8c86-134441139d59/image/law1500x1500.png?ixlib=rails-4.3.1&amp;max-w=3000&amp;max-h=3000&amp;fit=crop&amp;auto=format,compress"/>
      <itunes:subtitle>What can judges do to change society? Fifty-seven years ago, the Supreme Court resolved to find out: the unanimous ruling they issued in Brown v. Board of Education threw the weight of the Constitution fully behind the aspiration of social equality amo...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>What can judges do to change society? Fifty-seven years ago, the Supreme Court resolved to find out: the unanimous ruling they issued in Brown v. Board of Education threw the weight of the Constitution fully behind the aspiration of social equality among the races. The possibilities of law as an engine of social justice seem to be encapsulated in the story of the decision — and in the many decades of resistance to its enforcement.
Today, there are those who argue that the Court failed in its goal, since actual racial mixing in U.S. schools has declined steadily over the last 35 years. But in her new book, In Brown’s Wake: Legacies of America’s Educational Landmark (Oxford UP, 2011), Harvard Law School Dean Martha Minow argues that the legacy of Brown should be viewed in a larger context. Neither a self-executing mandate for racial equality nor a futile rhetorical exercise, the decision was destined to become a lodestar for a wide variety of reformers in all areas of American society — and beyond.
In a series of case studies, Dean Minow’s book reveals how Brown, the milestone in American jurisprudence, took on meanings the judges never envisioned, in the hands of advocates who, in 1954, nobody could have expected. Whatever else it was, the decision was that vital ingredient to be coupled with any kind of action: an idea whose time had come.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>What can judges do to change society? Fifty-seven years ago, the Supreme Court resolved to find out: the unanimous ruling they issued in Brown v. Board of Education threw the weight of the Constitution fully behind the aspiration of social equality among the races. The possibilities of law as an engine of social justice seem to be encapsulated in the story of the decision — and in the many decades of resistance to its enforcement.</p><p>Today, there are those who argue that the Court failed in its goal, since actual racial mixing in U.S. schools has declined steadily over the last 35 years. But in her new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0195171527/?tag=newbooinhis-20">In Brown’s Wake: Legacies of America’s Educational Landmark</a> (Oxford UP, 2011), Harvard Law School Dean <a href="http://www.law.harvard.edu/about/dean/dean-bio.html">Martha Minow</a> argues that the legacy of Brown should be viewed in a larger context. Neither a self-executing mandate for racial equality nor a futile rhetorical exercise, the decision was destined to become a lodestar for a wide variety of reformers in all areas of American society — and beyond.</p><p>In a series of case studies, Dean Minow’s book reveals how Brown, the milestone in American jurisprudence, took on meanings the judges never envisioned, in the hands of advocates who, in 1954, nobody could have expected. Whatever else it was, the decision was that vital ingredient to be coupled with any kind of action: an idea whose time had come.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>2866</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/law/?p=116]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4529719737.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tamara Metz, “Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce” (Princeton UP, 2010)</title>
      <description>Marriage is at the center of some of our fiercest political debates. Here are some recent developments regarding marriage in the United States. Earlier this year, the Justice Department announced that it would no longer defend the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). A few weeks ago, New York became the largest state to allow same-sex marriage, joining five other states, the District of Columbia, and the Coquille and Suquamish Indian tribes in Oregon. The Senate Judiciary Committee has recently started to consider a bill that would grant federal benefits to same-sex married couples.
But to what extent should the state be involved at all in regulating or recognizing marriage? In her recent book, Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce (Princeton University Press, 2010), Tamara Metz argues for the “disestablishment” of marriage. Marriage, Metz argues, like religion, should be separated from the state. She further claims that the liberal state should only be in the business of legally recognizing a wide variety of intimate caregiving unions among consenting, able-minded, able-bodied, adult intimates. In this interview, she clarifies her position further.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2011 20:48:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Marriage is at the center of some of our fiercest political debates. Here are some recent developments regarding marriage in the United States. Earlier this year, the Justice Department announced that it would no longer defend the federal Defense of Ma...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Marriage is at the center of some of our fiercest political debates. Here are some recent developments regarding marriage in the United States. Earlier this year, the Justice Department announced that it would no longer defend the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). A few weeks ago, New York became the largest state to allow same-sex marriage, joining five other states, the District of Columbia, and the Coquille and Suquamish Indian tribes in Oregon. The Senate Judiciary Committee has recently started to consider a bill that would grant federal benefits to same-sex married couples.
But to what extent should the state be involved at all in regulating or recognizing marriage? In her recent book, Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce (Princeton University Press, 2010), Tamara Metz argues for the “disestablishment” of marriage. Marriage, Metz argues, like religion, should be separated from the state. She further claims that the liberal state should only be in the business of legally recognizing a wide variety of intimate caregiving unions among consenting, able-minded, able-bodied, adult intimates. In this interview, she clarifies her position further.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Marriage is at the center of some of our fiercest political debates. Here are some recent developments regarding marriage in the United States. Earlier this year, the Justice Department announced that it would no longer defend the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA). A few weeks ago, New York became the largest state to allow same-sex marriage, joining five other states, the District of Columbia, and the Coquille and Suquamish Indian tribes in Oregon. The Senate Judiciary Committee has recently started to consider a bill that would grant federal benefits to same-sex married couples.</p><p>But to what extent should the state be involved at all in regulating or recognizing marriage? In her recent book, <a href="https://press.princeton.edu/titles/9199.html">Untying the Knot: Marriage, the State, and the Case for Their Divorce</a> (Princeton University Press, 2010), <a href="http://academic.reed.edu/poli_sci/faculty/metz.html">Tamara Metz</a> argues for the “disestablishment” of marriage. Marriage, Metz argues, like religion, should be separated from the state. She further claims that the liberal state should only be in the business of legally recognizing a wide variety of intimate caregiving unions among consenting, able-minded, able-bodied, adult intimates. In this interview, she clarifies her position further.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3885</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=74]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN6510219480.mp3?updated=1543617446" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Houston A. Baker, “Betrayal: How Black Intellectuals Have Abandoned the Ideals of the Civil Rights Era” (Columbia UP, 2008)</title>
      <description>In his new book Betrayal: How Black Intellectuals Have Abandoned the Ideals of the Civil Rights Era (Columbia University Press, 2008), Houston A. Baker makes the argument that many contemporary black public intellectuals, otherwise known as African American “academostars,” are self-serving individuals who distort the message of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and belie the overall aims of the Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 60’s. He calls out five main figures: Shelby Steele, John McWhorter, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and even Cornel West and Michael Eric Dyson.
Betrayal has been described both as a “brave and funny vernacular broadside” and “an important and absorbing meditation” on contemporary discussions of American politics. This book is immensely important not only for the way it clarifies the often misconstrued and misapplied rhetoric of Dr. King, but also the way in which it takes pains to historicize the plight of African Americans. I am personally persuaded by this book, and I highly recommend it.
While Betrayal was published in the same year as the election of America’s first president of African descent, it offers us a framework for understanding our “now”: the upcoming 2012 election season, much of the Tea Party rhetoric, and even the political challenges that Barack Obama faces in relation to contemporary racial conflict.
Baker is a distinguished university professor of English at Vanderbilt University, and he is a well-known literary and cultural critic, focusing on African American arts and politics. He is also a creative writer, with a recently published volume of poetry entitled Passing Over. I hope to have him on the show again to discuss that book. Till then, I’m certain you’ll be thoroughly engaged in this lively interchange.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 04 Aug 2011 20:15:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In his new book Betrayal: How Black Intellectuals Have Abandoned the Ideals of the Civil Rights Era (Columbia University Press, 2008), Houston A. Baker makes the argument that many contemporary black public intellectuals,</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In his new book Betrayal: How Black Intellectuals Have Abandoned the Ideals of the Civil Rights Era (Columbia University Press, 2008), Houston A. Baker makes the argument that many contemporary black public intellectuals, otherwise known as African American “academostars,” are self-serving individuals who distort the message of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and belie the overall aims of the Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 60’s. He calls out five main figures: Shelby Steele, John McWhorter, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and even Cornel West and Michael Eric Dyson.
Betrayal has been described both as a “brave and funny vernacular broadside” and “an important and absorbing meditation” on contemporary discussions of American politics. This book is immensely important not only for the way it clarifies the often misconstrued and misapplied rhetoric of Dr. King, but also the way in which it takes pains to historicize the plight of African Americans. I am personally persuaded by this book, and I highly recommend it.
While Betrayal was published in the same year as the election of America’s first president of African descent, it offers us a framework for understanding our “now”: the upcoming 2012 election season, much of the Tea Party rhetoric, and even the political challenges that Barack Obama faces in relation to contemporary racial conflict.
Baker is a distinguished university professor of English at Vanderbilt University, and he is a well-known literary and cultural critic, focusing on African American arts and politics. He is also a creative writer, with a recently published volume of poetry entitled Passing Over. I hope to have him on the show again to discuss that book. Till then, I’m certain you’ll be thoroughly engaged in this lively interchange.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0231139659/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Betrayal: How Black Intellectuals Have Abandoned the Ideals of the Civil Rights Era</a> (Columbia University Press, 2008), <a href="http://sitemason.vanderbilt.edu/site/iGxZW8">Houston A. Baker</a> makes the argument that many contemporary black public intellectuals, otherwise known as African American “academostars,” are self-serving individuals who distort the message of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and belie the overall aims of the Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 60’s. He calls out five main figures: Shelby Steele, John McWhorter, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and even Cornel West and Michael Eric Dyson.</p><p>Betrayal has been described both as a “brave and funny vernacular broadside” and “an important and absorbing meditation” on contemporary discussions of American politics. This book is immensely important not only for the way it clarifies the often misconstrued and misapplied rhetoric of Dr. King, but also the way in which it takes pains to historicize the plight of African Americans. I am personally persuaded by this book, and I highly recommend it.</p><p>While Betrayal was published in the same year as the election of America’s first president of African descent, it offers us a framework for understanding our “now”: the upcoming 2012 election season, much of the Tea Party rhetoric, and even the political challenges that Barack Obama faces in relation to contemporary racial conflict.</p><p>Baker is a distinguished university professor of English at Vanderbilt University, and he is a well-known literary and cultural critic, focusing on African American arts and politics. He is also a creative writer, with a recently published volume of poetry entitled <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Passing-Over-Houston-Baker/dp/0916418871">Passing Over</a>. I hope to have him on the show again to discuss that book. Till then, I’m certain you’ll be thoroughly engaged in this lively interchange.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>5161</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/afroamstudies/?p=198]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1337403662.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Gregory Koger, “Filibustering: A Political History of Obstruction in the House and Senate” (University of Chicago Press, 2010)</title>
      <description>In recent months, we’ve been hearing a lot of talk about filibustering in the Senate, about how Senate Democrats acquired a filibuster-proof majority in the 2008 elections only to lose it by the midterm elections of 2010 when Scott Brown was elected to replace Ted Kennedy. Filibustering has become the norm in the Senate, so much so that it is taken for granted that the Senate minority party will threaten filibustering more often than not. This has led Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) to issue calls for reforming the filibuster process in order to make it more difficult for any minority party in the Senate to be obstructionist.
In a timely new book, Filibustering: A Political History of Obstruction in the House and Senate (University of Chicago Press, 2010), Gregory Koger explains the American filibuster, catalogs its use in the House and Senate, measures its impact, and finally theorizes why and how obstruction has been institutionalized in the Senate, particularly in the last 50 years.
In this interview he explains, among other things, the long pedigree of obstruction in the Senate, how and why filibustering became routinized, and why reform will not be easy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jun 2011 16:18:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In recent months, we’ve been hearing a lot of talk about filibustering in the Senate, about how Senate Democrats acquired a filibuster-proof majority in the 2008 elections only to lose it by the midterm elections of 2010 when Scott Brown was elected to...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In recent months, we’ve been hearing a lot of talk about filibustering in the Senate, about how Senate Democrats acquired a filibuster-proof majority in the 2008 elections only to lose it by the midterm elections of 2010 when Scott Brown was elected to replace Ted Kennedy. Filibustering has become the norm in the Senate, so much so that it is taken for granted that the Senate minority party will threaten filibustering more often than not. This has led Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) to issue calls for reforming the filibuster process in order to make it more difficult for any minority party in the Senate to be obstructionist.
In a timely new book, Filibustering: A Political History of Obstruction in the House and Senate (University of Chicago Press, 2010), Gregory Koger explains the American filibuster, catalogs its use in the House and Senate, measures its impact, and finally theorizes why and how obstruction has been institutionalized in the Senate, particularly in the last 50 years.
In this interview he explains, among other things, the long pedigree of obstruction in the Senate, how and why filibustering became routinized, and why reform will not be easy.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In recent months, we’ve been hearing a lot of talk about filibustering in the Senate, about how Senate Democrats acquired a filibuster-proof majority in the 2008 elections only to lose it by the midterm elections of 2010 when Scott Brown was elected to replace Ted Kennedy. Filibustering has become the norm in the Senate, so much so that it is taken for granted that the Senate minority party will threaten filibustering more often than not. This has led Senator Tom Harkin (D-IA) and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) to issue calls for reforming the filibuster process in order to make it more difficult for any minority party in the Senate to be obstructionist.</p><p>In a timely new book, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0226449653/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Filibustering: A Political History of Obstruction in the House and Senate</a> (University of Chicago Press, 2010), <a href="http://www.as.miami.edu/personal/gkoger/">Gregory Koger</a> explains the American filibuster, catalogs its use in the House and Senate, measures its impact, and finally theorizes why and how obstruction has been institutionalized in the Senate, particularly in the last 50 years.</p><p>In this interview he explains, among other things, the long pedigree of obstruction in the Senate, how and why filibustering became routinized, and why reform will not be easy.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3724</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksnetwork.com/politicalscience/?p=55]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN4135664895.mp3?updated=1543617448" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>David Farber, “The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism” (Princeton UP, 2010)</title>
      <description>I think that many smart people, particularly on the Left, make a really ill-considered assumption, to wit, that “Republican” means “Conservative.” I don’t mean lower case “c” conservative, as in wanting to maintain the status quo. Nearly all (there are important exceptions) twentieth-century Republicans were conservatives in that generic sense. Rather, I mean capital “c” conservative, that is, pro-religion, traditional family centered, militarily hawkish, arch-patriotic, Constitution protecting, States rights shielding, free enterprise loving, individual responsibility promoting, values matter Conservative. It was only in the 1980s that a goodly number of Republicans endorsed this set of beliefs.
They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.
In his wonderfully written, witty, and engaging book The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism (Princeton UP, 2010), David Farber tells the story of how Conservatives took over the Republican Party and reshaped American politics. He does so using a devise that I find particularly appropriate for any story of political change, namely, through the lives of the people who founded, grew, and led the movement. Farber, who clearly believes that leadership matters a great deal in democratic politics (I couldn’t agree more), has a talent for linking biography to political history. Farber’s sketches of Robert Taft, William Buckley, Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush show us the degree to which their personalities shaped the rise (and fall) of American Conservatism. Each vignette is a pleasure to read and full of enlightening and entertaining observations. And though Farber pulls no punches (he does not shrink, for example, from calling a liar a liar), it’s clear that he respects his subjects and suggests that we should respect them too. In his estimation (and mine as well), they were not the collection of benighted, fearful, blinkered, country-bumpkin bigots that you can read about in The Nation. They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 05 Nov 2010 16:52:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>I think that many smart people, particularly on the Left, make a really ill-considered assumption, to wit, that “Republican” means “Conservative.” I don’t mean lower case “c” conservative, as in wanting to maintain the status quo.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>I think that many smart people, particularly on the Left, make a really ill-considered assumption, to wit, that “Republican” means “Conservative.” I don’t mean lower case “c” conservative, as in wanting to maintain the status quo. Nearly all (there are important exceptions) twentieth-century Republicans were conservatives in that generic sense. Rather, I mean capital “c” conservative, that is, pro-religion, traditional family centered, militarily hawkish, arch-patriotic, Constitution protecting, States rights shielding, free enterprise loving, individual responsibility promoting, values matter Conservative. It was only in the 1980s that a goodly number of Republicans endorsed this set of beliefs.
They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.
In his wonderfully written, witty, and engaging book The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism (Princeton UP, 2010), David Farber tells the story of how Conservatives took over the Republican Party and reshaped American politics. He does so using a devise that I find particularly appropriate for any story of political change, namely, through the lives of the people who founded, grew, and led the movement. Farber, who clearly believes that leadership matters a great deal in democratic politics (I couldn’t agree more), has a talent for linking biography to political history. Farber’s sketches of Robert Taft, William Buckley, Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush show us the degree to which their personalities shaped the rise (and fall) of American Conservatism. Each vignette is a pleasure to read and full of enlightening and entertaining observations. And though Farber pulls no punches (he does not shrink, for example, from calling a liar a liar), it’s clear that he respects his subjects and suggests that we should respect them too. In his estimation (and mine as well), they were not the collection of benighted, fearful, blinkered, country-bumpkin bigots that you can read about in The Nation. They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>I think that many smart people, particularly on the Left, make a really ill-considered assumption, to wit, that “Republican” means “Conservative.” I don’t mean lower case “c” conservative, as in wanting to maintain the status quo. Nearly all (there are important exceptions) twentieth-century Republicans were conservatives in that generic sense. Rather, I mean capital “c” conservative, that is, pro-religion, traditional family centered, militarily hawkish, arch-patriotic, Constitution protecting, States rights shielding, free enterprise loving, individual responsibility promoting, values matter Conservative. It was only in the 1980s that a goodly number of Republicans endorsed this set of beliefs.</p><p>They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.</p><p>In his wonderfully written, witty, and engaging book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691129150/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism</a> (Princeton UP, 2010), <a href="http://www.temple.edu/history/farber/index.html">David Farber</a> tells the story of how Conservatives took over the Republican Party and reshaped American politics. He does so using a devise that I find particularly appropriate for any story of political change, namely, through the lives of the people who founded, grew, and led the movement. Farber, who clearly believes that leadership matters a great deal in democratic politics (I couldn’t agree more), has a talent for linking biography to political history. Farber’s sketches of Robert Taft, William Buckley, Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush show us the degree to which their personalities shaped the rise (and fall) of American Conservatism. Each vignette is a pleasure to read and full of enlightening and entertaining observations. And though Farber pulls no punches (he does not shrink, for example, from calling a liar a liar), it’s clear that he respects his subjects and suggests that we should respect them too. In his estimation (and mine as well), they were not the collection of benighted, fearful, blinkered, country-bumpkin bigots that you can read about in The Nation. They were believers, it’s just that they believed things that most members of the East Coast commentariat (at least before the rise of Limbaugh, et al.) did not. From the results of the recent mid-term elections in the United States, I think it’s fair to say they still don’t.</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4028</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=3295]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN8763036674.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Tony Michels, “Fire in their Hearts: Yiddish Socialists in New York” (Harvard UP, 2005)</title>
      <description>I always assumed that the Jews who emigrated from Eastern Europe to New York and created the massive Jewish American labor movement brought their leftist politics with them from the Old Country. But now I know different thanks to Tony Michels’ terrific Fire in their Hearts. Yiddish Socialists in New York (Harvard University Press, 2005). As Tony explains, most of the Yiddish-speaking immigrants who arrived in New York were apolitical, or rather feared politics having come from a regime that punished open political activity (Tsarist Russia). These immigrants, then, learned socialism on American shores. Their teachers were Jewish members of the Russian intelligentsia who themselves had fled Tsarist oppression in the 1880s. These Russian Jews were radicals, but not necessarily socialists. So, interestingly, they learned socialism–or at least a new brand of socialism–on American shores as well. But who taught the Russian Jews socialism? Tony has the answer: German socialists who had immigrated to the Lower East Side (a.k.a Kleindeutschland) in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. So the chain of transmission begins in Germany with the rise of the German Socialist Democratic Party (1860s), moves to New York with the immigration of German socialists to the Lower East Side (1870s), picks up after the arrival and conversion of the Russian Jewish radicals to German-style populist socialism (1880s), and ends with the flowing of the Yiddish labor movement in New York (1890s-1900s). What a story! Along the way Tony introduces us to a huge cast of colorful characters, explains the origin of the modern Yiddish literary language, gives us a peek at the lively Yiddish periodical press, and shows us Jewish socialists fighting for the rights of workers along side their gentile brothers and sisters. Misconceptions are destroyed, myths exploded, and stereotypes dashed. Read all about it!
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 10 Apr 2009 03:02:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>I always assumed that the Jews who emigrated from Eastern Europe to New York and created the massive Jewish American labor movement brought their leftist politics with them from the Old Country. But now I know different thanks to Tony Michels’ terrific...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>I always assumed that the Jews who emigrated from Eastern Europe to New York and created the massive Jewish American labor movement brought their leftist politics with them from the Old Country. But now I know different thanks to Tony Michels’ terrific Fire in their Hearts. Yiddish Socialists in New York (Harvard University Press, 2005). As Tony explains, most of the Yiddish-speaking immigrants who arrived in New York were apolitical, or rather feared politics having come from a regime that punished open political activity (Tsarist Russia). These immigrants, then, learned socialism on American shores. Their teachers were Jewish members of the Russian intelligentsia who themselves had fled Tsarist oppression in the 1880s. These Russian Jews were radicals, but not necessarily socialists. So, interestingly, they learned socialism–or at least a new brand of socialism–on American shores as well. But who taught the Russian Jews socialism? Tony has the answer: German socialists who had immigrated to the Lower East Side (a.k.a Kleindeutschland) in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. So the chain of transmission begins in Germany with the rise of the German Socialist Democratic Party (1860s), moves to New York with the immigration of German socialists to the Lower East Side (1870s), picks up after the arrival and conversion of the Russian Jewish radicals to German-style populist socialism (1880s), and ends with the flowing of the Yiddish labor movement in New York (1890s-1900s). What a story! Along the way Tony introduces us to a huge cast of colorful characters, explains the origin of the modern Yiddish literary language, gives us a peek at the lively Yiddish periodical press, and shows us Jewish socialists fighting for the rights of workers along side their gentile brothers and sisters. Misconceptions are destroyed, myths exploded, and stereotypes dashed. Read all about it!
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>I always assumed that the Jews who emigrated from Eastern Europe to New York and created the massive Jewish American labor movement brought their leftist politics with them from the Old Country. But now I know different thanks to <a href="http://history.wisc.edu/people/faculty/michels.htm">Tony Michels’</a> terrific <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0674032438/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Fire in their Hearts. Yiddish Socialists in New York</a> (Harvard University Press, 2005). As Tony explains, most of the Yiddish-speaking immigrants who arrived in New York were apolitical, or rather feared politics having come from a regime that punished open political activity (Tsarist Russia). These immigrants, then, learned socialism on American shores. Their teachers were Jewish members of the Russian intelligentsia who themselves had fled Tsarist oppression in the 1880s. These Russian Jews were radicals, but not necessarily socialists. So, interestingly, they learned socialism–or at least a new brand of socialism–on American shores as well. But who taught the Russian Jews socialism? Tony has the answer: German socialists who had immigrated to the Lower East Side (a.k.a Kleindeutschland) in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. So the chain of transmission begins in Germany with the rise of the German Socialist Democratic Party (1860s), moves to New York with the immigration of German socialists to the Lower East Side (1870s), picks up after the arrival and conversion of the Russian Jewish radicals to German-style populist socialism (1880s), and ends with the flowing of the Yiddish labor movement in New York (1890s-1900s). What a story! Along the way Tony introduces us to a huge cast of colorful characters, explains the origin of the modern Yiddish literary language, gives us a peek at the lively Yiddish periodical press, and shows us Jewish socialists fighting for the rights of workers along side their gentile brothers and sisters. Misconceptions are destroyed, myths exploded, and stereotypes dashed. Read all about it!</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3893</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=749]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN1370722510.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Matt Wasniewski, et al., “Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007” (U.S. House of Representatives, 2008)</title>
      <description>In just a few days, the United States will inaugurate its first black president, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois. And though it’s a momentous day for the cause of equality, Mr. Obama is hardly the first African American to come to DC to serve the people of the United States. His way was paved by well over one hundred black legislators who served over the past 140 years in the House and Senate. Happily, you can read all about them in wonderful Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 (U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Clerk, Office of History and Preservation, 2008). This is book has three cardinal virtues. First, it’s timely, as we’ve said. The editors and authors deserve praise for seeing it into print at exactly the right moment. Second, it’s well researched and written. The entries–one for each black legislator–are at once informative, rich in detail, and full of humor and pathos. Finally, it’s a beautifully designed and produced work. This book is, like its companion Women in Congress 1917-2006, a work of great craftsmanship, and should be acknowledged as such. Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 is the sort of book you buy to keep and hand down to your children. So buy it, hand it down, and preserve the memory of those who came before President Obama.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 15 Jan 2009 23:58:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>In just a few days, the United States will inaugurate its first black president, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois. And though it’s a momentous day for the cause of equality, Mr. Obama is hardly the first African American to come to DC to serve the peop...</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>In just a few days, the United States will inaugurate its first black president, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois. And though it’s a momentous day for the cause of equality, Mr. Obama is hardly the first African American to come to DC to serve the people of the United States. His way was paved by well over one hundred black legislators who served over the past 140 years in the House and Senate. Happily, you can read all about them in wonderful Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 (U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Clerk, Office of History and Preservation, 2008). This is book has three cardinal virtues. First, it’s timely, as we’ve said. The editors and authors deserve praise for seeing it into print at exactly the right moment. Second, it’s well researched and written. The entries–one for each black legislator–are at once informative, rich in detail, and full of humor and pathos. Finally, it’s a beautifully designed and produced work. This book is, like its companion Women in Congress 1917-2006, a work of great craftsmanship, and should be acknowledged as such. Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 is the sort of book you buy to keep and hand down to your children. So buy it, hand it down, and preserve the memory of those who came before President Obama.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>In just a few days, the United States will inaugurate its first black president, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois. And though it’s a momentous day for the cause of equality, Mr. Obama is hardly the first African American to come to DC to serve the people of the United States. His way was paved by well over one hundred black legislators who served over the past 140 years in the House and Senate. Happily, you can read all about them in wonderful <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/016080194X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007</a> (U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Clerk, Office of History and Preservation, 2008). This is book has three cardinal virtues. First, it’s timely, as we’ve said. The editors and authors deserve praise for seeing it into print at exactly the right moment. Second, it’s well researched and written. The entries–one for each black legislator–are at once informative, rich in detail, and full of humor and pathos. Finally, it’s a beautifully designed and produced work. This book is, like its companion <a href="http://bookstore.gpo.gov/collections/women-in-congress.jsp">Women in Congress 1917-2006</a>, a work of great craftsmanship, and should be acknowledged as such. Black Americans in Congress, 1870-2007 is the sort of book you buy to keep and hand down to your children. So buy it, hand it down, and preserve the memory of those who came before President Obama.</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4206</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=367]]></guid>
      <enclosure url="https://pdst.fm/e/traffic.megaphone.fm/NBN3958728443.mp3" length="0" type="audio/mpeg"/>
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      <title>Laura Wittern-Keller, “The Miracle Case: Film Censorship and the Supreme Court” (University of Kansas Press, 2008)</title>
      <description>Did you ever wonder how we got from a moment in which almost everything on film could be censored (the Progressive Era) to the moment in which nothing on film could be censored (today)? From the Nickelodeon to Deep Throat? The answer is provided by Laura Wittern-Keller and Raymond J. Haberski in their wonderful new book The Miracle Case: Film Censorship and the Supreme Court (University of Kansas Press, 2008). You’ve probably never heard of “The Miracle” or the case it launched in 1949. It’s a short film by Roberto Rossellini about a deranged women who, having slept with a man she believes is St. Joseph, gives birth to a child in a deserted mountain church. Fellini has a bit part (as “Joseph”). Critics generally liked it; Catholics in New York generally didn’t. The Church mounted a campaign against the film and the authorities relented: “The Miracle” was banned on the grounds that it was “sacrilegious.” In 1949, those were fine grounds. Not for long. The film’s distributor–the feisty Joseph Burstyn–fought for the right to exhibit it all the way to the Supreme Court in 1952. And he won. Between 1952 and 1965, the states got out of the film-censorship business and we entered a new era of free-speech absolutism when it comes to film. One wonders if that’s a good thing.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 07 Nov 2008 23:36:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>Did you ever wonder how we got from a moment in which almost everything on film could be censored (the Progressive Era) to the moment in which nothing on film could be censored (today)? From the Nickelodeon to Deep Throat?</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>Did you ever wonder how we got from a moment in which almost everything on film could be censored (the Progressive Era) to the moment in which nothing on film could be censored (today)? From the Nickelodeon to Deep Throat? The answer is provided by Laura Wittern-Keller and Raymond J. Haberski in their wonderful new book The Miracle Case: Film Censorship and the Supreme Court (University of Kansas Press, 2008). You’ve probably never heard of “The Miracle” or the case it launched in 1949. It’s a short film by Roberto Rossellini about a deranged women who, having slept with a man she believes is St. Joseph, gives birth to a child in a deserted mountain church. Fellini has a bit part (as “Joseph”). Critics generally liked it; Catholics in New York generally didn’t. The Church mounted a campaign against the film and the authorities relented: “The Miracle” was banned on the grounds that it was “sacrilegious.” In 1949, those were fine grounds. Not for long. The film’s distributor–the feisty Joseph Burstyn–fought for the right to exhibit it all the way to the Supreme Court in 1952. And he won. Between 1952 and 1965, the states got out of the film-censorship business and we entered a new era of free-speech absolutism when it comes to film. One wonders if that’s a good thing.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>Did you ever wonder how we got from a moment in which almost everything on film could be censored (the Progressive Era) to the moment in which nothing on film could be censored (today)? From the Nickelodeon to Deep Throat? The answer is provided by <a href="http://www.albany.edu/~lw1295/">Laura Wittern-Keller</a> and <a href="http://www.h-net.org/people/editors/show.cgi?ID=124897">Raymond J. Haberski</a> in their wonderful new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0700616195/?tag=newbooinhis-20">The Miracle Case: Film Censorship and the Supreme Court</a> (University of Kansas Press, 2008). You’ve probably never heard of “<a href="http://www.thefileroom.org/documents/dyn/DisplayCase.cfm/id/252">The Miracle</a>” or the case it launched in 1949. It’s a short film by Roberto Rossellini about a deranged women who, having slept with a man she believes is St. Joseph, gives birth to a child in a deserted mountain church. Fellini has a bit part (as “Joseph”). Critics generally liked it; Catholics in New York generally didn’t. The Church mounted a campaign against the film and the authorities relented: “The Miracle” was banned on the grounds that it was “sacrilegious.” In 1949, those were fine grounds. Not for long. The film’s distributor–the feisty Joseph Burstyn–fought for the right to exhibit it all the way to the Supreme Court in 1952. And he won. Between 1952 and 1965, the states got out of the film-censorship business and we entered a new era of free-speech absolutism when it comes to film. One wonders if that’s a good thing.</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3799</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=120]]></guid>
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      <title>Donald A. Ritchie, “Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932” (University Press of Kansas, 2007)</title>
      <description>This week on New Books in History we interviewed Donald Ritchie about his new book Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932 (University Press of Kansas, 2007). Ritchie is an associate historian at the U.S. Senate Historical Office and is also the author of seven other books, including the Richard W. Leopold prize-winning Press Gallery: Congress and the Washington Correspondents. In Electing FDR, Ritchie argues that, contrary to popular belief, it was not inevitable that FDR would become president in 1932. There were multiple factors standing in the way of FDR’s election, and it was only through successful campaign strategies that FDR was able to overcome those obstacles. Patrick J. Maney, author of The Roosevelt Presence: The Life and Legacy of FDR, calls Electing FDR “The best account of the most important presidential campaign of the twentieth century. Holds some surprising lessons for today’s presidential candidates.”
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 25 Apr 2008 03:01:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week on New Books in History we interviewed Donald Ritchie about his new book Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932 (University Press of Kansas, 2007). Ritchie is an associate historian at the U.S.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week on New Books in History we interviewed Donald Ritchie about his new book Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932 (University Press of Kansas, 2007). Ritchie is an associate historian at the U.S. Senate Historical Office and is also the author of seven other books, including the Richard W. Leopold prize-winning Press Gallery: Congress and the Washington Correspondents. In Electing FDR, Ritchie argues that, contrary to popular belief, it was not inevitable that FDR would become president in 1932. There were multiple factors standing in the way of FDR’s election, and it was only through successful campaign strategies that FDR was able to overcome those obstacles. Patrick J. Maney, author of The Roosevelt Presence: The Life and Legacy of FDR, calls Electing FDR “The best account of the most important presidential campaign of the twentieth century. Holds some surprising lessons for today’s presidential candidates.”
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week on New Books in History we interviewed Donald Ritchie about his new book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/070061687X/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932</a> (University Press of Kansas, 2007). Ritchie is an associate historian at the U.S. Senate Historical Office and is also the author of seven other books, including the Richard W. Leopold prize-winning Press Gallery: Congress and the Washington Correspondents. In Electing FDR, Ritchie argues that, contrary to popular belief, it was not inevitable that FDR would become president in 1932. There were multiple factors standing in the way of FDR’s election, and it was only through successful campaign strategies that FDR was able to overcome those obstacles. Patrick J. Maney, author of The Roosevelt Presence: The Life and Legacy of FDR, calls Electing FDR “The best account of the most important presidential campaign of the twentieth century. Holds some surprising lessons for today’s presidential candidates.”</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>4022</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=34]]></guid>
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      <title>Matt Wasniewski, “Women in Congress, 1917-2006” (U.S. House of Representatives, 2007)</title>
      <description>This week we talk to Matt Wasniewski. Matt is the historian and publications manager in the Office of History &amp; Preservation, U.S. House of Representatives. He earned his Ph.D. in U.S. history from the University of Maryland, College Park, in 2004. In this interview we talk to Matt about Women in Congress, 1917-2006. He led the team (including Kathleen Johnson, Erin M. Lloyd, and Laura K. Turner) that produced the book. It’s a remarkable piece of work, thoroughly researched, lavishly illustrated, and beautifully executed. By the way, the picture above is of Matt and his team, plus some special guests. From left to right: Erin Hromada, Laura Turner, former Congresswoman Lindy Boggs of Louisiana, Matt, and Kathleen Johnson.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 03 Mar 2008 04:16:00 -0000</pubDate>
      <itunes:episodeType>full</itunes:episodeType>
      <itunes:author>New Books Network</itunes:author>
      <itunes:subtitle>This week we talk to Matt Wasniewski. Matt is the historian and publications manager in the Office of History &amp; Preservation, U.S. House of Representatives. He earned his Ph.D. in U.S. history from the University of Maryland, College Park, in 2004.</itunes:subtitle>
      <itunes:summary>This week we talk to Matt Wasniewski. Matt is the historian and publications manager in the Office of History &amp; Preservation, U.S. House of Representatives. He earned his Ph.D. in U.S. history from the University of Maryland, College Park, in 2004. In this interview we talk to Matt about Women in Congress, 1917-2006. He led the team (including Kathleen Johnson, Erin M. Lloyd, and Laura K. Turner) that produced the book. It’s a remarkable piece of work, thoroughly researched, lavishly illustrated, and beautifully executed. By the way, the picture above is of Matt and his team, plus some special guests. From left to right: Erin Hromada, Laura Turner, former Congresswoman Lindy Boggs of Louisiana, Matt, and Kathleen Johnson.
Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on Facebook if you haven’t already.
Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices</itunes:summary>
      <content:encoded>
        <![CDATA[<p>This week we talk to Matt Wasniewski. Matt is the historian and publications manager in the <a href="http://clerk.house.gov/about/offices.html">Office of History &amp; Preservation,</a> U.S. House of Representatives. He earned his Ph.D. in U.S. history from the University of Maryland, College Park, in 2004. In this interview we talk to Matt about <a href="http://www.amazon.com/dp/0160767539/?tag=newbooinhis-20">Women in Congress, 1917-2006</a>. He led the team (including Kathleen Johnson, Erin M. Lloyd, and Laura K. Turner) that produced the book. It’s a remarkable piece of work, thoroughly researched, lavishly illustrated, and beautifully executed. By the way, the picture above is of Matt and his team, plus some special guests. From left to right: Erin Hromada, Laura Turner, former Congresswoman Lindy Boggs of Louisiana, Matt, and Kathleen Johnson.</p><p>Please become a fan of “New Books in History” on <a href="http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=1361072270#/pages/New-Books-In-History/23393718791?ref=ts">Facebook</a> if you haven’t already.</p><p> </p><p>Learn more about your ad choices. Visit <a href="https://megaphone.fm/adchoices">megaphone.fm/adchoices</a></p>]]>
      </content:encoded>
      <itunes:duration>3540</itunes:duration>
      <itunes:explicit>no</itunes:explicit>
      <guid isPermaLink="false"><![CDATA[http://newbooksinhistory.com/?p=17]]></guid>
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